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8-1-1957

A Study of the Relationship of Vergil to Homer

Frances Russell Danforth

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This Dissertation/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Theses & Publications at The Keep. It has been accepted for inclusion in Plan B Papers by an authorized administrator of The Keep. For more information, please contact [email protected]. r A STUDY OF THE RELATIONSHIP OF VERGIL TO HOMER

L _J A STUDY OF THE RELATIONSHIP OF VERGIL TO HOMER

A Substantial P

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Science in Education

by Frances Russell Danforth August 1957 TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE

I. INTRODUCTION ...... • • • • • • 1 Purpose of Paper • • • • • • • • • • • • • • l Method of Approach • • • • • • • 1 II. CONTROVERSY ON PUBLICATION OF AENEID • 2 Macro bius ...... 2 Rascoe ...... 3 Conning ton • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 4 III.PURPOSE OF EPICS ••••••••••••••• 5

Aeneid of Vergil • • • . . . . . 5 Iliad and Odyssey of Homer • ...... 7 IV. DIFFERENCES IN FOR.i~ ••••• ...... 8 Style ...... 8 Verse Form • ...... 9

v. COMPARISON WITH INCIDENTS OF ODYSSEY • • • • • 12 Setting ...... 12 Introduction of Heroes • • • ...... 13

Storm • . . . • • • . • • • • • • • 13 Prayer of Heroes • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 14 Escape from Storm • • • • • • • • • • • • • 15

Narrative of Travels ...... • • • . . 16 Departure of Heroes • • ...... 17 Trip to Hades • • • • ...... 18 Religious Attitudes ...... 20 iii CHAPTER PAGE VI. COMPARISON WITH INCIDENTS OF ILIAD • . . • • • 24 Attitude of Heroes ...... • • • • 24

Doom of Turnus &nd Hector . . • • . . . • • 25 Death of Turnus end Hector ...... • 25 Preparation for Single Combat ...... • 26 Interference of Gods • • • • • • • • • • • 28 Shields of Heroes • • • • • • • • • • • • • 29 Friendship • • • • • • • • • • • • 30 Burial • • • . . . . • • ...... •• 31 Repudiation ...... • • 32 Funeral Games • • • . . . . . • • • 33 Brutality of Soldiers ...... • • • • 34 VII. USE OF SIMILE • • • • ...... •• 36 Wind and Storms ...... • • • 36 Trees . . . . • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 38 Star . . . . • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 39 Fire • • • • • • • • • • • . . . . . • • • 40 Bees ...... • 41 VIII. OPINIONS OF AUTHORITIES ••••••••••• 43

Mackail • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 43 Connington • • • • • • • • ...... • 43 Vergil ...... • • ...... • 44 ii ii CHAPTER PAGE IX. INFLUENCES OF VERGIL'S LIFE AND BACKGROUND 45 Character of Roman People • • • • • • • • 45 Education of Vergil • • • • • • • • • • 45 x. INFLUENCES OF PAST IN VARIOUS AREAS • • • • 46 Epic in Different Eras • • • . . . . 46 Adaptations by Shakespeare ••• . . . . 47 Bible as Literary Source . . . . . 48

Appropriations in Other Fields • • • 49 XI. CONCLUSION • . •..••••••. 52 BIBLIOGRAPHY • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 53 CHAPTER I

INTROIJtJCTION

I. PURPOSE

This paper is a stucy to determine whether vergil was a mere copyist or a poet who made use of the basic

structure of the epic as created by Romer, but, stamping it with his own ability and genius, left for posterity a vork as great in its ollll right as that of Romer.

II. .METHOD UF APPROACH

Through a study of the similarities and the differ­ ences between the epics of the two poets and from the references of various authorities, this paper will attempt to arrive at some conclusions concerning the relationship of the two poets. CHAPTE.tt II

CONTROVERSY ON PUBLICATION OF AENEIV

Soon after the death of vergil, the Aeneid vas pub­ lished at the command of the princeps Augustus, although the poet himself had desired the work to be destroyed since it was not the polished perfection he desired. Immediately the greatness of this literary work became a controversial issue among the critics. Nettleship states that Macrobius and other enemjes accused him of plagiarism from Homer while his friends defended him by quoting passages which, in their estimation, were an im- 1 provement on Homer.

I. .lUCHUBIUS Macrobius wrote: Perge quaeso, inquit Avienus, omnia quae Homero subtraxit investigare. Quid enim suavius quam duos praecipuos vates audire idem loquentes. Quia cum tria haec ex aequa impossibilia judicentur, vel Iovi fulmen vel Herculi clavam vel versum .H.omero subtrahere, quod e\s1 tieri possent, alium tam.en nul.lua deceret vel fulmen praeter Iovem jacere vel eertare praeter Herculem robore, vel canere quod cecinit Homerus: hie opportune in opus suum quae prior vates dixerat transferendo fecit ut sua es~e credantur. Ergo pro voto omnium feceris s1 cum hoc coetu communicata velis quaecumque vestro noster poeta mutuatus est.

1H. Nettleship, Vergil tNew York: v. Appleton and Company, 1901),p. 84. 3 Cedo igitur Eustathius a1t, vergilianum volumen, quia locos singulos ejus inspiciens Homericorum versuum promptius adaonebor. CUmque Sym.achi jussu famulus ae bibliotheca petitum librum detulisset, temere voluit Eustathius ut versus quod fors detulisset inspiceret et viaete, inquit, portum ad civitatem uiaonis eJC Ithaca migrantem. Et cum rogasset Avtsnus ut non sparsim sect ab initio per ordinem actnotaret, 111~ manu retractis in calcem foliis sic exorsus est. Here Eustathius cites a series of quotations from the first to the eleventh book of the Aeneid and draws comparisons with liomer.

II. RASCOE

This attack has been carried on oy various groups of detractors down to the present day, exemplified especially by Burton Rascoe in our time. The criticisms of vergil found in Rascoe's Titans of .Literature provide the basis for a portion .Qf this p~ver. The writer m'elltioned above stated that the Aeneid was unsatisfactory as an epic even though most of the material was borrowed from Homer and other Gree~ writers.J Kan.1 centuries previously Homer bad establ.ished the epic as a form of literature. Through the ages his writings

2Ambro~i1 Theodosi~ ~aorobii, Conviviorum Primi uiei Saturnalio~um., v 1 11~, pp 16-19. ~ 3~urton Rascoe, ~tans of Literature taew York: G.P Putnam•s Sons, 1932), p. 116. ~ 4 were the only authority for life of the heroic period. When Vergil decided to produce an epic for Rome, it was only logical that he should turn to the master of the epic and pattern his creation to a certain extent after Homer. The ancient writers were not interested in original- 1 ty in the sense that we use it in our times, but desired to produce a literary work which would be a product of the poet who wrote it and accepted by the people who react it.

