Signifying Self in Plural Cultural Contexts: Subjectivity, Power and Individual Agency in North-Western Greek Macedonia
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125 Signifying Self in Plural Cultural Contexts: Subjectivity, Power and Individual Agency in North-western Greek Macedonia Ioannis manos Department for balkan studies (florina), University of western macedonia This article [1] discusses processes of identification and in the Monastiriotes category between those that declare categorisation during social situations related to dance in Vlachs from the city of Bitola and those that declare Dopioi the district of Florina, a border region in north-western or Slav-speakers from the same area. [7] Greek Macedonia. More specifically, it draws upon the The disputed category is that of the Dopioi. [8] The term narratives, actions and interpretations of several individu- stems back to political and economic conflicts over land als involved in the practice of dance to examine the ways use in the 1920s, between newly settled refugees and the they construct and experience their identity. The Florina existing inhabitants. During the process of nation build- district acquired its geographical status and political ing, state policy-makers, in their effort to homogenize the importance as a border region of the Greek State in 1913 ‘nation,’ perceived the Dopioi, due to the various Slavic dia- when the territorial boundaries of Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia, lects they spoke and the choices of some of them to iden- Albania, Romania and Turkey were fixed. Until that time it tify with the Bulgarians during WW I and II, as “potential was part of the Ottoman Empire. identifiers with the neighbouring states” (Cowan and The coexistence in the area until the early 20th century Brown 2000:11). Suppression of their cultural expressions, of different religious and linguistic communities; [2] the as happened during the Metaxas dictatorship (1936–1940), emergence of nationalist movements in the late 19th cen- transformed their difference into a marginalised and stig- tury and their major impact on geopolitics as well as on matised ‘identity’ based on political and cultural criteria. the ways people perceived personal and collective identi- This process both distinguished them from and opposed ties; [3] the devastating consequences for the region of his- them to the other putative categories of local society, and torical events in the course of the 20th century; the various created a sense of community among those who felt they inward and outward migrations that brought together belonged to the same ‘culture.’ The overwhelming majority culturally diverse populations, in certain cases forcibly, all identify themselves as Greeks and more recently as ‘Dopioi have played their part in creating conditions for disputes Ellines Makedones’ (local Greek Macedonians) in contrast among the local populations and between them and the to those Dopioi who identify themselves as ‘national Mace- Greek State. donians.’ This last category consists of Dopioi who claim Floriniotes tend in their oral and written accounts to to be members of the Macedonian national minority; a distinguish themselves by referring to population cat- separate category which they claim has always existed in egories through designations which suggest ever-existing the region. groups. Dopioi, Pontioi, Vlachs, and Arvanites are the All these terms organise certain political and social most known. Parallel to them, locals use the term prosfiges relations within the local society. Individuals, whole vil- [refugees]. [4] This category usually includes the Pontioi lages and groups of villages are ascribed to these catego- (populations from the Black Sea Coastal region), the ries. Dopioi are supposed to constitute the majority of Thrakiotes (from the European part of Turkey) and the the inhabitants. The appropriation and exploitation of Mikrasiates (from Asia Minor) who settled in the Florina these terms are manifested in the fact that they comprise region in the 1920s. Yet, there are further subdivisions persons and populations with different places of origin, within the Mikrasiates and Pontioi groups with regard to historical and cultural backgrounds to whom certain their place of origin. [5] cultural characteristics are attached. In addition, these cat- As they describe themselves and are described by others egorisations exclude or ignore those that are the offspring in the region, there are two other categories of refugees. of mixed marriages between members of the supposed cat- These are the Vorioipirotes (populations from the city and egories, or between other Greeks who reside in the region the outskirts of Korça, today in central-eastern Albania) but do not come from there. who settled in the region in the second decade of the Dance constitutes a central component of many public 20th century and Monastiriotes [6] (populations from the events, annual and private celebrations in the Florina city and the surrounding villages of Bitola, today in the region and is accorded recognition as an element of the southern part of FYROM). Further differentiations exist national culture and a symbol of national identity. Local The Anthropology of East Europe Review Volume 22 • Number 1 • Spring 2004 126 Ioannis Manos dances were appropriated as signs of regional variation Those identified with the Greek project promoted the within the Greek national culture and used by the Greek Greek state’s version of national culture. Others who felt state, mainly after the 1950s, as a means of stressing com- excluded or oppressed by the Greek national project were monality and consolidating the national identity. Although offered new opportunities for negotiating their position this was not always a conscious and deliberately planned and status within the nation-state. Some of them identified policy it led to the manipulation of culture for nationalistic themselves as Macedonians in the national sense and pur- and political purposes. [9] sued recognition of a distinctive Macedonian identity and Cultural associations and their dance troupes empha- culture. Others were forced to choose between exclusive sised and performed what had been established as ‘Hel- identities and contingent qualities. Still others wanted only lenic’ dances or ‘Hellenic’ features of the local dances. to assert their right to practise their culture apart from any [10] However, the meanings of dances were multiple and national connotations. ambiguous. They were associated with national (Greeks Nevertheless, these interpretations were not completely versus separatists) and regional (Floriniotes versus the pre-determined but contextual and shifting. People could inhabitants of other prefectures) differences, political take advantage of the multiple associations of dancing divisions (right- versus left-wingers), population category and use the ambiguity of symbols related to dance in distinctions (Dopioi versus Pontioi), intra-regional (plains order to justify and defend their or other peoples’ choices versus highland villages, or villages versus town) and and actions. Not all dancers could be exposed to the intra-category (one Dopioi versus another Dopioi village) same degree of criticism. In many cases, peoples’ actions contrasts, as well as pleasurable ties and expression of expressed different viewpoints based on their autobio- solidarity with kin, neighbours, and fellow-villagers of any graphical reminiscences, fortunes of their family, the population category. official view on history and the current economic and With the rise of the Macedonian minority discourse, in socio-political context. Participation in specific dances the 1990s, participation in dancing became politicised in a and dance events could be seen as a public claim to and a new, more manifest way. A political movement, later trans- marker of identity. However at the same time individuals formed into a political party named Rainbow, [11] and who did this might not be expressing a fixed, unitary and private institutions, whose members belonged to the dis- mutually exclusive identity but a ‘statement’ that is con- puted population category of Dopioi claimed to represent tingent, contextually-defined and apparently ‘contradicted’ the ‘Macedonian people,’ a national minority which dif- by identity statements expressed in dance and music in fered from other population categories in the region due another context by the same or other individuals. to its distinctive cultural characteristics. [12] In contesting In this article, I will direct my attention to specific claims of national homogeneity, activists and members of individuals who are related to the practice of dance. My the political movements constructed their own versions of purpose is to give a sense of the more complex identi- national identity. They used the same means, that is, local ties and affiliations of individuals, which may shift over dances, music and costumes, as well as others that did not time. [14] I explore the way individuals understand and originate in the region and were deliberately imported, to position themselves in their social context and the ways create difference as symbols of commonality or distinction. they articulate these positions, as expressed in their stories These actions generated counter-movements which about past experiences and statements on current events promoted the state’s views and led to a period of extremely and political issues. I have opted for coherent accounts intense disputes between social groups in the region. The of five persons [15] in order to display a small sample of organisation of rituals that had a standardised and repetitive the range of opinions and