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Political Activity in Classical Author(s): P. J. Reviewed work(s): Source: The Journal of , Vol. 106 (1986), pp. 132-144 Published by: The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/629648 . Accessed: 13/11/2012 07:27

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This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.63 on Tue, 13 Nov 2012 07:27:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Journalof HellenicStudies cvi (1986) 132-144

POLITICAL ACTIVITY IN '

'Only the naive or innocent observer', says Sir Moses Finley in his book Politicsin the ancient world,'can believe that came to a vital Assemblymeeting armed with nothingbut his intelligence,his knowledge,his charismaand his oratoricalskill, essential as all four attributes were.'2Historians of theRoman Republic have been assiduous in studyingclientelae,factiones and 'deliveringthe vote',3 but much less work has been done on the ways in which Athenian politicianssought to mobilisesupport. There have been studiesof familyconnections and of links between individualpoliticians;4 there have been studiesof the associationsknown as hetaireiai;5but many questionsremain unanswered. W. R. Connor in The newpoliticians offifth- centuryAthens contrasted an old styleof ,based on tiesof philiawithin the upperclasses, with a new style,which spurned philia and appealed directly to the people.Even in hisold style, the votes of the ordinary,middling-to-poor citizens counted for more in the straightforward Athenianassembly than in the Roman comitiawith their complex systemsof block votes. Connor limits politicalfriendship to the upper classes;6he pours cold water on Sealey's suggestionthat rich familiesmight have broughtpressure to bearon theirtenants and other dependants(saying, 'The proud and independentAthenian might be expected to resist intimidation');7but apartfrom generalreferences to largessehe doesnot reallyexplain how an old-styleCimon or a new-styleCleon would ensure that the assemblywas full of voterswilling to electhim asgeneral or approvea motionwhich he proposed.8J. K. Davieshas tried to takethe matter further in Wealthand thepower of wealthin classicalAthens. He suggests that essentially therewere three phases in Athenianpolitical : the first, in whicharistocratic families with a hereditarycontrol of particularcults exercised power through those cults; the second,in which aristocratsand their cults lost influence, and politics were dominated by richmen who usedtheir wealthin variousways to acquirefavour (charis) and so win the supportof citizens;the third, 1 This paper was read to the Hellenic Society in society to which they refer. Caution is in order, but I and to the University of G6ttingen in January shall not pause to discuss the likelihood of each item. 1985, and an earlier version was read to the Oxford 2 Finley, Politics, 76(-84). Dem. xiii 19 complains Philological Society in October 1982 and to the that men who are eager to be elected to office go around northern universities' ancient historians at Leeds in as 8o0Aol TijSiTrri -rC XElpOTOVE•IaOa December 1982: I am grateful to those who discussedit 'slavesto the need to win support for ';Xpl-ros, Plu. Nic. with me on those occasions, and to the University of 3.I leaves Pericleson the pedestal on which Durham for grants from its Travel and ResearchFund, placed him when he says that he led the as a resultof and to the and the Deutsche Aka- his true areti and the power of his speech, and needed demische Austauschdienst, under whose auspices I no aXlpaCrtlO6S, 'put-on-act', towards the masses or visited G6ttingen. 'means of persuasion'. I cite the books abbreviated Trl0avo"6T•, following by titles: 3 This phrase is the title of ch. iii of L. R. Taylor, W. R. = Connor, New Pol. The new politiciansof fifth- Party politics in the age of Caesar (Berkeley and Los centuryAthens (Princeton 1971); J. K. Davies, A.P.F. Angeles 1949). Excessive reliance on clientelaeas a = Athenian propertiedfamilies,6oo00-300 Bc(Oxford 1971); master key seems now to be going out of fashion: see = id., Wealth Wealthand the power of wealth in classical F. G. B. Millar,JRS lxxiv (1984) 1-19. Athens York M. (New 1981); I. Finley, Politics= Politics 4 E.g. B. R. I. Sealey, Essays in Greekpolitics (New in the ancientworld (Cambridge 1983); S. C. Humph- York 1967); P.J. Bicknell, Studiesin Athenianpolitics and The reys, Family= family, women and death (London genealogy (Historia Einz. xix [1972]); Davies, A.P.F. 1983); P.J. Rhodes, = TheAthenian Boule (Oxford s See n. 69. 1972); id., Comm.=A commentaryon the Aristotelian 6 New Pol. 75-9; the view of M. H. The cf. Hansen, AthenaionPoliteia (Oxford 1981); P. Siewert, Trittyen Athenian Ecclesia(Opuscula Graecolatina xxvi [Copen- = Die TrittyenAttikas und die Heeresreformdes Kleisthenes hagen 1983]) 220-2, and at greaterlength Die athenische (Vestigiaxxxiii, 1982). H. Montgomery, The Volksversammlungim Zeitalter des (Xenia way to Chaeronea( etc. 1983), is good in the xiii [Konstanz 19841)75-89 that in the fifth and fourth which questions he asks but disappointing in the centuries there were groups of leadersbut not partiesof answers which he supplies. their supporters. Not all the sayings and anecdotes which I cite are 7 New Pol. 18-19, contr. Sealey, Hermes lxxxiv likely to be authentic, but they will have seemed (1956) 241= Essays(n. 4) 65-6. to those plausible who retailed them, and those known 8 New Pol. 18-22 on largesse; 134 suggests that to us from and others who wrote under the groups of friends could mobilise a majority in the Roman Empire may have originated in or closer to the assembly or council.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.63 on Tue, 13 Nov 2012 07:27:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions POLITICAL ACTIVITY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS 133 where the power of wealth in turn declinedand what counted was rhetoricaland administrative skill.9 Here I should like to continue this investigation.

