Libraries, Prisons, and Abolition

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Libraries, Prisons, and Abolition Libraries, Prisons, and Abolition 2020 Liv Graham, MLIS The following is a three part series I have written on prisons, libraries, and abolition in conclusion of my coursework. Each Tuesday for three weeks, a new piece will be published on the DLIS blog. The first piece is a guide for library workers who have limited experiences with the prison-industrial complex, providing an overview of prisons, jails, and detention centers in the U.S.; examining the intent and effects of increased incarceration rates; and defining some core tenets of/broad approaches to abolitionist thinking. The second piece focuses on the library as an institution that, produced under the forces of moralistic reformatory thinking, inevitably influenced the operations and procedures of the institution maneuvered under american racial capitalism. It aims to expand our creative thinking on repair work by looking towards how we can disrupt these systematic processes, such as smashing the professional tenet of neutrality and restructuring LIS pedagogy to be led by the most oppressed, as well as what decolonization and anti-violence strategies could look like for caring, sustainable futures of information institutions. The third piece will focus on practical applications of abolitionist, expansive initiatives you can undertake as someone trained in library work, both as an individual outside your job and as a worker within an institution, in order to work in coordination with incarcerated people in autonomous building and movement by facilitating access to information. It will examine the current pressing information crises specifically inside Indiana prisons exacerbated by the Digital Divide; offering programming and outreach ideas; and elaborating on or critiquing contemporary offered solutions/reforms in LIS like employing social workers in the library or divesting from police partnerships inside your library. I currently work as a part-time web services and reference librarian at a community college; because my work experience is primarily in public and academic libraries, these are the institutions which I will mainly focus on in the following pieces. I want to preface these writings by saying that my viewpoint is based on my embodied experiences and as a result is axiomatically siloed. I am a nonbinary transgender person (they/them pronouns, I appreciate you asking) who has undoubtedly experienced the carceral connections between healthcare mistreatment and anti-queer bigotry among everyday social antagonisms. However, I have never been incarcerated or detained against my will. I am a euro- american/white person—a young, mostly-able-bodied adult raised with access to more financial, physical, educational resources than many americans and most of the globe. I do not wish to This work was first posted on September 4, 2020 as an essay series for the IUPUI Department of Library and Information Science blog. Available from: https://blogs.iu.edu/dlis/2020/09/04/mlis-grad-liv-graham-presents-weekly- essay-series-on-libraries-prisons-and-abolition/ Copyright 2020, Liv Graham. Licensed for reuse under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. 1 speak from the vantage point of Black, Indigenous, & People of Color (BIPOC), who are targeted by the State by the very intent of its hostile design, nor to the experiences of those outside the U.S. who are undoubtedly targeted by this declining regime. I do not wish to contribute to a saturated commentary culture of white ogling at exhibitions of white supremacist violence against and murders of Black/New Afrikan peoples, nor to espouse my prison abolitionist vantage point as the One True Only Way Forward. I do not wish to weaponize my thinking as another way to torture and violate Black folks with white & educated abolitionist “empathic identification”, thereby further perpetuating “the circulation of dead and tortured black people produces in nonblack people not disgust or raised consciousness, but pleasure” (Boko, 2020). From where I am positioned, inside LIS and in other social-spatial surroundings, I wish to demystify key functionings of the carceral state, in order to: introduce the field of LIS and other cultural institution/GLAM workers to the abundance of pressing information needs of the many people impacted and disappeared by the expansive prison-industrial complex; and to illustrate that we who manage information can and must play valuable roles in fighting for open access and information liberation, namely through an abolitionist, radical, generative framework of thinking, being, working, and interacting with one another. Joshua Briond (2020) writes, the project of social categorization is a colonial, hierarchical one, one that renders us divided into binaries existing in antagonization. Through rigorous study of race, whiteness, movement, and liberation, we can make daily choices that “get to the root of the power, betray them, and build from there” (Briond, 2020). LIS is a glaringly white, predominantly gender-conforming field; after decades of institutional austerity and begging for funding scraps, the continued crises of professionalism implore library workers to not challenge the market-oriented wills of bosses and boards. As I speak to in the second piece, libraries repeat DEI verbiage while refusing to change an aggressive workplace culture, for example. This contributes to what Ervin describes as sustaining a Progressive Plantation, which fuels burnout for BIPOC library workers and library workers at the margins who are expected to push the field forward while carrying more than their fair share. Those