III. CONNINGTO.N

Connington, speaking in regard to this cry of plagiar­ ism, stated that imitation of external qualities was then not a thing to be avoided and concealed but to be openly adopted. The extent to which the imitator approached the excellence of the model constituted the eminence of his success.4

4 George Long (ed), I!!! Works of Vergil (London: George Bell and Sons, 1884, II), John Connington, ncommentary,n pp. 23-4. CHAPTER III

PURPOSE OJ.I' EPICS

Let us now consider the motives which prompted the creation of these epics. Rascoe expressed the opinion that the Aeneid was merely a political tract to enhance Augustus and flatter the vanity of the Romans. He likewise stated that vergil was attempting to gll!llllorize the opportunistic culture of Rome. 1

I. AENEIU

In his student days Vergil had expressed the desire to write of men and wars but did not seriously consider the subject until influenced by M.aecenas, patron of a literary coterie during the reign of Augustus. Hotn Aaecenas and Augustus deemed that a poem, epic in nature, extolling the glories of Rome and the achievements of Augustus was sorely neede4 at this time. Rome had been in a state of upheaval for the past century. Great men had stalked across the pages of her history onl7 to De obliterated and replaced by others. In t.heir wake had followed wars, both foreign and civil. Augustus had finally brought peace to the Roman world by defeating Anthony at the battle of Actium. He

l · Rascoe, .2£· .£!.h, p. 118. 6 now desired to turn the Roman mind and spirit to cultural

~ather than military pursuits. The project of writing a national epic on some subject connected with Augustus's achievements seems to have been brought to the attention of every poet of any ability. vergil was the only poet with the desire or power to respGnd to this call. Frank expressed the opinion that the years of civil 'WB.r had made a lasting impression on the pacific spirit of vergil. To produce an epic poem depicting the glories would help to allay this deep abhorrence of war antt would be a supreme achievement for vergil. 2 Vergil expressed his feelings in the words ot Anchises to AEilneas: Hae tibi erunt artes: paceque imponere morem, Parcere subjectis et debellare superbos. (VI,852-53) 3 It was evident that Vergil was writing to arouse Roman patriotism and to create a national spirit of pride. The hero of the epic should possess the qualities of a Homan ideal with very subtle but unmistakable hints that this ideal was Augustus. fo produce a work of this nature entail­ ed a deep feeling of nationalism on the part of vergil, a

2 Tenney Frank, vergil (.New York: Henry ttolt ana. Company, 1922), p. 197. 3J. w. aackail, ?he Aeneid (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1930), p. 250. 7

great belief in the achievements of Rome and a strong faith that her future would be one of continued glory. Rascoe seemed to lose sight of the fact that idealists can and do exist in rather materialistic nations, a fact Vhich is true even in our own country. From a study of the life of Vergil, one does not find an indivi­ dual who was eagerly seeking means of glorifying himself but one who found fulfillment in writing of the things he knew and loved.

II. ILIAD AND ODYSSEY

On the contrary the primary purpose of Homer vas to entertain. His epics were flowing, descriptive tales of men, gods, and incidents of heroic calibre. There was no additional motive in writing these epics, and he had no particular interest in expounding theories about government, religion, or philosophy. His interest lay 1n telling a fascinating, sw!ft moving story to a group of listeners. CHAPTER IV

UIFFJSRENCES IN FURM

I. STYLE

This last statement brings up another point of difference. The epics of Homer were to be heard. The nobility who listened to his tales were not unlike the feudal barons of the Kiddle Ages. 1 The writings of Homer exemplified the force and vitality of the age in which he lived. He incorporated into his poetry the prevailing tastes and the· accepted traditions of his listeners. l>own­ to-earth and unreflective, Homer enjoyed describing in minutest detail the incidents of the stor7.' Vergil, however, lived in a more complex, advanced society, and his poem was representative of that society. The simple, semi-ballad1c style of Homer would have been completely out of place in this age. The Aeneid was

produced not only tor listeners but also for reade~s, in­ cluding the most scholarly men of the day, and one must remember that this was the golaen age or literature. Vergil's epic contained in addition to the historical element, the

l H. J. Rose, A Handbook of Lat~ Literature. tLondon: Methuen and Company Ltd. 1 I9~)-;-p. 2 • 9 elements of romance, lyric, and tragedy. vergil had greater emotional depth and a greater tenderness toward humanity than Homer. The latter accepted grief and sorrow as part of the:natural order of things, but the •sunt lacrimae rerum" of vergil arose from a personal brooding over the great sorrows of lite.2

II. VERSE FORM

According to Nettleship,Vergil was also criticized tor his innovation.s in language and ror Greek forms and Greek cadences in his verses.3 Rascoe went a step further and said that the second rate poetry of the Greeks furnish­ ed models for the best literature that the Romans produced.4

The da~tylic hexameter was an Homeric meter and a metrical structure foreign to Latia. Since it was the natural medium for the Greek tongue, liomer achieved poetic effects that seemed natural ana easy. Vergil had been well grounded in Greek literature not only through his study of Homer but also those or later periods ot Greek literatur.e, including the tragic

2J. Wight JJUff, A Literar~ J:iistory of Rome tLondon: T. Fischer Unwin Ltd., 1909), pp. 4 9-60. ~ ----- 3Nettlesbip, .2.2• .£!!.., p. 78. 4-aascoe, 22· cit., p. 91. 10 poets, Aeschylus and Sophocles; the poets of the Epic Cycle, especially Arctinus; and the Alexandrian Epic of Appolonius Rhodius. Since Homer had produced his epics in the stately hexameter, Vergil, no doubt, considered this to be the best meter for producing the rich harmonious music of his epic. Vergil took this foreign metrical structure and by the choice of words, by the combination of these words in a novel manner, and by the painstaking moulding of lines, he forced the native rhythms into a new form and brought the Latin hexameter to perfection. He achieved complete mastery over the music of

Latin verse and used it with great variety and power. He expressed the rapidity of the galloping horses thus: "Quadrupedante putrem soni tu qua.tit ungula campum" (VIII, 596) and the slow toil of the Cyclops: "Illi inter sese magna vi bracchia tolluntn (VIII, 452) and the winds in the cave of Aeolus: "Illi indignantes magno cum murmure montis circum claustra fremuntn , (I, 55-56)5 Could a critic say that he had merely copied from the Greek when he achieved such technical control of one of the most di.fficul t meters and produced a rhythm which

5nuff, ~· cit., pp. 459-460. 11 has yet to be equaled? Alfred Lord Tennyson spoke of the greatness ot the poetry of vergil with these words: "I salute thee, .Mantovano I that loved thee since my day began, Wielder of the statliest measure 6 ever moulded by the lips of man.n

6 Alfred Lord Tennyson, The Poetic and uramatic Works .2.f. Alfred L..2!,!! Tennyson (Hoston: Houghton, Mifflin Company, 1898), "To Verg11n, p. 511. CHAPTER V

COMPARISON WITH INCIDENTS OF ODYSSEY

Jlr. Rascoe stated at one point that the Aeneid was a mosaic of bits from other poets among them liomer.1 The theory has been widely accepted that the first six books of the Aeneid were based on the Odyssez and the last six, es­ pecially the events of war, were based on the Iliad, but Vergil gave them his a"Wn. touch rather than lifting them bodily from the Odyssez as implied. Let us now consiaer some of these.

I. SETTING

Both Homer and vergil made use of the epic technique kno~ as "in medias res,n that is, plunging immediately into the story and assuming that the characters and .the plot were already kno'Wil to the reader. From tiB opening ten lines of the Aeneid;, the reader realizes that Aeneas had been on the seas for some time and had not yet achieved his desired goal, to reach Latium. Homer introduced the hero through a discussion of the gods concerning the evils that had befallen him since his departure from Troy.

