Female Transnational Migration, Religion and Subjectivity: the Case of Indonesian Domestic Workers

Asia Paciﬁc Viewpoint, Vol. 49, No. 3, December 2008 ISSN 1360-7456, pp344–353

Female transnational migration, religion and subjectivity: The case of Indonesian domestic workers

Catharina P. Williams School of Physical, Environmental and Mathematical Sciences, The University of New South Wales at the Australian Defence Force Academy, Canberra ACT, Australia. Email: [email protected]

Abstract: Drawing on an analysis of in-depth interviews with returned migrant women from East Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia, this paper considers the links between migration, religious beliefs and subjectivity. Low-skilled migrant women, including domestic workers, have often been represented as marginalised. This paper argues that in the context of migration, women constantly move through trajectories of power using religion as a spiritual resource. Against the commonly patriarchal char- acteristics of their religion and community, the women employ cognitive strategies to face challenges in migration. In each stage of their transnational migration, the women’s experiences reveal the multitude of ways in which they continue to invest in their beliefs through everyday practices, rituals and networking. These experiences highlight the women’s strategies in accessing different forms of power. This study demonstrates the signiﬁcance of focusing on these women’s experiences, including their everyday religious practices and their shifting sense of self, as a way of broadening the conceptual basis of our understanding of female migration.

Keywords: Eastern Indonesia, female migration, religion, subjectivity

Eastern Indonesian women’s mobility 1990s, contract migration has increased steadily to meet the rising demand for domestic Every day, hundreds of Indonesian women pass helpers in Asian metropolitan areas such as through cramped ports, stations and terminals. Hong Kong, Singapore and Kuala Lumpur On buses, ferries and ships, women are on the (Hugo, 2000). Remittances from domestic work move as part of a relatively recent stream of also have increasing significance to both the migrants seeking work and opportunity in government and the families of individual places away from home. Recent increases in workers (Heyzer and Wee, 1994; Barbicˇ and female migration in Indonesia reflect a general Miklavcˇicˇ-Brezigar 1999), particularly in the rise in population mobility, which is linked to aftermath of the financial crisis in 1998 in Indo- rising incomes, education and better com- nesia. Remittances made by women working munication and transport services (Hill, 1996). abroad help sustain the household purchasing Women’s mobility also positively correlates power at home (Hugo, 2000). Following the with their participation in the labour market, crisis, more than one million Indonesian con- particularly in the fast-growing sectors of edu- tract workers migrated abroad, with three quar- cation and health services that provide sources ters of them working as domestic helpers. of mass employment (Oey-Gardiner, 1997; This paper focuses on the movement of Manning, 1998). Indonesia’s integration into women from one of the poorest and least devel- the global economy provides a further context oped regions in Indonesia: the province of East for women’s increased mobility. Globalisation Nusa Tenggara. The province suffers from the accelerates flows of finance, goods and infor- combined effects of remoteness, inadequate mation as well as movements of people, includ- infrastructure and limited natural resources ing transnational migration. Since the early (Corner, 1989). It is a diverse region of scattered

