Character, Competency, and Constitutionalism: Did the Bork Nomination Represent a Fundamental Shift in Onfirc Mation Criteria? Frank Guliuzza III
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Tradition and Morality in Constitutional Law
The Francis Boyer Lectures on Public Policy TRADITION AND MORALITY IN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW Robert H. Bork American Enterprise lnstitute for Public Policy Research TRADITION AND MORALITY IN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW The Francis Boyer Lectures on Public Policy TRADITION AND MORALITY IN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW Robert H. Bork American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research ISBN 0-8447-1370-8 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 84-62693 @1934 by the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, Washington, D.C., and London. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever with· out permission in writing from the American Enterprise Insti tu te except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed m the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. "American Enterprise Institute" and @) are registered service marks of the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research. Printed in the United States of America American Enterprise Institute 1150 Seventeenth Street, N. W, Washington, D. C. 20036 THE FRANCIS BOYER LECTURES ON PUBLIC POLICY The American Enterprise Institute has initiated the Francis Boyer Lectures on Public Policy to examine the relationship between business and government and to develop contexts for their creative interaction. These lectures have been made possible by an endowment from the SmithKline Beck man Corporation in memory of Mr. Boyer, the late chairman of the board of the corporation. The lecture is given by an eminent thinker who has developed notable insights on one or more aspects of the relationship between the nation's private and public sectors. -
Disarming the Confirmation Process
Cleveland State Law Review Volume 50 Issue 4 Article 3 2003 Disarming the Confirmation Process Michael M. Gallagher Law Clerk, United States District Court, Eastern District of Texas Follow this and additional works at: https://engagedscholarship.csuohio.edu/clevstlrev Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Judges Commons How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! Recommended Citation Michael M. Gallagher, Disarming the Confirmation Process, 50 Clev. St. L. Rev. 513 (2002-2003) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at EngagedScholarship@CSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cleveland State Law Review by an authorized editor of EngagedScholarship@CSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DISARMING THE CONFIRMATION PROCESS MICHAEL M. GALLAGHER1 I. INTRODUCTION .................................................................... 515 II. BACKGROUND...................................................................... 520 A. The Constitutional Meaning of “Advice and Consent”................................................. 520 B. A [More Recent] History of the Confirmation Process ............................................ 522 1. The Bork Nomination........................................... 524 2. President George H.W. Bush................................ 526 3. President Bill Clinton ........................................... 526 4. President George W. Bush ................................... 529 a. Defining the Rules of the Game ...................................................... -
Bloody Crossroads African-Americans and the Bork Nomination: a Bibliographic Essay J
Howard University Digital Howard @ Howard University Selected Speeches J. Clay Smith, Jr. Collection 1-11-1992 Bloody Crossroads African-Americans and The Bork Nomination: A Bibliographic Essay J. Clay Smith Jr. Follow this and additional works at: http://dh.howard.edu/jcs_speeches Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Smith, J. Clay Jr., "Bloody Crossroads African-Americans and The Bork ominN ation: A Bibliographic Essay" (1992). Selected Speeches. Paper 151. http://dh.howard.edu/jcs_speeches/151 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the J. Clay Smith, Jr. Collection at Digital Howard @ Howard University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Selected Speeches by an authorized administrator of Digital Howard @ Howard University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 173 "Bloody Crossroads" AFRICAN-AMERICANS and the BORK NOMINATION: A BIBLIOGRAPHIC ESSAY J. Clay Smith, Jr.* Two diverging traditions in the mainstream of Western political thought-one "liberal," the other "conservative"-have competed, and still_ compete, for control of the democratic process and of the American constitutional system; both have controlled the direction of our judicial policy at one time or another. - Alexander M. Bicke11 The clash over my nomination was simply one battle in-this long-running war for control of our legal culture. - Robert H. Bork2 On July 1, 1987 President Ronald Reagan announced his nomination of Judge Robert H. Bork to succeed Justice Lewis Powell * Professor of Law, Howard University School of Law. Alexander M. Bickel, The Morality Of Consent 3 (1975), hereafter, Morality Of Consent. 2 Robert H. Bork, The Tempting of America The Political Seduction of the Law 2 (1990), hereafter, Tempting of America. -