of us who would be able to open up many more doors through our presence in these institutions cannot sustain this work without the ability to shape and change our organizations to prioritize care. This starts with, and is not limited to, guaranteeing all library workers living wages and healthcare, among other salient and overdue needs. White hegemony in LIS is reinforced through LIS education, which by and large in pedagogy does not examine meaning in difference, just instructs a professional culture of non-critique against ALA and DEI initiatives outdated demands from library workers of the 1960s and 1970s, as I speak to in my subsequent writings. Information workers can be uniquely educated and empowered to think outside the box (ie Institution) to build open systems of access to information about, for, and by us, working towards an attainable vision of collective information literacy, empowerment through access. Through intra/interpersonal reflection; studying the past and the speculative; relying on one another; and committing to and sustaining projects that build, rather than shrink, our worlds. We can undertake these approaches to critical librarianship through collective support, foundational to transformative justice. Assessing our strengths, that are afforded to us through birth, class, presentation, choices, we can then work together for the 2 care needed after committing to the challenging answers found from asking: “how can this condition be redressed?” (Boko, 2020). Mia Mingus (2016) writes, “community” is a word that we use all the time, but “many people don’t know what it is or feel they have never experienced it” (Mingus, 2020). Sustainable community endeavors require solid relationships between people maintained through trust. Building and growing connections between people where they already exist or can exist can lay the groundwork for the conditions required to support people without these connections, those who are violently targeted by the state and moralistic charity and nonprofit initiatives. In our everyday lives, the nourishing choices we make, like to care for one another or commit to reflection and growth together, can expand the number of people who can “recognize, talk about, prevent and respond to violence” so that people “in need of support will find it in their daily lives” (Mingus, 2016). These small steps towards a larger transformation will “help us gradually move away from the structures that keep people isolated… [which is] not only useful for ourselves and the people in our immediate circles, but has the potential to… support anyone experiencing violence” (Mingus, 2016). I believe, like nina de jesus advocated for, that libraries are one of the few state institutions that offers some capacity for emancipatory potential. As information gatekeepers, we hold an immense power that any ALA pep speech can never address the nefarious, material underbelly of. Each one of our individual struggles is bound up in the larger fight for collective liberation from the forces of white patriarchal supremacy that plague this state, the U.S. at large, and fortify racial capitalism. This is not the mainstream approach in our field, yet critical librarianship continues opening up the doors for library workers and users alike. When ALA named Seattle Public Library as the recipient of the 2020 Library of the Year award this summer, trans library workers and advocates for us critiqued ALA for valorizing a library that continues allowing violent transphobes to take up meeting room space on the basis of being “taxpayers”. Far too often, the safety, health, and continued wellbeing of library workers from the margins are ridiculed and neglected under the threat of white supremacist hegemony embedded deep within our workplaces. This is not new to the american public library, which, in its most basic form, is the raison d'être for the imperialist
Recommended publications
  • In Ta-Nehisi Coates's Between the World and Me
    “OVERPOLICED AND UNDERPROTECTED”:1 RACIALIZED GENDERED VIOLENCE(S) IN TA-NEHISI COATES’S BETWEEN THE WORLD AND ME “SOBREVIGILADAS Y DESPROTEGIDAS”: VIOLENCIA(S) DE GÉNERO RACIALIZADA(S) EN BETWEEN THE WORLD AND ME, DE TA-NEHISI COATES EVA PUYUELO UREÑA Universidad de Barcelona [email protected] 13 Abstract Ta-Nehisi Coates’s Between the World and Me (2015) evidences the lack of visibility of black women in discourses on racial profiling. Far from tracing a complete representation of the dimensions of racism, Coates presents a masculinized portrayal of its victims, relegating black women to liminal positions even though they are one of the most overpoliced groups in US society, and disregarding the fact that they are also subject to other forms of harassment, such as sexual fondling and other forms of abusive frisking. In the face of this situation, many women have struggled, both from an academic and a political-activist angle, to raise the visibility of the role of black women in contemporary discourses on racism. Keywords: police brutality, racism, gender, silencing, black women. Resumen Con la publicación de la obra de Ta-Nehisi Coates Between the World and Me (2015) se puso de manifiesto un problema que hacía tiempo acechaba a los discursos sobre racismo institucional: ¿dónde estaban las mujeres de color? Lejos de trazar un esbozo fiel de las dimensiones de la discriminación racial, la obra de Coates aboga por una representación masculinizada de las víctimas, relegando a las miscelánea: a journal of english and american studies 62 (2020): pp. 13-28 ISSN: 1137-6368 Eva Puyuelo Ureña mujeres a posiciones marginales y obviando formas de acoso que ellas, a diferencia de los hombres, son más propensas a experimentar.