1 Rascoe, ~· .£.!i., p. 116. 1.3 II. INTRODUCTION OF .l:IEHOES The manner of introduction of the heroes is quite similar. A great storm has arisen at sea due to the anger of the gods. Poseidon was angry because Oaysseus had blinded his son Polyphemus, a Cyclops. Juno's anger toward Aeneas was two-fold. She had been opposed to the Trojans in the war; and by reason of her divinity, she knew that the empire to be established by Aeneas would aestroy her favorite city, Carthage. Notice the difference in the matter-of-fact reason evinced by Homer ana the loftier justifications of Verg11.

III. STORM

The storm described. by each was very fierce and very dangerous with certain basic similarities in the onslaught of the storm. In the Qdyssez: He spake, and round about him called the clouds, And roused the ocean, - wielding in his hand, The trident, - summoned all the hurricanes Of all the winds, and coYered earth and sky At once with mists, while from above the night Fell suddenly. The east wind and the south Pushed forth at once, with the strong - blowing1west, And the clear north rolled up his mighty waves. (V,348-355

1 'William Cullen Bryant, ~ Odzssey of Homer (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, Tirfl), 'vol. r. p. 112. 14

Vergil wrote: ..•••..•...... the winds As in compact array, where vent is given Ruth forth and with tornado scour the world, Swoop on the sea, and from its sunken bed. Upheave it whole in one wild onset, eas~, south and south-wester with thick coming squalls, And.. . . roll. . . . . huge . .. . . billows...... to .. . the. . . . shore...... Clouds' in a moment from the Trojans' eyes Snatch heaven ~nd day, black night broods o•er the deep. (I, 81-89) IV. PRAYER OF HEROES

Both heroes feared for their lives and prayed to the heavens. Odysseus spoke thus: Thrice happy, four times happy, they who fell On Troy's wide field, warring for Atreus' sons: o, had I met my fate and perished there, That very day on which the Troj.an host, Around the dead Achill~s, hurled at me The:l.r brazen javelins. (V, 366-370) Aeneas prayed in this manner: •••••• 0 thrice and four times blest 'Who won to die beneath Troy's lofty towers Under their kinsmen's eyesl O Tydeus• son Bravest of Danaan bloodl to think that I On Ilium's plain was suffered not to fall Nor at thy hand to let forth my life breath.4 (I, 94-98)

2 Jame~ Rhoades, ~ Poems of Vergil (Vol. XIII of Great Books of Western World, ed. Robert Maynard Hutchins. 51+ vols.;NewYOrk: Oxford University Press, 1952), p. 105. 3 Bryant, Odyssey .2.£· .£11., Vol. I, p. 113. 4Rhoades, 2.£.· cit., p. 105. 15

V. ESCAPE FROM STORM The escape from the storm.. was somewhat different. Homer, appealing to the tastes or the more primitive people for whom he wrote, had the goddess Ino bring a magic veil to Odysseus which gave him superhuman aid in escaping. Odysseus remained the epic hero, pitting his human strength plus the help of a goddess against the forces of nature. The more sophisticated people of Vergil's era would not have accepted this; and so, as the force of the storm dimin­ ished, the ships were driven into a safe harbor. After Aeneas and his allies had been cast on land, he went out to reconnoitre; and encountering a herd of deer, he killed one for each of the ships. The same incident bappened in the Odyssez, but once again .tiomer made Odysseus a superhuman character. He not only killed a huge stag but made a rope of ozier branches and carried him back to the ship--nomean task even for Odysseus. A little later Aeneas and Acnates made their way to the city Carthage unseen by the populace since Venus had clothed them in a cloud. In a sacred grove they saw a temple in wh11ftl.was depicted all the famous scenes of the Trojan war. In reviewing these scenes, Aeneas was moved by great sorrow and pity. Odysseus encountered a similar situation at the court 16 of Alcinous. He heard of his own great exploits at Troy through the songs of Demodocus and was likewise moved to tears. The tears of Aeneas seemed more natural for they were tears of compassion for a defeated people and a lost nation; whereaE. one could scarcely believe that the tears of Odysseus were tears of compunction.

VI. NARRATIVE OF TRAVELS

Each of the heroes had been received graciously at court; and after the formalities had been dispensed with, he was invited to recoun~ his adventures. Each one, though deeply moved by painful memories, began to tell his tale. The adventures of Odysseus had a rather swash­ buckling quality to them; and, in comparison, the trials of Aeneas seemed rather prosaic. The travels of each covered much of the same territory, but any reader comparing the incident of sailing by Scylla and Charybdis would find Odysseus's version more fascinating. Again, in comparing the encounter with the Cyclops, Vergil lacked that vigorous style of the master raconteur. In the Odyssez all the incidents centered around the hero. Each encounter was a personal triumph for b.1.m.. In the Aeneid the incidents were rather unimportant happenings that befell all members of the 17 party not just Aeneas. The incidents did not contrioute to the advancement of the theme but were added merely as an epic tectmique.

VII. lJEPARTUHE 0¥ HEROES The departure of the two heroes was quite different.

Aeneas, for a time, had been swayed from his ultimate goal by the love of uido. After several years of wandering, he had found this refuge, but Jupiter would not allow him to remain.Jupiter sent .M.ercury to remind him that he had a duty to fulfill. The responsibility of departure rested 'With him. He alone must justify his actions in leaving and uphold the commands of the gods who had ordered him to leave. What meaning could these explanations have for a woman in love? Hoth of these tragic figures were port­ rayed by vergil Vith compassion and understanding. Compare With this the rather naive story of the de­ parture of Odysseus.5 This great warrior had been sitting by the seashore weeping now and then for almost a year. Mercury was.again sent by Jupiter to remind Calypso that the time had come for Odysseus to depart. Calypso had no other choice than bow to the Will of the gotts. There was no great tragedy here, but a fatalistic acceptance of affairs as they occurred.

5Bryant, Odyssez .21!.· cit., vol. I, pp. 101 rr. 18

VIII. TRIP TO HADES

Possibly the most important point of comparison was the trip made to Hades by each hero. Here, too, one fountt similarity but greater disparity. Anchises, the father of Aeneas,came to him in a dream and advised him to journey to Hades with the aid of the Sibyl.6 .Anchises wished to ttiscuss the future with him. The Sibyl agreed to accompany him, but first he must find the golden bough antt give 'burial to a deceased comrade.

