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Redalyc.MOBILIZATION, PARTISANSHIP, and POLITICAL
Caribbean Studies ISSN: 0008-6533 [email protected] Instituto de Estudios del Caribe Puerto Rico Wright, Micah MOBILIZATION, PARTISANSHIP, AND POLITICAL PARTY DYNAMICS IN PUERTO RICO, 1917-1920s Caribbean Studies, vol. 42, núm. 2, julio-diciembre, 2014, pp. 41-70 Instituto de Estudios del Caribe San Juan, Puerto Rico Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=39240402002 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative MOBILIZATION, PARTISANSHIP, AND POLITICAL PARTY DYNAMICS... 41 MOBILIzATION, PARTISANShIP, AND POLITICAL PARTy DyNAMICS IN PUERTO RICO, 1917-1920s Micah Wright ABSTRACT This article posits the significance of Selective Service and WWI for reshaping colonial administration and political party dynamics in Puerto Rico. It examines the aspirations of significant political groups on the island and details how each attempted to use the draft to further their agendas. During the war each of the three major political parties in Puerto Rico—Unionists, Republicans, and Socialists—struggled to claim the U.S. cause as their own in order to attract Washington’s support for both a specific party and its favored solution to the status question. At the same time, the colonial administration and metropoli- tan authorities used the war to reshape the colonial relationship—but in contradictory ways. Rather than following the trend in the recent historiography that stresses the essential continuity in political practice after the war, this article highlights the changes that set the stage for the political and social upheaval of the 1920s. -
“Foreign in a Domestic Sense” Hispanic Americans in Congress During the Age of U.S
“Foreign in a Domestic Sense” hispanic americans in congress during the age of u.s. colonialism and global expansion, 1898–1945 On October 15, 1900, La correspondencia, a San Juan daily newspaper, described the qualities of a Resident Commissioner, a position recently created by the Foraker Act (31 Stat. 77–86) to provide Puerto Rico with representation in the U.S. House. The writer stated that such a “representative must be worthy of the trust of those he represents. He must earn that trust through his history, which is a record of the things he has accomplished for the good of the homeland, a justification of his intellectual qualities, a demonstration of his character, and evidence of his love of freedom.”1 Yet, the first Resident Commissioner, Federico Degetau, was not even allowed to set foot on the House Floor when the 57th Congress (1901–1903) assembled in December 1901. Many in Congress questioned the very existence of the position of Resident Commissioner and the ability of Puerto Ricans to participate in a democratic society. Many Members of Congress were confused by the island’s ambiguous position within the United States, classified as neither a state nor a territory. “Now, Mr. Chairman, Puerto Rico is either in the United States or out of it,” Representative Amos Cummings of New York declared during debate on the Foraker Act. “If the island is out of the United States, we have no business legislating for her here in any way whatever, and if she is in the United States, she is in the same condition as Arizona, New Mexico, Oklahoma, and the other Territories.” He concluded by suggesting facetiously that the Foraker Act “ought to be amended so as to be entitled, ‘An act to make a temporary purgatory for the island of Puerto Rico.’”2 The colonial conquests of the late 19th century, particularly in Puerto Rico and the Philippines, marked the first time the U.S. -
Mobilization, Partisanship, and Political Party Dynamics in Puerto Rico, 1917-1920S
MOBILIZATION, PARTISANSHIP, AND POLITICAL PARTY DYNAMICS... 41 Mobilization, PartisanshIP, and Political Party Dynamics IN Puerto Rico, 1917-1920s Micah Wright ABSTRACT This article posits the significance of Selective Service and WWI for reshaping colonial administration and political party dynamics in Puerto Rico. It examines the aspirations of significant political groups on the island and details how each attempted to use the draft to further their agendas. During the war each of the three major political parties in Puerto Rico—Unionists, Republicans, and Socialists—struggled to claim the U.S. cause as their own in order to attract Washington’s support for both a specific party and its favored solution to the status question. At the same time, the colonial administration and metropoli- tan authorities used the war to reshape the colonial relationship—but in contradictory ways. Rather than following the trend in the recent historiography that stresses the essential continuity in political practice after the war, this article highlights the changes that set the stage for the political and social upheaval of the 1920s. Keywords: Puerto Rico, political partisanship, colonial studies, World War I, Selective Service RESUMEN Este artículo postula la importancia del Servicio Selectivo y la Primera Guerra Mundial para la remodelación de la administración colonial y las dinámicas interpartidistas en Puerto Rico. Examina las aspiracio- nes de los tres principales partidos políticos de la Isla —Unionistas, Republicanos y Socialistas— y detalla cómo cada uno utilizó el servicio militar obligatorio para promover sus agendas. Durante la guerra cada uno luchó para reivindicar la causa de los Estados Unidos como propia para atraer el apoyo de Washington hacia el partido y su alternativa preferida para solucionar el problema del estatus político. -