    [Show full text]
  • Prison Education & Library Services for Adult Prisons in England Policy Framework Reference: Click Here to Enter Text. Issue
    Prison Education & Library Services for adult prisons in England Policy Framework Reference: Click here to enter text. Issue Date: 01/04/2019 Implementation Date: 01/04/2019 Replaces the following documents (e.g. PSIs, PSOs, Custodial Service Specs) which are hereby cancelled: PSI 20/2000 Education Key Performance Indicator: Measuring basic skills attainment. Introduces amendments to the following documents: The education related elements of the following PSIs and Output 2 from the Prisoner Employment, Training & Skills Service Specification no longer apply to prisons in England – please note that they do still apply in Wales and the elements not related to education, e.g. employment, are still applicable in England and Wales: PSI 06/2012 Prisoner employment, training and skills PSI 32/2012 Open University, Higher Education and distance learning PSI 02/2015 Prison Library Service Prisoner Employment, Training & Skills Service Specification, Output 2 Action required by: HMPPS HQ Governors Public Sector Prisons and over 18s Young Offender Institutions in Heads of Group England Community Rehabilitation Companies Contracted Prisons in England (CRCs) HMPPS-run Immigration Removal National Probation Service Centres (IRCs) HMPPS Rehabilitation Contract Youth Custody Estate Services Team Other providers of Probation and Women’s Estate Community Services Mandatory Actions: All groups referenced above must adhere to the Requirements section of this Policy Framework, which contains all mandatory actions. For Information: The aim of this Policy Framework is to detail the minimum mandatory requirements which are needed to deliver education and library services in adult prisons in England. The Policy Framework supports the implementation of reforms that give Governors1 greater control of education within their prisons and the ability to set the strategic vision for their establishment’s education programme, ensuring this is delivered in the best way for their prisoners.
    [Show full text]
  • U.S. Citizens Kidnapped by the Islamic State John W
    CRS Insights U.S. Citizens Kidnapped by the Islamic State John W. Rollins, Specialist in Terrorism and National Security ([email protected], 7-5529) Liana Rosen, Specialist in International Crime and Narcotics ([email protected], 7-6177) February 13, 2015 (IN10167) Overview On February 10, 2015, President Barack Obama acknowledged that U.S. citizen Kayla Mueller was killed while held in captivity by the terrorist group known as the Islamic State (IS). This was the fourth death of an American taken hostage by the Islamic State: Abdul-Rahman Kassig (previously Peter Kassig), James Foley, and Steven Sotloff were also killed. The death of Mueller and the graphic videos depicting the deaths of the other three Americans have generated debate about the U.S. government's role and capabilities for freeing hostages. In light of these deaths, some policymakers have called for a reevaluation of U.S. policy on international kidnapping responses. Questions include whether it is effective and properly coordinated and implemented, should be abandoned or modified to allow for exceptions and flexibility, or could benefit from enhancements to improve global adherence. Scope The killing of U.S. citizens by the Islamic State may be driven by a variety of underlying motives. Reports describe the group as inclined toward graphic and public forms of violence for purposes of intimidation and recruitment. It is unclear whether the Islamic State would have released its Americans hostages in exchange for ransom payments or other concessions. Foley's family, for example, disclosed that the Islamic State demanded a ransom of 100 million euros ($132 million).
    [Show full text]
  • Updates – 8 Nov 2016
    JNYC ABCI Post Office Box 110034 Brooklyn, New York 11211 Updates for November 8th 21 Oct - Democracy Now! feature on remaining Panther PPs 50 years after the founding of the Black Panther Party, some members are still locked up as political prisoners. MORE: (Democracy Now!) As the Black Panther Party marks its 50th anniversary we revisit two decades of Democracy Now! interviews with members who were released from prison, in many cases after tortured confessions, wrongful convictions, and longterm solitary confinement. We also report on those still behind bars. Political prisoners are part of the Black Panther Party legacy. Some former members have been behind bars 40 years. In some cases, court documents show they were punished essentially for being in the Black liberation struggle. Many continue face parole board denials based on their relationship with the party. Perhaps the most famous political prisoner in the United States, Mumia Abu-Jamal is a former Panther who has regularly been interviewed on Democracy Now! as an award-winning journalist. Learn about the others below. Two former Black Panthers have died behind bars this year. Abdul Majid was serving a 33-years to life sentence for the 1981 death of NYPD officer John Scarangella, and attempted murder of his partner. The incident occurred during a shoot-out after police stopped a van they said was linked to Assata Shakur's escape from prison. The suspects escaped but Majid was later arrested and brutally beaten, along with Bashir Hameed. Known as the "Queens Two," they faced three trials over five years before being convicted under a judge who was the son and brother of a police officer.