After these tasks were performed Aeneas and the Sibyl offer­ ed libations and then proceeded with the ritual of sacrifice to the gods and goddesses of the Underworld. The animals were black as though a symbol of the darkness of hades. Then the Sibyl and Aeneas, with his sword drawn, descended through the darkness of the cave into the land of vis. This had a certain similarity to the trip of Odysseus.7 Circe was the one who informed Odysseus that if he made a trip to Hades to consult the blind seer Tiresias, he could learn about the future. lie'Wis to sail to the farthest l.and of Oceanus and there make sacrifices to Pluto and Proserpina. Again, in this instance,the animals .. were black. It was interesting to note that in both cases a barren heifer was

6 Roades,h ' ~· .£!.__.,•t pp. 215-235. 7Bryant, Odyssey ..QE.• £!!., vol. I, pp 224-252. 19 the sacrificial offering to Proserpina. The blood of the sacrificed animals was to be poured in a trench and then the shades would appear. Odysseus, using his sword, must keep the shades from drinking the blood until Tiresias had drunk. The unburied Elpenor came to Odysseus begging to be buried as Palinurus appeared to Aeneas making the same re­ quest. The situation of Palinurus ana Elpenor indicated that the belief· was prevalent that the proper rites of burial were necessary in order for the soul to enter the . Underworld. The Underworld of the Odyssey is primitive and simple in comparison to that of the Aeneia. Aeneas and the Sibyl, ferried by Charon, crossed the Styx. After they landed, Cerberus had to be put to sleep before they entered the actual Underworld. As they moved along, Aeneas realized that there were divisions in this land. For example, infants could be heard in one area. In another area were those condemned to death on false charges. Moving along, they came to that area in which those dwelt who had died for love. Here Aeneas met JJido who even in death still loathed him. This situation brought to mind the similar incident concerning Ajax, who, still carrying his grudge, would not speak to Odysseus. Next, they came to the Limbo where the great warriors 20 resided. ~eyond Limbo was Tartarus where those suffered who had dared commit most evil crimes on earth. Finally, after offering the golaen bough, the two entered the Happy Place. This was the home of the blessed spirits, and here Anchises resided. In this region the soul re­ mained until it was ready for rebirth. 'l'hen the soul drank from the river Lethe and was born again. IX. RELIGIUS ATTITUDES This Hades was not the aark, unhappy fantasy lana of the Odissey. Odysseu~. encountered no di Visions of punishment, no heavenly abode, no hope for future life. The words of Achilles expressed per!'ectly the attitude of all toward Hades. Noble Ulysseus, speak not thus of death, As if thou coulast console me. I woula be A laborer on earth, and serve for hire· Some man of mean estate, who makes scant cheer Rather than reign over all who have gone down to cteath.8 (XI, 601-606) Through the character of Aeneas, Vergil expressed his own views of eternity. It is readily discernible that he believed there was a divine element in the universe. The material things of life imprisoned the souls of men and prevented them from enjoying this divine element. Through death the soul was purified in a kind of purgatory

8 Bryant, Odyssey .2.E.· .£!.!., Vol. I, p. 245. 21 until only the purity was left. Then this soul could be born again in another body and repeat the cycle.9 Religion had become more than a matter of rites and ceremonies. It had associated itself with morality, especi­ ally social morality. Culprits in Tartarus were not just legendary offenders against exacting deities. In Tartarus as depicted by Vergil: Here are those who in life ·hated their own brothers, or str~ck their parents, those who entangled their dependents, In fradulent dealing, and those who sat tight on the wealth they had won, Setting none aside15or their o"Wil kin - most numerous of all are these; (VI, 608-612) One found a deeper meaning than in the Tartarus of Homer, which Jupiter used to subdue and bully the other deities: ••••••• or I will seize and hurl The offender down to rayless Tartarus Deep, deep into the great gulf below the earth1 · With iron gates anu thresho~a forged of brass. i (VIII, 1.3-16) The virtues that gained for man a place in Elysium indicated the same fusion of religion and humanitarian sympathies.

9Nettleship, .2£· cit., pp. 96-97. 10 c. Day Lellis, ~Aeneid 2! Virgil (Garden City, N.Y: Doubleday and Company, Inc., 953), p. 147. 11 William Cullen Bryant, ~ Iliad 9!_ ~omer (~oston: Houghton .Mirtlin Company~ lB'fO), Vol. I, p. 196. 22

Here were assembled those who suffered wounds in defense of Their country; those who had lived pure as priests; and poets . Who had not disgraced Apollo, poets of true integrity; Men who civilized life by the skills they discovered, and men whose Kindness to other people has kept their memory green.12 (VI, 660-664) , This theory of Elysium is far removed from Homer's generalized Limbo. 13 Frank states that the concepts of destiny and free will found in the Aeneid were not in keeping with the Stoic creed at every point but did fit into the Epicurean scheme of things if one accepted that deities might be employed as characters of a drama if they were subordinated to same laws of causality and freedom as human beings. The Epicurean philosophy believed that a nratumn governed the universe, and Zeus, like man, was subordinate to it but might initiate action and thwart fate; whereas the Stoic philosophy believed that ntatumn was a synonym for Providence (Zeus) and was fatalistic in its attitude.14

The gates were also used by both poets but in very different situations. Anchises accompanied Aeneas as far as the gates of sleep on the return trip to Earth. These gates were of horn ana of ivory. Anchises explained that

12 Lewis, ~· fil., p. 149- 13,l'Tank, ~· £.!!·, p. 192. 14 Frank, -Ibid., p. 188. 23 through the gate of horn genuine apparitions passed, but through the gates of polisheu ivory passed the false dreams sent to earth by the shades.15 Penelope in a conversation -with the unrecognized oa.ysseus spoke of them as gates of dreams. The dreams that passed through the horn gate were true, but the dreams from the ivory gates deceived and never came true.16 These have been a sampling of similar inciaents and situations used by Homer and Vergil. They seem to verify the earlier statement that there is similarity out also disparity.

15 Rhoades, op. cit., p. 235. 16 .tsryant, Odyssey££_•.£!.!·, vol. II, p. 157. CHAPTEH VI

COMPARISON WITH INCIVENTS OF ILIAV

The Iliad provides many episodes which Vergil wove into the Aeneid. However, they were so marked with Vergil's tenderness and understanding, woven so intricately into the poem that the disparity between Homer and Vergil was even more apparent.

I. ATTITUDE OF HEROES

outwardly the war followed a similar pattern. Aenq~s was the Achilles of the tale. The latter was the true warrior, a lover of war for its own sake, and only after his meeting ~ith Priam did Achilles realize that finer emotions existed. Aeneas was enaowed with these finer emotions from the outset of the story ana only twice aid he display that quality of madness that possessed Achilles.

After the death of Pallas, Aeneas, overcome by great anger and sorrow, slaughtered promiscuously.1 Again during the single combat in which the truce was broken and Aeneas was wounded, he rushed wildly over the field, killing any enemy in his path.2

11ewis, .2.E.· .£!.!., p. 245. 2Ibid., p. 305. 25

II. OOOM. OF TUR.NUS AND HECTOR

Turnus wa.s the Hector of the Aeneid out with a difference. Hector was the shadowy epic hero fighting to preserve his city. Turnus was the hot-tempered indi­ vidual fighting because he felt that he had been person­ ally wronged. Turnus was fated to lose his cause just a.s Hector had lost. The final downfall of each was de­ cided in the same manner. In the Iliaq it was aec1cted in this way: The All-Father raised his golden balance high And placing in the scales two lots which bring neath• s long dark sleep, -one lot 1·or Peleus' son And one for knightly Hector,-by the mid.st He poised3the balance. Hector's fate sank down To Hades. (XXIII, 260-265) Vergil gave the incident a different twist by keeping the reader in suspense: Jupiter holds the scales in his own hand: empty, they balance And then he puts in the scales the ait1·erent fates of the two men, To see whi~h weight sinks do"Wn,meaning defeat and death.4 (XII, 725-727)

