Estimating the Effects of a Time-Limited Earnings Subsidy for Welfare Leavers

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Estimating the Effects of a Time-Limited Earnings Subsidy for Welfare Leavers Econometrica, Vol. 73, No. 6 (November, 2005), 1723–1770 ESTIMATING THE EFFECTS OF A TIME-LIMITED EARNINGS SUBSIDY FOR WELFARE-LEAVERS BY DAVID CARD AND DEAN R. HYSLOP1 In the Self Sufficiency Project (SSP) welfare demonstration, members of a randomly assigned treatment group could receive a subsidy for full-time work. The subsidy was available for 3 years, but only to people who began working full time within 12 months of random assignment. A simple optimizing model suggests that the eligibility rules created an “establishment” incentive to find a job and leave welfare within a year of random assignment, and an “entitlement” incentive to choose work over welfare once eligibility was established. Building on this insight, we develop an econometric model of welfare participation that allows us to separate the two effects and estimate the im- pact of the earnings subsidy on welfare entry and exit rates among those who achieved eligibility. The combination of the two incentives explains the time profile of the experi- mental impacts, which peaked 15 months after random assignment and faded relatively quickly. Our findings suggest that about half of the peak impact of SSP was attribut- able to the establishment incentive. Despite the extra work effort generated by SSP, the program had no lasting impact on wages and little or no long-run effect on welfare participation. KEYWORDS: Welfare reform, state dependence, Self Sufficiency Project. OVER THE PAST DECADE the United States, Great Britain, and other countries have reformed their income support systems to enhance the financial incen- tives for work (see, e.g., Blundell and Hoynes (2004)). Traditional means-tested welfare programs impose high tax rates on program participants, reducing or even eliminating the payoff to work. Many analysts have argued that the re- sult is a dynamic welfare trap. Once in the system, welfare recipients have little incentive to work, and the subsequent erosion of their skills and work habits makes it less likely they can leave in the future.2 In the early 1990s the Canadian government funded an innovative demon- stration project—the Self Sufficiency Project (SSP)—designed to test whether a time-limited earnings subsidy could help long-term welfare recipients make a permanent break from program dependency. Unlike the earnings subsidy 1We are grateful to SDRC for research support and for making the SSP data available, and to three anonymous referees, Costas Meghir, Douglas Tattrie, Ken Chay, Guido Imbens, David Lee, Jack Porter, James Powell, Charles Michalopoulos, and seminar participants at UC Berke- ley, University of Melbourne, Princeton University, and University College London for helpful discussions. All conclusions in this paper are solely the responsibility of the authors and do not represent the opinions or conclusions of SDRC or the sponsors of the Self Sufficiency Project. An appendix with our computer programs and some additional results is available from the Sup- plemental Material website. 2See Plant (1984) for an explicit model of a dynamic welfare trap. The idea that welfare partic- ipation creates a dependency trap is very old. For example, Hexter (1917) analyzed the duration of relief spells at a private charity and found that people on relief longer had a lower likelihood of leaving. High implicit tax rates also create incentives to participate in the underground sector: see Fortin, Fechette, and Lemieux (1994). 1723 1724 D. CARD AND D. R. HYSLOP programs of the United States and United Kingdom, SSP was only available for full-time work.3 Moreover, participants had to begin receiving SSP within a year of being informed of their potential eligibility—otherwise they lost all future eligibility. Those who met the deadline were entitled to 3 years of eligi- bility and could move back and forth between welfare and work, receiving the subsidy whenever they were working full time. At the end of the 3-year period they returned to the regular welfare environment. The SSP evaluation used a randomized design. One-half of a group of long-term welfare recipients was offered the supplement, while the other half remained in the regular welfare system. Data were collected for 6 years to mea- sure the short-term impacts of the subsidy and any lasting effects once pay- ments ended. Comparisons between the treatment and control groups show that SSP had significant short-term impacts on welfare participation and work, raising the full-time employment rate and lowering welfare participation by 14 percentage points within the first 18 months of the experiment.4 The effects of SSP faded over time, however. By the third year after random assignment, the difference in welfare participation between the treatment and control groups had fallen to 7.5%, and by 69 months (a year and a half after all subsidy payments ended) the welfare participation rates of the two groups were equal. The key contribution of this paper is to identify, both