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Can't We All Just Get Along? Left Unity
Issue 44 January/February 2008 scottishleftreview £2.00 CAN’T WE ALL JUST GET ALONG? LEFT UNITY IN SCOTLAND HenDi socialist review aslef 25/10/06 5:39 pm Page 1 scottishleftreviewIssue 44 January/February 2008 Contents Comment ........................................................2 Reaching out from inside... ...........................16 Unity is possible - look at Europe... ...............4 Vince Mills Left a bit ........................................................18 Gregor Gall Christina McKelvie Political earthquakes in the heart of Europe .....8 Ending old attitudes ......................................20 Victor Grossman Lou Howson News from the south ....................................10 No end to privatisation ..................................21 Andy Newman Gerry McCartney Workers - and eco-systems - unite ..............12 A flow of problems ........................................22 Justin Kenrick Antonio Ioris Comment he beginning point for all political discussion should be to on whether Scotland is now moving in a better direction. The Tdismiss the ridiculous idea that there is no ‘right’ or ‘left’ Labour left is caught knowing that the SNP is implementing in politics. These are not outmoded terms and neither Tony traditional Labour policies but also see them introducing Blair or anyone else can change the reality of how power, New Labour policies too. What do you criticise? The SNP left wealth and people are interconnected through the repetition can make all the accommodations it likes, but it knows that Scotrail’s job is to make profits for its investors - of platitudes. It is not true to say that there is no necessary money spent cutting business taxes is money spent prolonging contradiction between the policies of the left and the right. It is Thatcher’s shadow over Scotland. Those from the smaller left not true to say that increasing inequality by encouraging wealth parties will note that the SNP’s proposals for changing PFI do not to provide a service for the Scottish public. -
Rifondazione Comunista at Its 6Th National Conference : a Strategy of Textual and Semantic Analysis1
Rifondazione Comunista at its 6th National Conference : a strategy of textual and semantic analysis1 Fabio de Nardis1, Francesca della Ratta-Rinaldi2 1Università degli Studi di Lecce - Viale Gallipoli, 49 – 73100 – Lecce – Italia 2 Università degli Studi “La Sapienza”, Facoltà di Sociologia – Dip. DIES – Via Salaria 113 – 00198 – Roma – Italia Abstract In the last years the new Italian Communist party (Rifondazione Comunista) has acquired such a national and international importance to provoke the interest of political scientists. The 6th conference of the party (spring 2005) was very important because of the change from a traditional opposition attitude to the decision to form an alliance with the future Left government, in the case Romano Prodi wins the competition with Berlusconi. This change of perspective was long discussed within the party. As a matter of fact, during the 6th conference, five alternatives motions were discussed : the first was proposed by the secretary Fausto Bertinotti, who decided the alliance with the others Left wing parties, while the other four motions proposed alternative strategies. To analyse this process we have considered 72 articles, published before the conference in the party newspaper (Liberazione) to support the different motions (18 for each motion). The textual analysis we carried out with the new release of TaltaC2 allows us to describe the contents of five groups of articles, the specific language utilised, the kind of actors cited in the corpus and the negative language used. This description is carried out also in a multidimensional perspective. Keywords : Left wing party, political movement, Communism, semantic analysis, multidimensional textual analysis. Riassunto Negli ultimi anni il Partito della Rifondazione Comunista ha acquisito un ruolo di rilevanza nazionale e internazionale tanto da suscitare un crescente interesse da parte della comunità politologica. -
Communist Workers Party (PCL - Italia)