III. DEATH OF TURNUS ANv HECTOR

Another similarity to Hector coula oe noted in the

3Bryant, Iliad £E.• .£..!!.., Vol. II, p. 267. 4Lewis, .21!· cit., p. 312. 26 final battle. Trying to escape his final doom, Turnus fled. Five times he circled the plain :with Aeneas in pursuit.5 This was very similar to the manner in which Hector avoided Achilles by running around the walls of Troy.6 The deaths of Turnus ana liector were similar but the former definitely had the Vergilian touch. Turnus begged that his body be returned to his father and that Aeneas be compassionate as the victor. Aeneas would have complied 'With his 'Wishes had he not noticed the girdle that Turnus had taken as loot of war from Pallas. Aeneas felt that he must kill TUrnus to avenge the death of his 7 young friend. Hector in a like situation begged Achilles to re­ turn his body to the Trojans for proper burial. Achilles, without pity, denied trds wish ana stated that he would like to cut apart the body ond devour it.8

IV. PREPARATION FOR SINGLE COMBAT

Single combat was the means often used to settle the issues of war. The combat between Menelaus and Paris

5rbid., p. 313. 6 Bryant, Iliad 21?.· .£!.!., Vol. II, p. 264. 7 Lewis, on. cit., p. 319. 8 ;:.&,. ---- . Bryant, Iliad .2.Q• .£.!!.., Vol II, p. 273. 27 contained several incidents parallel to the combat of

Turnus and Aeneas. In the Aeneid, as the two armies marched out, they took their respective positions and, "Planting their spears in the ground, they lean their shields against them.n~ (XII, 130) Homer described the armies thus: "They lean upon their shields, their massive spears Are near them planted in the ground, up right.nlO (III, 171-172) Menelaus demanded that Priam attend the sacrifices lest some of the· younger men break the truce. 11 Latinus likewise was present at the combat, not from necessity 12 but from duty since he was king. The ritual of sacrifice was conducted in much the same manner. Altars "Were set up; libations poured to the gods; sheep were the sacrificial animals; each leader clipped the forelock of the animals and swore oaths to the same gods to uphold the terms of the treaty.

9Lewis, 2.P.· ..£!!., p. 293. 1 ~ryant, Iliad .Q.E.• cit., Vol I, p. 73. 11 Bryant, Iliad 21?.• .£..!.!.:_, Vol. I, p. 72-79. 12 Lewis, 2.E.· cit., p. 294-95. 28

V. INTERFERENCE OF GOVS

Interference from the gods was found in each situ­ ation. Juturna, the sister of Turnus, was sent by Juno to arouse the Rutuli by going among them and taunting them for allowing Turnus to carry the brunt of the war.13 Pallas Athene received permission from Jove to go do'Wll among the Trojans and arouse them to the point that they would break the truce. Athene accomplished this by encouraging Panctarus to win honor and glory for himself by shooting Menelaus.14 The truce in the Aeneid was broken because of the great popularity of Turnus and the false augury of Tolumnius. Juturna,in addition to berating the Rutuli, placed a false portent in the heavens. A golden eagle, the bird of Jupiter, appeared in the sky, pursuing a flock of water fowl. Suddenly the eagle swooped down to the water and seized a swan. The water fowl wheeled and attacked the eagle, forcing him to drop the swan •. Tolumnius interpreted this to mean that they ·would fight. 15 When the fighting

131ewis, .212.· .£!!., p. 296. 14sryant, Iliad .2.E.· .£!.1. Vol. I, pp. 90-91. 15 Lewis, .2.I!.· .£!!., p. 296. 29 16 broke out Aeneas was wounded by an unknown assailant. Vergil also made use of the sword breaking incident which had involved Menelaus and Paris. When Menelaus struck Paris, his sword shattered into four pieces. He blamed Jove for this unfortunate incident.17 Turnus also broke his sword while fighting Aeneas. For one thing it was only a mortal sword since he had snatched the sword of his driver; and secondly, the armor of Aeneas had been made by Vulcan himselt.18 VI. SHIELDS OF HEhOES

The shield of Aeneas was patterned directly from the shield of Achilles. The shield of the latter was a necessity; whereas the shield of Aeneas was merely an ornament. On the shield of Achilles, the lt'ire-God had pictur­ ed various aspects of human life including happiness, avarice, plenteousness, strife, hatred, war, and festivity among them.19

16Ibid., p. 299. 17Bryant, Iliad • .2.P.• cit., Vol. I, p. 82. 181ewis, .2.E· .£!_t., p. 312. 19Bryant, Iliad 2.£• .£.!!., Vol. II, pp. 185-190. 30

Depicted on the shield of Achilles were all the famous events of Roman history down to the time of

·, Augustus. Jdattery of the present regime could be noted here, for the center of the shield was devoted to·the exploits and achievements of Augustus. 20

VII. .l!'RIENDSHIP Friendship was another element found in both epics. The friendship of Achilles and Patroclus was grounded in strong personal affection. The feeling between Aeneas and Pallas arose from great respect for the older man on the part of Pallas and from the pride that Aeneas rel t in being trusted 1-li th the training of Pallas. The death of Patroclus provided the motive for killing Hector; just as the death of Pallas furnished the incentive for killing Turnus. The friendship of Nisus and Euryalus further demon­ strated that quality of love of fello-w man 1·ound through­ out the writings of Vergil. The attachment existing be­ t-ween these t-wo was based on mutual affection and respect. When Euryalus was captured by the Greeks, Nisus gave no thought to his own safety but rushed in to save his friend. Even life was not too important to sacrifice for a friend. 21

201ewis, .22· .£.!.!., pp. 198-201. 21 Ibid., pp. 214-215. 31

In contrast the foray of Odysseus and Diomed seemed based on expediency. Diomed wanted a companion not only for encouragement but also for counsel. Thus, he chose Odysseus not from friendship but for ability. 22

VIII. BURIAL

The description of the preparations for burial offer­ ed a sharp contrast in the attitude of two poets toward death. Vergil dwelt with great teno.erness on the sorrow of the situation and in a beautiful word picture compared Pallas in death to a flower. 23 Homer described the actual preparation of the body of Patroclus for cremation com­ plete ~ith all the physical details.24 In both situations the poets made use of human sacrifice. Aeneas captured eight youths to send to Evander for sacrifice. Achilles seized twelve Trojan youths to sacrifice on the pyre of Patroclus. One other minor similarity concerned the horses which Pallas and Patroclus had ridd.en in battle. In the funeral cortege of Pallas, his war horse, Aethon, wept as

22 Bryant, Iliad S?R· cit., Vol. I, pp. 261-262. 23 Lewis, ££.· cit., p. 261. 24 Bryant, Iliad 2.£;_ ill·, Vol. II, pp. 287-290. 32 he paced behind the war chariot. 25 After Patroclus was

slain by Hector the horses of Achilles stooa with drooping

heads, and tears flowed from their eyes.26

IX. REPUDIATION

Another point of similarity was found in the repucti-

ations of Drances and Idaeus. vrances ~as spokesman for the group who had come to discuss a truce with Aeneas. vrances repudiated Turnus with these words: Moreover if circumstances make it possible, we shall unite you With King Latinus. Let Turnus look for his own alliances. Nay, we'll delight to help you build the great walls of your destined City, and bear on ou27shoulders the stones for the second Troy. (XI, 129 ff) Idaeus had been sent by Priam to the Greeks to re­ port the offer of Paris and to seek a truce. In his speech Idaeus made several disparaging remarks about Paris. At one point he spoke of "Alexander, author of the war." Again, somewhat as an aside he spoke, "would.he had per­ ished firstl" referring to the safe return of Paris from