theoretically and em- pirically, the combination of incentives created by the time-limited eligibility rules of SSP and to investigate the impact of SSP on welfare participation in light of these issues.5 We first develop a simple optimizing model that sug- gests that the rules of SSP generated both an “establishment” incentive to find a full-time job and leave welfare within a year of random assignment, and an “entitlement” incentive to choose work over welfare once eligibility was achieved. Simple experimental comparisons, while valid, confound these two 3The U.S. subsidy program, the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), has no hours limitation, while the U.K. subsidy, currently known as the Working Tax Credit (WTC), requires only part- time work (16 hours per week). These programs are mainly available to low income families with children, although recent changes have extended entitlement to other individuals. Phelps (1994) has argued for a general wage subsidy program for all low wage workers. 4A complete final report on the experiment is available in Michalopoulos et al. (2002). This is a larger impact than was observed in other recent welfare reforms experiments in the United States For example, Hamilton et al. (2001) review the 5-year impacts of 11 alternative welfare-to-work experiments on employment and welfare outcomes, and report typical impacts on employment and welfare participation of less than half that reported for SSP. 5To the best of our knowledge, the implications for the dynamic nature of the incentives cre- ated by the time-limited eligibility rule has received little, if any, attention. For example, there is no discussion of this issue in the background paper by Greenberg, Meyer, Michalopoulos, and Robins (1992), which uses a static labor supply model to evaluate alternative subsidy parameters. Similarly, the SSP Implementation Report by Mijanovich and Long (1995, pp. 28–29) mentions six key questions that were addressed in the design of SSP, but the issue of time-limited eligibility is not discussed. The unusual nature of the incentives created by the time-limited eligibility is not discussed in the final SSP Recipient Report (Michalopoulos et al. (2002)) or any of the earlier reports. EFFECTS OF A SUBSIDY FOR WELFARE-LEAVERS 1725 effects. Given the insights of this model, we then develop a dynamic economet- ric framework that combines the experimental randomization associated with SSP with parametric modeling to identify the impact of the selection and treat- ment effects of SSP on welfare transitions. (As noted by Ham and LaLonde (1996), even with a randomly assigned intervention the estimation of dynamic impacts requires a full specification of the process that generates individual welfare histories.) We begin by developing a suitable model of welfare entry and exit behav- ior among the SSP control group. We show that the control group’s outcomes are reasonably well described by a dynamic logistic model with second order state dependence and unobserved heterogeneity. We then augment this base- line model with treatment effects that represent the establishment and entitle- ment incentives of SSP, and a model of the eligibility process that accounts for the potential correlation between the probability of entering or leaving welfare and the probability of attaining SSP eligibility. Our empirical results suggest that the unusual time profile of the experi- mental impacts observed in the SSP demonstration arose from a combination of the short-term eligibility incentive and the longer-term entitlement incen- tives of the program. Indeed, our estimates attribute over one-half of the peak impact of SSP to the incentives created by the time limit on eligibility. This decomposition helps to reconcile the large but short-lived peak impacts of the SSP demonstration with the impacts observed in other experimental welfare reforms. Our estimates also suggest that members of the program group with a higher probability of leaving welfare were more likely to establish entitle- ment for SSP. As a result, differences between the observed transition rates of the SSP-eligible subgroup and the control group overstate the causal effect of the supplement, even in the later years of the experiment. Finally, our analysis of wage outcomes shows that SSP had no lasting effect on wages, despite the extra work effort engendered by the program’s incentives. Thus, while the pro- gram generated a short-term reduction in welfare dependency, it had little or no permanent effect on long-term self-sufficiency. 1. THE SSP DEMONSTRATION—DESCRIPTION AND OVERVIEW OF IMPACTS A. Income Assistance Programs and the SSP Recipient Experiment Under the regular welfare system available to low income families in Canada, known as Income Assistance (IA), payments are reduced dollar-for- dollar for any earnings beyond a modest set-aside amount.6 The implicit 100% tax rate on earnings, coupled with the availability of other benefits (e.g., free 6The IA program is operated at the provincial level, but all the provincial programs share several important features, including a dollar-for-dollar benefit reduction rate.