Santiago Iglesias 1872–1939
H former members 1898–1945 H Santiago Iglesias 1872–1939 RESIDENT COMMISSIONER 1933–1939 COALITIONIST FROM PUERTO RICO mprisoned in San Juan when the Americans invaded arousing the suspicions of his fellow passengers aboard the Puerto Rico in 1898, Santiago Iglesias was a fiery ship, which was to route through Spain on its way to Great labor organizer who frequently ran afoul of Spanish Britain, he disembarked in San Juan, Puerto Rico, on Iauthorities. Eventually embracing American democratic December 26.6 principles, Iglesias became known as “Mr. Liberty” and the Iglesias’s arrival marked the beginning of a labor “He-Cinderella of Porto Rico.”1 Born in poverty in Spain, movement in Puerto Rico that was previously nonexistent Iglesias, the former radical who was eventually considered because of oppressive Spanish labor laws.7 As a carpenter the “dean of the Puerto Rican politicians” and a “staid helping to reinforce San Juan’s military fortifications, and dependable” public servant, was elected Resident Iglesias began organizing his fellow laborers. Two days Commissioner during a period of political upheaval.2 A after he arrived, Iglesias met with local labor leaders to tireless legislator, Iglesias espoused Puerto Rican statehood discuss starting a newspaper to promote their causes.8 along with greater local control, increased federal financial Iglesias’s impassioned speech in that initial meeting, assistance, and close political ties to the mainland United advocating participation in the international labor States. “Puerto Rico is American socially, politically,” he movement and decrying colonialism, vaulted him to concluded in his maiden speech on the House Floor. “And the unofficial position of the island’s labor leader. -
Viewpoints, Hiost Members of the Genera Tion of Munoz Rivera Had Considered That There Were Two Or Three Accepta Ble Solutions to Puerto Rico's Political Situation
INFORMATION TO USERS This material was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin photoing at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is continued again — beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding of the dissertation. -
Military Service, Popular Political Mobilization and the Creation of Modern Puerto Rican National Identities: 1868-1952
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Open Access Dissertations 5-2010 Fighting For the Nation: Military Service, Popular Political Mobilization and the Creation of Modern Puerto Rican National Identities: 1868-1952 Harry Franqui University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Franqui, Harry, "Fighting For the Nation: Military Service, Popular Political Mobilization and the Creation of Modern Puerto Rican National Identities: 1868-1952" (2010). Open Access Dissertations. 229. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/229 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Open Access Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FIGHTING FOR THE NATION: MILITARY SERVICE, POPULAR POLITICAL MOBILIZATION AND THE CREATION OF MODERN PUERTO RICAN NATIONAL IDENTITIES: 1868-1952 A Dissertation Presented by HARRY FRANQUI Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May 2010 University of Massachusetts/Five College Graduate Program in History © Copyright by Harry Franqui 2010 All Rights Reserved FIGHTING FOR THE NATION: MILITARY SERVICE, POPULAR POLITICAL MOBILIZATION AND THE CREATION -
A History of Socialism in Chile and Cuba"
View metadata, citation andbrought similar to you papers by CORE at core.ac.uk !M LATIM AMERICA SOCIALISM provided by K-State... "A HISTORY OF SOCIALISM IN CHILE AND CUBA" by CARLOS SANTIAG0-G0N7ALEZ B.A., Kansas State University, 1984 A MASTER'S REPORT submitted in partial fullment of the requirements for the decree MASTER OF ARTS Department of Political Science KANSAS STATE UNIVERSITY Manhattan, Kansas 1PR7 Approved by: Major Professor -^ A11BD7 303131 ^^^^ .^^ TABLE OF CONTENTS ?v.sc \°\n CHAPTER ONE: Introduction Saivo c, X CHAPTER TWO: A History of Socialism in Chile CHAPTER THREE A History of Socialism in Cuba CHAPTER FOUR: Conclusion Footnotes Bibliography Appendices A. Acronyms B. Spanish phrases, names or words C. Presidential Elections. Results of 1952, 1958, 1964, 1970 in Chile. IHTRODUCTION Between the years 1804 and 1825, all of the present independent Latin Anerican countries were established, except three. The Domin- ican Republic, gained independence from Spain in 1848, Cuba in 1902 and Panama was established out of present-day Colombia in 1903.1 Democratic socialist parties, that is, parties that have been ideologically (to various degrees) closely aligned with the parties of the so-called second, or socialist, international, have existed in many of the Latin American countries. The older ones date from the last decades of the 19th century. With one or two exceptions, the democratic socialist parties have not developed into major parties. Furthermore, in recent decades the group as a whole has tended to decline in importance, some of the parties disappearing altogether and others undergoing damaging schisms. Most have lost influence in the labor movement and other groups in which they were formerly important. -
