Assessing the Need to Strengthen Bilateral Confidence Building Measures
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SANDIA REPORT SAND2012-10041 Unlimited Release Printed October 2012 India and China: Assessing the Need to Strengthen Bilateral Confidence Building Measures Monika Chansoria Visiting Research Scholar Cooperative Monitoring Center Prepared by Sandia National Laboratories Albuquerque, New Mexico 87185 and Livermore, California 94550 Sandia National Laboratories is a multi-program laboratory managed and operated by Sandia Corporation, a wholly owned subsidiary of Lockheed Martin Corporation, for the U.S. Department of Energy's National Nuclear Security Administration under contract DE-AC04-94AL85000. Approved for public release; further dissemination unlimited. Issued by Sandia National Laboratories, operated for the United States Department of Energy by Sandia Corporation. NOTICE: This report was prepared as an account of work sponsored by an agency of the United States Government. 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Box 5800 Albuquerque, New Mexico 87185-MS1373 Abstract India and China display a peculiar case of “constrained cooperation” 50 years after their border war, with convergence of economic interests tending to overlook strategic differences. While China acknowledges sharing an interest in a peaceful and stable South Asia, it perceives strengthened Indo-US ties as an attempt to enlist New Delhi as a counterweight to China or as part of a containment strategy against it. The Chinese realists are subdivided into “offensive”/“defensive” and “hard”/“soft” camps; each believes that the state has to build its own strength. The hard-power realists argue for strengthening national power–particularly the military and economic dimensions, while soft-power realism emphasizes diplomacy and cultural power. The “offensive realists” argue that China should use its newly built military, economic, and diplomatic influence to coerce others toward the ends China desires. A range of CBMs between India and China that could reduce frictions and establish common ground are discussed. 3 4 CONTENTS 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 7 1.1 China’s posture towards India ............................................................................................. 7 1.2 Institutional Framework of Bilateral Cooperation: An Economic Convergence of Interests. .................................................................................................................................... 8 1.3 Building upon the Commonality of Countering Terror Networks in the Region ............... 9 2. The Trajectory of CBMs in the Indo-Chinese Context ............................................................. 13 2.1 Agreement on the Maintenance of Peace and Tranquility along the Line of Actual Control in the India-China Border Areas, September 7, 1993 ................................................ 13 2.2 Agreement on Confidence Building Measures in the Military Field along the Line of actual Control in the China-India Border Areas, November 29, 1996 ................................... 14 2.3 Agreement on the Political Parameters and Guiding Principles for the Settlement of the India-China Bound Question, April 11, 2005 ......................................................................... 15 3. Evaluationg the Chinese Approach to CBMs ........................................................................... 17 3.1 Indo-China Bilateral CBMs: The Way Forward ........................................................... 18 3.2 Need for Nuclear Dialogue and CBMs ......................................................................... 19 4. India’s Nuclear Policy............................................................................................................... 21 4.1 India’s Search for an Operational Nuclear Triad .............................................................. 21 5. China’s Nuclear Doctrine and Posture ...................................................................................... 23 5.1 Insights into how Chinese Military Strategists and Security Analysis Perceive the Role of Nuclear Weapons in the Country’s Defense Posture and the Continued Relevance of its No- First-Use Policy ...................................................................................................................... 23 6. Proposal for Establishing a Nuclear CBM Dialogue between India and China ....................... 27 7. References ................................................................................................................................ 29 Distribution ................................................................................................................................... 33 5 6 1. INTRODUCTION India and China embody two great civilizations, depicting fascinating historical legacies, cultures and prospects. With their population jointly representing 36 per cent of that of the world (China at 1.33 billion and India at 1.15 billion), the two countries together have a significant impact on the world’s economy. The India-China equation makes for a classic case of the realist vs. idealist debate, which acknowledges that while conceding India’s rise as a regional power, China appears at unease while envisioning a multi-polar Asia. The challenges posed to the bilateral equation between India and China primarily stem out of an existential security dilemma at work, wherein each side appears to be suspicious of the motives of the other and this trust deficit often tends to threaten bilateral ties. This paper analyses recent trends in the areas of India’s convergence with China, as well as New Delhi’s strategic divergences with Beijing, as both vie for a greater strategic space and influence in Asia, and subsequently underscores the need to strengthen and establish newer confidence- building measures (CBMs).1 Entering the 50th year since the Indo-China border war in 1962, the present regional and bilateral conditions and equations are far off from being congenial. India and China display a peculiar case of “constrained cooperation” with economic convergence of interests tending to artificially overlook prevailing strategic differences. The fact of the matter remains that these very divergences, of which the territorial and boundary dispute is foremost, hold the potential of upstaging ties between the two countries at any given point. The Sino-Indian boundary dispute does not simply restrict to the definition of a boundary that could be marked on a map. It also takes on board vast tracts of disputed territorial frontiers, thereby adding to the operational challenges in attempting to revive a barren process that has been in flaccid motion for more than a quarter of a century now. Thus arises a burning need to put in place, certain specific bilateral CBMs between India and China with a faith that if sincere attempts are made to address divergences on key security issues, then there could be hope to reduce frictions and establish common ground. 1.1 China’s posture towards India China’s posture towards India in the recent past has been to focus only on the economics of the relationship whilst choosing to ignore the contentious strategic aspects. These include the interminable territorial dispute and the strategic conflicts over China’s growing role in South Asia. There appears to be a consensus among the more conservative and nationalist elements in China to toughen Beijing’s policies and selectively make its presence felt.2 Alastair Ian Johnston has argued that China has historically exhibited a relatively consistent hard realpolitik strategic culture across different time periods and that tends to persist in the current context. Chinese decision- makers seem to have internalized