Recommended publications
  • The Wind Before the Storm: Aging, Automation, and the Disability Crisis
    The Wind Before the Storm: Aging, Automation, and the Disability Crisis By Zachary Asher Morris A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Social Welfare in the Graduate Division of the University of California-Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Neil Gilbert, Chair Professor Michael Austin Professor Jane Mauldon Spring 2017 The Wind Before the Storm: Aging, Automation, and the Disability Crisis Copyright © 2017 by Zachary Asher Morris. All rights reserved. 1 Abstract The Wind Before the Storm: Aging, Automation, and the Disability Crisis by Zachary Asher Morris Doctor of Philosophy in Social Welfare University of California-Berkeley Professor Neil Gilbert, Chair A substantial and growing share of the working age population of the advanced economies receives disability benefits. The causes of disability benefit expansion can primarily be attributed to an aging population and the deterioration of the low-skilled labor market due largely to technological change – challenges that also promise to strain other social welfare programs in the future. Using contemporary international disability benefit reforms as a case study, this dissertation argues that a new welfare state settlement is needed that no longer assumes a sustainable male breadwinner economy. The first chapter traces the history of disability benefits and argues that the traditional model for disability determination is ill suited for the post-industrial era. The second chapter provides a comparative policy analysis of major reforms to the disability determination processes in Denmark, Great Britain, and the Netherlands that shifts away from the traditional model and to a model focusing on work-capacity.
    [Show full text]
  • Universal Basic Income Proposals in Light of ILO Standards: Key Issues and Global Costing
    ESS – EXTENSION OF SOCIAL SECURITY Universal Basic Income proposals in light of ILO standards: Key issues and global costing Isabel Ortiz Christina Behrendt Andrés Acuña-Ulate Quynh Anh Nguyen ESS ─ Working Paper No. 62 Social Protection Department INTERNATIONAL LABOUR OFFICE, GENEVA Copyright © International Labour Organization 2018 First published 2018 Publications of the International Labour Office enjoy copyright under Protocol 2 of the Universal Copyright Convention. Nevertheless, short excerpts from them may be reproduced without authorization, on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to ILO Publications (Rights and Licensing), International Labour Office, CH-1211 Geneva 22, Switzerland, or by email: [email protected] . The International Labour Office welcomes such applications. Libraries, institutions and other users registered with a reproduction rights organization may make copies in accordance with the licences issued to them for this purpose. Visit www.ifrro.org to find the reproduction rights organization in your country. ISSN 1020-9581 ; 1020-959X (web pdf) The designations employed in ILO publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the International Labour Office concerning the legal status of any country, area or territory or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers. The responsibility for opinions expressed in signed articles, studies and other contributions rests solely with their authors, and publication does not constitute an endorsement by the International Labour Office of the opinions expressed in them. Reference to names of firms and commercial products and processes does not imply their endorsement by the International Labour Office, and any failure to mention a particular firm, commercial product or process is not a sign of disapproval.
    [Show full text]
  • Do Trade Unions Form an Obstacle to the Introduction of a Basic Income ?