Notes and Sources for Evil Geniuses: the Unmaking of America: a Recent History
Notes and Sources for Evil Geniuses: The Unmaking of America: A Recent History Introduction xiv “If infectious greed is the virus” Kurt Andersen, “City of Schemes,” The New York Times, Oct. 6, 2002. xvi “run of pedal-to-the-medal hypercapitalism” Kurt Andersen, “American Roulette,” New York, December 22, 2006. xx “People of the same trade” Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations, ed. Andrew Skinner, 1776 (London: Penguin, 1999) Book I, Chapter X. Chapter 1 4 “The discovery of America offered” Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy In America, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New York: Library of America, 2012), Book One, Introductory Chapter. 4 “A new science of politics” Tocqueville, Democracy In America, Book One, Introductory Chapter. 4 “The inhabitants of the United States” Tocqueville, Democracy In America, Book One, Chapter XVIII. 5 “there was virtually no economic growth” Robert J Gordon. “Is US economic growth over? Faltering innovation confronts the six headwinds.” Policy Insight No. 63. Centre for Economic Policy Research, September, 2012. --Thomas Piketty, “World Growth from the Antiquity (growth rate per period),” Quandl. 6 each citizen’s share of the economy Richard H. Steckel, “A History of the Standard of Living in the United States,” in EH.net (Economic History Association, 2020). --Andrew McAfee and Erik Brynjolfsson, The Second Machine Age: Work, Progress, and Prosperity in a Time of Brilliant Technologies (New York: W.W. Norton, 2016), p. 98. 6 “Constant revolutionizing of production” Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx, Manifesto of the Communist Party (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1969), Chapter I. 7 from the early 1840s to 1860 Tomas Nonnenmacher, “History of the U.S. -
Law and Lawyers: the Road to Reform Kenneth W
Fordham Law Review Volume 63 | Issue 4 Article 3 1995 Law and Lawyers: The Road To Reform Kenneth W. Starr Recommended Citation Kenneth W. Starr, Law and Lawyers: The Road To Reform, 63 Fordham L. Rev. 959 (1995). Available at: http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol63/iss4/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Law Review by an authorized administrator of FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LAW AND LAWYERS: THE ROAD TO REFORM KENNETH W. STARR* M Y reflections this evening, which focus on our nation's justice system, reflect broader social concerns, going to the basic struc- ture of American institutions and the precipitous decline in trust re- posed in those institutions. Let me not mince words. As a people, Americans have become highly distrustful and disrespectful of institutions, ranging from the basic social unit of the traditional nuclear family to churches and syna- gogues, schools and universities, and in this election season, of govern- ment itself. Courts-the justice system-are no exception to this powerful trend. In my view, the trend is broad-based and deep enough to be profoundly disturbing. What explains this trend of distrust and disrespect? Part of the an- swer, I believe, lies in America's inherent, culturally rooted suspicion of power. We are, at bottom, an anti-power society. We are a revolu- tionary society. -
The Guarantee of Republican Government: Proposals for Judicial Review
COMMENTS The Guarantee of Republican Government: Proposals for Judicial Review The Constitution provides that "[t]he United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican form of gov- ernment."' The Supreme Court generally has held that only Con- gress and the President, and not the federal judiciary, can enforce that guarantee-on the ground that all issues under the guarantee clause raise nonjusticiable "political questions. '2 But several rul- ings in state and lower federal courts, like some older Supreme Court opinions, have disregarded that per se rule and decided guarantee clause claims on the merits.3 The anomalous result is that a duty entrusted to "the United States" is exercised in large part by state courts.4 U.S. Const. art. IV, § 4, cl. 1. For the background and the history of the clause, see William M. Wiecek, The Guarantee Clause of the U.S. Constitution (1972); Arthur E. Bn- field, The Guarantee Clause of Article IV, Section 4: A Study in Constitutional Desuetude, 46 Minn. L. Rev. 513 (1962). 2 See, e.g., Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962); Highland Farms Dairy v. Agnew, 300 U.S. 608 (1937); Ohio v. Akron Park Dist., 281 U.S. 74 (1930); Davis v. Ohio, 241 U.S. 565 (1916); Pacific Telephone v. Oregon, 223 U.S. 118 (1912); Taylor and Marshall v. Beckham (No. 1), 178 U.S. 548 (1900). On "political questions" generally, see, e.g., Baker, 369 U.S. at 208-26 (discussing cate- gories of "political questions" and factors underlying them); Laurence H. -
