Chapter-I Introduction

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Chapter-I Introduction CHAPTER-I INTRODUCTION The Regional Parties are not new to the Indian Politics. They have come into existence way back to 1916 with the rise of Justice Party in the then Madras state. Gradually these parties are playing a key role. They are emerging more powerful and grown up to dictating terms to the National Parties. There is a strong leadership who can put down the National Parties. Some regional parties even turned into national parties like Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), Samajvadi Party (SP) and even Shiv Sena to some extent. The Telugu Desam Party and Shiv Sena have played very important role both at their respective states as well as at the centre. This study is a comparison between them. Many facts about their nature and style of functioning and performance also examined. Regionalism is a burning topic in India. The emergence of Regional Parties in various parts of the country has become common now a day. The regional parties in the states instigate the regional sentiments of the people. "'Using the regional sentiments is a weapon in the battle of power politics." The regional parties are weakening the National Parties and it has become difficult for them to form governments at the centre without the support of the regional parties, because they have become strong in certain sates. Since 1989 it has become common phenomenon to form coalition governments at the centre. Political analysts have come to conclusion that the days of single party forming the government at the Centre is over. Since very long time the National parties either had pre-poll alliances or post-poll alliances to come to power at the centre. The regionalism has become so complicated and has raised so many questions. What is regionalism: Region and regionalism are topics common to all the social Sciences. The term Regionalism has been derived from the word 'region". Region is a part of a country or a state or a province of a part of the country. "Region in the Social sciences, a cohesive area that is homogenous in selected defining criteria and is distinguished from neighboring areas or regions by those criteria. It is an intellectual construct created by the selection of features relevant". According to encyclopedia of Britannica, the concept of region is currently used on analysis, planning and administration of many national and international public programmes. Regional consciousness, the ideological correlate of the concept that develops from a sense of identity within the region, is important in many historical, political and social analyses. Regionalism in India is so complex. It has no particular line of path. Within a particular region there are sub regional demands for instance within a Uni-Lingual regions there are separatist movements in many states in India, for instance in Maharashtra there is a separate Vidharbha demand, in Andhara Pradesh the northern districts, erstwhile Nizams ruled Telugu speaking areas which are socially, economically, educationally backward demanding for separates since 1960's. At last they could achieve separate Telangana state on 02" June 2014. In the same way separate Sourashtra state demand in Gujarat, separate Bundelkhand, Poorvanchal states in Uttar Pradesh, Midhilanchal in Bhiar and Madhya Pradesh also such demands came up. The results of 2014 general elections to the Lok Sabha raised the eyebrows of the poUtical analysts. A single Party with absolute majority party formed the government at the centre. However BJP had a pre-poll alliance with many regional parties in various states in the country the Telugu Desam is one among them which had pre-poll alliance in Andhra Pradesh and in Telangana. The single largest part needs the support of the regional parties who have the numbers in the Lok Sabha in order to get bring some constitutional changes. The BJP as a single party allowe^^e*^* "^^ coalition at the centre even though it doesn't depend on the support of the regiaffad parties but to consolidate its position. Y^V Tlie role of regional parties in the management of national parties: the regional parties could control the governments at the centre when the national parties had less strength in the Lok Sabha. The chiefs of the regional parties could steer the Prime Minister in decision making. The Prime Minister had to dance to the tunes of the strong regional party leaders. They had to fulfill the whims and fancies or desires of the state parties which were in power. For instance Chandra Babu Naidu of TDP government got more funds and there allocations to Andhra Pradesh during the tenure of United Front government 1996 and BJP government in 1999 respectively. Jaya Lalitha of AIADMK too did the same. Karunanidhi of DMK and Mamata Benargy of Trinamul Congress could manage to satisfy their desires in getting funds allocation and allocation of big national projects and key posts like Railways etc. in the central cabinet as well as in the government. The Shiv Sena too made similar demands and could get speaker post in the Lok Sabha 2002. SCOPE OF RESEARCH & METHODOLOGY SCOPE OF THE RESEARCH The scope of research has been taken from 1980 to 2005. Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra states are chosen to conduct research where Telugu Desam Party and Shiv Sena are emerged as regional parties. OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY: 1. Investigate to bring out the roots of Regionalism in India and the causes and circumstances paved the way for the emergence of regional parties. 2. To find out what is the base or support for the rise of regional parties. 3. Whether thy have been changing their ideologies quite often from time to time? 4. To examine what are the policies and programs of TDP and Shiv Sena. 5. To find out why the regional parties give more importance for the subsidy schemes, rather than the constructive projects although there is resource crunch due to the implementation of welfare schemes. 