    Do Trade Unions Form an Obstacle to the Introduction of a Basic Income ? Some lessons from an empirical study on five OECD countries by Yannick Vanderborght [Research fellow, National Fund for Scientific Research (FNRS) & Hoover Chair for Economic and Social Ethics, Belgium [email protected]] paper to be presented at the Xth Congress of the Basic Income European Network, September 18-19, Barcelona, Spain. [Parallel session 4.4: Basic Income as an Instrument of Trade Union Policy: North and South Perspectives, Chair : Àlex Boso (Universitat Pompeu Fabra) & Sergi Raventós (Universitat de Barcelona)] IMPORTANT NOTICE: THIS IS A FIRST DRAFT VERSION (July 2004) WORK IN PROGRESS, COMMENTS ARE MOST WELCOME 1 “The introduction of such an unconditional income is to be viewed not as the dismantling but as the culmination of the welfare state” Philippe Van Parijs1 Introduction In most OECD countries, trade unions remain key players in the field of welfare state reform. In areas where they still represent an important fraction of the workforce, such as in Belgium and Scandinavia, they constitute traditional and pivotal partners in every reform process. In other countries, even in case of low membership levels (such as in France) they have often been able to mobilize mass support in favor of the status quo, sometimes through huge demonstrations and paralyzing strikes. Hence, it is quite surprising that so little attention has been paid by universal basic income (BI) proponents to the very position of workers unions on the radical reform they are advocating.2 This paper, which draws upon a study on the political feasibility of a unconditional minimum income in five industrialized countries (Belgium, Canada, France, Ireland, and the Netherlands) but will mainly focus on three of them, 3 focuses – briefly, at this stage – on this issue in two complementary ways.
    [Show full text]
  • Reducing Poverty While Increasing Employment: a Robert Haveman Primer on Alternative Strategies, and a Blueprint
    OECD Jobs Study Working Papers No. 7 Reducing Poverty while Increasing Employment: A Robert Haveman Primer on Alternative Strategies, and a Blueprint https://dx.doi.org/10.1787/281684483135 GENERAL DISTRIBUTION OCDE/GD(95)68 THE OECD JOBS STUDY WORKING PAPER SERIES NO.7 REDUCING POVERTY WHILE INCREASING EMPLOYMENT: A PRIMER ON ALTERNATIVE STRATEGIES, AND A BLUEPRINT by Robert Haveman University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT Paris 1995 COMPLETE DOCUMENT AVAILABLE ON OLIS IN ITS ORIGINAL FORMAT THE OECD JOBS STUDY: WORKING PAPER SERIES This series is designed to make available to a wider readership selected papers prepared for use in the context of the OECD Jobs Study. The principal results of this study have been published in the form of a concise synthesis report entitled: The OECD Jobs Study: Facts, Analyses, Strategies, followed by a detailed background report (in two volumes) entitled: The OECD Jobs Study: Evidence and Explanations. The working papers are generally available only in their original language -- English or French -- with a summary in the other. The opinions expressed and arguments employed here are the responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent those of the OECD. Copyright OECD, 1995 Applications for permission to reproduce or translate all or part of this material should be made to: Head of Publications Service, OECD, 2 rue André-Pascal, 75775 Paris Cedex 16, France 2 SUMMARY Policy to reduce poverty has often foundered on the issue of work incentives. The issue is a manifestation of the traditional conflict between equity and efficiency; the redistribution of income from higher to lower income people typically leads to reduced incentives for both groups to supply labor to the market, or to exercise initiative.