© 2008 The Author doi: 10.1111/j.1467-8373.2008.00382.x Journal compilation © 2008 Victoria University of Wellington Female transnational migration, religion and subjectivity islands with hilly and mountainous topography, away, and self and other. The movement of limited arable land, poor soils, aridity and a migration is more than a physical act of shifting small dispersed population that occupies between one geographical location or cultural pockets of fertile land pursuing subsistence experience and another. Through migration, a lifestyles. Difficulties in transport and commu- woman crosses from a space of familiarity to the nication create a sense of isolation (Jones and unknown, heightening her sense of self. She is Raharjo, 1995). The region consists of 4.7 no longer confined to her gendered identity at million hectares of land supporting 4.3 million home as a mother, sister or daughter. Moving inhabitants, 90% of whom are Christians physically in space as a transnational migrant (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2005). With less provides women with an opportunity to imagi- than 20% of the population living in urban natively redefine themselves and adopt new areas, it is one of the least urbanised and subject positions as a waged worker, an urban poorest provinces in Indonesia with a low resident and commuter, a consumer, someone annual gross regional product per capita – with admittedly limited free time. Migration Rp756 000 (real 2000 price) (UNDP, 2004). In stimulates ‘the self-conscious recognition’ of 2000, I spent six months following some of the one’s position and a move beyond it (Blunt and trails of Eastern Indonesian women as they Rose, 1994: 16). moved by sea, from the islands of Flores and Liberating and exciting though it may be, this Timor in East Nusa Tenggara to the urban shift in sense of self or subjectivity is not easy. centres of Surabaya (East Java) and Makassar Young women’s mobility in East Nusa Tenggara (Sulawesi). In 2007, I made two follow-up visits is viewed differently from men’s. The gender to Central and East Flores also Kupang where I division of labour and space assigns women conducted interviews with some of the returned to home (Vatter, 1932; Tule, 2004). Therefore, migrants. The field research conducted in 2000 travel and autonomous migration are mainly a focused on the popular migration destinations man’s entitlement. Women’s mobility is usually established by census data, and also on the associated with family migration; hence, a places of origin of the migrants and was con- single woman who chooses to migrate is an ducted while travelling on boats in the region.1 exception. Her mobility may be viewed as a During my very first fieldwork voyage in disruption, containing tensions and contradic- Eastern Indonesia, I met a young woman in a tions that require legitimation. As a head of kin boat who graciously shared ‘her space’ on the and household, a man is institutionalised in lower deck with me. Not only did she literally adat (customary law) to control women’s give me a space on a wooden bench to sit on, mobility by his power over decision-making. but metaphorically she also created a space for Male kinfolk assume responsibility for young me to start an ethnography of woman travellers, women’s protection and reputation (Tule, by readily sharing her stories as a migrant. The 2004). My concern in this paper is how women main purpose of her migration was to look for from relatively protected backgrounds negotiate opportunity. In this, her aims were similar to the radical shift in subjectivity that is part of the those of many migrants who see migration as a migration process. I focus on how women use search for a place where happiness may be religion to achieve their goals to obtain a degree found, ‘a utopian space of freedom, abundance of comfort and security throughout the difficult and transparency’, that would constitute a break stages of transnational migration. or ‘an inversion of everyday order’ where new Local tradition in Eastern Indonesia natura- opportunities and possibilities could emerge lises the notion of a woman carrying out her (Curtis and Pajaczkowska, 1994). gendered roles and duties with love and devo- Her story drew my attention to how contem- tion, as mother, sister, daughter and member of porary Eastern Indonesian women’s migration the clan and local community. Particularly for reflects the joint appeal of movement and of Lio (Flores) women, the self-sacrifice model is leaving home. Langgar laut, literally meaning magnified in the legend of the Rice Maiden (Ine ‘crossing the ocean’, also means ‘crossing the Mbu) who was prepared to die – to transform threshold of home’. This threshold is both cul- herself into rice – to feed others so they might tural and geographical, separating home and live (Orinbao, 1992). Christianity reinforces