    [Show full text]
  • Policing, Protest, and Politics Syllabus
    Policing, Protest, and Politics: Queers, Feminists, and #BlackLivesMatter WOMENSST 295P / AFROAM 295P Fall 2015 T/Th 4:00 – 5:15pm 212 Bartlett Hall Instructor: Dr. Eli Vitulli Office: 7D Bartlett Email: [email protected] Office hours: Th 1:30-3:30pm (& by appointment only) COURSE OVERVIEW Over the past year few years, a powerful social movement has emerged to affirm to the country and world that Black Lives Matter. Sparked by the killing of Trayvon Martin by George Zimmerman in Stanford, Florida, and Zimmerman’s acquittal as well as the police killings of other black men and women, including Michael Brown, Rekia Boyd, and Freddie Gray, this movement challenges police violence and other policing that makes black communities unsafe as well as social constructions of black people as inherently dangerous and criminal. Police violence against black people and the interrelated criminalization of black communities have a long history, older than the US itself. There is a similarly long and important history of activism and social movements against police violence and criminalization. Today, black people are disproportionately subject to police surveillance and violence, arrest, and incarceration. So, too, are other people of color (both men and women) and queer, trans, and gender nonconforming people of all races but especially those of color. This course will examine the history of policing and criminalization of black, queer, and trans people and communities and related anti-racist, feminist, and queer/trans activism. In doing so, we will interrogate how policing and understandings of criminality—or the view that certain people or groups are inherently dangerous or criminal—in the US have long been deeply shaped by race, gender, and sexuality.
    [Show full text]
  • Prison Abolition and Grounded Justice
    Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2015 Prison Abolition and Grounded Justice Allegra M. McLeod Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/1490 http://ssrn.com/abstract=2625217 62 UCLA L. Rev. 1156-1239 (2015) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminal Procedure Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Social Control, Law, Crime, and Deviance Commons Prison Abolition and Grounded Justice Allegra M. McLeod EVIEW R ABSTRACT This Article introduces to legal scholarship the first sustained discussion of prison LA LAW LA LAW C abolition and what I will call a “prison abolitionist ethic.” Prisons and punitive policing U produce tremendous brutality, violence, racial stratification, ideological rigidity, despair, and waste. Meanwhile, incarceration and prison-backed policing neither redress nor repair the very sorts of harms they are supposed to address—interpersonal violence, addiction, mental illness, and sexual abuse, among others. Yet despite persistent and increasing recognition of the deep problems that attend U.S. incarceration and prison- backed policing, criminal law scholarship has largely failed to consider how the goals of criminal law—principally deterrence, incapacitation, rehabilitation, and retributive justice—might be pursued by means entirely apart from criminal law enforcement. Abandoning prison-backed punishment and punitive policing remains generally unfathomable. This Article argues that the general reluctance to engage seriously an abolitionist framework represents a failure of moral, legal, and political imagination.