251ewis, loc. ill_. 26 Bryant, Iliad .2.E.· ..£!!., Vol. II, p. 150. 271ewis, .££· .£..!!., p. 263. 33 Greece. At the close of the speech Idaeus announced that Paris refused. to return Helen, "though all who d.welt 28 in Troy JO. i n t o deman' d i•t ·" The envoys, vrances and Ictaeus, aid gain a truce for burial of the dead. Agamemnon answered in the following manner,

••••••• For the slain I give Consent to burn them, to the dead we bear No hatred; when they fall the rite of fire Should soon be paid.29 · (VII, 510-513) Aeneas spoke thus: It was indeed a malignant fate that involved. you Latins In such a terrible war, ano. caused. you to flout our friendship. You ask me to make peace with the dead, whom the fortunes of battle Have killed: believe me, I'd like to make peace with the living equally.JO (XI, 110-113)

X. FUNERAL GAMES

The funeral games which Aeneas held in honor of his father .Anchises31 were patterned closely at·ter the funeral

28Bryant, Iliad .2.E.· cit., Vol. I, pp. 485-495. 29 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 192. 301 . ewis, 22.· ..£!!., p. 262. 31Ibid., pp. 105-122. 34

games for Patroclus. 32 Homer recounted these games with great detail and enthusiasm. One can almost feel the competitive spirit among the Greeks. This quality was lacking in Vergil's description. Tne Romans as a nation were not especially interested in these great athletic contests, and indeed vergil did not possess any athletic spirit. XI. BRUTALITY UF SOLDIERS

Brutality was a common characteristic of the Greek soldier both in action and in speech. Homer delighted in chronicling the ghastly wounas, the last throes of the dying, and the jeers of the victor over his fallen foe. This attitude was clearly shown in Agamemnon's words to Menelaus, who was on the verge of releasing Adrastus: Nay, let none of them escape The doom of swift destruction by our hanas. The very babe within the mother's womb, Even that must die, and all of Ilillm Perish unburied, utterly cut off .33 (VI, 71-75) Vergil resorted to a similar brutality twice. The tyrant Mezentius oppressed his people as vergil said with "brutish acts" and "damnable massacres." For punishment he bound live men to dead bodies so that they su1'fered a linger­ ing death, infected with putrefaction. ~·inally, people rose

32Bryant, Iliad 2:2.· .£!1:_, Vol. II, pp 292-319. 33Ibid., Vol. I, p. 153. 35 against the ncriminal maniac" and. drove him out.34 Mezentius was next seen on the battlefield 1·1ghting on the side of Turnus. After Turnus had been spirited away by Juno, Mezentius took his place and indulged in great slaughter just 1·or the love of killing. Vergil compared him to a famished wolf compelled by crazed hunger to kill.35 The other instance has been mentioned before when

Aeneas, temporarily crazed by grief, came through the field, Mowing down all who stood in his way, like a demon he carved out 6 A broad swathe with his sword through the foe; 3 (X, 513-514) From these structural comparisons and contrasts, one readily understands that Vergil did not view war in the same light as Homer. It is apparent that the former felt that war was a useless, destructive force, while Homer delighted in the physical contact of roe against foe. Vergil's descriptions seem to be those of a bystc.nder; where­ as. Homer is an active participant. To allow the hero to feel pity and sadness such as befell Aeneas after he had killed Lausus would have been unthinkable to Homer. 37

34 . Lewis, .2.2.. -·Cit., P• 194 . 35rbid., p. 252. 36Ibie1. , p. 245. 37 . Ibid., P· 255. CHAPTLP. VII

USE OF SIMILE

Let us now turn to the poetic devices of the poems. The simile was a poetic device used by both namer ana Vergil to ornament and alleviate the monotony of the long

narrative. These sp~ctacular word pictures also enriched the grand style of the epic. In the subsequent comparisons of the similes of the two poets, it will be evident that Vergil did not borrow literally but stamped each simile with his own personal touch. The similes of Vergil are rather pacific and static with the emphasis placed on the moment of sus- pended action. The Homeric similes are dramatic struc­ tures tense with action and tumult.

I. WINVS AND STOHMS

Both Homer and Vergil made use of winds and storms. Homer relished the actual action of the storm as in the simile of Hector killing Greeks: •••••••• As when a gale Blows from the west upon the mass of cloud Piled upon before the south-wind's powerful breath, And tears it with a mighty hurricane, While the swoln billows timble, and their foam Is flung on high before the furious blast 37 So by the s-worct of Hecfor fell the heads Of the Greek soldiery; (XI, 363-370) Vergil began with the -winds of the sea blo"Wing toward the land in his comparison of Turnus routing the enemy: As when a northerly gale from Thrace is roaring over The Aegean, and driving shore-ward rank upon rank of waves, And clouds go flying in the sky where squalls of winds have flailed them, So the formations give -way, the ranks turn round and run Whenever Turnus cleaves a path. 2 (XII, 365-69) Using the -wind in another simile, Homer describes the arrival of the armies to hear Hector speak, As -when the west wind, rising fresh, breathes oter The deep, and darkens all its face with -waves.3 (VII, 84-85) In the Aeneid the Trojans rushed out to help Ascanius: So in a rising -wind, -white horses begin to appear On the sea's face; then little by little the sea gets rougher The waves st~eper until the sea is all mountains and valleys.4 (VII, 528-30)

1Bryant, Iliad .2.E.· .£!.1., Vol. I, pp. 288-9. 21e-wis, 22.· ..£.!!., p. 300. 3Bryant, Iliad .2E.• .£.!.:!!.., Vol. I, p. 177 4te-wis, 2:£• ~, p. 171. 38 The parallel between Aeneas marching against Turnus and Agamemnon inspiring his men in the first battle against the Trojans provided an interesting comparison. From the Aeneid: As when a storm has burst and a cyclone strides across The sea toward the land_, and 1·orewarned from afar the hearts of Poor countrymen are appalled--that storm is going to fell Their trees and flatten the growing crops, create havoc every where Gusts., blowing f~om the sea, trumpet the gale's approach. (XII, 451-55) And in the Iliad: As when a goatherd from the hilltop sees A cloud that traverses the deep before A strong west wind_, - beholding it afar, Pi·tch black it seems, and brings o'er the waves A whirlwind with it; he is seized with fear And drives his flocks to shelter in a cave. 0 (IV, 350-55)

II. TREES

Both poets made use of trees in similes. Again, Homer dwelt on the violent actions, the physical relations; whereas Vergil used the tree as a symbol of something t1xed and unmoving. In the Iliad Homer spoke of men falling in battle:

;Ibid., p. 303. 6Bryant, Iliad 2E.· cit., Vol I, p. 99. 39 As when from mountain dells Rises and far is heard, a crashing sound Where woodmen fell the trees, such was the noise From those who fought on that wide plain.7 . (XVI, 794-97) Vergil used the tree to describe Aeneas withstanaing the pleas of Anna on behalf of Dido: As when some stalwart oak-tree, some veteran of the Alps, Is assailed by a wintry wino whose veering gusts tear at it, Trying to root it up, wildly whistle the branches, The leaves come flocking down from aloft as the bole is battered But the tree stands firm on its crag, for high as its head is carried Into the sky,8so deep do its roots go domi toward Hades. (Iv ,441-46)

III. STAR

Both writers used the star to symbolize an individual. Homer used its appearance as merely a supernatural thing. Pallas Athene has just inspired uiomed to battle and: •••••••••• upon bis head And shield she caused a constant flame to play Like the autumnal star that shines in heaven Most brightly when new-bathed in ocean tides.~ (v, 5-8)

7 Ibid., Vol. II, p. 121. 81ewis, .2.E.· .£!!.:.., p. 94. 9Bryant, Iliad .21?.· ..£.!!., Vol. I, p. 111. 40 Vergil used the star to describe Pallas as he accompanied Aeneas from his father•s palace. vergil added details that were more descriptive and sophisticated.