© 2008 The Author 345 Journal compilation © 2008 Victoria University of Wellington C.P. Williams local tradition in serving others by ‘following In a nation that is predominantly Muslim, the God’s will’. As evident in the everyday ritual province of East Nusa Tenggara stands out for when they pray ‘Our Father..., Thy will be its predominantly Christian population. In my done ...’, local women resort to religion to research, I observed the importance of religion legitimise their leaving home and seeking in their daily lives. Some migrants referred to opportunity abroad. I reflect here on the stages following God’s will as a way of normalising of migration and the role that religion plays in their marginalised social and economic position the experience of migrating and moving into in the community – as a woman, with low eco- contested spaces (Tsing, 1993). nomic status and a member of a religious minority. Women told stories of how throughout the process of migration they drew strength from their religious belief as a way of coping and Religion, migration and women enduring any hardships. For them, their faith Despite the diversity and prominence of reli- provided a support through the transformative gious beliefs and practices among migrants, process of migration and stepping beyond the most contemporary international migration purview of their domestic supports and con- theories pay attention to the political and straints. The way that women’s agency emerges economic reasons of the transnational flows through this process and the shifting sense (Massey et al. 1994; Hagan and Ebaugh, 2003). of self that it entails (Gibson, 2001; Gibson- Hagan and Ebaugh point out that: Graham, 2006) must be taken into account in increasing our conceptual understanding of By relying on economic considerations in female international migration. driving the decision to migrate and social Feminist scholars offer insights into under- explanations for sustaining the process, theo- standing the complex influences on female ries of international migration have overlooked migration. They look to variables such as the cultural context of migration. More specifi- gender, class and race as determinants of female cally, they have not addressed the role of reli- mobility (see for example Pratt, 1992; Laws, gion in the migration process, especially the spiritual resources it provides for some immi- 1997; Bondi and Domosh, 1998; Lawson, grant populations in the decision to migrate 1998; Duncan and Gregory, 1999; McDowell, and the psychological effects of this on 1999; Yeoh and Huang, 1999a,b). Women’s migrants’ commitment to endure the hardship mobility in these approaches is connected with of the migration. (1146) a gendered space of home (Yeoh and Huang, 1999a,b). Women as a homemaker occupy a Certainly, the significant role of religion in marginalised private space that lacks economic migrants’ lives, particularly in their daily lives in and social status. When women migrate to the new place of destination, has been recogn- work, they move from one marginalised posi- ised since the 1950s in the classic writing tion to a different marginalised position relative of Handlin (1973) about America’s migration to their host community and employers. A experience. While he documents the impor- woman’s marginalised position is an issue of tance of religion in immigrant communities at power relations, whether and to what degree the place of destination, he does not address the one is being included or excluded in the equally important role of religious networks as network of relations existing in that particular part of the social infrastructure that supports the space. Feminist and post-colonial theorists act of migration. More recently, the centrality of problematise a simplistic take on migrant religion in the process of transnational migra- identities as marginal and analyse their ways tion has been analysed in the migration studies of negotiating and inhabiting multiple sub- in the context of the USA (see Levitt, 1998a,b; ject positions (Kofman and England, 1997; Yang and Ebaugh, 2001; Hagan and Ebaugh, McDowell, 1999; Gibson et al., 2001). Migra- 2003). The analytical emphasis on religion tion offers a contested space for women to in migration enables insights into the ways widen their subject positions and shift their sub- migrants access different forms of power by jectivities. As women define themselves in rela- drawing on spiritual resources. tion to others, when their networks expand, so

346 © 2008 The Author Journal compilation © 2008 Victoria University of Wellington Female transnational migration, religion and subjectivity do their subjectivities (Tsing, 1993; Blunt and life-changing decisions, including about migra- Rose, 1994). Given the relational context of tion. While young men are encouraged to women’s subject positions, Gilligan (1993) sug- migrate to seek knowledge and economic gests that women develop a conception of opportunity, women in the region traditionally morality that emphasises care and connection. travel as part of the family, so women’s autono- In contrast, men’s subject positions most likely mous mobility can still create a sense of social emphasise independence and objectivity. This unease. moral framework that shadows female relation- When I talked to local parents regarding ships provides insights into how women per- young women migrating abroad as domestic ceive connection, responsibility with others and workers, they typically indicated their disap- their relationship with God (Gilligan, 1993; proval or reluctance to let their daughters go. An Ozorak, 1996). Within this framework, women important aspect of a father’s role is guardian- commonly pay more attention to personal rela- ship of his daughter’s virtue. He assumes tionships with a loving God and with others in responsibility for the consequences of his the community of believers, while men are daughter’s migration abroad as a single woman. more likely to emphasise God’s judgement and Fathers in Flores give formal permission and personal spirituality (Ozorak, 1996). sign the required forms initiating the process of I now move on to explore the complexities of transnational migration but often do this reluc- women’s transnational migration and transform- tantly as unskilled women migrants (Tenaga ing subjectivities through the stories of women I Kerja Wanita/TKW) are unfortunately associated interviewed on my fieldwork. I have been par- with prostitution and abuse. From my discus- ticularly interested in the ‘creative ways in sions with local priests, I sense that they were which migrants use the institution of religion not comfortable with single women migrating and its beliefs and practices to organise the as domestic workers because of the possibility entire migration process’ (Hagan and Ebaugh, of becoming ‘impure’. Given the social mores 2003: 1147). Scholars of religion argue that of the region, migration is condoned only for even though many religions are characterised economic reasons, and religious beliefs are by patriarchal practices, women still invest in often called upon to further legitimise the their faith because of the potential rewards of decision. comfort, security, a sense of belonging and Maria, Netti and Liana went to Hong Kong as growth (Ozorak, 1996: 17). Most women in my contract domestic workers. All were still single study confirmed this assertion in the ways their and, according to the local custom, needed religious faith empowered them and gave them their male kin to give permission to migrate. a sense of belonging to negotiate their margina- Netti could not secure a job in the public lised positions. Drawing in particular on the service after graduating from high school. An stories of three women, Maria, Netti and Liana, earthquake in Ende in 1992 triggered her deci- I show that religion plays a central role in each sion to migrate to escape her family’s impover- stage of the migration process, from the initial ished way of life as farmers: decision to migrate, to the journey and the arrival abroad. My intention to travel started when there was an earthquake in 1992, and our house was destroyed. I wanted to go and earn money. We Stages of migration would have liked to start building the house straight away, but we didn’t have any money. Deciding to migrate: ‘Following God’s will’ ...(Fieldwork, 2000) Maria, Netti and Liana are from communities in Central Flores that are predominantly Catholic. The timing of the earthquake was taken as a sign Bishops, priests, male community group from God for Netti to move on. She played the leaders, heads of clans and fathers commonly role of the ‘dutiful daughter’ who would go and make decisions regarding public life. An earn money to help rebuild the family home. implied cultural assumption in this patriarchal Netti and others were quite sure that it was society is that women do not make significant God’s will that they found this opportunity to