For the seventh and sixth centuries I imagine most people would accept some version of what W. G. Forresthas describedas a system of pyramids:10serious political activity was the preserveof a limited number of nobles at the tops of the pyramids;underneath were the lesser citizens, each of whom tended to be linked by ties of various kinds to one of the nobles, and vwouldnormally give that noble his political support.Attacks on the old orthodoxy" have made it harderthan was once imagined to give a detailed account of how this will have worked in Athens, but the attempt should be made. Some citizens, but not all, belonged to the nobility of the eupatridai,the familieswhich had emerged most successfullyfrom the upheavalsof the darkage and which had closed their ranks againstthe others as the upheavalscame to an end: they acquireda monopoly of public offices (probably filled without much competition when Buggins's turn came round), and they will have been the active participantsat occasionalassemblies of the citizen body. Some citizens,but not all, belonged to a genos.The view that thegene formed a wider aristocracythan the eupatridai, but still an ,has been challenged:the new emphasison the religious function of the geneis probablyright; but the suggestion of the iconoclaststhat the geneand their memberswere not otherwise important is no less hypothetical than the old orthodoxy.12 We simply do not know what proportion of the eupatridaiwere alsogenn~tai. Every citizen belonged to one of the four tribes,and also to one of an unknown numberof :it is reasonableto assumethat the eupatridai,who will have been leading members of the tribe and the to which they belonged, were able through these organisationsto influencetheir lowlier fellow-members.The gene, even if we regardthem primarilyas familiesin which certainpriesthoods were hereditary, may yet have had political influence:those who participatedin a certaincult will naturallyhave looked up to the gene which provided the officialsof that cult; and cults which attracteda wide circle of participants,like the Eleusiniancult of and Core, will have brought a large number of men within reach of the influence of the gene concerned. Before the reformsof , one other kind of dependenceis attestedin Athens. Many men were hektemoroi,not absoluteowners of the land which they farmedbut bound to surrenderpart of its produce to an overlord;13 and probably other men were dependent on the major landownersin other ways, for instanceby dividing their working time between their own plot and the land of the great family. Like Sealey,14 I should guess that this economic dependence could easily have repercussionsin other areasof life. We do not know how far overlords were eupatridaiand genn~tai,and hektemoroiwere not, though we should expect the eupatridaiand genn~taito be among the richer members of the community. We do not know how often the overlord of a hektemoroswas a leading member of the hektemoros'phratry or had a vested interest in a cult in which the hektemorosparticipated; but I should guess that, in a society in which social and geographicalmobility were rare, it often happenedthat the differentforms of dependence did not compete but reinforced each other. Forrest's picture of pyramids will, then, be generally correct. Various kinds of link will have held a pyramid together: cult power, which Davies regards as characteristic of his earliest phase; power exercised through the tribes and phratries, which we may call social power; and power exercised by the great landowners over men economically dependent on them, the power of wealth. Beyond this, for early Athens, we can look only at the well-known moments of crisis. In the 9 Wealth,esp. 88-131 (ch. vi). Tribuet cite ( 1976). 12 10 The emergenceof GreekDemocracy (London 1966) I cannot share the belief of Bourriot 460-91 and 48-50. Roussel 79-87, 146 that there also existed genj of 11 A. Andrewes, JHS lxxxi (1961) 1-15, Hermes another kind, the 360 of Ath. Pol.fr. 3 Kenyon. lxxxix (1961) 129-40; more drastically, F. Bourriot, 13 Ath.Pol. 2. 2-3, Plu. Sol.13. 4-5. Recherchessur la naturedu genos (Paris1976), D. Roussel, 14 P. 132 with n. 7, above.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.63 on Tue, 13 Nov 2012 07:27:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 134 P. J. RHODES seventh century Cylon failed to make himself . He was a distinguishedman, an aristocrat and an Olympic victor; he had useful connections, the tyrant of Megaraas his father-in-lawand an encouraging oracle from . He must have thought he could win the support of a sufficientnumber of Athenians,but whatever the basisfor his confidence it was unjustified:the citizens rallied behind the authorities'in full force'.'5 In 594 Solon was appointed , and was given a special commission to solve Athens' problems. He was a eupatrid;probably he was not responsiblefor the 'purification'of Athens from the killing of Cylon's supporters, but probably he had encouraged the Athenians to embark on the war in which they capturedSalamis from . Also he was a poet, and in some of his poems he had written of Athens' troublesand had blamed the rich for them: poems recited on occasionswhen many could hear them would reach far beyond the range of Solon's own family connections, and this may have helped him to win the widespreadsupport which Cylon had failed to win. Probablythere was nothing remarkablein his being appointedarchon; but his specialcommission made him more thanjust anotherarchon, and to achieve that he must have won the confidencenot only of the poor and unprivilegedbut also of his fellow aristocrats. Connectionswill not have been enough: in poems written afterthe event he complainsthat both sides felt he had let them down; no poems survive which would have gained the confidence of the aristocrats,but he must have put it to them that therewas a crisis(a crisiswhich his appealto the poor had in fact helped to crystallise),and that he could be trustedto handleit so as to protect the aristocrats'interests. Nevertheless, what he did significantlyweakened aristocratickinds of influence. The institutionaliseddependence of the hektemoroiwas abolished;it became possible for some men who were rich but not eupatrid to hold office, and the new council of four hundredwill have drawn new men into political activity and have given the citizen assemblya new freedom; the judicial reforms gave a better chance of obtainingjustice to men who were afraidto prosecuteon their own account, or who when they did prosecuteor were prosecuted came up against a hostile magistrate.'6 I have nothing new to say on the threefactions (staseis), of the plain, the coast and beyond the hills, which provide the background to Pisistratus'rise to power. All three leaders were eupatrids;the regional namesshould characterisenot only the three leadersbut a substantialpart of their followings, though Pisistratus'support cannot have been limited to men remote from Athens; the ideological labels of Ath. Pol. and Plutarchare clearly anachronistic,but Pisistratus did appealto those who were still poor and unprivileged,and did sometimes support him but sometimes oppose him.'17 Pisistratushad his naturalfamily and local following, and his appealto the poor; he also had prestige from his successin the latest war againstMegara. In his rise to power we see variousmotifs: the bodyguardgranted to a leading citizen unjustlyattacked; a religiouscharade, naive but evidently successful;marriage alliances, successively with Megacles and with a family from Argos; furthersupport from outside Athens, including the whom his wealth enabled him to hire.18 The effect of the tyranny was to continue the undermining of the old influences: a tyrant monopolising power is bad for the aristocratic families who want a share in power; taxation of the rich, and perhaps confiscation from some of them, and loans and perhaps grants of land to the poor, will have dealt a further blow to the economic dependence of the peasants on the great families; the encouragement of national cults and festivals will have lessened the importance of the local ones. In the background were the ' mercenaries and the threat of force, but more directly the tyrants' power was exercised through patronage: loans to small peasants, and state judges to give impartial decisions in ' their disputes; honour and office for nobles who cooperated, and exile or worse for those who did not.20

1i These points are all in the account of Thuc. i 126. (before Solon's archonship), 29.1. 3-7. 18 Her. i 59-64, Ath. Pol. 16 14-15. Ath. Pol. 5-12, Plu. Sol. passim. 19 Cf. Ath. Pol. 16. 17 20 Her. i 59-3, Ath. Pol. 13.3-5, Plu. Sol. 13.1-3 Cf. Meiggs and Lewis 6, c, And. ii 26.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.63 on Tue, 13 Nov 2012 07:27:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions POLITICAL ACTIVITY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS 135 The fall of the tyrants was followed by the resumption of aristocratic rivalry, until 'attachedthe dimosto his following', a demosin which allegedly he had shown no interestbefore.21 Argument continues about how Cleisthenescombined demes to form thirty trittyes and ten tribes, but if there is truth in the suggestion that he wanted to produce units of equal size, on which the organisationof the army could be based,22that does not rule out the possibility that he had other objectives too. To arrive at his trittyes and tribes, Cleisthenes produced a number of extremely unnaturalgroupings: he at least did not mind if Probalinthus was separatedfrom its neighboursboth in the Marathoniantetrapolis and to the south, if Hecale north-east of Mount Pentelicon was isolated from the other demes of its tribe; and it is hardly accidental that the Alcmaeonids were to find themselves surroundedby familiar faces in the assembliesof the new tribes.23Old associations,like the old tribes and the phratries,were not abolished;but the new units proved highly successful,and it soon mattered more to a man of Plotheia or Marathonthat he belonged to Aegeis or Aiantisand the men of Hecale did not than that he was given a warm welcome when he attendedthe festivalsof Hekalesios,it mattered more to a man of that he belonged to the deme of Decelea than that he belonged to the phratry of the Deceleans. The influence of the aristocracy,social and religious, continued to decline.