6. What is the attitude of the regional parties towards the center? What exactly they expect from the center. Is it appropriate under the federal structure in order to maintain unity and integrity of the nation? 7. Examine the electoral performance of TDP, Shiv Sena in the Assembly and parliament elections. 8. To find out any danger posed by the regional parties for the national unity integrity and sovereignty. 9. To find out what is the role of regional parties in the national polities and coalition government? RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Primary source: This research project is carried out in Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra with the help of personal interviews with the prominent leaders of the Telugu Desam Party and Shiv Sena from the grass root level to the top executives. Interviews also been conducted with the voters in politically important regions to get to know the opinions and voting behavior with structured questionnaire and random sampling method was adopted for interviews. Questions were open ended. Secondary Source: The literature, election manifestos, constitutions, Resolutions of the Telugu Desam and Shiv Sena parties, and periodicals. Journals, Magazines, Daily Newspapers, Reports of the Government Departments, Published Books etc., are the main sources of information. Sampling Method Sampling method was adapted to conduct interviews with voters as well as the office bearers of both the Parties in the states of Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh because of the area of research is very wide and as I had to visit Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra states which are geographically big states in India. A lot of physical energy patience, time and financial resources were used to conduct interviews. Random sampling method was also adopted because of the office bearers of the two Parties were not available readily on many occasions as I had to wait for days together for their appointment. I have randomly picked up some important and key leaders for interviews who ever were available at times in various distpicts in both Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh covering almost all the Districts. Steps in the Research Method 1. Interview Method - interviews are conducted with Voters of the Maharashtra state and Voters of the Andhra Pradesh state in all the regions. 2. Random Sample Method was adopted in choosing the voters. I have taken the samples with all groups of the voters like educated, unemployed, traders, private employees, house wives, small businessmen, daily waged laborers. Auto rickshaw drivers, agricultural farmers, and agricultural laborers. Teachers, Lecturers and Professors. Therefore all the communities of the society were touched and covered. Review of Literature The study of related literature is of Prime importance in any type of scientific research. This helps the researcher to know how much work has been done in the field related to the issue under investigation. From the perspective of the doctoral thesis the broader aim of review of related literature is to demonstrate one's command over the subject area, a professional grasp of knowledge and ability to emulate the present research as well as that of others. It will also allow the researcher to display the 'exercise' of independent critical power. It helps us to take up unfinished tasks and fulfill the gaps of the research. The present literature of review will not just attempt to illustrate the main areas of understanding; but should also point out current areas that are less will understand. The review will present an overview of the subject, its content in the wider research discipline. This will involve an evolution of both the quality of the arguments and the evidence that underpin current understanding. Such a critical evolution will provide an opportunity to make a novel contribution to the integration and understanding of research subject. Research can never be undertaken in isolation.
Recommended publications
  • Seeking Offense: Censorship and the Constitution of Democratic Politics in India
    SEEKING OFFENSE: CENSORSHIP AND THE CONSTITUTION OF DEMOCRATIC POLITICS IN INDIA A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Ameya Shivdas Balsekar August 2009 © 2009 Ameya Shivdas Balsekar SEEKING OFFENSE: CENSORSHIP AND THE CONSTITUTION OF DEMOCRATIC POLITICS IN INDIA Ameya Shivdas Balsekar, Ph. D. Cornell University 2009 Commentators have frequently suggested that India is going through an “age of intolerance” as writers, artists, filmmakers, scholars and journalists among others have been targeted by institutions of the state as well as political parties and interest groups for hurting the sentiments of some section of Indian society. However, this age of intolerance has coincided with a period that has also been characterized by the “deepening” of Indian democracy, as previously subordinated groups have begun to participate more actively and substantively in democratic politics. This project is an attempt to understand the reasons for the persistence of illiberalism in Indian politics, particularly as manifest in censorship practices. It argues that one of the reasons why censorship has persisted in India is that having the “right to censor” has come be established in the Indian constitutional order’s negotiation of multiculturalism as a symbol of a cultural group’s substantive political empowerment. This feature of the Indian constitutional order has made the strategy of “seeking offense” readily available to India’s politicians, who understand it to be an efficacious way to discredit their competitors’ claims of group representativeness within the context of democratic identity politics.