Communist Workers Party (PCL - Italia) To all the militants of the organizations of the Coordinating Committee for the Refoundation of the Fourth International • Introduction (August 2018) • PCL document on the crisis of the CRFI (April 2016) • Appendix 1: First reply of the PCL to the PO response to our document (October 2016) • Appendix 2: PCL letter demanding the right to participate in the CRFI Preconference (March 2018) Communist Workers Party (PCL - Italia) Introduction (August 2018) To all the militants of the organizations of the Coordinating Committee for the Refoundation of the Fourth International (CRFI) The text we send you here is a document which the Central Committee of our party, the Communist Workers Party (PCL), adopted in April 2016. It is for us, and also objectively, a fundamental text, because it summarizes our proposals for relaunching the CRFI. On them, and not on imaginary reconstructions, the debate should have taken place regarding the position of the PCL (as well as on the international analyses contained in our extensive congress documents, most recently those of the 2017 congress). We asked that the text be translated into the national languages of the various sections and distributed to all the militants. Unfortunately, this request has not been granted. It is not the first time that this has happened, and it will happen again, indeed this is the normal method used, in particular, by the leading group of the Partido Obrero. While we, despite the fact that our numbers of militants are far less than those of the PO, have always made provision, in particular in recent years, to make known to our comrades, both militants and adherents (non-militant members without the right to decisive vote), the various texts of the PO and the other sections, translated into Italian, even more so when they are polemics with our party or its leaders. -
The Failure of the Strategy to Support
THE FAILURE OF THE STRATEGY OF COLLABORATION WITH BOURGEOIS GOVERNMENTS AFTER WW2. 0. Foreword The question of collaboration not only with governments, but also with bourgeois parties, is very complex and ultimately concerns the fundamental strategic problem whether, under what conditions, to what extent and for what purposes the workers' parties can participate in the institutions of the bourgeois state in the frame of bourgeois democracy. The general consideration on this question that our parties have to face is therefore very large and can not be finished herein. Because of this, in our contribution we will restrict our synthetic analysis to only the historical experience of Communists in Italy, distinguishing between collaboration with some bourgeois parties, participation in elective institutions in the context of bourgeois democracy and support, or worse still, participation in governments, i.e. the "business committees" of the bourgeoisie. 1. Historical and theoretical premises In the first ten years of its existence, within the CPI (it will be renamed as ICP after 1943) there was an even harsh debate among the various positions on these issues, sometimes in contrast with the positions of the Communist International. Bordiga and the majority of the central leadership till 1926 were standing on intransigent positions that wanted a "pure and uncontaminated" party, excluding any form of cooperation with other parties, as well as the participation in elections and the parliament. In this way the Communists' organized participation in the “Arditi del Popolo” (People’s Assault Troupes, armed anti-fascist groups composed of socialists, anarchists, revolutionary trade-unionists, republicans, non-party elements and communists in disagreement with Bordiga) was lacking, despite Lenin's, Comintern's and Gramsci's anti-sectarian recommendations, splitting the anti-fascist movement and severely compromising the capacity for resistance to fascism. -
Vol. Xxiv/Xxv (2018/2019) No 31–32
THE INTERNATIONAL NEWSLETTER OF COMMUNIST STUDIES Der Internationale Newsletter der Kommunismusforschung La newsletter internationale des recherches sur le communisme Международный бюллетень исторических исследований коммунизма La Newsletter Internacional de Estudios sobre el Comunismo A Newsletter Internacional de Estudos sobre o Comunismo Edited by Bernhard H. Bayerlein and Gleb J. Albert VOL. XXIV/XXV (2018/2019) NO 31–32 Published by The European Workshop of Communist Studies With Support of the Institute of Social Movements and the Library of the Ruhr University Bochum ISSN 1862-698X http://incs.ub.rub.de The International Newsletter of Communist Studies XXIV/XXV (2018/19), nos. 31-32 2 Editors Bernhard H. Bayerlein Institute of Social Movements (ISB), University of Bochum, Germany [email protected] / [email protected] Gleb J. Albert Department of History, University of Zurich [email protected] Board of Correspondents Lars Björlin (Stockholm) Ottokar Luban (Berlin) Kasper Braskén (Åbo) Kevin McDermott (Sheffield) Hernán Camarero (Buenos Aires) Brendan McGeever (London) Cosroe Chaqueri † (Paris) Kevin Morgan (Manchester) Sonia Combe (Paris) Timur Mukhamatulin (New Brunswick) Mathieu Denis (Paris/Montréal) Manfred Mugrauer (Wien) Jean-François Fayet (Fribourg) Maria Luisa Nabinger (Rio de Janeiro) Jan Foitzik (Berlin) José Pacheco Pereira (Lisbon) Daniel Gaido (Córdoba, Argentina) Fredrik Petersson (Åbo/Stockholm) José Gotovitch (Bruxelles) Adriana Petra (Buenos Aires) Sobhanlal Datta Gupta (Calcutta) Kimmo Rentola -
