Colonial Correspondents and Joseph Dalton Hooker
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Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania, Volume 147, 2013 33 COLONIAL CORRESPONDENTS AND JOSEPH DALTON HOOKER by Anita Hansen (with two plates) Hansen, A. 2013(17:xii): Colonial correspondents and Joseph Dalton Hooker. Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania 147: 33-–40. https://doi.org/10.26749/rstpp.147.33 ISSN 0080–4703. University of Tasmania, Centre for the Arts, Hunter Street, Hobart. Locked Bag 57, Hobart, Tasmania 7001, Australia. Current address: 13 Oldham Avenue, New Town, Tasmania 7008, Australia. Email: [email protected] Dr Joseph Dalton Hooker of Kew Gardens in London built his reputation as a botanist, to a large extent, on his publication of the floras of the southern ocean, namely his The Botany of The Antarctic Voyage of HM Discovery ShipsErebus and Terror, in the Years 1839–1843, a set of books that contains Flora Antarctica, Flora Novae Zelandiae and Flora Tasmaniae. Although Hooker had visited all of these places on the voyage and collected a substantial number of botanical specimens for his research, he alone could not have assembled the comprehensive herbarium needed for such a wide-ranging set of flora. To aid him in this endeavour, Hooker relied on an enthusiastic group of colonial correspondents and collectors. He regarded the specimens, and the information about them, sent by the colonial correspondents as belonging to the metropolitan centre at Kew. However, as these correspondents gained botanical knowledge, in particular William Archer, Ronald Campbell Gunn and William Colenso, they clamoured for recognition of their expertise, something Hooker was not always willing to bestow. Key Words: William Archer, Joseph Dalton Hooker, natural history, botany, Flora Tasmaniae, Ronald Campbell Gunn, William Colenso. INTRODUCTION Sinclair (c. 1796–1861) and David Lyall (1817–1895) for their assistance, they are not included here as they were During the nineteenth century, Sir William Jackson not long-term residents of the colonies. Hooker (1785–1865) and his son Joseph Dalton Hooker (1817–1911) established a network of correspondents and collectors across the British Empire. There is a clear distinction SCIENCE IN THE VICTORIAN ERA between correspondents and collectors. As Stevens succinctly put it: “‘Collectors’ were just that; they collected.” (Stevens The eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were a period of 1997, p. 346), and they were usually paid to do so, while the great British scientific voyages and of rapid expansion of correspondents were individuals whose interest in botany led the British Empire. This coincided with an era that Holmes them to send specimens and, most importantly, information (2009) terms the “second scientific revolution”, defined as about the specimens, to the Hookers without payment. dating between Captain James Cook’s circumnavigation Specimens of their local flora were sent to the Hookers, voyage in the Endeavour, begun in 1768, and that of Charles first to Glasgow University where William Hooker lectured Darwin’s voyage aboard the Beagle, begun in 1831. Cook in botany, and later to the Royal Botanic Gardens at Kew. (1728–1779) landed in New Zealand in 1769, and then These specimens would eventually make the herbarium at sailed on to New Holland (later Australia), claiming the Kew the largest and most comprehensive in the world. Joseph east coast for England in 1770. Hooker established his career as one of the leading botanists While the early European discovery and exploration of of his era while having access to that vast herbarium. But Australia and New Zealand was carried out by the British was Hooker’s knowledge gained purely by the use of the navy, the fauna and flora specimens collected on those physical specimens? expeditions were often held by private individuals — for Joseph Hooker also used critical botanical information example, Sir Joseph Banks and Charles Darwin — wealthy provided by correspondents that related to the specimens — men who joined the expeditions in a civilian capacity in their characteristics, behaviour, habitat, location, and their search of new and exotic natural history specimens. In environment — in the same manner that the herbarium Britain during this period, the study of natural history was, specimens themselves were collected and used. That on the whole, only able to be practised full-time by men information was considered as much a possession of the of independent means. However, realising the economic metropolitan centre as the physical specimens themselves. potential in some of the new botanical discoveries, naval This is demonstrated by the correspondence held at Kew officers were assigned to collect specimens on many later Gardens between Joseph Hooker and a number of these British expeditions of exploration. The botanical samples colonial correspondents. The letters of the Tasmanians from official government expeditions were usually sent to William Archer (1820–1874) and Ronald Campbell Kew Gardens, and remained the