    [Show full text]
  • List of Participating Political Parties and Abbreviations
    Election Commission of India- State Election, 2008 to the Legislative Assembly Of Rajasthan LIST OF PARTICIPATING POLITICAL PARTIES PARTY TYPE ABBREVIATION PARTY NATIONAL PARTIES 1 . BJP Bharatiya Janata Party 2 . BSP Bahujan Samaj Party 3 . CPI Communist Party of India 4 . CPM Communist Party of India (Marxist) 5 . INC Indian National Congress 6 . NCP Nationalist Congress Party STATE PARTIES - OTHER STATES 7 . AIFB All India Forward Bloc 8 . CPI(ML)(L) Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation) 9 . INLD Indian National Lok Dal 10 . JD(S) Janata Dal (Secular) 11 . JD(U) Janata Dal (United) 12 . RLD Rashtriya Lok Dal 13 . SHS Shivsena 14 . SP Samajwadi Party REGISTERED(Unrecognised) PARTIES 15 . ABCD(A) Akhil Bharatiya Congress Dal (Ambedkar) 16 . ABHM Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha 17 . ASP Ambedkar Samaj Party 18 . BHBP Bharatiya Bahujan Party 19 . BJSH Bharatiya Jan Shakti 20 . BRSP Bharatiya Rashtravadi Samanta Party 21 . BRVP Bhartiya Vikas Party 22 . BVVP Buddhiviveki Vikas Party 23 . DBSP Democratic Bharatiya Samaj Party 24 . DKD Dalit Kranti Dal 25 . DND Dharam Nirpeksh Dal 26 . FCI Federal Congress of India 27 . IJP Indian Justice Party 28 . IPC Indian People¿S Congress 29 . JGP Jago Party 30 . LJP Lok Jan Shakti Party 31 . LKPT Lok Paritran 32 . LSWP Loktantrik Samajwadi Party 33 . NLHP National Lokhind Party 34 . NPSF Nationalist People's Front ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS - INDIA (Rajasthan ), 2008 LIST OF PARTICIPATING POLITICAL PARTIES PARTY TYPE ABBREVIATION PARTY REGISTERED(Unrecognised) PARTIES 35 . RDSD Rajasthan Dev Sena Dal 36 . RGD Rashtriya Garib Dal 37 . RJVP Rajasthan Vikas Party 38 . RKSP Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party 39 . RSD Rashtriya Sawarn Dal 40 .
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Aco3mxddati0n of Primqpjdial Parties
    THE POLITICAL ACO3MXDDATI0N OF PRIMQPJDIAL PARTIES DMK (India) and PAS (Malaysia) , by Y. Mansoor Marican M.Soc.Sci. (S'pore), 1971 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FL^iDlMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of. Political Science) We accept this thesis as conforniing to the required standard THE IJNT^RSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA November. 1976 ® Y. Mansoor Marican, 1976. In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of POLITICAL SCIENCE The University of British Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 ABSTRACT This study is rooted in a theoretical interest in the development of parties that appeal mainly to primordial ties. The claims of social relationships based on tribe, race, language or religion have the capacity to rival the civil order of the state for the loyalty of its citizens, thus threatening to undermine its political authority. This phenomenon is endemic to most Asian and African states. Most previous research has argued that political competition in such contexts encourages the formation of primordially based parties whose activities threaten the integrity of these states.
    [Show full text]
  • Economic and Political Change and Caste Relations in Tamil Nadu Early in the 21St Century
    Privilege in Dispute: Economic and Political Change and Caste Relations in Tamil Nadu Early in the 21st Century John Harriss Simons Papers in Security and Development No. 44/2014 | September 2015 Simons Papers in Security and Development No. 44/2015 2 The Simons Papers in Security and Development are edited and published at the School for International Studies, Simon Fraser University. The papers serve to disseminate research work in progress by the School’s faculty and associated and visiting scholars. Our aim is to encourage the exchange of ideas and academic debate. Inclusion of a paper in the series should not limit subsequent publication in any other venue. All papers can be downloaded free of charge from our website, www.sfu.ca/internationalstudies. The series is supported by the Simons Foundation. Series editor: Jeffrey T. Checkel Managing editor: Martha Snodgrass Harriss, John, Privilege in Dispute: Economic and Political Change and Caste Relations in Tamil Nadu Early in the 21st Century, Simons Papers in Security and Development, No. 44/2015, School for International Studies, Simon Fraser University, Vancouver, September 2015. ISSN 1922-5725 Copyright remains with the author. Reproduction for other purposes than personal research, whether in hard copy or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), the title, the working paper number and year, and the publisher. Copyright for this issue: John Harriss, jharriss(at)sfu.ca. School for International Studies Simon Fraser University Suite 7200 - 515 West Hastings Street Vancouver, BC Canada V6B 5K3 Privilege in Dispute: Caste Relations in Tamil Nadu 3 Privilege in Dispute: Economic and Political Change and Caste Relations in Tamil Nadu Early in the 21st Century Simons Papers in Security and Development No.
