Mr Bertie Ahern, Former Taoiseach of Ireland (1997 – 2008)
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Congressional Record—House H2860
H2860 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE April 30, 2008 When not being a parish pastor, Rev. The gentleman from Massachusetts The Prime Minister of Ireland, es- Meador enjoys officiating high school (Mr. MARKEY); corted by the committee of Senators and youth athletics and playing golf. The gentleman from Massachusetts and Representatives, entered the Hall Welcome, Nathan. (Mr. NEAL); of the House of Representatives and f The gentlewoman from New York stood at the Clerk’s desk. (Mrs. MALONEY); [Applause, the Members rising.] ANNOUNCEMENT BY THE SPEAKER The gentleman from Rhode Island The SPEAKER. Members of Con- PRO TEMPORE (Mr. KENNEDY); gress, I have the high privilege and the The SPEAKER pro tempore. After The gentleman from New York (Mr. distinct honor of presenting to you His consultation among the Speaker and CROWLEY); Excellency Bertie Ahern, the the majority and minority leaders, and The gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Taoiseach, Prime Minister of Ireland. with their consent, the Chair an- BOEHNER); [Applause, the Members rising.] nounces that, when the two Houses The gentleman from Missouri (Mr. meet in joint meeting to hear an ad- BLUNT); f dress by His Excellency Bertie Ahern, The gentleman from Florida (Mr. PUTNAM); Prime Minister of Ireland, only the ADDRESS BY HIS EXCELLENCY doors immediately opposite the Speak- The gentleman from Michigan (Mr. MCCOTTER); BERTIE AHERN, THE PRIME MIN- er and those immediately to her left ISTER OF IRELAND and right will be open. The gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. No one will be allowed on the floor of ROS-LEHTINEN); Prime Minister AHERN. Madam the House who does not have the privi- The gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. -
Remarks at a Saint Patrick's Day Ceremony with Prime Minister
Mar. 17 / Administration of William J. Clinton, 1999 Your presence here today is a strong commit- Foley. I think we ought to rename the Speaker ment to the peace process and therefore grate- ‘‘O’Hastert’’ after—[laughter]—his words today, fully noted. And all I can say is, I think I can because they were right on point. speak for every Member of Congress in this So you know that across all the gulfs of Amer- room without regard to party, for every member ican politics, we join in welcoming all of our of our administration—you know that we feel, Irish friends. And right now, I’ll ask Taoiseach Taoiseach, almost an overwhelming and inex- Bertie Ahern to take the floor and give us a pressible bond to the Irish people. We want few remarks. to help all of you succeed. It probably seems Thank you, and God bless you. meddlesome sometimes, but we look forward to the day when Irish children will look at the Troubles as if they were some part of mystic Celtic folklore, and all of us who were alive NOTE: The President spoke at approximately noon during that period will seem like relics of a in Room H207 of the Rayburn House Office bygone history. Building. In his remarks, he referred to Father We hope we can help you to achieve that. Sean McManus, who gave the invocation; Prime And believe me, all of us are quite mindful Minister Bertie Ahern of Ireland; Social Demo- that it is much harder for you—every one of cratic and Labour Party leader John Hume; Ulster you here in this room who have been a part Unionist Party leader David Trimble; Sinn Fein of this—than it is for us. -
Exchange with Reporters Prior to Discussions with Prime Minister Bertie Ahern of Ireland in Dublin December 12, 2000
Dec. 11 / Administration of William J. Clinton, 2000 I am very concerned and disappointed, how- the Congress decided to drop proposed author- ever, with many of the provisions in S. 2796. izations totaling more than $550 million for local Earlier this year, I submitted water resource infrastructure projects that should not become legislation to the Congress directed at certain a responsibility of the Army Corps of Engineers. fundamental issues. First, the bill included sev- Furthermore, my Administration proposed im- eral high-priority Corps initiatives addressing im- provements to the procedures used for portant needs currently facing the Nation. Sec- deauthorizing dormant projects, changes to close ond, the bill proposed a number of much need- a loophole in the existing ability-to-pay law, an ed water project reforms. Finally, my Adminis- increase in the local cost-share for structural tration developed this bill with a Federal cost flood damage reduction projects, and a program of about $1 billion within a framework of overall to clean up brownfields. I am disappointed that fiscal discipline that helps ensure that only the the Congress did not authorize any of these most worthwhile projects are funded. important reforms. The version of this legislation as passed au- Finally, section 601(b)(2)(D)(iii) provides that thorizes roughly $5 billion in new Federal appropriations for certain water resources spending according to Corps of Engineers esti- projects within the Everglades shall not be made mates, an amount that far exceeds a reasonable unless technical reports on those projects have assessment of the available future Federal budg- been approved by the House Committee on etary resources for this program. -