Redalyc. Playing and Eating Democracy: the Case of Puerto
Centro Journal City University of New York. Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños [email protected] ISSN (Versión impresa): 1538-6279 LATINOAMERICANISTAS 2006 Ismael García Colón PLAYING AND EATING DEMOCRACY: THE CASE OF PUERTO RICO’S LAND DISTRIBUTION PROGRAM, 1940S–1960s Centro Journal, fall, año/vol. XVIII, número 002 City University of New York. Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños New York, Latinoamericanistas pp. 167-189 Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina y el Caribe, España y Portugal Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México http://redalyc.uaemex.mx García(v4).qxd 10/19/06 10:25 PM Page 166 CENTRO Journal Volume7 xv1ii Number ii fall 2006 Playing and eating democracy: The Case of Puerto Rico’s land distribution program, 1940s–1960s ISMAEL GARCÍA-COLÓN ABSTRACT In the early 1940s, the colonial government of Puerto Rico with the consent of the U.S. federal government began to elaborate a land reform. Under Title V of the Land Law of 1941, the government established resettlement communities for landless families. One of their goals was to transform landless agricultural workers into an industrial and urban labor force by teaching them “democratic, industrial, and modern” habits. Government officials distributed land to landless families through lotteries, portraying the ceremonies as acts of democracy. Community education programs produced literature, films, and posters aimed at fostering development and political participation. The colonial state intended to mold landless workers into new citizens but land distribution and its effects over the population were uneven, disorganized, and sometimes contradictory. Landless workers and residents of land distribution communities maneuvered within, escaped from, and shaped those government policies. -
The Puerto Rican Diaspora to the United States
THE PUERTO RICAN DIASPORA TO THE UNITED STATES: A POSTCOLONIAL MIGRATION?1 Jorge Duany In 1953, the General Assembly of the United Nations removed Puerto Rico from its list of ‘non- self-governing territories’. Officially, the Island was no longer considered a ‘colony’ of the United States. Since then, the US government has repeatedly claimed that the Puerto Rican people have exercised their right to self-determination, that they adopted their own Constitution, that they have attained self-government and that they are freely associated with the United States (Mekdad, 2002). The leaders of Puerto Rico’s Popular Democratic Party (PDP), who favour the current political status, insist that in 1952 the Island entered into a ‘bilateral compact’ with the United States. That year, 81.9 per cent of the Island’s electorate approved the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico (Estado Libre Asociado, in Spanish, or ‘Associated Free State’). From this perspective, Puerto Rico may be deemed a ‘postcolonial’ state that has received the consent of the majority of the governed. This state is characterised by free elections, a competitive party system, respect for human rights and legal protection of civic liberties, as well as extensive welfare and social programmes. However, the exact nature of the relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States has been intensely disputed since the creation of the Commonwealth. Both independence supporters and proponents of the Island’s incorporation as the fifty-first state of the American union have denounced the continuing ‘colonial’ relations between Puerto Rico and the United States. The Island remains under the ‘plenary power’ of the US Congress, and residents of Puerto Rico do not enjoy all the constitutional rights and privileges of US citizenship. -
Reconstruction and Empire: Legacies of the U.S