    [Show full text]
  • The 2001 Assembly Elections in Tamil Nadu
    NEW ALIGNMENTS IN SOUTH INDIAN POLITICS The 2001 Assembly Elections in Tamil Nadu A. K. J. Wyatt There has been a strong regional pattern to the politics of modern Tamil Nadu, intimately related to the caste stratification of Tamil society. In contrast to other parts of India, upper-caste brahmins constitute a very small proportion (approximately 3%) of the population of Tamil Nadu. Roughly two-thirds of the 62 million population belong to the middle group of “backward” castes. Though this umbrella term is widely used, it is some- what misleading. Members of these castes do not enjoy high ritual status in the caste system, hence the term “backward,” but they occupy a wide variety of socioeconomic positions in Tamil society. For example, during the colo- nial period, some members of the backward castes were wealthy owners of land and businesses. These leading members of the backward castes resented brahmin dominance of politics and the professions under British colonial rule.1 In particular, in the early 20th century, many considered the Indian National Congress to be an elitist and socially exclusive organization. E. V. Ramaswami Naicker asserted himself as a spokesman against brahmin he- A. K. J. Wyatt is Lecturer in the Department of Politics at the Univer- sity of Bristol, Bristol, U.K. The author is very grateful to the Society for South Asian Studies and the University of Bristol Staff Travel Fund for contributing to the cost of two visits to Tamil Nadu in 2000 and 2001. During these visits, he was able to interview a selection of senior politicians from across the range of parties.
    [Show full text]
  • FUTURE VISION STUDY CENTRE 2Ndfloor,Avkmaruthi Plaza, Opp: Hotel Lakshmi Prakash, SKS Hospital Road, New Bus Stand, Salem, Contact:90420 30163
    TEST NO:5 (EM) ~ 1 ~ 13.10.2020 FUTURE VISION STUDY CENTRE 2ndFloor,AvkMaruthi Plaza, Opp: Hotel Lakshmi Prakash, SKS Hospital Road, New Bus Stand, Salem, Contact:90420 30163 WWW.FUTUREVISIONTNPSC.COM TNPSC – GR – I (Prelims) - 2020 SUBJECT : UNIT – 9 TOPICS: Human Development Indicators in Tamil Nadu and a comparative assessment across the Country, Impact of Social Reform movements in the Socio - Economic Development of Tamil Nadu, Political parties and Welfare schemes for various sections of people TIME: 1 Hr MARKS: 100 1. Consider the following statements: I. Growth of SGDP in Tamil Nadu has been among the fastest in India since 2005. II. Poverty reduction in Tamil Nadu has been faster than that in many other states. III. Tamil Nadu contains a smaller proportion of India’s poor population. A) I only correct B) I and II are correct C) II and III are correct D) I, II and III are correct 2. Consider the following statements I. Tamil Nadu is the second largest contributor to India’s GDP. II. Tamil Nadu ranks 3rd in Human Development Index (UNDP: 2015). III. Tamil Nadu ranks 3rd in terms of, Invest capital (Rs.2.92 lakh crore) and value of Total industrial output (Rs.6.19 lakh crore). A) I only correct B) II and III are correct C) I and II are correct D) I, II and III are correct 3. Consider the following statements I. Tamil Nadu Ranks first among the states in terms of Number of factories with 17% share and Industrial workers (16%) of country. II. Tamil Nadu is placed third in health index as per the NITI Aayog report.