    [Show full text]
  • The Effect of Prison Privatization on US Incarceration Rates And
    Profits Before People: The Effect of Prison Privatization on U.S. Incarceration Rates and Recidivism By Vardui Kirakossyan A Senior Honors Thesis Submitted to the Department of Political Science University of California, San Diego March 30 2015 Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank my advisor, Professor Peter Galderisi, for his incredible assistance and guidance throughout these two quarters. Without his insight and expertise, this paper would not have been made possible. I would also like to thank the UCSD Staff, including Professor Peter Smith and Tom K. Wong, for ensuring all participants remained on track and for answering our endless questions. My thanks to the statisticians at the Bureau of Justice Statistics who took the time to reply to every single one of my emails and provide information when I had difficulty obtaining them. A special thanks to Annelise Skylar, the UCSD librarian, for her ability to accommodate my last minute requests. I would finally like to thank my friends and family for their continuous support and encouragement these past months. In loving memory of Bella Kirakossyan Table of Contents Chapter 1: An Introduction to the Prison System and Incarceration Rates 5-8 1.1 Literature Review- Overview 8-11 1.2 Design of Research 11 Chapter 2: Incentive of Private Prisons 2.1 Requirements of Private Contracts 12-17 2.2 Political Gimmicks: Follow the Money 17-21 2.3 Past Cases of Profit Motives 21-24 2.4 Salaries of Executives 24-26 Chapter 3: Private Prison Conditions and Recidivism 3.1 Comparative Analysis: Minnesota 27-31 3.2 Reported Issues 31-36 3.3 Incentive to Recidivate 36-37 Chapter 4: Results: 4.1 Thesis and Design Redefined 38-43 4.2 Research Moving Forward 44-45 Chapter 5: Conclusion 45-47 References 48-49 CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION America: the land of the free, home of the brave, and the nation with the highest rate of incarceration.
    [Show full text]
  • Black Anarchism, Pedro Riberio
    TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction.....................................................................................................................2 2. The Principles of Anarchism, Lucy Parsons....................................................................3 3. Anarchism and the Black Revolution, Lorenzo Komboa’Ervin......................................10 4. Beyond Nationalism, But not Without it, Ashanti Alston...............................................72 5. Anarchy Can’t Fight Alone, Kuwasi Balagoon...............................................................76 6. Anarchism’s Future in Africa, Sam Mbah......................................................................80 7. Domingo Passos: The Brazilian Bakunin.......................................................................86 8. Where Do We Go From Here, Michael Kimble..............................................................89 9. Senzala or Quilombo: Reflections on APOC and the fate of Black Anarchism, Pedro Riberio...........................................................................................................................91 10. Interview: Afro-Colombian Anarchist David López Rodríguez, Lisa Manzanilla & Bran- don King........................................................................................................................96 11. 1996: Ballot or the Bullet: The Strengths and Weaknesses of the Electoral Process in the U.S. and its relation to Black political power today, Greg Jackson......................100 12. The Incomprehensible
    [Show full text]
  • Nov. 12, 2020 $1 Black Vote Dumps Trump by Monica Moorehead and Louisville, Ky., Respectively This Past Spring
    ¡La autodefensa es un derecho! 12 Editorial Niños perdidos 12 Workers and oppressed peoples of the world unite! workers.org Vol. 62, No. 46 Nov. 12, 2020 $1 Black vote dumps Trump By Monica Moorehead and Louisville, Ky., respectively this past spring. There were also signs saying that Once it was confirmed on Nov. 7 that the election was not about Biden/Harris, the Joe Biden and Kamala Harris ticket but about the defeat of Trump and that had defeated Trump, literally tens of the struggle will continue. thousands of people around the U.S. There was also the recognition of his- spontaneously took to the streets for tory being made with Kamala Harris hours in jubilation and celebration. Not being the first woman and the first only were downtown areas taken over woman of color to become a vice-presi- but also neighborhoods, block by block, dent elect. While describing herself as a where traffic came to a standstill with Black woman of Jamaican heritage, her horns blaring. family roots also come from the Indian While the majority of those in the state of Tamil Nadu. There were thou- streets were young people, all ages partic- sands of women, including Muslims, car- ipated regardless of nationality, gender, rying signs expressing equal if not more gender expression and abilities. People support for Harris winning than Biden. Lead banners of march in Philadelphia Center City, Nov. 7. WW PHOTO: JOE PIETTE could hardly wait to let off steam after While there was a wide gauntlet of waiting for what must have seemed like political views of people who poured out an eternity— if only five days— to see if in the streets of Philadelphia, Atlanta, the four-year nightmare of Trump would New York City, Chicago, the Bay Area, Philly celebrates, come to an end.