© 2008 The Author 347 Journal compilation © 2008 Victoria University of Wellington C.P. Williams migrate at ‘the right time’, emphasising that ‘my income, young women use their beliefs and time’ is not necessarily ‘God’s time’, but ‘God’s faith to persuade fathers to let them go. They time is always the right time’. convince the family that God will look after Krause (2004) argues that women’s prayer is a them as they follow God’s will to help the complex, multidimensional phenomenon that family. affects their well-being, particularly when they feel that they acquire what they want. They hold The journey: ‘I felt brave because I had beliefs about their prayers being answered and my strong faith . . .’ about the timing and the ways prayers are answered. ‘When people pray, they have certain The next step of a domestic worker’s journey beliefs or expectations about the nature of the before leaving the country is going to Java. This response they hope to receive’ (Krause, 2004: in-transit period is also a time when the women 395). Liana’s prayer was answered when an are subjected to a series of physical and social opportunity for migration abroad came up at a examinations. These include a medical check- time when she was very disillusioned with her up, to make sure that they are physically healthy boyfriend. When her relationship ended, she and not pregnant, and a character investigation, avoided meeting people in her local community through criminal records held by the police, to in case they questioned her about her failed guarantee that they have not committed any marriage plan. Her accidental and rare meeting crime. They are also required to undergo an with a distant relative who had just returned intensive training course that accustoms them to from Hong Kong as a domestic worker met her domestic tasks, such as cooking, cleaning and need for a new direction. She needed no further simple sewing. There is no fixed training period encouragement to migrate abroad. For her, the because it depends on how quickly the poten- timing was perfect; it was ‘God’s right time’. tial domestic worker can be placed in employ- Liana referred to her migration as ‘God’s will’, ment. Often the women are videoed, so that alluding to her belief and the centrality of reli- potential employers can appraise their physical gion in the early stage of the migration decision- appearance. Many of the women whom I inter- making process. Others mentioned that their viewed were away from their family for the first prayers were answered during an unemploy- time and felt exposed without the protection of ment period, when they were able to link into their male kinfolk and they felt very anxious domestic workers’ networks and hence were because they had to wait in the dormitory for provided with information to migrate. Local between three to seven months. All of them social networks are significant in providing talked about their sense of frustration while in information and assisting migration from the transit. initial decision to migrate to the arrival in the On leaving the protected space of home, place of destination (Hugo, 1999a,b, 2000). most of the women were aware of the hardship When an opportunity to go abroad arose, as well as the temptations of living as a domes- these women grabbed it with both hands, giving tic helper in middle-class homes in urban areas. the reason of ‘following God’s will’. The positive The nature of domestic services would involve effect of this belief strengthened their resolve to being alone with their employers without their go through the complicated process of transna- male kin’s protection. Like other migrants, the tional migration. This reasoning underlies a women from Ende (Flores) use religious rituals, belief that ‘God provides’, which is quite a including prayers and worship services, in order strong conviction in their everyday life as they to survive the migration process (Kwilecki, mentioned it often. Various scholars have iden- 2004). Although not all coping mechanisms tified how prayers are responsible for producing are fully conscious, they represent proactive beneficial effects on well-being, including with decision-making and awareness in facing ways of dealing with stress (Krause, 2004; a challenging situation (Pargament, 1997; Kwilecki, 2004). Daughters in the region resort Kwilecki, 2004). to prayers when faced with the first stressful While in transit in Surabaya, waiting for period of migration – their decision to migrate. placement overseas, Maria experienced the In addition to promising to help with the family physical hardship of living in a crowded dormi-