Cleisthenes had devised a system in which the Alcmaeonids were going to be advantageouslyplaced: we should expect men ambitious for successto seek ways of exercising their influence through this new system.24 provides a good example: in the better versions of the story of his lavish hospitality he kept open house not to all Atheniansbut to his fellow demesmen,25 and there are more modest examples in of men giving financial supportto membersof their own demes.26 Men would supportmembers of their deme or their tribe in the lawcourts: ends his speech On the Mysterieswith an invitation to the membersof his tribe chosen to speakfor him;27 in 's Apologythe witnesseswho will testify that Socratesis not an evil influence are headed by Crito, •bPiS A Kai 8rS[tp6Trl,'my llK1CTrrlT contemporary and fellow demesman';28 Hyperides reports that when Polyeuctus was prosecutedhe askedfor ten advocatesfrom his tribe (and supportersfrom the rest of the citizen body as well).29 A particularbarber's shop in Athens was frequented by the demesmen of Decelea.30 At the beginning of the TheagesDemodocus complainsthat his son has been excited by reports brought from the city by T-rCvrXAlKlcoTrcV KaiKa rll OTo-r, 'some of his T'IVE5 contemporariesand fellow-demesmen';31 and there are many passageswhere words such as XAlKICSTrls,'contemporary', or ihos, 'friend', are combined with 8•r6prrlS,'demesman', or quAv'rs, 'fellow tribesman'.32Classical Athens did not have the same elaborateseries of age- classes as classicalSparta, but even before a programme of compulsory national service was instituted in the 330's33 young men of eighteen and nineteen were classedas epheboi,distinct from fully-fledged adults, and were given opportunities for military service.34 There were other

28 21 Her. v 66.2, 69.I, cf. Ath. Pol. 20.I. Plat.Apol. 33d8-eI. 29 22J. S. Traill, Hesperia xlvii (1978) 109; Siewert, Hyp. iv 12; cf also Lys. xxvii 12, Dem. xxiii 206, Trittyen. also Dem. xxix 23. The importanceof the demeis 23 This is admitted even by Siewert, Trittyen,137. stressed Politics46. 24 by Finley, 'Community patronagehad to be at least partially 30 Lys. xxvi 3, cf. IG ii2 1237. 63-4 (I am among integrated into the new institutional framework if it thosewho believe that the Deceleans in thisinscription were not to be a disruptive factor': Finley, Politics area phratry). 35(-49). The interaction of demes and the Athenian 31 [Plat.] Theag. 32 12Idi-3. state is explored by R. G. Osborne, Demos:the discovery Ar. Ach. 568, Eq. 320, Nu. 1209-I0, 1322, Ec. of classicalAttika (Cambridge 1985). 1023-4, 254. 25 PI. E.g. Ath. Pol. 27.3. 33 Ath. Pol. 42.2-5, with Rhodes, Comm.ad loc. 26 Lys. xvi 14, xxxi 15-16, cf. xx 2. 34 Rhodes,Comm. 494-5: noticeespecially Aeschin. 27 And. i I50. ii 167.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.63 on Tue, 13 Nov 2012 07:27:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 136 P. J. RHODES contexts, such as the , in which young Athenians could associate with their contemporaries in the gap between childhood restrictions and adult responsibilities.35 These links inevitably have their sinister side. It was an argument against Polystratus, implicated in the oligarchy of the Four Hundred, that he was a demesman and alleged kinsman of .36In 404 the oligarchicleaders who took the title ''appointed phylarchoi, tribalagents, to tell men how to vote.37 If we canbelieve the allegationsin Demostheneslvii, Eubulideswhen demarchof Halimuscontrolled the votes of many membersin the deme assembly,38and his fatherhad been a crookeddeme-boss before him.39 In Davies'account a periodcharacterised by cultpower is followedby one characterisedby wealthpower: he noticesvarious kinds of expenditureby leadingpoliticians which contributed to theirlamprotes, which made them distinguished men. F.J. Frostin a studyof Athenianpolitics in thesixth and early fifth centuries has argued that such lamprotes should be seenas a politicalend in itself,not merelyas a meansof acquiringsupport in thepursuit of furtherends;40 but it should not be overlookedthat generosityto one's fellow demesmen,like that of Cimon, could be expectedto bringa gratefulclientela as well as lamprotes.41The samecan be saidof someother kindsof expenditure.The liturgiesin connectionwith Athenianfestivals involved paying for,42 andtaking responsibility for, a chorus,a relayteam for a torchrace, or thelike; in manycases this was for an inter-tribalcompetition, and in manycases the tribeappointed its choregus:43the choreguswho devotedhis moneyand attention enthusiastically to histeam could expect to win not only glory for himselfbut also glory for, and gratitudefrom, the performersand their families,and the wholetribe. The choregusof Antiphonvi drawsattention to the way in which he recruiteda choruswithout making enemies;44 a clientof Isaeussays that his fellow tribesmen know how ambitiously(~lAoTripcos) he dischargedhis dutiesas gymnasiarch.45In additionto the stateliturgies there were deme liturgies: these provided further opportunities for patronage, andif herethere was not the stimulusof directcompetition it would no doubtbe remembered thatthe manwho hadgiven this year's party for the demesmen'swives at theThesmophoria had been keen and generousbut the man who had given lastyear's party had not.46 Not all the menwho rowedthe navy'sships were Atheniancitizens, but manywere, and a trierarchwho was energeticand willing to spendmore than the minimumwould not only providethe navywith a good shipbut would earn the gratitudeof hiscrew. On occasionswhen oarsmenhad to be conscripted,this was done (aswe shouldexpect) through the tribesand their subdivisions:47there are fifth-century boundary markers (horoi) from the Piraeuswhich served to indicateareas reserved for particulartrittyes;48 twice mentionsthe taxiarchs, normallythe commandersof tribalinfantry regiments, in his accountof the navalbattle of Arginusae;49and Demosthenesin his speechOn the Symmoriessays that to man the fleet the generalsshould divide the dockyards into tentribal areas and the taxiarchs should subdivide their