    [Show full text]
  • List of Political Parties in India ]]National Political Parties
    List of political parties in India ]]National political parties Party Abbreviation General Secretary / President Nationalist Congress Party NCP Sharad Pawar Indian National Congress INC Sonia Gandhi Bharatiya Janata Party BJP Nitin Gadkari Communist Party of India CPI Suravaram Sudhakar Reddy Communist Party of India (Marxist) CPI(M) Prakash Karat Source: Election Commission of India[2] [[edit]]State political parties (State wise list) Political State Party name Election symbol Abbr. Alliance Lok Satta Party Whistle LSP Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen Kite AIMIM Andhra Pradesh Telangana Rashtra Samithi Car TRS NDA Telugu Desam Party Bicycle TDP Third Front Arun Khitoliya National Party cealing Fan YSRCP All India United Democratic Front Lock & Key Assam Asom Gana Parishad Elephant NDA Bodoland People's Front Nangol UPA Janata Dal (United) Arrow JD(U) NDA Bihar raman party Bungalow LJP Rashtriya Janata Dal Hurricane Lamp RJD Fourth Front ZGE Goa Map Goa Save Goa Front Aeroplane Haryana Janhit Congress (BL) Tractor HJC NDA Haryana Indian National Lok Dal Eyeglasses INLD Jammu & Kashmir National Plough UPA Conference Jammu & Jammu & Kashmir National Bicycle Kashmir Panthers Party Jammu and Kashmir Peoples Ink Pot & Pen Democratic Party Jharkhand AJSU Party Banana Jharkhand Mukti Morcha Bow & Arrow JMM NDA Jharkhand Vikas Morcha Comb NDA (Prajatantrik) Rashtriya Janata Dal Hurricane Lamp RJD Fourth Front A Lady Farmer carrying Paddy Janata Dal (Secular) JD(S) on her head Karnataka Janata Party KJP Karnataka BSR Congress Kannada Chalavali Vatal
    [Show full text]
  • Justice Party - Torch-Bearer of Reform
    Justice Party - Torch-bearer of reform In the centennial year of the Justice Party, its service to the downtrodden and its objectives to strive for an egalitarian society need a fair appraisal It is indeed remarkable that 2015, a year that witnessed much of a ballyhoo against reservation, is also historic for the Justice Party, an organisation that sowed the seeds of social justice in the socio-political conscience of the country. It now quietly marks its centennial (1916-2015). What the Justice Party sowed a century ago has grown into a mighty banyan tree called caste-based reservation which the elite, the erudite and the privileged now want to be axed. However, at the grass-root level, and away from the cacophony of television debates, reservation as an idea still finds resonance, especially among the underprivileged. K. Veeramani Page 1 of 3 The results of the Bihar elections have only reinforced this; the right wing’s call for a review of the reservation system was one of the reasons that did the Bharatiya Janata Party in. The South Indian Liberal Federation, also referred to as the Justice Party, may be alien to the present day generation. It is a slice of history that has been conveniently or rather deliberately forgotten about in present day political discourse which glosses over the social reforms initiated by the party. How many thinkers and intellectuals who swear by democracy know that the Justice Party was a progressive movement that introduced women suffrage in April 1921 in the then Madras province? And this just a year after the princely state in Kerala? How many of those who fight for women’s rights now are aware that the Devadasi system was abolished by the Justice Party government, which was formed in 1920? A political party in the opposition was so vociferously opposed to this idea that its distinguished members indulged in a war of words with the social reformer, women’s rights activist and writer, Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Conflict Between Home Rule League and Non-Brahmin Movement
    Vol. 5 No. 3 January 2018 ISSN: 2321-788X UGC Approval No: 43960 Impact Factor: 2.114 CONFLICT BETWEEN HOME RULE LEAGUE AND NON-BRAHMIN MOVEMENT Article Particulars: Received: 24.11.2017 Accepted: 11.12.2018 Published: 20.01.2018 E.SELVAMANI, M.A., M.Phil., Ph.D.Research Scholar (Full – Time), PG & Research Department of History Government Arts College for Men, Krishnagiri, Tamil Nadu, India Abstract The Birth of the Home Rule Movement synchronised with the consolidation of non-Brahmin Movement. In fact the catalyst which triggered the formation the formation of non-Brahmin political organisation was the emergence of the Home Rule League of Annie Besant on 25th September 1915.1 The associates of Annie Besant were all Brahmins and her views were derived from the Brahmin influenced works of Puranas, Manu Code, the epics, hindu heros and Festivals of Hinduism.2 These views were strongly ridiculed and their credibility was questioned by the well versed non-Brahmins. Thus the development of the Home Rule Movement and its counterpart Dravidian ideology created a new dimension in the politics of the state of Madras and was pushed into the Fore-Front of hat political wave. As a matter of fact, the arrival of Annie Besant put an end to the factional fight and internal feud in Tamil Nadu Congress. And her definite campaign for Home Rule demand confronted the British with the most serious and largest movement among the dissidence of Tamil Nadu. To check the possible Brahmin domination through the Home Rule agitation, the non-Brahmins stood firmly against the transfer of power from the British to Brahmin overlordship or Brahmin oligarchy.3 Keywords: Home Rule Movement, non-Brahmin Movement, Annie Besant, Manu Code, Tamil Nadu Congress, Justice Party Non-Brahmin Manifesto The prominent non-Brahmin leaders like T.M.