Just like the Morning Star, beloved by Venus above all The stars of heaven, when it rises from bathing in ocean deeps and Puts forth its holy light from the sky and melts the darkness.10 (VIII, 589-591)

IV. FIRE

Fire was used by both poets to express violent action and emotion, but the descriptions from vergil seemed more alive and vivid. liomer described Agamemnon killing Trojans thus: •••••••••• As when a fire Seizes a thick gronrn forest, and the wind Drives it along in eddies, while ,the trunks Fall with the boughs amid devouring flames, So fell the ffling Trojans by the hand Of Agamemnon. (XI, 180-186) Vergil used fire to depict the soldiery supporting Pallas in battle. Just as, in summer time, when the winds he has prayed for, have risen A shepherd may light fires at intervals over the heathland;

10 Lewis, ~· .£!.i:._, p. 197. 11 Bryant, Iliad .2.E.· cit., Vol. II, p. 282. 41

All of a sudden the interspaces catch fire, an unbroken Line of crackling flame is spread across oroad acres. 2 (x, 405-os)

V. BEES

Although the simile of the bees originally came from Homer, vergil interpreted it in his own manner. Homer compared the Greek army gathering for battle to the bees: As swarming forth from cells within the rock Coming and going still, the tribe of bees Fly in a cluster o•er the flowers in spring.13 (II, 113-115) Vergil used the simile of the bees to present a more peace­ ful scene. Aeneas and Achates are watching the people busily constructing the city of Carthage, So in the youth of summer, throughout the !lowering land The bees pursue their labors unaer the sun: they lead A young brood from the hive, or press the flowing honey And fill the cells to burstL~g with delicious nectar; Relieve incoming bees of their burden, or closing ranks Shoo the droneB, that work - shy gang away from the bee folds • .l.q. (I, 430-435)

121ewis, £1?.• .£.!,!., p. 241. 13Hryant, Iliad 2£· .£!.!., vol. I, p. 32. 14 Lewis, £1?.• .ill•, p. 25. 42

And in another instance Vergil compared the multitude of souls swarming around the river Lethe to bees: Just as amid the meadows on a fine summer day The bees alight on flowers of every hue, and brim The shininf~lilies, and all the lea is humming with them. J (VI, 706-708) Although the preceeding similes are only a few ex­ amples of structural comparison, they demonstrate that Vergil was not a mere imitator. He utilized his own ex­ periences and his own ideas in creating the vergilian simile.

15 Ibid. p. 150. CHAPTER VIII

OPINIONS OF AUTHORITIES

I. MAC.KAIL

In speaking of the epics Mackail stated that no great work of art can be judged by comparison with any other great work of art. The purpose of comparison is to contrast more sharply and appreciate more vividly the special beauty of each.1 Vergil made use of the epics or Homer only to the extent that they had captivated the popular mind of Rome. His purpose was not to give an exact interpretation of Homer but rather to imitate him as a rival, drawing on his own genius for modifications of the story that might occur to him as a poetical artist, a patriot, ana a connoisseur of ancient learning. II. CONNINGTON

Connington represented the two poets as opposite sides of a coin. The poet of the Greeks was Homer who set the action of his epic during the siege of Troy. Vergil, the ,poet of the Trojans, placed the action of the Aeneid

1J. w. Mackail, Latin Literature (New York: Charles Scribner's sons, 1904J, p. 9~. 44 after the burning of the city.2 The poetry of Homer had a certain spontaneity which arose from an outwelling of the spirit; whereas the poetry Q,f vergil relied on artistic convention ana strict regard for 't·e·chnique and music. The more one attempts to compare the poems, the greater the contrast. An incident which seemed a direct imitation of Homer became, on closer examination, a simi­ lar idea but one definitely touched by the style and genius of vergil so that the finished product was Vergil, not Homer.

III. VERGIL

Vergil was not attempting to create something entire­ ly new. He accepted the basic elements of epic tradition as set forth by Homer but colored them with the convictions, preferences, and values that were a definite part of his o'Wn nature. Basically, the epics were disparate. Vergil must not have considered the Aeneid an imitation of the Iliad since he replied to his critics thus: Let them try to steal for themselves as they say I have stolen for myself and they will 1·1na it easier to rob Hercules of his club than to rob Homer of a single verse.3

21ong (ed) .QE.· cit., p. 24. J!bid. CHAPTER IX

INFLUENCES OF VERGIL'S LIFE AND BACKGROUND

I. CHARACTER OF ROMAN PEOPLE

The Romans were not an original people, especially in the literary field. They tended more to the material, mechanical aspects of living. The Greek superiority in letters was a recognized and accepted fact. History re­ lates that the education of the Roman youth was largely supervised by Greek tutors and instructors. These in­ dlviduals naturally trained their students in the Greek literary and philosophical schools of thought.

II. EDUCATION OF VERGIL

Vergil himself came under this influence. It has been previously stated that Vergil possessed a wide 1mow­ ledge of and a. deep appreciation for Greek culture. As a student at Rome studying under Siro, Vergil became acquainted with the theories of the famous Greek philosopher, Epicurus. It seems only natural that from this training, steeped in Greek tradition, Vergil should turn to the master, Homer, when he embarked on the task of writing a Roman epic. CHAPTER X

INFLUENCES OF PAST IN VARIOUS AHEAS

When one looks back on the course of history, it is evident that Vergil was not the only writer who made use of the artistic merits of his predecessors. This is a form of literary preservation, in that one artist utilizing the ideas and models of the past, passes on those basic forms and ideas to artists of the future.

I. EPIC IN DIFFERENT gRAS

True the epic owes its origin to Homer but its con­ tinuing existence rests with the pens of many faraous poets down through the ages. The basic structure remains similar but the purpose, the language, the mode of expression bear the impression of the individual personality of the poet and the times in w!:1ich he lived. Homer wrote to tell a rousing tale of the greatness and glory of Greece in war. vergil was the interpreter and spiritual creator of a great ide£1, both of human life and the organization of a nation and the world. Thirteen hundred years later a great Italian poet, Dante, again incorporated the ideas and ideals of Vergil in his own great epic, The Divine Comedy. No one can doubt the influence of Vergil on 47 Dante since the former was the one who conducted Dante on a part of his spiritual journey through the realms of Hades. Yet one coula not say that he was merely imitating vergil, because vante was writing of the times in which he lived. He wrote of the world about him, of the philo­ sophy of his time, of Christianity, of faith and unity in supremacy of Roman Italy. 1 Dante was also instrumental in producing a return to the beauty of Vergilian expression which was never completely lost after Dante's time. The stateliness, dignity, and precision of Vergilian expression as well as rhythmical structure was continued by the great English poet, Milton, in his great epic, Paradill Lost, which is often regarded as the acme of expression in the art of English poetry. The poetry of these outstanding writers seems to have been enhanced by acquaintance with the great epic poets of the past.