35Cf. Humphreys, CJ lxxiii (1977/8) 101-2 Valley 1981) 33-9. 41 =Family, 28. Other passages mentioning Lys. mentions expenditurein the of h)?•KlTCAlT pursuit glory, are Her. v 71. I (Cylon assembled a 'hetaireiaof his xix 18, but expenditure to gain appointment to office contemporaries':evidence for the fifth century if not for (and opportunities for enrichment), xix 57. Humph- the Ar. seventh); Vesp.728, Nu. Ioo6; Lys. xx 36; Plat. reys, CJ lxxiii (1977/8) 102= Family 28-9, remarks that Clit. 4o8c6, Soph. 218b3, Symp. 183c7, Ep. vii 332d4; in Athens 'clients' tended to be collective (demes, [Dem.] xl 59, liii 4, Dem. liv 7; Aeschin. i 42, 49 (and phratriesand so on) rather than individual. 168 42 auv~iqlpos), ii (auv~iqrl)o 167), 184. [Xen.] Ath. Pol. 1.13 claims that the people benefit 36 Lys. xx 11-12. from such payments. 43-4. Dem. xxxix Ath. 37 Lys. Xii 43 Cf. xxi 13, 7, Pol. 56.3. 38 Dem. Ivii 8-16. 44 Ant. vi I I. 39 Dem. Ivii 6o cf. 26. B. Haussoullier, La vie 45 Isae. vii 36. municipaleen Attique(Paris 1883/4) 59-62, claimed that 46 Cf. Isae.iii 8o, viii 18-20. deme camefrom a limited officials rangeof families:I 47 B.Jordan, U. Cal. Publ. Cl. Stud.xiii (1975) 101-2, do not know how far the evidence now available 225-30; Siewert, Trittyen10-I3. supports this. 48 IG i2 40 897-901. ClassicalContributions... M. F. McGregor(Locust 49 Xen. Hell. i 6.29, 35.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.63 on Tue, 13 Nov 2012 07:27:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions POLITICAL ACTIVITY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS 137 tribal areas into sections for the separate trittyes.50 In 362 it was ordered that the bouleutae and demarchs should make out lists of demesmen and supply sailors-but the men produced by this method failed to appear or were incompetent, so recruited his own crew by offering financial incentives.51 Gratitude and influence could be bought in other ways too. One could stand as guarantor for a man who was prosecuted or took a public contract; one could join with others in making a loan to a man in need: in 's First Tetralogy engyai and eranoi are mentioned after liturgies as proofs of the defendant's virtue.52 Not all disputes were taken to court: another way to acquire influence was to gain a reputation for fair dealing as a private arbitrator, and the cunning as well as the upright Aristides is said to have done this.53 Simply knowing people was important: Themistocles is said to have known every one by name;54 in 421 Nicias canvassed men individually to urge them to support his peace with ,55 and we have other references to individual canvassing.56 Other forms of conspicuous expenditure would not win the support of particular citizens, but they would indicate that the spender was a patriotic Athenian, who made good use of his wealth and deserved the gratitude of the citizen body as a whole.57 Prompt payment of eisphora, the property tax, and generous epidoseis,voluntary contributions in response to a special appeal, come into this category; and so do private payments for public buildings. In lawsuits men list these along with their liturgies as evidence that they are public-spirited citizens;58 Themistocles and Cimon were rivals as builders as well as in other respects;59 while we find Demosthenes alleging that Midias avoided his obligations as far as he could, and when unable to avoid them exploited them for his private profit, that never spent his money for patriotic purposes.60 A form of display to which Davies attaches much importance is victory in the great games, especially in the contest which called for the heaviest expenditure, the race. Now certainly horse-breeding was an acknowledged way of displaying great wealth;61 certainly did bask in reflected glory when a victory was won in their name (Athenians who won victories at the principal festivals were given dinner in the prytaneum62), and the career of Cimon Koalemos under the Pisistratids shows that victories could have political consequences.63 Naturally, those who had won victories tried to make the most of them (, after his extravagance in entering seven teams at the Olympics of 416, is made by Thucydides to say that this gave a corresponding impression of the city's strength64); and, naturally, their enemies claimed that to win such victories did not make a man a desirable citizen in other respects (Lycurgus objects that horse-breeding, and indeed festival liturgies, bring glory only to the individual and are not to be compared with useful expenditure such as trierarchies and public

50 Dem. xiv 22-3. strikes).R.J. Seagerin F. C.Jaher (ed.), The rich,the well 51 Dem. 1. 6-7. In the same year the bouleutae were born and the powerful (Illinois 1973) 7-26, and D. made to report those men whose ownership of property Whitehead,C&M xxxiv (1983) 55-74, discuss the in their deme renderedthem liable for proseisphora(ibid. democraticethos requiring those with wealthand talent 8-9), I believe because it was suspected that rich men to use them for the good of the state,so thatphilotimia were failing to declare all their own property and this foundan outlet in publicservice: notice especially Dem. method would produce a more comprehensiveregister: xviii 257, xxi 159, [Dem.] xlii 25. see Davies, Wealth 143-6; Rhodes, vii 58 xxi, vii xii 20, xviii AJAH (1982: Lys. esp.I-iI, cf. 31-2, 7, 21, published 1985) 1--19. xix 9, 29, 42-3, 57, xxv 12, xxx 26. 52 Ant. ii Tetr. i 3. 12. 59 Cf. Rhodes, CAH v2, ch. iv, forthcoming. s3 Plu. Them. 5.6, Arist. 4.2, 7.1. 60 Dem. xxi 151-74; xix 281-2, xviii 312-13; cf. also 54 plu. Them. 5.6. Lys.xxi 12,Xen. Oec.2.6. Lys.xxvi 3-5 castsaspersions 55ssPlu. Nic. 9-5. on a manwho hasspent his money in theapproved way. 61 Arist. Pol. iv 56Thuc. viii 53.2, 93.2, Xen. Hell. ii 3.23; cf. 1289b33-40o;Lys. xxiv 10-12, lobbying before the allotment of jurors Dem. xix I, [Dem.] xlii 24; cf. Ar. Nu. 14-16, 25-32, etc. 62 xxi 4, Aeschin. iii I. IG i3 131, II sqq., Plat.Apol. 36d5-9. 57 On men's reasonsfor of this kind see 63 Her. vi 103.1-3. expenditure 64 Lys. xix (n. 41), xxv 12-13 (to enhance one's reputation Thuc. vi 16.2, cf. Isoc.xvi 32-4. and so have a better chance in the courts if disaster

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.63 on Tue, 13 Nov 2012 07:27:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 138 P. J. RHODES building projects65).If one looks at Davies' list of Athenian competitors in chariot races66one finds for the fifth centuryvarious Alcmaeonids, Callias and Alcibiades(all men from sociallyand politically great families),and then Pronapes,Lysis and his son Democrates,and Tisias(of whom the last was of some account in politics but the others, as far as we know, were not at all important67).Davies notes a sharpdrop in Athenian chariot-racersin the fourth century, and suggests that this form of expenditure was abandoned because it no longer paid political dividends. I suspectthat we are dealing here with a social phenomenon ratherthan a political, and that chariot-racinghad never paid political dividends, but was a part of the life-style of the rich aristocracywhich simply did not appeal so much to the richest Athenians of the fourth century.68

Hetaireiai,upper-class clubs, have been fairly thoroughly studied.69Andocides claims that the mutilation of the Hermae in 415 was the work of a hetaireiato which he belonged;70in 411 Pisanderwhen he came from to Athens encouraged the xynomosiai('groups bound by oath') or hetaireiai'which alreadyexisted in the city with a view to lawsuits and offices'to join forces and work against the ,71in 404 the so-called ephors were appointed by the hetaireiai,72and in reactionto this link between hetaireiaiand oligarchy the fourth centurylaw of impeachment (v6poS EicayyEATlK6S) threatenedany one who 'combined for the dissolution of the democracy or organised a hetairikon'.73Plato in his SeventhLetter says that he did not pursuea political careerbecause nothing could be done without and hetairoi,and he could not find suitable associates;74and elsewhere he mentions 'the efforts of hetaireiaifor offices' among things which the non-political philosopher avoids.75 Leadingpoliticians seem to have been surroundedby a circle of lessermen who worked on their behalf, holding offices,appearing in the courts and proposing measuresin the assembly.76 According to Plutarch,Pericles saved himself for the great occasionsand otherwise had various men acting for him77 (thereis probablysome truth in this, even if the example of Pericles'using Ephialtesto attack the Areopagus78makes Pericles a dominant figure too early); by contrast Metiochus, a hetairosof Pericleswho rose to the generalshipbut dabbledin everything, fell into disrepute.79Aristides is said to have used othersto propose his decrees(so as to incur the hostility of Themistocles);80likewise Demosthenes after Chaeronea(afraid that his name would lead to their rejection).8 Friendsof Lycurgus were appointed 'in charge of administration'(?rr Ti-r 8101KCaE1t)to control Athens' finances,after he had completed the four years'tenure which was the maximum allowed.82 Chares was alleged to have spent part of the money voted for his campaigns on 'speakers, proposers of decrees and private citizens sued in the courts';83 Demosthenes refers to the men who will speak on Midias' behalf as the 'mercenaries'who surroundhim, and says that there is also the hetaireiaof witnesseswhich he has organised;84and