348 © 2008 The Author Journal compilation © 2008 Victoria University of Wellington Female transnational migration, religion and subjectivity tory shelter and, worse still, sexual harassment of her behaviour and sexuality as expected of a during the job training in a middle-class home. good single woman and a daughter, although The challenge for Maria and others in the transit she is under a patriarchal subjection, her belief period is the mere uncertainty of future em- heightens a sense of self that emits power. Para- ployment, including relationships with future doxically, her tears, symbolically a sign of help- employers. In order for a woman to confront lessness, were strategically used to escape her harassment, she must first perceive it. Maria employer’s harassment. This episode reveals understood that she was being harassed when Maria’s coping strategy that empowered her her male employer made sexual innuendos. She through her belief and expectation that God felt vulnerable both when she stayed in the protects her. Women’s faith experience and shelter and when she worked at the employer’s cognitive strategies are known to be used to home. Yet Maria managed to maintain control empower themselves in challenging situations over the situation, to ‘stay brave’ (masih berani). (Ozorak, 1996). Women interpret their situation In this case, Maria’s faith helped her to cope: in the context of their religious belief and practices as strategies of self-empowerment while In Surabaya the employer I had for on-the-job struggling for everyday survival. Maria mounted training was a young unmarried man. I was her defence by being aware of her situation and only there for one day at his house when he found strength and power from her belief in came to me. I was asleep in my room when he God. She reinforced her belief through her daily tried to open the door to come in, but I had routine of prayers. locked it. Then after two weeks he tried again. One day after coming home from work, he asked me to come to his room. He asked me to The arrival: A community of faith give him a body massage . . . For most contract domestic workers, the culmi- I felt brave because I had my strong faith. I nation of the transnational migration involved cried in front of him so that he would come to arriving and working in the houses of their his senses. Perhaps he thought that I had not been aware of where that would lead to, foreign employers. For Maria, Liana, Netti and because I was not used to a big city such as the others, this was the destination of their travel Surabaya. But I kept on praying and praying where all their future economic expectations very hard, and finally he gave up and nothing lay. Distance from home allowed this group of happened between us ...(Fieldnote, 2000) women the opportunity to transform themselves and to achieve the financial independence of The risk of sexual harassment was a real fear their dreams. Their personal transformation was for all these women when they worked at their reflected in their physical appearance – short employers’ homes. One reason for this group hair, trendy T-shirts and jeans and a pair of travelling together from their village was to sneakers. Maria, Liana and Netti showed me minimise this risk. However, it was almost their photos after arriving in Hong Kong. They impossible for these women to have the same portrayed images of carefree young women job placement with one employer. Obviously, with sophisticated urban landscapes as back- Maria did not welcome her employer’s sexual grounds. Despite these physical transforma- advances. Maria’s moral ideals and her relation- tions, their belief and practices of religion ship to family, kin, community and the Church remained strong as shown in the following story. gave her a responsibility to uphold the notion of Most domestic workers in my study including ‘a good woman’ or wanita baik-baik. (Gilligan, Maria, Liana and Netti were conscious of the 1993; Ozorak, 1996). The multidimensional constraints imposed by employers and had effects of Maria’s religious beliefs are apparent the expectation to work hard. They learnt this when considering that, on one hand, she is through the informal networks of friends and actually placed under the Church’s and also ex-workers even before arrival. As they were to male kinfolk’s subjection as a weak person, but, be paid good money for their domestic services, on the other hand, her belief also keeps her they were ready to work hard. When Netti strong. This means that through particular prac- arrived at her employers’ home, she depicted tices of one’s belief such as remaining in control herself as being in ‘top gear’. She recollected