Charlie Haughey and Knock International Airport
written by Paul Durcan Charlie Haughey and Knock International Airport A few days before Christmas in Dublin city centre in a crowded restaurant at lunchtime, I chanced to bump into Mr Charles Haughey.After a short, snatched conversation, partly in Irish, we went our different ways. Regrettably I cannot call myself a friend of Mr Haughey. I say 'regrettably' because that is something I would have relished - Mr Haughey's friendship. However a long-time ago I did have a brief professional relationship with Mr Haughey, and, as I walked off down O' Connell street, past the first section of the Spire and over the bridge and down the quays, I mused on that piece of business all of sixteen years ago. 1986, March, a cold dark afternoon in my cave in Ringsend, the phone rang. 'My name is Catherine Butler. I am Mr Haughey's secretary. Will you speak to Mr Haughey?' I never had any contact with Mr Haughey, good bad or indifferent, but, being a true born Irish Catholic, an arrow of guilt flew through my soul. What crime had I committed to merit a phone call from the former and future Taoiseach and Leader of Fianna Fáil? 'Paul, I'd like you to come in and see me.' Over the phone he offered me no explanation and I made no inquiry. A few days later I found myself sitting in the empty Fianna Fail meeting room, on the fifth floor of Leinster House. I sat facing a wall with a large, dark wintry Paul Henry painting. -
Fianna Fáil: Past and Present
Fianna Fáil: Past and Present Alan Byrne Fianna Fáil were the dominant political prompted what is usually referred to as party in Ireland from their first term in gov- a civil-war but as Kieran Allen argues in ernment in the 1930s up until their disas- an earlier issue of this journal, the Free trous 2011 election. The party managed to State in effect mounted a successful counter- enjoy large support from the working class, revolution which was thoroughly opposed to as well as court close links with the rich- the working class movement.3 The defeat est people in Irish society. Often described signalled the end of the aspirations of the as more of a ‘national movement’ than a Irish revolution and the stagnation of the party, their popular support base has now state economically. Emigration was par- plummeted. As this article goes to print, ticularly high in this period, and the state the party (officially in opposition but en- was thoroughly conservative. The Catholic abling a Fine Gael government) is polling Church fostered strong links with Cumann at 26% approval.1 How did a party which na nGaedheal, often denouncing republicans emerged from the losing side of the civil war in its sermons. come to dominate Irish political life so thor- There were distinctive class elements to oughly? This article aims to trace the his- both the pro and anti-treaty sides. The tory of the party, analyse their unique brand Cumann na nGaedheal government drew its of populist politics as well as their relation- base from large farmers, who could rely on ship with Irish capitalism and the working exports to Britain. -
University of Copenhagen
The General Election of 2011 in the Republic of Ireland: All Changed Utterly? Little, Conor Published in: West European Politics DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2011.616669 Publication date: 2011 Citation for published version (APA): Little, C. (2011). The General Election of 2011 in the Republic of Ireland: All Changed Utterly? West European Politics, 34(6), 1304-1313. https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2011.616669 Download date: 30. Sep. 2021 The general election of 2011 in the Republic of Ireland: all changed utterly? Word count: 4,230 Conor Little, European University Institute Email: [email protected] This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in West European Politics on 1 November 2011, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01402382.2011.616669 Full citation: Little, C. 2011. ‘The general election of 2011 in the Republic of Ireland: all changed utterly?’, West European Politics 34 (6): 1304-1313. Acknowledgement I would like to acknowledge the contribution of the late Professor Peter Mair (1951-2011) to this election review article, both as Editor of West European Politics and as this author's mentor at the European University Institute. 1 On 9 March 2011, the 31 st Dáil (the lower house of the Irish parliament) convened for the first time and elected Enda Kenny of Fine Gael as Taoiseach (prime minister) by 117 votes to 27. Breaking with tradition, a depleted Fianna Fáil party did not propose an alternative candidate and abstained from the vote. Kenny's election brought to an end Fianna Fáil's fourteen consecutive years in Cabinet on the back of three successful elections in 1997, 2002 and 2007. -
Address Given by Bertie Ahern on the European Union (Dublin, 6 November 2000)