65 Lycurg. Leocr. 139-40. 73 Hyp. iv 8. 66 Wealth 167-8 (app. iii). 74 Plat. vii 325c5-d5. 67 Ep. See PA 12250= 12251= 12253, 9567=9573, 3519, 75 Plat. Theaet. 173d4. For allegations of corrupt 13470= 13479, and the relevant entries in Davies, appointments see [Dem.] lviii 29, Aeschin. iii 62, 73. A.P.F. 76 In addition to what follows, see the referencesto 68 On see p. 142, below. Cimon's hetairoi,Plu. Cim. 5.2, 17.6-7, Per. io.3; to 69 G. M. Calhoun, Athenian clubs in politics and Pericles' friends, Plu. Per. io.1; to Crito and Archede- litigation(Bull. U. Texas cclxii, Humanistic Series xiv mus, Xen. Mem. ii 9. [1913]); F. Sartori, Le eterie nella vita politica ateniese del 77 Plu. Praec.Ger. Reip. 811c-813a, Per. 7.7-8. VI e V secolo a.C. ( 1957); A. E. Raubitschek, 78 Plu. Praec.Ger. Reip. 812d, Per. 7.8, 9-5. review of lxxx F. I Sartori, AJP (1959) 81-8; Ghinatti, 79 Plu. Praec.Ger. Reip. 8IIe-f (Com. Adesp.fr. I325 gruppi politici ateniesifino alle guerre persiane (Rome Kock). 1970); C. Pecorella Longo, 'Eterie'e gruppipolitici nell' 80 Plu. Arist.3-4. Atene del IV sec. a.C. ( 1971). 81 Plu. Dem. 21.3. 70 82 And. i 61-4, cf. 49, 54. [Plu.] X Orat. 841b-c. 71 Thuc. viii 54. 4 cf. 65.2. 83 Th. 115 F 213, Aeschin. ii 71. 72 cf. Lys. xii 43-4- 84 Dem. xxi 139.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.63 on Tue, 13 Nov 2012 07:27:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions POLITICAL ACTIVITY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS 139 variouspassages of Demosthenessuggest that his opponentsdeveloped something approachinga party organisation.85 Too much energy has been devoted to argumentsabout whether a particularset of men was or was not a hetaireia.We can identify two relevantuses of the word which are fairly common: of the small sets of upper-classmen, like the one to which Andocides belonged, and through which Pisanderworked in 41 I, who met for drink,talk, amusementand politicaljobbery; and of groups of men, commonly on the fringe of the leisuredclass, whom a leading politician could employ as his agents. Individualpoliticians will have had their lower-class supportersas well, men often in theirown deme or tribe, whose allegiancethey had securedby a good choregiaor by financial or judicial help at a critical time, and they no doubt mobilised these supporterson important occasions. Unfortunately we do not know what kind of organisationlies behind the 191 ostracaprepared by fourteenmen for use againstThemistocles.86 For Athens'last we should probablyaccept that Hyperboluswanted the Atheniansto choose between Alcibiades and Nicias, but these arrangedthat the supportersof each should vote not againstthe other but againstHyperbolus, and Hyperboluswas ostracised:87even if, as I believe, 6,ooo votes was the quorum, not the number that had to be cast againstthe victim,88 this will have meant arranging for 2,000 or more votes to be cast against Hyperbolus.89 There may be much that is dubiousin Plutarch'saccount of the politics of Thucydidesson of Melesias, his polarisation of the oligoi and the dimos, and his inducing his supportersto sit together in the assembly.90 However, Thucydides was active at the time when the startedto think of themselvesas oligarchsor democrats.Moreover, from 410/09 membersof the boule were requiredto sit there in the places assignedto them;91 the idea that political allies could be more effective if they sat together recursin the Ecclesiazusae;92and it may well have been intentional that the elaboratesystem of allottingjuries describedin Ath. Pol. ensurednot only that no one could predict which jurors would try which case but also that the same men would not sit together on the same panel day after day93 (and the token mentioned in Ath. Pol. 65.2, whose functionsis not explained,may have been used to assignjurorsto seats94). Although scholarshave rightly grown afraidof the analogy of modern political parties,we should not be too reluctant to believe that political leadersmight mobilise large numbers of supporters.9s