    [Show full text]
  • Reducing Poverty While Increasing Employment: a Primer on Alternative Strategies
    OECD Economic Studies No. 26. 1996A REDUCING POVERTY WHILE INCREASING EMPLOYMENT: A PRIMER ON ALTERNATIVE STRATEGIES. AND A BLUEPRINT Robert H aveman TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ....................................................... 8 The Policy Setting ................................................... 8 Alternative policy strategies designed to increase employment and reduce the povertytrap .................................................. 11 Four income support strategies ....................................... 12 Two labour market strategies ......................................... 14 The six policy strategies: analytics and assessment .......................... 15 The credit income tax .............................................. 16 The negative income tax ............................................ 20 The basic income guarantee ......................................... 23 Earnings supplement (ES) or earned income tax credit (EITC) plans ............ 25 A wage rate subsidy: objectives, impacts, and issues ....................... 27 An employer-based marginal employment subsidy: objectives, impacts, and issues 28 Employment-centred social policy: a stylised reform strategy ................... 29 A prototypical growth-with-equity strategy ............................... 30 A Final note on the dilemma of some OECD countries ........................ 35 Bibliography ....................................................... 41 The author is lohn Bascom Professor of Economics and Public Affairs at the University of Wisconsin- Madison
    [Show full text]
  • A Case of Wishful Thinking Contribution to GTI Forum Universal Basic Income: Has the Time Come?
    November 2020 A Case of Wishful Thinking Contribution to GTI Forum Universal Basic Income: Has the Time Come? Francine Mestrum It is astonishing to see the same arguments, based exclusively on thin air, always coming back in discussions on a universal basic Income (UBI). No, the cost of a UBI is not too high (where are the numbers?). It will give people freedom (Three different types of freedom!). We will tax the rich (When? How?). Basic income will even lead to the end of rentier capitalism (How?). We now even hear that COVID-19 has “brought into sharp relief the irretrievable breakdown of the post-war income distribution system” (Really? How? Where? When?). In this contribution, I want to highlight three points: cost, the link between work and income, and the importance of public goods. But let me start by underscoring two points on which progressive advocates and opponents of UBI fully agree. Yes, work has to be redefined: this is an old social demand of the workers’ movement and more particularly of feminists, so that the now all too often unpaid care work can be integrated into economic thinking. And yes, income security is crucial: it is a source of mental and material well-being and should be a priority for all policymakers. There is not one single argument to state that these two demands can only be met with a universal basic income. On the contrary, a comprehensive universal social protection system, or social commons, can do the job much better. The Cost of a Universal Basic Income I want to start with the question of cost because it is of utmost importance and determines the non-sustainability of all UBI proposals.
    [Show full text]
  • The Eitc and Other Policies to Support the Us Low-Wage Labour Market
    OECD Economic Studies No. 31, 2000/II NOT PERFECT, BUT STILL PRETTY GOOD: THE EITC AND OTHER POLICIES TO SUPPORT THE US LOW-WAGE LABOUR MARKET V. Joseph Hotz and John Karl Scholz TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 26 The EITC’s effects........................................................................................................................ 28 Targeting and anti-poverty effectiveness............................................................................. 28 The EITC’s effect on behaviour.............................................................................................. 29 Strengths and weaknesses compared with alternative ways to assist low-wage workers......................................................................................................... 31 Minimum wage......................................................................................................................... 31 Targeted and new hiring subsidies....................................................................................... 32 Payroll tax reductions ............................................................................................................. 34 Wage rate subsidy................................................................................................................... 35 Conclusion...................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Comparing Basic Income with Unemployment Benefits”, IZA Dp