    [Show full text]
  • Golden Gulag
    GOLDEN GULAG AMERICAN CROSSROADS EDITED BY EARL LEWIS, GEORGE LIPSITZ, PEGGY PASCOE, GEORGE SÁNCHEZ, AND DANA TAKAGI GOLDENGULAG PRISONS, SURPLUS, CRISIS, AND OPPOSITION IN GLOBALIZING CALIFORNIA RUTHWILSONGILMORE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY LOS ANGELES LONDON University of California Press, one of the most distinguished uni- versity presses in the United States, enriches lives around the world by advancing scholarship in the humanities, social sciences, and nat- ural sciences. Its activities are supported by the UC Press Founda- tion and by philanthropic contributions from individuals and insti- tutions. For more information, visit www.ucpress.edu. University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. London, England © 2007 by The Regents of the University of California Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Gilmore, Ruth Wilson, 1950–. Golden gulag : prisons, surplus, crisis, and opposition in globalizing California / Ruth Wilson Gilmore. p. cm—(American crossroads ; 21). Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn-13: 978-0-520-22256-4 (cloth : alk. paper) isbn-10: 0-520-22256-3 (cloth : alk. paper) isbn-13: 978-0-520-24201-2 (pbk. : alk. paper) isbn-10: 0-520-24201-7 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Prisons—California. 2. Prisons—Economic aspects—California. 3. Imprisonment—California. 4. Criminal justice, Administration of—California. 5. Discrimination in criminal justice administration—California. 6. Minorities—California. 7. California—Economic conditions. I. Title. II. Series. HV9475.C2G73 2007 365'.9794—dc22 2006011674 Manufactured in the United States of America 15 14 13 12 111098765 This book is printed on New Leaf EcoBook 60, containing 60% postconsumer waste, processed chlorine free; 30% de-inked recycled fiber, elemental chlorine free; and 10% FSC-certified virgin fiber, to- tally chlorine free.
    [Show full text]
  • The Hostage Through the Ages
    Volume 87 Number 857 March 2005 A haunting figure: The hostage through the ages Irène Herrmann and Daniel Palmieri* Dr Irène Herrmann is Lecturer at the University of Geneva; she is a specialist in Swiss and in Russian history. Daniel Palmieri is Historical Research Officer at the International Committee of the Red Cross; his work deals with ICRC history and history of conflicts. Abstract: Despite the recurrence of hostage-taking through the ages, the subject of hostages themselves has thus far received little analysis. Classically, there are two distinct types of hostages: voluntary hostages, as was common practice during the Ancien Régime of pre-Revolution France, when high-ranking individuals handed themselves over to benevolent jailers as guarantors for the proper execution of treaties; and involuntary hostages, whose seizure is a typical procedure in all-out war where individuals are held indiscriminately and without consideration, like living pawns, to gain a decisive military upper hand. Today the status of “hostage” is a combination of both categories taken to extremes. Though chosen for pecuniary, symbolic or political reasons, hostages are generally mistreated. They are in fact both the reflection and the favoured instrument of a major moral dichotomy: that of the increasing globalization of European and American principles and the resultant opposition to it — an opposition that plays precisely on the western adherence to human and democratic values. In the eyes of his countrymen, the hostage thus becomes the very personification of the innocent victim, a troubling and haunting image. : : : : : : : In the annals of the victims of war, hostages occupy a special place.
    [Show full text]
  • Hostage-Taking
    Chapter II Hostage-Taking The development of the international humanitarian law rules that prohibit hostage-taking followed a similar trajectory to those relating to collective pun- ishment recounted in the previous chapter, although the transition from per- mitted practice to a prohibited one was much more abrupt. The taking of hostages had been embraced by belligerents as a means of warfare from ancient times right up to the Second World War, after which it was transformed almost overnight into one of the most egregious violations of international humani- tarian law, a grave breach of the 1949 Geneva Conventions. Previously, hostages were exchanged pursuant to interbelligerent agreements and taken from com- munities as a means of ensuring compliance with demands and for the purpose of deterring hostile acts. Those held were frequently executed in the event of disobedience, killed in response to the acts of others. As such, the taking and particularly the killing of hostages was based on a notion of collective respon- sibility, whereby those held were liable to death, injury, or continued detention for the acts or omissions of the target group or its members.1 The use of hostages was common during the wars of Ancient Greece and Rome. These were usually exchanged or taken to ensure the maintenance of truces and other agreements, and although an injured State often “wreaked a terrible vengeance on the foreign hostages,” they were, for the most part, treated with courtesy and consideration.2 Early international law writers, such as Grotius and de Vattel, supported the taking of hostages, but opposed their killing, if the hostages themselves were innocent of any crime.3 But killed they were, through- 1 Unless otherwise stated, hostage-taking is used in this chapter to mean both the taking and the killing or ill treatment of hostages.
    [Show full text]