Reconstruction and Empire: Legacies of the U.S. Civil War and Puerto Rican Struggles for Home Rule, 1898-1917 Sam Erman TABLE OF CONTENTS I. “T HAT PORTO RICO BE A BROTHER IN THE FAMILY AND NOT A SLAVE ,” 1897-1900 ....................................................... 8 II. “WE STUDY HISTORY AND SEE . THE SCANDALS OF THE SOUTH REPEATED ,” 1900-1908 .............................................. 21 III. “WE HAVE HAD . WHAT I TERM A ‘C ARPETBAG GOVERNMENT ,’” 1909-1912 ................................................... 31 IV. “T HE SAME SAD REASON OF WAR AND CONQUEST WHICH LET LOOSE OVER THE SOUTH ,” 1913-1917 ................ 35 V. CONCLUSION ........................................................................... 45 APPENDIX : LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ............................................ 51 Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2036696 Reconstruction and Empire: Legacies of the U.S. Civil War and Puerto Rican Struggles for Home Rule, 1898-1917 Sam Erman* The Civil War and U.S. Empire transformed U.S. relationships among race, law, and constitutionalism in the late-19 th and early-20 th centuries. Traditional accounts portray these events as iterative, with Republicans and the Supreme Court abandoning ideals of Reconstruction just in time for the United States – through annexation from Spain of Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines – to take a deliberate imperial turn in 1898-1899. That account is wrong. As recent scholarship has anticipated, debates over meanings of the Civil War, the early postbellum period, and the Reconstruction Amendments to the Constitution raged on into the 20th century. Puerto Rican leaders perceived the dynamic. Across 1898-1917, they sought traction with U.S. officials by asserting that political and constitutional issues arising from U.S. empire were best understood with reference to the Civil War and its aftermath. -
Origins of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico in the Context of United States Strategic Interests in the Caribbean (1938-1950)
Minnesota State University, Mankato Cornerstone: A Collection of Scholarly and Creative Works for Minnesota State University, Mankato All Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Other Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Other Capstone Projects Capstone Projects 1995 Origins of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico in the Context of United States Strategic Interests in the Caribbean (1938-1950) Francisco J. Gonzalez Sosa Minnesota State University, Mankato Follow this and additional works at: https://cornerstone.lib.mnsu.edu/etds Part of the Military History Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Gonzalez Sosa, F. J. (1995). Origins of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico in the Context of United States Strategic Interests in the Caribbean (1938-1950) [Master’s thesis, Minnesota State University, Mankato]. Cornerstone: A Collection of Scholarly and Creative Works for Minnesota State University, Mankato. https://cornerstone.lib.mnsu.edu/etds/829/ This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Other Capstone Projects at Cornerstone: A Collection of Scholarly and Creative Works for Minnesota State University, Mankato. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Other Capstone Projects by an authorized administrator of Cornerstone: A Collection of Scholarly and Creative Works for Minnesota State University, Mankato. ORIGINS OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF PUERTO RICO IN THE CONTEXT OF UNITED STATES STRATEGIC INTERESTS IN THE CARIBBEAN (1938-1950) by Francisco J. Gonzalez Sosa A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Mankato State University Mankato, Minnesota June, 1995 Date __·._· l_j '-"'...,.�__ / l--,,L.--1 l.:,_(_i· ':J_-_ A- ; This thesis paper has been examined and approved. -
Cultural Identity and Language in Post-World War II Puerto Rico Joanna Marie Camacho Escobar University of Texas at El Paso, [email protected]
University of Texas at El Paso DigitalCommons@UTEP Open Access Theses & Dissertations 2017-01-01 Aquí se habla español: Cultural Identity and Language in Post-World War II Puerto Rico Joanna Marie Camacho Escobar University of Texas at El Paso, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.utep.edu/open_etd Part of the Latin American History Commons, Latin American Languages and Societies Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, Other French and Francophone Language and Literature Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Camacho Escobar, Joanna Marie, "Aquí se habla español: Cultural Identity and Language in Post-World War II Puerto Rico" (2017). Open Access Theses & Dissertations. 417. https://digitalcommons.utep.edu/open_etd/417 This is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UTEP. It has been accepted for inclusion in Open Access Theses & Dissertations by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UTEP. For more information, please contact [email protected]. AQUÍ SE HABLA ESPAÑOL: CULTURAL IDENTITY AND LANGUAGE IN POST-WORLD WAR II PUERTO RICO JOANNA MARIE CAMACHO ESCOBAR Doctoral Program in Borderlands History APPROVED: Sandra McGee-Deutsch, Ph.D., Chair Jeffrey P. Shepherd, Ph.D. Brad Cartwright, Ph.D. Cynthia Bejarano, Ph.D. Charles Ambler, Ph.D. Dean of the Graduate School Copyright © by Joanna Marie Camacho Escobar 2017 Dedication I dedicate this work to my grandparents and great grandparents, José, Providencia, Fernando, Priscilla, and Leon, Felicita, Ignacio, Luisa, and those who passed too young for me to meet them. Our past was obscured by poverty, I only hope to shed some light into your lives.