© 2008 The Author 349 Journal compilation © 2008 Victoria University of Wellington C.P. Williams her arrival, wearing her work uniform provided guide. The migrants’ participation in the faith by the employment agency, her hair was cut were emotional, social and spiritual acts as they short; no lipstick, other make-up or nail polish needed to be part of the community of faith. was used. She described her first day working The women agreed that they drew affirmation abroad as ‘siap berjuang’, which literally means through the religious rituals and social activities ‘ready for the battle!’ This metaphor reflects the together and described them as strengthening state officials’ perspective that migrant women their bonds as ‘a family’. They seemed to obtain are economic soldiers deployed to battle comfort, security and a sense of belonging against the country’s economic crisis (Chin, (Ozorak, 1996) and often referred to each other 1997: 366). The similarity of Netti’s arrival and as ‘sisters’. The spiritual bonds or connections background, stage of life, and particularly her include reaching out to spiritual friends and the faith, created a bond with other domestic notion that the connections are not coincidental workers from Flores. They formed into a small but reflect Divine provision (Kong, 2001). The community that, in some ways like other similar sense of connection as a family among the communities, was also characterised by a range women and the bond of following God’s will to of oppressions (Kong, 2001). In this time of help the family back home (particularly for the transformation and under some forms of oppres- first-time migrants) were recurrent themes of the sion, Netti spoke about how her faith kept women’s religious expressions in relationship her steady – a centring force in the midst of with others. turbulence. Examining relationships between migration In mentioning the employers’ constraints and religion is critical for understanding the imposed upon them, Netti and her friends ways multidimensional power and meanings of began to uncover their strengths. A common travel are attached to various scales of place theme was the women’s awareness of what was (Olson and Silvey, 2006). When I asked a group expected of them. They seemed confident in of returned migrants in Flores, where all of us their ability to meet any rules imposed upon would meet one weekend, the leader of the them regarding physical appearance and codes group without hesitation suggested a place of behaviour. This opinion was widely shared by of pilgrimage. By this time, I had become the other ex-migrants whom I talked to, reflect- acquainted with the returned domestic workers ing a knowledge of the uneven negotiation of as I had on a number occasions met them either class, race/ethnic and gender boundaries. A individually or as a small group for interviews number of domestic workers attributed their or participated in their social activities. We success in dealing with their employer to ‘an arranged for a minivan to take the six of us to the awareness of knowing one’s place’ and ‘how to place of Marian pilgrimage about one-and-half- conduct oneself’ as strategies in relation to hour journey from Ende, our base. We started employers (Williams, 2005). early in the morning, brought our picnic lunch, Arriving as minority Catholics in Hong Kong candles and prayer books. We lit our candles as and in their employers’ houses, the women soon as we arrived, sang hymns and said the negotiated their positions using their faith to rosary in front of the statue of Mary. Later, we empower them. In terms of their relations with also did the ritual of the Stations of the Cross. the Chinese employers in Hong Kong who were The choice of place nor the activities that we not Christian, the women believed that their would do there did not surprise me as, by that own faith was positively good. They alluded to time, I had realised the centrality of the Catholic this feeling while discussing their faith and felt religion in the women’s lives. The social and ‘right’ in their Catholic belief and rituals as spiritual pilgrimage, the ‘poetics’ of the religious shown by their regular attendance at Catholic place and the sacred space became the focus of mass on Sundays. One very timid woman meaningful activities, apart from ordinary space whom I interviewed said she did not hesitate (Kong, 2001). The women openly shared out to remind the employer of her Sunday work loud prayers of thanksgiving for a successful off because of her need to worship.2 Mass on journey, for their families and for some friends Sundays was celebrated by an Indonesian priest who were left working in Hong Kong. Their who also acted as their chaplain and spiritual attachment to the community of faith reached