    A Basic Income Can Raise Employment and Welfare for a Majority Felix FitzRoy* Jim Jin** University of St. Andrews June 2015 JEL Classification Numbers: D30, D60, H20, Key Words: basic income, unemployment benefits, welfare Abstract With growing interest in a universal basic income (BI), we provide new results for a majority to benefit from replacing (some) unemployment benefits with BI. Given any income distribution and an extensive margin, such a replacement always benefits those remaining unemployed, raises utilitarian welfare, and benefits a poor - or even a working - majority. Similar results follow with involuntary unemployment, and joint distributions of wages and costs of work. Moreover, using quasi-linear utility with intensive margins, marginal introduction of BI can still benefit a large proportion of the poor whose productivities are below the average, without raising unemployment. Acknowledgements: Earlier versions were presented at the Royal Economic Society 2011 Conference, seminars at the Universities of Hamburg-HWWI, Dundee, St Andrews, and at the 15th BIEN Congress, 2014. Among many participants we are especially grateful to Ingrid Hohenleitner, Max Steinhardt, Thomas Straubhaar, Catia Montagna, Hassan Molana, David Ulph, Alan Sutherland, Tatiana Damjanovic, for their valuable comments and suggestions. The authors retain responsibility for errors and omissions. * School of Economics and Finance, University of St Andrews, St Andrews KY16 9AL, Scotland, UK, Tel. (01334)-462437, e-mail: [email protected] ** Corresponding
    [Show full text]
  • Basic Income and Guarantism
    Basic Income and Guarantism Why a Basic Income favors the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) and Social Sustainability Paper presented at the 18th World Congress of the Basic Income Earth Network (BIEN): “Basic Income and the New Universalism. Rethinking the Welfare State in the 21st Century”, 24-26 August 2018, University of Tampere (Finland), Session G5: Basic Income and Ecology (Draft, comments welcome!) Prof. Dr. Michael Opielka ISÖ – Institut for Social Ecology, Siegburg (Germany) Ernst Abbe University of Applied Sciences Jena (Germany) The original concept of a social contract based on wage-labor and family has recently been superseded by a social contract centered on citizenship and social rights.1 Alongside this shift in focus, the idea of a basic income – an unconditional claim to a regular, individual, decent income addressed to the political community – has lately become increasingly prominent and gained considerable support. This paper will discuss some normative and political aspects of the feasibility of a welfare reform based upon the idea of a basic income. It argues that a Basic Income favors the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), pushed forward in 2015 by the United Nations Assembly with its ‘Agenda 2030’, and a 1 Earlier versions of parts of this paper (Chapter 2-5) have been presented at the Colloquium of the Center for Social Science together with the Institute of Social Welfare of Seoul National University, May 27, 2010, at the ‘Welfare Forum’ Stein Rokkan Center, University of Bergen (Norway), December 10, 2010, and have been published as Opielka 2015. Parts of Chapter 1 and 6 have been presented at the ‘Symposium: Soziale Nachhaltigkeit’, Institute for Advanced Sustainability Studies (IASS), Potsdam, November 2, 2017, and have been in published in Opielka 2017b and Opielka 2017c.
    [Show full text]
  • Increasing Financial Incentives to Work: the Role of In-Work Benefits
    ISBN 92-64-01045-9 OECD Employment Outlook © OECD 2005 Chapter 3 Increasing Financial Incentives to Work: The Role of In-work Benefits Ensuring that the provision of welfare benefits is consistent with work incentives has become a major policy priority in many OECD countries. One way to achieve this is through the introduction of in-work benefits and, more generally, tax-benefit reforms aiming at making work pay vis-à-vis benefit receipt. To what extent do measures that raise the financial incentives to work increase employment chances of unemployed and inactive individuals? How to ensure that in-work benefits do not end up creating low-pay traps? Under what conditions are in-work benefits cost- effective? How should they be complemented with other policies, like active labour market programmes and minimum wages, and how prominently should they figure in a job strategy? OECD EMPLOYMENT OUTLOOK – ISBN 92-64-01045-9 – © OECD 2005 125 3. INCREASING FINANCIAL INCENTIVES TO WORK: THE ROLE OF IN-WORK BENEFITS Introduction Over the past few years there has been much discussion in many OECD countries of how to put into place benefit systems that provide adequate income protection to those individuals and families that are not able to support themselves financially, while also maintaining work incentives. There has also been debate on how to improve incentives for individuals in part- time or low-paid work to increase their hours of work or to invest in training that would increase their chances of getting higher-paid jobs. Improving these incentives and facilitating the return to self-sufficiency of benefit recipients is important because the risk of long-term poverty is much higher for jobless individuals on benefits than for continuously employed people.