As fourth-centurywriters were aware, a change in the style of politics gatheredmomentum towards the end of the fifth century.96 For Connor, the new style is characterisedby the abandonmentof working through friends and by appealingdirectly to the people en masse:97 Pericles and Nicias both avoided social occasions and devoted themselves entirely to public affairs;98Cleon on enteringpolitics formally renouncedhis friends,99and advertisedhimself as a 85 Dem. xiii 20,--ii 29, xix 225-6, xviii 312-13. 93 Ath. Pol. 63-5. 86 94 A. L. O. Broneer, Hesperia vii (1938) 228-43. Boegehold, Hesperia xxix (1960) 40oo-I. 87 Plu. Arist. 7.3-4, Nic. 11, Alc. 13, with the 95 Cf. the references to packed assemblies Thuc. vi of A. in A. W. et discussion Andrewes Gomme al., 13.1, Xen. Hell. i 7.8 (but D.S. xiii o 1.6 does not imply Historicalcommentary on Thucydidesv (Oxford 1981) the same degree of organisation), Dem. xviii 143; also 258-64. Thuc. viii 66.1, Lys. xii. 44, 75-6. Dem. xxii 38 refersto 88 Plu. Arist. 7.6, with Rhodes, Comm. 270. the men who 'together with him [sc.Androtion] had the 89 Hansen (n. 6) loc. cit., is not preparedto believe in council-house in their hands' in ?356/5. political organisation on this scale. Large-scalebribery 96 E.g. Isoc. viii 75, 124-8, xv 230-6, 3o6-9, Th. ap. of ordinary citizens is alleged by Lys. xxix 12. schol. Ar. Pax 681, Ath. Pol. 28. 90 Plu. Per. 11.1-3: see the doubts expressed by A. 97 New Pol. 87-198, esp. 117-18. Andrewes, JHS xcviii (1978) 1-8, esp. 2, Hansen, loc. 98 Plu. Per. 7.5, Praec. Ger. Reip. 8ooc, Nic. 5 (but cit.; K. J. Dover in A. W. Gomme et al., Historical contr. Nic. 7. 7, Praec.Ger. Reip. 799d). For Pericles see commentary on Thucydides iv (Oxford 1970) 238 on also Plu. Alc. 7.3; Lycurgusis said by [Plu.] X Orat. 841c vi 13.1, concludes that 'it was not customary for the always to have been occupied with public business.But supportersof a particularspeaker to sit all together', but what is attributed to Themistocles is ambition and the that does not rule out the possibility that it was abandonment of a dissolute life: Plu. Them. 3.4, Reg. sometimes done. Imp. Ap. 184f-I85a, Praec. Ger. Reip. 8oob. 91 Phil. 328 F 140. 99 Plu. Praec. Ger. Reip. 8o6f-8o7b. 92 Ar. Ec. 296-9.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.63 on Tue, 13 Nov 2012 07:27:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 140 P. J. RHODES lover of the dAmos;100 while Cimon hadused his own wealthto win clientes,Pericles used the state'swealth to pay stipendsto jurorsand officials,l01and to have publicbuildings erected underpublic supervision;102 Xenophon remarks in hisMemorabilia that a manwho daresto use violenceneeds many allies but one who is able to persuadeneeds none.103 For Davies,power exercisedthrough wealth was supplantedby powerexercised through skill-skill in makingspeeches to the assemblyand other public bodies, and skill in copingwith the increasingcomplexity of Athenianadministration:104 while Cimon put his wealth to politicaluse, Pericles was uninterestedin his estate,sold all his producetogether, and bought in the marketfor his own needs;'05 whileNicias was a greatperformer of liturgies,106 Cleonis not knownto haveperformed any liturgies, but he is describedby Thucydidesas 'by farthe greatest persuaderof the d&mosat thattime',107 andseems to havebeen the firstto adopta new styleof oratory,extravagant both in mannerand in content;08s in the fourthcentury elective financial officeswere devisedfor men of administrativeability, the controlof the theoricfund in its originalform as held by ,and laterwhen that officehad been weakenedthe post 'in chargeof administration'held by Lycurgus;109men from poor backgrounds, such as Demades, beganto makea namefor themselvesin politics.11 The deliberateappeal to thed&mos assuch, which Connor places at thecentre of hispicture, is amplyattested for the late fifth century,but it was, I think,a passingphase. I believethat the democracyof which fifth-centuryAthenians were proudly consciousdid not come into existenceaccidentially, as a by-productof factionalmanoeuvring or foreignpolicies, but was broughtto completionin the middleof thefifth century by menwho seriouslybelieved that the stateought to be runon democraticlines.111 The appealto the dimos,by Periclesand by Cleon in theirdifferent styles, reflects this attitude; without it I doubtif the Old Oligarchwould have describedthe Atheniandemocracy as ruleby the lower classesin theirown interests.112In the fourthcentury this motif disappears: after two experiencesof oligarchybased not on patronage but on violence,every one accepteddemocracy, but we no longerfind the old enthusiasmfor it; Isocratesand others talked of theGood Old Days,Plato and pointed out theweaknesses of democracy,Demosthenes' opponents accused him of being undemocraticwhile he accused themof beingunpatriotic; 113 but no one foundit necessaryto paradehis devotionto the d&mos as Periclesand Cleon had done. The importanceof oratoryis undeniable.The sophiststaught the artsof argumentand rhetoricas thosewhich were needed for politicalsuccess (Plato's defines as 'the art of usingwords to persuadejurors in a lawcourtand councillorsin a council-chamberand membersin an assembly,and in everyother meeting which is of a politicalnature'"14); and the Atheniansbecame connoisseurs of politicalspeeches (Thucydides' Cleon describesthem as spectatorsof words,hearers of deeds,judgingthe possibility of futureacts from those who make good speechesto recommendthem, and past acts from those who appraisethem well, not regardingfacts they have seen for themselvesas morereliable than facts they havemerely heard of' 15s). Presentation may have counted for too much and substance for too little, but the Athenian citizen is more likely than the modern M.P. to have gone to a meeting intending to make up his mind as a result of the debate. Pericles left no written works,"6 but he is said to have been the first man to write out a lawcourt speech in advance; 'i and we have ample evidence of 100 Ar. 732, 1340-4, cf. Thuc. ii 43.2. 312-14. 101 Eq. (Pericles) Ath. Pol. 27.3-4, Plu. Per.9.2-3. 110 Wealth 117. 102 Plu. Per. 12-14. "' Cf. Rhodes, CAH v2, ch. iv, forthcoming. 103 112 Xen. Mem. i 2.II. [Xen.] Ath. Pol., esp. 1.1-9. 104 Wealth114-15. 113 Cf. Rhodes, LCM iii (1978) 208-9. 105 114 Plu. Per. 16.3-4. Plat. Gorg. 452el-4. 106 Plu. Nic. 3-4-1. 11s Thuc. iii 107 38.4. Thuc. iii 36.6 cf. iv 21.3. 116Plu. Per.8.7. 108 Ath. 117 Suid. Pol. 28.3 with Rhodes, Comm. 352-4; cf. TlEpIKA'S (fI I18o). On Periclesas a 207 Kock on see Kock. Eupolisfr.109 Syracosius. persuasivespeaker Eupolisfr.94 Rhodes, Boule lo5-8, 235-40, CJ lxxv (1979/80)

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.63 on Tue, 13 Nov 2012 07:27:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions POLITICAL ACTIVITY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS 141 the importanceof oratory,in the assemblyand in the lawcourts,for the centuryafter his death. The word rhetor,indeed, comes almost to mean'politician'. The sophistsalso introduced theoretical discussion of variouspolitical topics: whether states ought to be ruledby one man,a selectfew or the many;whether one needsparticular skills to know what is best for one's state (discussed, for instance, in Plato's ;1s Book iii of Xenophon'sMemorabilia begins with five chapterson whatis requiredof good militaryofficers followedby two on whatis requiredof good politicians).This, I think,is theorigin of theidea of thepolitician and the soldieras specialists, like the doctorand the cobbler.The administrationof the DelianLeague required a graspof detail,which musthave beenpossessed by the political leaderswho interestedthemselves in the subjectbut can hardlyhave been possessedby every citizenwho attendedthe assemblyto vote on the subject;"'9but thereis no evidencethat in the fifthcentury the Atheniansdeparted from the principlethat civilian jobs couldbe doneby any public-spiritedcitizen. When Pericles and Nicias avoid dinner parties to concentrateon affairsof state,120they arecultivating their reputation as full-timepoliticians, but they arenot claiming the possessionof any specialexpertise.121 It is only when we come to the middleof the fourth century, to such works as Demosthenes' speech On the Symmoriesand Xenophon's Revenues, to suchadministrators as Eubulusand Lycurgus,that we find men displayingfinancial expertise (we know hardlyanything about the poristai,providers [sc. of revenue],of the late fifth century,122but thereis no reasonto supposethat they were of a differentnature from other fifth-centuryofficials). Expertise of anotherkind is to be foundin Aeschines,who heldvarious secretarial posts123 (and learned the art of public speaking as an actor124) before he entered politics, and the statement that Lycurgus employed the services of an Olynthian who was 'most capable with regard to decrees'125 is so strange that I am prepared to believe it. Apart from the appearance of experts, there is a change in the kind of man who rises to the top in politics: no longer usually the well-born,126 after a while no longer necessarily the rich; and with a premium on rhetorical skill we find in Demosthenes and Hyperides an anticipation of what was to become common in the late Roman Republic, the man who comes to politics from writing speeches for the lawcourts. Davies shows, interestingly, that the new-style politicians were not always from rich families, did not make political marriages, and failed to transmit their skill and their political standing to their sons and grandsons, but the specialist generals of the fourth century were still from rich families and did still tend to belong to or to found dynasties.127 Those who could afford to do so continued to use their wealth in ways that would advertise their public-spiritedness and win them supporters: with Demosthenes' contrast of himself with Midias and Aeschines,128 with Lycurgus' attack on Leocrates,129 we are in the same atmosphere as with the speeches of Antiphon and Lysias; the allusions to the supporters hired by Chares and