350 © 2008 The Author Journal compilation © 2008 Victoria University of Wellington Female transnational migration, religion and subjectivity across distance. This episode highlights how situations. Her responses to gender and class religious and spiritual beliefs and practices inequality reflect her using religion as ‘cognitive provide continuity, permeating women’s lives strategies for reducing discomfort’ (Ozorak, from the decision to migrate, during the migra- 1996). The timid migrant untypically negotiated tion process and upon returning home. her Sundays-off for weekly rituals. The sense that their faith was a constant and positive presence in their lives helped the women to recon- Conclusion: Mobile subjectivities, religion cile themselves with the negative aspects of and migration their social situations under a range of domina- The practice of negotiating the stages of migra- tions. The women’s subjectivity and religious tion (the decision to migrate, the in-transit belief and practices were in motion to generate period and at the destination) was also a a specific form of power. journey of shifting subjectivities for the women. The ways the women drew strength from their Maria’s journey brought forth new subject posi- religious beliefs indicate a crucial force in tions and awareness that her race, class and their lives that sustained them throughout the gender may hold against her. Hence, when migration process. They seemed thus able to Maria cried in front of her employer, she was reconcile a paradox of being placed under the attentive to the multiplicities within herself and Church’s and also male kinfolk’s subjection as a invested in as many dimensions of her roles and weak person, yet maintaining their beliefs as a positions as possible to gain an advantage centring force, which keep them brave (berani) (Ferguson, 1993). Drawing strength from her and strong in the midst of transformation. While religious belief, she also showed self- in transit and working abroad, the networks of confidence in confronting the sexual approach relation, particularly the community of faith, of her male employer. Her presence in the enable women to keep the support of an imag- urban space had to be negotiated with the idea ined family, which in their view is bonded by of ‘a good woman’ who will not compromise on God’s care. The ways women use religious any sexual practice outside marriage. While her belief while in migration resemble cognitive Catholic beliefs help her to remain true to her strategies that can be used for reducing discom- convictions, Maria was also located in relation fort. Women are also able to exploit the fluidity to constantly moving trajectories of power. Fer- and multiplicity of roles and identities in their guson (1993: 161) claims ‘Mobile subjectivities changing spaces of migration, enabling shifting are too concrete and dirty to claim innocence, subjectivities. Through their religious beliefs, too much in-process to claim closure, too inter- practices and rituals, women often have certain dependent to claim fixed boundaries’. Maria’s expectations of positive outcomes, which might ways of handling the sexual harassment show be quite empowering. By considering the evidence of a mobile subjectivity, which pro- various effects of female migrants’ religion in duces provisional identities and opens up an their transnational migration, we are also able unpredictable possibility (Ferguson, 1993) that to access the significance of relational contexts generates power. in female migration, providing insights into the Maria, Liana and Netti’s awareness of their motives, processes and determinants of transna- religious belief and shifting subjectivities aided tional migration. them in moving from the subject position of protected daughters with almost with no voice Acknowledgements to that of autonomous single women working and negotiating life in metropolitan households. The paper greatly benefitted from the insightful Liana was able to convince her father to let her comments of Katherine Gibson, Katharine migrate, arguing that God’s timing was perfect. McKinnon and Linda Malam. Many thanks to She escaped a failed relationship and achieved them. A previous version of the paper was pre- her goal of migration. Netti’s way of coping with sented to the Session: Critical Geographies and constraints, rules and forms of oppressions Agrarian Change in Asia-Pacific at the Inter- shows her drawing strength and power from national Geographical Union Congress in religious beliefs while facing challenging Brisbane in 2006. Thank you to all the session

© 2008 The Author 351 Journal compilation © 2008 Victoria University of Wellington C.P. Williams participants for their lively discussions. My Gibson, K. (2001) Regional subjection and becoming, gratitude to the referees for useful comments Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 19(6): 639–667. and special thanks also to Sandra Davenport for Gibson, K., L. Law and D. McKay (2001) Beyond heroes and her help through the final stage. victims: Filipina contract migrants, economic activism and class transformations, International Feminist Journal of Politics 3(3): 365–386. Notes Gibson-Graham, J.K. (2006) A postcapitalist politics. Min- neapolis, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press. 1 This research reported here is part of a larger study Gilligan, C. (1993) In a different voice: Psychological theory on contemporary Eastern Indonesian women’s travel and women’s development. 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