DISQUALIFICATION of JUDGES: in SUPPORT of the BAYH BILL Jomi P
DISQUALIFICATION OF JUDGES: IN SUPPORT OF THE BAYH BILL Jomi P. FRANK*t The defeat of Judge Clement Haynsworth, Jr., for the Supreme Court demonstrates that the federal law of disqualification of judges needs to be rewritten. As Justice Blackmun said of a shift in his own personal disqualification practice, "The times have changed."1 John Marshall heard Marbury v. Madison although the substance of the case involved problems arising from his own failure to deliver papers when he was Secre- tary of State in the Madison administration. Justices Byron White and Thurgood Marshall, former Deputy Attorney General and Solicitor General, never hear cases involving matters with which they dealt in the Department of Justice. The difference is not in the character of the Justices, but in the governing law and the changed attitudes of recent times. In Marshall's day, the law of disqualifica- tion was governed by two maxims from the sages. Coke, in the most famous rubric of the law of disqualification, had said, "aliquis non debet esse judex in propria causa," or no man shall be a judge in his own case Blackstone had reduced this to a straight matter of pocketbook interest by excluding the possibility of disqualifica- tion for bias or prejudice or relationship, "for the law will not suppose the possi- bility of bias or favor in a judge."' * (Mr. Frank, author of numerous books on the United States Supreme Court, is presently in private practice in Phoenix, Arizona Ed.) t I have been assisted in this article by Mr. John McLamb, a student at Yale Law School. -
Houston Law Review Address
WEISBERGC11.DOC 3/28/2002 12:45 PM HOUSTON LAW REVIEW ADDRESS VALUES, VIOLENCE, AND THE SECOND AMENDMENT: AMERICAN CHARACTER, CONSTITUTIONALISM, AND CRIME Robert Weisberg* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ........................................................................2 II. “EXCEPTIONALISM” ..................................................................9 III. NEW SECOND AMENDMENT ISSUES .......................................11 IV. VIOLENCE HISTORY ...............................................................17 V. EXPLANATORY THEMES ABOUT AMERICAN VIOLENCE ..........21 A. “Cultural Explanations” ................................................21 1. The Frontier............................................................21 2. Vigilante America ...................................................23 3. The South................................................................28 4. Race.........................................................................34 B. The Anti-Cultural Explanation: Gun Prevalence..........35 * Edwin E. Huddlenson, Jr., Professor of Law, Stanford University. J.D. 1979, Stanford University; Ph.D. 1971, Harvard University; A.M. 1967, Harvard University; B.A. 1966, City College of New York. 1 WEISBERGC11.DOC 3/28/2002 12:45 PM 2 HOUSTON LAW REVIEW [39:1 C. The Super-Cultural Explanation: Political Equilibrium.....................................................36 VI. THE CHALLENGES OF CONSISTENCY......................................38 A. Pro-Gun Consistency......................................................38 -
WHAT ROBERT BORK WILL MEAN for the SUPREME COURT and AMERICAN JUSTICE by Jamie Raskin, Senior Fellow, People for the American Way
BORKING AMERICA WHAT ROBERT BORK WILL MEAN FOR THE SUPREME COURT AND AMERICAN JUSTICE By Jamie Raskin, Senior Fellow, People For The American Way photo courtesy of Gage Skidmore The key thing I think the president is going to do... It’s going to be appointing Supreme Court and Justices throughout the judicial system. As many as half the Justices in the next four years are going to be appointed by the next president. -Mitt Romney photo courtesy of Gage Skidmore YES, AMERICA, ROBERT BORK IS BACK Many presidents leave their most enduring legacy to the nation Romney is also presumably trusting that, ever since Bork resigned in the Justices that they name to the Supreme Court and the from the United States Court of Appeals for the District of federal judges that they put on the bench. So what inspired Columbia Circuit to launch a career as a conservative polemicist former Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney to name former with the American Enterprise Institute,1 most of the public has judge Robert Bork to co-chair his presidential campaign advisory tuned out his increasingly bitter diatribes against the “feminized”2 committee on law, the Constitution and the judiciary? Supreme Court and his embarrassing tirades against “American cultural decline,” and the social “rot and decadence” of our country. Surely Governor Romney meant to persuade activists on the Religious Right and in the Tea Party that he is ready to do battle- But Romney’s elevation of Bork to advise him on the kinds -not just to entrench the Corporate Court that rules today, but to of judges who should serve on the Supreme Court and the nominate people to the bench who will dismantle what remains federal bench spells serious trouble for the American people. -
Antonin Scalia*