Address given by Bertie Ahern on the European Union (Dublin, 6 November 2000) Caption: On 6 November 2000 in Dublin, one month before the Nice European Council, Bertie Ahern, Irish Prime Minister, delivers an address in which he outlines the political and institutional implications of the forthcoming enlargement of the European Union. Source: Shaping a New union: an Irish contribution, Address by the Taoiseach, Mr. Bertie Ahern T.D., to the European Movement Ireland, Dublin Castle, Monday 6 November 2000. [s.l.]: 2000. 19 p. p. 3-19. Copyright: (c) the European Movement URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/address_given_by_bertie_ahern_on_the_european_union_dublin_6_november_2000-en- eaf56db2-ee4b-4666-a7da-bdba7db4814e.html Publication date: 18/12/2013 1 / 8 18/12/2013 Shaping a New Union: An Irish Contribution Address by the Taoiseach, Mr. Bertie Ahern, T.D., to the European Movement Ireland (Dublin Castle, 6 November 2000) The European Debate The Irish people have consistently supported our membership of the European Union. This has been demonstrated in four referendums, and emphasised time and again by opinion polls. People know that membership has been good for Ireland. However, it is often said that there is too little discussion here of fundamental questions about the future direction of the Union. We have seen elsewhere the serious difficulties which can develop when people come to feel that Europe has nothing to do with them, that it is a matter for politicians and bureaucrats. The results of the European Movement's recent consultations underline what you describe as "an overwhelming desire for more information." It is all the more important that public support for the Union be maintained at a time when the Union itself is changing, and Ireland's role in it is changing, in line with the huge transformation of our economy over the past decade. -
The 2008 Countess Markievicz Memorial Lecture Revised Jan09
The 2008 Countess Markievicz Memorial Lecture of the Irish Association for Industrial Relations, Delivered at Trinity College, Dublin, on the 25th November 2008. Social Partnership: From Lemass to Cowen Bill Roche Professor of Industrial Relations and Human Resources School of Business, University College Dublin I am honoured to present the 2008 Countess Markievicz Memorial Lecture. The first woman elected to the House of Commons and Minister for Labour in the First Dail, Constance Markievicz lived in tumultuous times. I well remember, some years ago, reading through the rather slim file in the State Papers’ Office on the early work of the Department of Labour, where I came across Constance Markievicz’s famous warning in 1921 of the imminence of social revolution in Ireland.1 This was an era when the very basis and character of Irish society seemed ‘up for grabs’. The dislocation to civil order caused by the War of Independence, combined with the new-found strength and confidence of workers in the booming rural economy of the First World War, had fuelled a surge in industrial militancy, as well as a spate of factory and land seizures throughout the country. Creamery workers plied their trade under the banner ‘we make butter not profits’ while the establishment of a co-operative fishery in Castleconnel inspired the newspaper headline: ‘Soviet eels in the Shannon’!2 We live in less tumultuous times than these. Indeed the subject of my lecture this evening, social partnership, has been associated with ‘low voltage’ politics, or what Peter Katzenstein has described as a ‘relatively dull and predictable kind of politics’.3 Dull and predictable though it may be, especially when contrasted with the ‘heroic’ era of labour and industrial 1 For details of Markievicz’s memorandum to the cabinet see Arthur Mitchell, Labour in Irish Politics 1890-1930, Dublin: Irish University Press, 1974, pp. -
Sins of the Father by Conor Mc Cabe
Sins of the Father 8693 Sins.indd 1 21/04/2011 12:27 8693 Sins.indd 2 21/04/2011 12:27 Sins of the Father TRACING THE DECISIONS THAT SHAPED THE IRISH ECONOMY Conor MCCabe 8693 Sins.indd 3 21/04/2011 12:27 First published 2011 The History Press Ireland 119 Lower Baggot Street Dublin 2 Ireland www.thehistorypress.ie © Conor McCabe, 2011 The right of Conor McCabe to be identified as the Author of this work has been asserted in accordance with the Copyrights, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without the permission in writing from the Publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. isbn 978 1 84588 693 6 Typesetting and origination by The History Press Printed in Great Britain 8693 Sins.indd 4 21/04/2011 12:27 Contents Acknowledgements 7 Introduction 9 1 Housing 13 2 Agriculture 57 3 Industry 87 4 Finance 125 5 From Bank Guarantee to Bailout 153 Conclusion 191 Notes 197 Bibliography 211 Index 217 8693 Sins.indd 5 21/04/2011 12:27 8693 Sins.indd 6 21/04/2011 12:27 Acknowledgements Special thanks to: Donagh Brennan; my nephews Kevin and Jack Cleary; John Cleary; Ronan Colgan and the staff at History Press Ireland; Rudi Deda; Ciarán Finnegan; Daithí Flynn; Colm Hall; Dr. -
Fianna Fáil: Past and Present Alan Byrne 57