118 Plat. Prot. 318e5-320ocI, 322CI-328d2, cf. Thuc. powerfulsupporter of contestantsin the law-courtsand vi 39.1 (Athenagoras),[Xen.] Ath. Pol. 1.6-7, Arist. Pol. the assembly. iii 281a39-bI5. 122See Rhodes,Comm. 356, citing Ant. vi 49, Ar. 119 This need for administrativeskill is stressedby A. Ran. 1505. 123 Andrewes, Phoenix xvi (1962) 83-4, S. Hornblower, Dem. xix 200, 237, 249, xviii 261, 265. 124 The Greekworld, 479-323 Bc (London 1983), 123-6; but Dem. xix 2oo, 246, 337, xviii 129, 180, 265. 125 W. E. Thompson, Classical contributions... M. F. [Plu.] X Orat. 842c. McGregor(n. 40) 153-9, argues that a political leader 126Cf. Ath. Pol. 28.I. 127 needed charismamore than skill. Finley, Politics77-82, Wealth117-30. Humphreys,CJ lxxiii (1977/8) writes in terms of a division of labour among the 99-ioo= Family24-6, discussesthe circumstancesin 'expert-lieutenants'of the leading politicians. which marriagecould be politically significantin 120 Cf p. 139 with n. 98, above. Athens. Privatewealth was an advantageto fourth- 121 According to Plu. Nic. 6.2 Nicias attributed his centurygenerals because they might have to dip into successesnot to his ability but to fortune. Thuc. viii 68.I their own pockets when public provisionfor their writes of Antiphon that he avoided public appearances, campaignswas inadequate. was suspected by the masses because of his reputation 128 Cf. p. 137 with n. 60, above. for BEIv6rris ('cleverness',still not expertise), and was a 129 Cf p. 138 with n. 65, above.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.63 on Tue, 13 Nov 2012 07:27:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 142 P. J. RHODES Midias130 suggest that little has changed;the conspicuousupstart131 Demades is found not only as choregus132and trierarchbut even as a chariot-racer133 (which I think is a piece of social ostentation,not a political investiment134). But a politicianwho, like Aeschinesor Demades, is worth substantialbribes and so can enrich himself by his political activity has alreadybecome a man of influence and importance.

How could a man rise to that level? How, particularly,could a man with no inherited advantages,with no family distinctionto give him a start,with no money to build up a clientela or advertisehimself as a public-spiritedcitizen? Athens, unlike Rome, did not have a political careerstructure with many men at the lower levels and some of them climbing to the top. There were many officeswhich a man might hold; ,even in the fifth and fourth centuries,were more importantthan inspectorsof weights and measures, and they had the advantage that their term of office was followed by life membershipof the ;but the archonshipsand most other civilian officeswere filled by lot and could be held only for one year in a man's life; most could not be rankedin any order of importance;and for nearly all one became eligible at the age of thirty. Life might be short, and an ambitiousman would not want to wait until he was thirty to startattracting public attention: Xenophon in the Memorabiliawrites of attempting to be a public speaker (8rllprlyopETv) and eager to become a political leader when he was not yet twenty.135 What could he do? The answer given by Socratesis that he needs to acquireknowledge-of Athens' revenue and expenditure,her own and her enemies' strength, the defence of the , the corn supply.136 Other answers can be given too. He could attach himself to some one already active in politics, to learn from him and to be supportedby his supporters(this is not invalidatedby the fact that Plutarch'sexamples begin with the chronologicallyunlikely attachmentof Aristidesto Cleisthenes).'37Such a coursewas easierfor those who alreadyhad connections,but possiblefor all: Aeschinesseems to have entered politics as a supporterof Aristophon.138 From the age of twenty (probably)139 he could attend the assembly,vote and even try to make speeches(though the oldest citizens were invited to speak first, in theory if not in classicalfact140). A rich man could learnrhetoric from a professionalteacher, but a poor man might discovera naturalgift for speaking,in his deme assemblyand then in the city assembly:we have noticed Aeschines'career as an actor;141and Demades was an extempore speaker142who left no written works.'43 He could attend the lawcourts, as a spectator, and indeed as a witness, speaker or even litigant (though he could not serve as a magistrateor on ajury until he was thirty144).A man who was rich and whose father had died (so that he was in control of his own property) could perform liturgies: we first encounter Pericles at the age of about twenty-two,145 as choregus for Aeschyluswhen the Persaewas produced.146Apollodorus, son of the former slave Pasion, spent large sums on an extravagantstyle of life and on liturgies.147Once the age of thirty was reached, a man could start holding the various civilian offices which were filled by lot, and a man without

130 Cf. p. 138 with nn. 83-4; above. 131 Pace E. Badian,JHS lxxxi 34 n. 134. An Seni 784c-d. to those who 132 (1961) Lys. xvi 20 replies He was particularlyostentatious as choregus:Plu. disapprove of young speakers. F. Bourriot, Hist. xxxi Phoc. 30.5-6. (1982) 417 with n. 63, suggests that only an exceptional 133 Davies, A.P.F. Ioo-I. man would propose a decree before he was thirty. 134 Cf pp. 137-8 above. 141 Cf p. 141 with n. 124, above. 142 135 Xen. Mem. iii 6.I. Plu. Dem. 8.7, 1o.1. 136 Xen. Mem. iii 6.2-18. 143 Cic. Brut. 36, Quint. ii 17.13, xii 10.49. 137 Plu. An Seni 790e-79Ia, Praec.Ger. Reip. 8o5e-f, 144 Magistrates: Rhodes, Comm. 51o; jurors: Ath. An Seni also Arist. Pol. oath Dem. (cf. 795c-d), 2.I. 63.3, ap. xxiv 151. 138 Dem. xix 291, xviii 162. SimilarlyPolyaenus 145 Davies, A.P.F. 457. became 146 known as a friend of Sostratus:Lys. ix 13-14. IG ii2 2318. 9--11. 139 Rhodes, Boule 173, from Xen. Mem. iii 6.1. 147 Davies, A.P.F. 440-2. 140 Rhodes, Boule37-8, citing Aeschin.i 23, iii 2, Plu.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.63 on Tue, 13 Nov 2012 07:27:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions POLITICALACTIVITY IN CLASSICALATHENS 143 other advantagesmight be particularlylikely to do this: Aeschines,we have noticed,held varioussecretarial posts;'48 Eubulus, we happento know from an inscription,was one of the nine archonsin 370/69.149 Furtheropportunities were provided by thearmy: Aeschines had a good militaryrecord.50o Trainingwas available for young men of eighteenand nineteen until the mid 33o's,and was then madecompulsory.'5' Otherwise Spartan training is regularlycontrasted with Athenianlack of it,152 but it is hardto believethat Atheniansoldiers never joined their regimentsexcept to confrontthe enemy:Andrewes has suggested that the Athenianarmy drilled not as a wholebut in smallunits, perhaps trittys-based.153 Though in the fourthcentury there was a tendencyfor the generalshipto becomea separateprofession, 14 a militaryreputation was an importantpart of the reputationof a leadingcitizen, and inspiring confidence as a militaryofficer was one more way in whicha mancould gain the support of thecitizens as a whole,and particularly those of his own tribe. Militaryoffices were filled by election,re-election was possible without limit, and there was a hierarchyof offices.l55The young, epheboiat any rateafter the mid 330's,had theirown officers.'56It hasnormally been assumed that for the regularoffices, as for the civilianposts, one hadto be overthirty. 157 The only careerwhich has been seen as an obstacleis thatof : an entryin Harpocration,derived from the Atthides,uses the verbstrategein of him in 391/0,158 when accordingto other sourceshe was little over twenty;159 but the troops he was commandingwere mercenaries, so he maynot havebeen an Atheniangeneral then. It is implied in the oligarchicconstitution of summer41 I in Ath.Pol. that the agerequirement does not exist for generals(but that could be a matterof carelessdrafting or summarising);160the requirement doesexist for all militaryofficers in the 'future' in chapter30.161 In thepresent state of ourevidence I amprepared to keepto thenormal assumption for generals; but I amnot so sure that it is correctfor the other offices.The officershad to be men who could be trustedas commanders,as the Atheniansrecognised in their method of appointment.In Xenophon's MemorabiliaNicomachides is disappointedwhen he is not electedgeneral after serving as and taxiarchbut an inexperiencedman is elected:162 I shouldlike to think that normally experiencewas rewarded, and that ifa manwas elected general when barely thirty it wasbecause he had alreadybeen able to prove himselfin one or more of the lower offices. was entrustedby Chabriaswith the commandof the fleet'sleft wing at Naxosin 376,when he was