property of the Admiralty. Gunn (1808–1881), and New Zealander William Colenso As Stevens noted: “When the Botanic Gardens at Kew were (1811–1899) both to and from the Hookers illustrate the established in 1841, it was with the express understanding reasons behind his need to use their information (Archer by the government that they should be the botanical centre 1847–1874, Burns & Skemp 1961, Endersby 2001, 2008a). of the British Empire and coordinate its botanical activities” It was to these three colonial correspondents that Hooker (Stevens 1997, p. 356). It was acknowledged that the naval dedicated two of the volumes of his Antarctic research: officers “would have the sole right, apart from the captain, Flora Tasmaniae (Hooker 1860) to Archer and Gunn) and to produce an Admiralty supported publication of scientific Flora Novae Zelandiae (to Colenso). Although Hooker also observations” (McCalman 2009, p. 86). One such naval dedicated Flora Novae Zelandiae (Hooker 1853) to Andrew officer wanting to publish scientific observations from a 34 Anita Hansen voyage was Joseph Dalton Hooker, who had been the the scientific community for its ministration. This emphasis assistant surgeon on the 1839–1843 James Ross Clarke on mutual obligation between science and the nation made Antarctic expedition. government both the most appealing and the most obvious reservoir of patronage among available sources”. Finally, and perhaps most critically, Hooker also had to JOSEPH HOOKER AND PHILOSOPHICAL institute and enforce a belief that the metropolitan centre, BOTANY and only the metropolitan centre, had the necessary means and authority to describe and name new species of plants. Joseph Dalton Hooker was the second son of William He believed the correspondents at the colonial periphery Jackson Hooker, Regius Professor of Botany at Glasgow could only be familiar with their own environment, and University, and later director of Kew Gardens. From an early did not have the global view of the metropolitan botanist. age Hooker had developed a passion for natural history, and That is, they could not have the expertise of the scientist his father wrote to one of his Tasmanian collectors, Ronald who had access to a herbarium that contained specimens Campbell Gunn, “… my second son [Joseph] him being from across the world; “a naturalist’s access to living plants, already a very respectable Botanist, has begun Entomology” although a valuable card to hold, was not as valuable as (Hooker 1822). In many of his following letters Sir William access to unlimited herbarium specimens—that was the asked for insect specimens for Joseph, as well as botanical trump. The metropolitan botanist was able to control the specimens for his own herbarium. colonial and the provincial” (Stevens 1997). However, as As he grew, Joseph Hooker sought to make his name as Endersby (2008a, p. 312) commented about his recent a botanist. He saw it almost as his right (Bellon 2001), and book: “One reason this book is called Imperial Nature he soon realised that to accomplish his aim of botanical is that Britain’s political and economic empire provided fame, he needed to accompany one of the great voyages of crucial opportunities for men like Hooker to build careers; discovery, to reach some areas that were relatively unexplored without the empire, men like Hooker, Huxley, Darwin, and where hopefully interesting new plants could be found. The Wallace would have had very limited access to the natural young Joseph Hooker was advised to study medicine to world beyond Britain’s shores”. Hooker could only hold enable him to join the James Clark Ross Antarctic expedition the “trump card” because it had been dealt to him by the of 1839 as few positions as naturalist were available. He colonial correspondents. Access to the natural world would was employed as assistant surgeon on the expedition, not not have been enough to establish a career; there also had the position he had hoped for, but, as Hooker himself to be the right to sole use of that natural history. noted when writing to his father regarding his necessity to look for paid work to pursue this interest, “I am not independent, and must not be too proud: if I cannot be THE NETWORK OF CORRESPONDENTS: a naturalist with a fortune, I must not be too vain to take TASMANIA AND NEW ZEALAND honorable compensation for my trouble” (Huxley 1918, p. 597). Upon his return to England in 1843, Hooker Joseph Hooker visited Tasmania and New Zealand during desperately needed to find paid employment, and in this his Antarctic expedition of 1839–1843. While on these visits he was aided by his father, now Director of Kew Gardens, he met and worked with two of his father’s correspondents, who lobbied his many influential friends to arrange for Ronald Campbell Gunn in Tasmania, and William Colenso Joseph to be employed there as Assistant Director. This in New Zealand. Through their contact with Gunn, the and a government grant of £1000 towards the publication Hookers would also later correspond with the Tasmanian- of his research from the Antarctic voyage would allow him born William Archer.