Getting Personal? the Case of Rifondazione Comunista Newell, JL
Getting personal? The case of Rifondazione Comunista Newell, JL Title Getting personal? The case of Rifondazione Comunista Authors Newell, JL Type Conference or Workshop Item URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/10371/ Published Date 2010 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Getting personal? The case of Rifondazione Comunista JAMES L. NEWELL School of English, Sociology, Politics & Contemporary History University of Salford Salford M5 4WT [email protected] Paper prepared for presentation at the workshop, ‘Party leadership in Western Europe: Strictly Personal?’ at the 60th Annual Conference of the UK Political Studies Association, Edinburgh, 2 March – 1 April 2010. Getting personal? The case of Rifondazione Comunista JAMES L. NEWELL Introduction The growing personalisation of politics (by which I mean a growing focus on, and significance for, election outcomes of individual candidates and their characteristics) is a phenomenon that has been driven both by processes extending beyond Italy and by ones peculiar to it. The former include those that have been set in train by the end of the Cold War, which brought the decline of the once deep-seated ideological conflicts between left and right and made policy differences between mainstream parties everywhere harder to identify than in the past. -
'Di Lotta E Di Governo: the Lega Nord, Rifondazione Comunista and The
Di lotta e di governo: The Lega Nord and Rifondazione Comunista in coalition Albertazzi, D, McDonnell, D and Newell, JL Title Di lotta e di governo: The Lega Nord and Rifondazione Comunista in coalition Authors Albertazzi, D, McDonnell, D and Newell, JL Type Conference or Workshop Item URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/10399/ Published Date 2007 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Di lotta e di governo: The Lega Nord and Rifondazione Comunista in coalition DANIELE ALBERTAZZI, DUNCAN MCDONNELL AND JAMES NEWELL Introduction Recent years have seen the emergence and growth, in a number of European democracies of ‘outsider’ parties. These are parties that are (a) new, (b) radical and even ‘anti-system’, and whose growth enables them to (c) ‘disturb’ the electoral competition and the quest for power of the older established parties. Many of those that fall into the three large categories of new parties to have emerged in recent years – green parties, right-wing populist parties and regional autonomy/sub-state nationalist parties – would qualify for ‘outsider’ status according to these criteria. An interesting question is what happens when the evolution and growth of outsider parties gives them a significance within their party systems such as to lead them to join governments. -
'Di Lotta E Di Governo: the Lega Nord, Rifondazione Comunista
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Salford Institutional Repository Di lotta e di governo: The Lega Nord and Rifondazione Comunista in coalition DANIELE ALBERTAZZI, DUNCAN MCDONNELL AND JAMES NEWELL Introduction Recent years have seen the emergence and growth, in a number of European democracies of ‘outsider’ parties. These are parties that are (a) new, (b) radical and even ‘anti-system’, and whose growth enables them to (c) ‘disturb’ the electoral competition and the quest for power of the older established parties. Many of those that fall into the three large categories of new parties to have emerged in recent years – green parties, right-wing populist parties and regional autonomy/sub-state nationalist parties – would qualify for ‘outsider’ status according to these criteria. An interesting question is what happens when the evolution and growth of outsider parties gives them a significance within their party systems such as to lead them to join governments. In other words, what are the consequences for these parties of a shift from opposition to government? In particular, how successful are they in walking the fine line between playing the role of the ‘opposition in government’ (thus reassuring their core electorate that they have not ‘sold out’) and showing that they too can be responsible members of government, capable of governing as effectively as mainstream political actors (thus possibly attracting new support)? The remainder of this paper seeks to throw light on these questions by analysing, in exploratory fashion, the experience of two outsider parties in Italy: the regionalist populist Lega Nord (LN) and the radical left Rifondazione Comunista (RC).