148 oo with above. existed but were not Cf .p. n. 123, -fighting highly thought of; 149 SEG xix 133, 4. Arist. Pol. viii 1338b24-9 says that once only the 15o Aeschin.ii 167-9. Spartanstrained but now all do; there must have been 151 p. 135 with nn. 33-4, above. some training for the contest in euandria at the 152 Thuc.Cf. ii 39.1, 4 (Pericles), Xen. Mem. iii 5.15, Panathenaea, a competition in military prowess 12.5. between tribal teams (Ath. Pol. 60.3 with Rhodes, 153 The Greeks (London 1967), 150: cf. Xen. L.P. Comm.676). I 1.7, Plu. Pel. 23.4; see also P. J. Bicknell (n. 4) 21 with 154 Cf Isoc. viii 54-5, Plu. Phoc. 7.5-6. n. 67, Siewert, 141-5. 155 Ath. Pol. 43.1, 61, 62.3; for the Ar. Trittyen, hierarchy cf. R. T. Ridley, AC xlviii (1979) 508-48, esp. 530-47, Av. 798-800. looks for evidence that Athenian trained;W. K. 156 F. W. Mitchel, TAPA xcii (1961) 347-57: e.g. Pritchett, The Greek state at war ii (Berkeley and Los Hesperia ix no. 8=0. W. Reinmuth, The Ephebic Angeles 1974) 208-3 i, studies military training and on inscriptionsof the fourth centuryBC (Mnem. Supp. xiv p. 217 concludes that there was no compulsory training [1971]), no. 9, i 20-31. for Athenian hoplites. E. L. Wheeler in GRBS xxiii 157 E.g. C. Hignett, Historyof the Athenianconstitu- (1982) 223-33 follows Pritchett on the lack of training tion (Oxford 1952), 224. It is doubted by Pritchett, The at Athens (esp. 229-30 with n. 37) and arguesthat Greekstate at war ii (n. 153) 63 n. 17. pyrrhic dances were of little relevanceto military 158 Harpocration,?EVIKOv v (Andr. 324 F training, and in Chiron xiii (1983) I-20 discusses 48, Phil. 328 F 150). Kopivco, hoplomachoias 'military ' in the late fifth and 159 Just. vi 5.2, Oros. iii 1.21. 160 earlyfourth centuries and argues that they originated in Ath. Pol. 31.2 (31.3 on other officersis too brief to (cf. Hermippusfr. 83 Wehrliand Ephorus 70 F justify conclusions). 54, ap. Ath. iv 154d-e). Plat. Lach. and the 161 Ath. Pol. 30.2. 178a-I84c 162 other texts cited by Wheeler indicate that experts in Xen. Mem. iii 4.1.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.63 on Tue, 13 Nov 2012 07:27:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 144 P. J. RHODES twenty-six;163and it appearsin 'sSamia that Moschion had been phylarch while still young.164 We mightexpect a politicalcareer to be moredifficult for a manwithout inherited wealth and connections,165and the attainmentof a positionof importancetherefore to come rather laterin life:on the whole the evidencefor the politiciansof the Demosthenicperiod confirms this.Of menfrom a richbackground Aristophon, born in the430's, earnedateleia by hisconduct in 404/3,166 and was responsible for the re-enactment of Pericles'citizenship law in the followingyear;167 Androtion, born about410, had a politicalcareer of thirtyyears or more behindhim in the mid 350's;168Phocion, born in 402/I, was given a subordinatecommand at the age of twenty-six,169and when he diedat the age of eighty-threehad been general forty- threetimes;170 Hyperides, born in 390/89,171prosecuted Aristophon in 362;172Demosthenes, born in 384,173was active in politics from about 354;but Lycurgus,born about 390, is not heard of until343.174 Contrast with thesesome men fromhumbler backgrounds: Eubulus, born not laterthan 400 andone of the ninearchons in 370/69,175is not heardof in politicsuntil the mid 350's; Aeschines,born in the 390's,176 likewiseentered politics about the mid 350's. Demades andhis son Demeas present an effective contrast: the upstart father was born about 390,~ 77as one of theguarantors of theships which Athens lent to Chalcisin 341/0178he musthave become rich by then,but otherwisewe know nothingof his publiccareer until 338; the son,born perhaps in the 350's, was the authorof a decreeof the assembly179and was prosecutedby Hyperidess80 before321. Morework is needed,but I hopethat in thispaper I haveshed some light on politicalactivity in classicalAthens. P. J. RHODES Universityof Durham

163 Plu. Phoc.6.5 with 24.5. 172 Schol.Aeschin 28. 164 i 64, Hyp. iv Men. Sam.15. Accordingto 1.13he had been a 173 Davies, A.P.F. 123-6, Rhodes, Comm.497-8. choreguswhile his adoptive father was still alive: had he 174 Davies, A.P.F. 35o-I; first appearance [Plu.] X volunteeredwith his father'ssupport? Orat. 841e cf. some MSS of Dem. ix 72. 165 Dem. xviii 257-62 contrastshis own respectable 175 Cf. p. 143 with n. 149, above. with Aeschines'disreputable upbringing and career. 176 C. 398 D. M. Lewis,CR2 viii (1958) Io8; but Dr 166Dem. xx 148. E. M. Harriswill for the datewhich usedto be 167 argue Caryst.fr.11 Miller ap. Ath. xiii 577b-c. c. 390. 168 accepted, Dem. xxii 66, xxiv 173. 177 His and his son's birth dates:Davies, A.P.F. Ioo. 169 Cf p. 143 with n. 163, above. 178 IG ii2 1623 188-9. 170 179 Plu. Phoc.8.2. Hesperiaxiii no. 5 (non-probouleumetic,pace 171 Thisis the correctinference from the factthat he A.P.F. Davies, IOI). was a diaititisin 330/29 (IG ii2 1924 11), contr.Davies, 180 Hyp.frr. 87-91,92-3, Kenyon= 26B, 33B Burtt. A.P.F. 518.

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