ANTONIN SCALIA* I was a friend of Bob Bork’s for many years. I worked with him, under Attorney General Edward Levi, in Gerald Ford’s Justice Department, where he was Solicitor General and I was Assistant Attorney General for the Office of Legal Counsel. Our other colleagues included Carla Hills and, later, Rex Lee as heads of the Civil Division, Richard Thornburgh as head of the Criminal Division, and Stanley Pottinger as head of the Civil Rights Division—a distinguished group, but none more distin‐ guished than Bork. Later, I worked with Bob as a colleague on the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, where I very much liked the high diet of administrative law cases, and he not so much (I always thought he should have accepted the Administration’s earlier offer to nominate him for the Second Circuit, where his interests in antitrust and business law would have had fuller play). Robert Bork was a rare combination of integrity and intellec‐ tual brilliance. And it was both of those qualities that led to the regrettable rejection of his nomination to the Supreme Court. His integrity caused him, as the ranking officer at the Depart‐ ment of Justice after the resignations of the Attorney General and Deputy Attorney General, to execute President Nixon’s directive to fire Archibald Cox. As he explained it, the Presi‐ dent had the lawful authority to fire Cox (who had no inde‐ pendent status protected by law, as later Independent Counsels had); and while it was appropriate for some of the President’s appointees to register their disagreement with that action by resigning, it was not appropriate, or, indeed, compatible with the Constitution, for all presidential appointees to denude the Justice Department of leadership, thereby frustrating lawful presidential action. -
A Hidden History of Affirmative Obligation Patrick O
University of Miami Law School University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository Articles Faculty and Deans 2007 A Hidden History of Affirmative Obligation Patrick O. Gudridge University of Miami School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.miami.edu/fac_articles Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Patrick O. Gudridge, A Hidden History of Affirmative Obligation, 42 Tulsa L. Rev. 857 (2007). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty and Deans at University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A HIDDEN HISTORY OF AFFIRMATIVE OBLIGATION Patrick 0. Gudridge I. INTRODUCTION This contribution to the Symposium was supposed to be titled "The Age of Aquarius?"' In 1977 Laurence Tribe and Frank Michelman published articles arguing to the same conclusion: Initial impressions notwithstanding, the United States Supreme Court decision in National League of Cities v. Usery2 is best understood as recognizing and protecting-however implicitly or obliquely-constitutional obligations requiring states to assure their residents certain minimum services. 3 Prominent initial reactions to these articles were not entirely positive-putting it mildly.4 It seemed bizarre then-it may still seem bizarre now-to suggest that the National League of Cities majority opinion, the work of Justice William Rehnquist, pointed toward a jurisprudence of affirmative obligation, however much Tribe and Michelman wished for that jurisprudence to prevail. -
The Unjudiciousness of Originalism – a Cover for Reactionary Bias from the Bench
The Unjudiciousness of Originalism – A Cover for Reactionary Bias from the Bench With the impending confirmation of Amy Coney Barrett, another self-described “originalist” to the Supreme Court, many of us, all too belatedly, I confess, are trying to get a clear vision of what this judicial philosophy really is all about. Most famously championed by the late Supreme Court justice Antonin Scalia, whom Barrett characterizes as her mentor, originalism is also claimed to be the legal philosophy of Supreme Court justices Clarence Thomas, Neil Gorsuch, Samuel Alito, John Roberts, and Brett Kavanaugh. To qualify this list, Justice Roberts admits only to a softer version of the philosophy, one which allows for consideration of subsequent reflection on a matter, while Kavanaugh has confessed only to being a “textualist”, while being widely considered by others to being in the originalism fold. Originalism as an explicit judicial philosophy is often traced back to Judge Robert Bork, who in the early seventies introduced it as a set of “neutral principles”. Since then, originalism is almost always associated with contemporary political conservative ideology and especially with members and supporters of the Federalist Society, which was formed by conservatives and libertarians in 1982 to promote originalism and associated legal philosophies. In recent years, more and more judges of this ideological bent have been appointed to the federal bench, and it is incumbent on us to come to grips with what it is all about. For too long, judges have taken cover behind this philosophy and shielded themselves from the discontent and suspicion of those they purportedly serve on the insinuated grounds that originalism is a legal theory and as such its proper evaluation is a matter of expert professional judgment by those in the field, beyond the ken of the people at large.