Irish Marxist Review Editor: John Molyneux Deputy Editor: Dave O’Farrell Website Editor: Memet Uludag Editorial Board: Marnie Holborow, Sinéad Kennedy, Tina MacVeigh, Paul O’Brien, Peadar O’Grady Cover Design: Daryl Southern Published: November 2016 SWP PO.Box 1648 Dublin 8 Phone: John Molyneux 085 735 6424 Email: [email protected] Website: www.irishmarxistreview.net Irish Marxist Review is published in association with the Socialist Workers Party (Ireland), but articles express the opinions of individual authors unless otherwise stated. We welcome proposals for articles and reviews for IMR. If you have a suggestion please phone or email as above. i Irish Marxist Review 16 Contents Editorial 1 Equality, Democracy, Solidarity: The Politics of Abortion Melisa Halpin and Peadar O’Grady 3 Into the limelight: tax haven Ireland Kieran Allen 14 Can the European Union be reformed? Marnie Holborow 28 Secularism, Islamophobia and the politics of religion John Molyneux 41 A Socialist in Stormont An interview with Gerry Carroll MLA 52 Fianna Fáil: Past and Present Alan Byrne 57 The socialist tradition in the disability movement: Lessons for contemporary activists Ivanka Antova 65 Science, Politics and Public Policy Dave O’Farrell 70 The Starry Plough – a historical note Damian Lawlor 76 Review: Kieran Allen, The Politics of James Connolly Shaun Doherty 78 Review: Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, From #Black Lives Matter to Black Liberation Conor Kennelly 80 ii Editorial: Interesting Times ‘May you live in interesting times’ is a lishment’s talk of recovery has given rise, well known Chinese curse. These are cer- not surprisingly, to workers demanding their tainly interesting times in Ireland at the mo- share. -
Chapter 2 Elections and Political Communication Donnacha Ó
Chapter 2 Elections and political communication Donnacha Ó Beacháin Election campaigns are sporadic events during which the apathy that the non- participatory political system engenders has to be momentarily surmounted to inject renewed legitimacy into the system of organised political parties. How the citizenry are to be motivated to mobilise from their habitual passivity depends on the quality and quantity of political communication with the electorate. In short it is influenced, if not determined, by the character of the election campaign. This chapter provides a brief introduction to how those competing for votes have communicated with the Irish electorate since the foundation of the state. Campaign slogans, techniques and candidates As the revolutionary generation that had monopolised political power for the first four decades of independence exited the political stage during the 1960s, prospective candidates for election had to find new ways of getting on the ticket. For those not part of a political dynasty forged during the formative years of the state, sport proved another way of coming to the attention of the electorate, and the party leaderships. The 1965 general election returned 17 former Gaelic games stars (Whyte, 1966, 31) but a focus on GAA luminaries provides only a partial picture of the influence of the organisation. Brian Farrell (1971, 321–22) has noted that the 1969 election returned in addition to 15 GAA ‘stars’ four GAA county officials and another 25 deputies who had been or continued to be active within the GAA as players or officials. The most significant figure of this new generation was Jack Lynch, who governed Ireland for 43 most of the period spanning the mid-1960s to the late 1970s, and whose complete lack of a political pedigree was compensated for by having won six All-Ireland hurling and football medals. -
Statement by Bertie Ahern on the Outcome of the Brussels European Council (16 December 2003)
Statement by Bertie Ahern on the outcome of the Brussels European Council (16 December 2003) Caption: On 16 December 2003, Bertie Ahern, Irish Prime Minister, expresses his disappointment at the failure of the Brussels European Council, held on 12 and 13 December, while remaining confident at the chances of an agreement on the Constitutional Treaty being reached during the forthcoming Irish Presidency of the European Union. Source: Statement by the Taoiseach, Mr. Bertie Ahern, T.D.. [ON-LINE]. [Dublin]: Department of the Taoiseach, [20.06.2005]. Available on http://www.taoiseach.gov.ie/index.asp?locID=365&docID=1713. Copyright: (c) Department of the Taoiseach URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/statement_by_bertie_ahern_on_the_outcome_of_the_brussels_european_council_16_december_ 2003-en-87dd8866-646d-4289-80e9-1187bc6b892f.html Publication date: 05/09/2012 1 / 5 05/09/2012 Statement by the Taoiseach, Mr. Bertie Ahern, T.D. (16 December 2003) I attended the European Council and the Intergovernmental Conference in Brussels on 12 and 13 December. I was accompanied by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Brian Cowen and the Minister for European Affairs, Dick Roche. The Minister for Finance, Charlie McCreevy attended the European Council meeting. The Conclusions of the European Council have been laid before the Houses of the Oireachtas. I also participated in the Extraordinary Tripartite Social Summit in Brussels on 11 December. It was clearly disappointing that the Italian Presidency was not able to bring the Intergovernmental Conference to a definitive conclusion at the weekend. Like others, we had very much hoped that a final agreement would be possible. In the end, however, it became clear that the time was not ripe.