    [Show full text]
  • A Liberal Challenge to Employment Subsidies
    Article Work vs. Freedom: A Liberal Challenge to Employment Subsidies Anne L. Aistottt CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ...•.............•.•............•..........................•..............•........969 n. IF EMPLOYMENT SUBSIDIES ARE THE ANSWER, WHAT Is THE QUESTION?.•.•........................•...........•....•.........................................•..976 A. Setting the Baseline: The Liberal Case for ~asic Income (or a Negative Income Tax) 980 B. Community Values 989 1. Community Values vs. Moral Guidance 990 2. The Example ofSingle Mothers 992 3. Do American Values Support Employment Subsidies? 995 4. A Thin Ideal ofCommunity 996 C. Positive Consequences 998 1. Liberal and Utilitarian Perspectives 999 2. Expanding Employment-Or Employment Opportunities? 1003 3. The Consequentialist Case for Expanding Employment...... 1010 4. How Strong Is the Consequentialist Case for Employment Subsidies for Young Men? 1012 D. Conclusions 1018 t Professor of Law, Yale Law School. I am grateful for the perceptive comments of Bruce Ackennan, Michael Graetz, Dan Shaviro, Reed Shuldiner, Jeff Strnad, and participants in the 1997 Harvard Workshop on Current Research in Taxation. Conversations with Henry Hansmann and Vicki Schultz pushed my thinking. Finally, Thea Angelis and The Yale Law Journal editorial team did an outstanding job, and R. Bhaskar provided valuable research assistance. 967 968 The Yale Law Journal [Vol. 108: 967 m. Do EMPLOYMENT SUBSIDIES WORK? 1018 A. The Uncertain Economics ofEmployment Subsidies 1019 B. Pitfalls in Policy Design 1029 1. Incremental Subsidies: The NJTC Example 1029 2. AnotherKind ofIncrementalism: Hiring Subsidies and the TJTC 1033 3. Targeted Subsidies: Displacement, Stigma, and Administrative Cost 1038 C. The Phelps Plan 1042 D. Administering a Basic Income orNegative Income Tax 1045 IV. 'T.HE EITC ALTERNATIVE 1048 A.
    [Show full text]
  • The Minimum Wage, the Earned Income Tax Credit, and Optimal Subsidy Policy Danielshavirot
    The University of Chicago Law Review Volume 64 Spring 1997 Number 2 01997 by The University of Chicago The Minimum Wage, the Earned Income Tax Credit, and Optimal Subsidy Policy DanielShavirot INTRODUCTION The minimum wage is a perennial topic of interest and con- troversy in American politics. Democratic Party politicians regularly call for increasing it, on grounds of progressive redis- tribution, economic justice, or to "make work pay." Republican Party politicians generally oppose increasing it and might even, if politically feasible, support its repeal, on the grounds that it burdens small business and causes significant job loss, particu- larly among young and unskilled workers.' The voting public, when its fickle attention is engaged, tends to support the mini- mum wage.2 In 1996, this public sentiment proved so strong that a Republican-led Congress, rebelling against its leadership, voted to increase the federal minimum wage by 90 cents, from $4.25 to t Professor of Law, New York University Law School. I am grateful to Anne Alstott, David Bradford, Samuel Estreicher, and Helen Hershkoff for helpful comments on an earlier draft. See, for example, Todd S. Purdum, ClintonAsks Rise in Minimum Wage, NY Times Al, As (Feb 4, 1995). 2 David Card and Alan B. Krueger, Myth and Measurement: The New Economics of the Minimum Wage 392 (Princeton 1995) ("[O]pinion polls consistently show that 65 to 90 percent of the general public favor an increase in the minimum wage."). The University of Chicago Law Review [64:405 $5.15.' State-level increases in the minimnum wage have been popular as well.4 From an economically informed perspective, the political popularity of the minimum wage seems paradoxical.
    [Show full text]