II. ADAPTATIONS BY SHAKESPEARE

Would it be possible to say that Shakespeare was any less than the greatest dramatist o!' the modern world because he used innumerable sources to obtain the plots of his dramas?

His Comectz of Err~ was based directly on the

1Mackail, ~ Aenei~ .2.E.· cit., pp. 73-74. Menaechmi of Plautus, the parent of all modern comedy in its many varieties. He was not only the literary ancestor of Shakespeare and the French dramatist Moliere but also of many lesser dramatists in the field of comecty. 2 Tne play became Shakesperian however, when the author touched it with his own artistic genius. Shakespeare did not begin in the realistic world with truth and then involve his characters in error but reversed the procedure by beginning with error and enlightening them with flashes of truth. Re enlarged the play further by the addition of romantic in­ terest and minor additions of human sentiment.3

One could make a study of any one of Shakespeare's plays and find that he used a wide variety of source material but the end product was Shakesperian.

III. BIBLE AS LITERARY SOU~CE

Consider to what ·a great extent the Bible has been used as source material for writers of every era. Dante's

Divine Comed;y:,, Milton's Paradise~ and later poem Paradise Regained have strong religious overtones and bear

2cyril Bailey (ed.), The Legacv .9.f Rome (Oxi'ord: Clarendon Press, 19~'2;}';" p. 346. 3Hardin Craig! Th~ Interpr~~ation of §hak~s~ear~ (Ne"' York, T.ae citadel Press, 1948), pp. 2 -29. 49 a direct relationship to the teachings of the Bible. The

great Pilgrim:~ Progress was written to teach when cert&in BLblical mterpretations,not .in accordance with t.he Established

Ch.urch;were suppressed. Tennyson's Idyll~ of th~ King rnd Spencer's Fairie Queen deal with the problems of good and evil, moral virtues or the lack of them. One could continue almost indefinitely, but these mentioned ~ill suffice to show the influence of the Bible. Yet, none of these '\\Titers could be accused of plagiarizing from the Bible since each one interpreted the material in his own manner.

IV. APPROPRIATIONS IN OTHER FIELDS

This use of materials from the past is found not only in the literary field but also in such areas as art, architecture, religion and law. In the course of history one era should produce something to guide and influence future ages. Man advances himself and the world by absorb­ ing into his o-wn culture the best of the past, which, although changed by the ideals and events of his time, will be handed down to future ages with the basic structure or idea intact. so it is in the practical as well as the literary aspects of life. An example of this can be noted in the development of the early Christian church. The basilica type structure 50 with its central hall and side aisles was moaeled after the Roman basilica. Each h&d supporting arches with a decorated arch at one end containing the altar. Each building was domed with a ceiling 1T1ad€ of wood and columns of marble. The floors were laid in colored mosaics. The Cathedral of Sts. Pecer c'_nc_ Paul in

Rome was built in the basilica style4 but no one should conclude that this edifice was merely a copy of the past. The basilica was a structure of grec:.t beauty c;_nd dignity embodying the Roman developments in architecture, the arch a.nd t:J.e dome. The Roman basilica h&d been used not

;Jnly as a public meeting place but c..lso as & court of lar.--. Because of its size and stJrle, it seems a natural step that the early Christians should use t~1is same type build- ing as a house of worship. Roman jurisprudence provided the basis for our modern civil code. As Rome expanded from her simple city- state type of government with its harsh, severe laws, she found it necessary to enact laws, both civil and religious, to cope with her great empire. Laws hc:~d to be refined and o..d&pted to meet the complex problems which arose from the conquest of peoples with their varied attitudes and customs

4 . Bailey, ££· cit., pp. 263~64. 51 in regard to law and government. In this process of chan.ge

Roman la'W became impartial, liberal c:md. more humane in character. Rome produced laws adapted to her ot-.n needs, and time proved that she "WEcs successfUl in ruling her world. She left to posterity the spirit of those laws, recognition of rights of man and. the necessity for order in government. These preceeding examples d.i$play a wise use of the heritage of the past~ Through adaptation and modifi­ cation, the people molded the past to fit the needs of their own time. The same is true of the poetry of Vergil. CHAPTER XI

CONCLUSION

Vergil's poetry is not inferior because Homer first set the pattern for the epic. Eacn contributed to the process of making the epic one of the most noble forms of expression and each influenced the epics of subse­ quent periods of history. Perhaps condemnation is the price of renown such as Vergil enjoyed. There ·hill always be tLose -who "Will d.isparage the work of another. Al tnough this argument concerning vergil has been going on for centuries, it seems to have little effect on the position which Vergil occupies as one of the; outsto.ndi>Jg writers not only of his time but of all time. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. BOOKS

Bailey, Cyril (ed.). ~Legacy of Rome. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1924. Bryant, William C. The Iliad of Home?'.. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin Company,-nf?O. • The Odyssey of Homer. Boston: Houghton, --M_,.i..... fflin Company, I'S'"71. Collins, Rev. w. Lucas. Virgil. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1898. Craig, Hardin. The Interpretation 2.f. Shakespeare. New York: The Citadel Press, 1948.

Duff, J. Wight. A Literary History of~· London: T. Fisher Unwin Ltd., 1909. Frank, Tenney. Vergil. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1922. Guinagh, Kevin. The Aeneid of Vergil. New York: Rinehart and Company, Inc., 1953. Lewis, c. Day. The Aeneid of Virgil. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1953. Long, George (ed.). The Works ,Qf. Vergil. nCommentary by John Connington," London: George Bell and Sons, 1884. Mackall, J. W. The Aeneid. Oxford. Clarendon Press, 1930. • Latin Literature. New York: Charles Scribner's ---S-on-s, 1904.

Vergil ~ His. Meanin_g_ to. the world TO.Q..§.Z• Boston: Marshall Jones Company, 1922. Nettleship, H. Vergil. New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1901. 54

Rascoe, Burton. Titans of Literat~. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1932.

Rhoades, James. The Poems of Ver~il. Vol. XIII of Great Books of Western World. Edited by Robert l"la.ynard Hutchins. 5lt- vOTs:New'York:: Oxford University Press, 1952. Rose, H. J. A Handbook of Literature. London: Meuthen and Company,-1936. · -·- - Rouse, w. H. D. Homer: The Iliad. New York: The New American Library, 1950.

~~~-· Homer: ~ Odyss~. New York: The New American Library, 1937. Scott, John A. Homer and His Influence. New York: Longmans, Green and Company,-i93r:------· "The Poetic Structure of the Odyssey," Martin Classical Lectures. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 19JO. Vol., I, pp.- 97-124. Tennyson, Alfred Lord. The Poetic and Dramatic Works of Alfred Lord Tennyson:--Boston: Houghton, Mifflin ~ Company-;-1898. Tyrell, R. Y. Latin Poe..t!z. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin Company, 1895. B. PERIODICALS Co\i'les, Frank H. "Vergil's tlatred of war," The Classical Journal, XXIX (February, 1934), 357-374-;-- Keith, Arthur L. "Nature-Imagery in Vergil's Aeneid," The Classical Journal, XXVIII (May, 1933), 591-610. ~