    [Show full text]
  • Is the Coalition Era Over in Indian Politics? Adnan Farooquia & E
    This article was downloaded by: [Columbia University] On: 06 December 2014, At: 19:49 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK The Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ctrt20 Is the Coalition Era Over in Indian Politics? Adnan Farooquia & E. Sridharanb a Department of Political Science, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India b University of Pennsylvania Institute for the Advanced Study of India, New Delhi, India Published online: 04 Dec 2014. Click for updates To cite this article: Adnan Farooqui & E. Sridharan (2014): Is the Coalition Era Over in Indian Politics?, The Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2014.988457 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content.
    [Show full text]
  • “Bjçªj Ïd¤Bjhl Nj®ªbj©Â¢ Brœth®¡ Fu«Bghuÿ Ahbjh‹W Äš”
    Speech of Prof. K. Anbazhagan, Minister for Finance, Government of Tamil Nadu, presenting the Revised Budget for 2006-2007 to the Legislative Assembly on 22nd July, 2006. Hon'ble Speaker Sir, The great Saint Thiruvalluvar, gleaming at the trijunction of seas at Kanyakumari as the universally acclaimed and accepted unique cultural symbol of the classical Tamil language said: “bjçªj Ïd¤bjhL nj®ªbj©â¢ brŒth®¡ fU«bghUŸ ahbjh‹W äš” (There is nothing impossible to those who thoroughly consider their act with chosen friends and reflect themselves well before they act.) I rise to present this august House, the Revised Budget Estimates for the year 2006-2007 which has been prepared keeping in mind these great words and the cherished goal of ushering the State in the path of growth and prosperity. 2. In the political history of Tamil Nadu, in 1967 Perarignar Anna formed an all party alliance, won the electoral battle and formed the DMK Government. On his sudden demise Hon'ble Kalaignar, following his sanctified footsteps in public life and with the aim of fostering the welfare of people, assumed office of Chief Minister for the first time in 1969 and for the fifth time now. 2 3. In the recent elections to the Legislative Assembly, the people of Tamil Nadu have given a massive mandate to the Democratic Progressive Alliance of which the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam is a partner. This Budget has been prepared to make true the Kalaignar's statement at the time of releasing the election manifesto that, "This manifesto will become the Budget of this Government".
    [Show full text]
  • Research Paper Non-Brahmin Movement and Its Impact of Tamil
    Volume : 5 | Issue : 5 | May 2016 ISSN - 2250-1991 | IF : 5.215 | IC Value : 77.65 Research Paper History Non-Brahmin Movement and Its Impact of Tamil Nadu Dr.S. PARI Dept. of Youth Welfare Studies, Madurai Kamaraj University, PARAMESWARAN Madurai, Tamil Nadu. The aim of this paper is to describe the Non-Brahmin movement and its impact of Tamil Nadu. Non-Brahmin movement came into being to uplift the backward and depressed classes. The first to speak against the Brahmins was C.Sankaran Nair in 1903. A non-Brahmin social worker of Triplicane, C.Natesa Mudaliar started an organisation . for Non-Brahmins called Dravidian Association in 1912. On behalf of the Dravidian Association, he published two books namely, Dravidian Worthies and Non-Brahmin letters. “This association professed to work for a Dravidian State, an idea of which was little ABSTRACT heard later on. KEYWORDS Non-Brahmin Movement, Justice party, Depressed Class Movement Introduction : in the future should contain the proper proportion of all com- Non-Brahmin movement came into being to uplift the back- munities and interests.12 ward and depressed classes. The first to speak against the Brahmins was C.Sankaran Nair in 1903.4 A non-Brahmin The Montague Chelmsford Reforms announced the plan social worker of Triplicane, C.Natesa Mudaliar started an or- of increasing the participation of Indians in the governance ganisation . for Non-Brahmins called Dravidian Association in of the country. Accordingly, the Government of India Act of 1912. On behalf of the Dravidian Association, he published 1919, introduced the system of Dyarchy in India.
    [Show full text]