Informal Institutions and Comparative Politics: a Research Agenda
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Daily Work/Homework – 10% Off Each Day Its Late
JOHNSON COUNTY COMMUNITY COLLEGE Course Syllabus – College Now Liberal Arts Division American National Government – Eudora High School POLS 124 Fall 2018 – Meeting daily from 902-952 and 1050-1140 I. Instructor Information Office Hours; 715 – 745am daily Name: Dr. Robyn M. Kelso Teacher Availability: During office Contact Information: hours and plan time and by By phone: 785-542-4980 x appointment. 1661 By email: II. Course Information [email protected] Credit Hours: 3 Teacher Website: Visit Contact Hours: 80 http://www.eudoraschools.org Lab Hours: 0 /Domain/57 Course Type: Transfer Prerequisites: NONE III. Textbook and Supplies: The Challenge of Democracy – American Government in Global Politics, 12th Ed.; by Janda, Berry, Goldman and Schildkraut. Daily Internet access at home is a must. IV. Late Work Information Daily Work/Homework – 10% off each day its late. Must complete and staple late work form to any late work turned in. Form is located in google classroom. Read directions carefully.. Projects/Papers – 10% off each day its late V. Make Up Work/Deadlines If you are absent, make up will be handled in the following ways: 1. Daily work/homework/classwork – will be emailed out. Check directions and pay attention to due dates. Hint – if you plan to be gone, getting make up work done in class the next day will generally put you even further behind. If you are absent make up work should be completed on your own time. 2. Exams – 5 school days to get made up. Don’t forget about due dates – deadlines matter. 3. Papers and projects – 10% off each day it’s late. -
THE RISE of COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A
Elections Without Democracy THE RISE OF COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way Steven Levitsky is assistant professor of government and social studies at Harvard University. His Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America is forthcoming from Cambridge University Press. Lucan A. Way is assistant professor of political science at Temple University and an academy scholar at the Academy for International and Area Studies at Harvard University. He is currently writing a book on the obstacles to authoritarian consolidation in the former Soviet Union. The post–Cold War world has been marked by the proliferation of hy- brid political regimes. In different ways, and to varying degrees, polities across much of Africa (Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbab- we), postcommunist Eurasia (Albania, Croatia, Russia, Serbia, Ukraine), Asia (Malaysia, Taiwan), and Latin America (Haiti, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru) combined democratic rules with authoritarian governance during the 1990s. Scholars often treated these regimes as incomplete or transi- tional forms of democracy. Yet in many cases these expectations (or hopes) proved overly optimistic. Particularly in Africa and the former Soviet Union, many regimes have either remained hybrid or moved in an authoritarian direction. It may therefore be time to stop thinking of these cases in terms of transitions to democracy and to begin thinking about the specific types of regimes they actually are. In recent years, many scholars have pointed to the importance of hybrid regimes. Indeed, recent academic writings have produced a vari- ety of labels for mixed cases, including not only “hybrid regime” but also “semidemocracy,” “virtual democracy,” “electoral democracy,” “pseudodemocracy,” “illiberal democracy,” “semi-authoritarianism,” “soft authoritarianism,” “electoral authoritarianism,” and Freedom House’s “Partly Free.”1 Yet much of this literature suffers from two important weaknesses. -
The Determinants of Local Leader Influence in Elections: a Lab-In-The
The Determinants of Local Leader Influence in Elections: A Lab-in-the-Field Experiment in Senegal∗ Jessica Gottlieb† December 29, 2014 Abstract The implications of clientelism for electoral accountability are mixed. Political intermediaries redistribute needed resources; they also exploit their position to advance personal interests. I argue that two dimensions determine the accountability of local leaders: competitive selection and autonomy of leaders from their community. Exploiting variation in local institutions, I situate this study in three types of communities in Senegal where leaders are known to be influential in political decisionmaking. A novel coordination game measures when and why communities vote for a leader-preferred outcome relative to an instrumentally-preferred one. I find that voters are more likely to sacrifice personal gain when leaders are more autonomous and uncompetitively selected. An experimental manipulation of the game emphasizing the anonymity of elections reveals that fear of sanctions motivates voters to follow their leader, but only in contexts with autonomous leaders. Conversely, anticipation of future reciprocity better explains why voters follow more dependent leaders. ∗I am grateful to the USAID-supported Conflict and Development Lab at Texas A&M University, the Scowcroft Institute, as well as the Program to Enhance Scholarly Activities and the Bush School at Texas A&M University for financial support for this project. UC Berkeley’s Center for Effective Global Action and Stanford’s Center for Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law provided support for the pilot phase. I thank Guy Grossman, James Fearon and members of Experiments on Government and Politics (EGAP) for invaluable advice on the research design. -
Varieties of Patron-Client State Relationship
Varieties of Patron-Client State Relationship: The U.S. and Southeast Asia Hojung Do Ewha Womans University The United States (US) was one of the two superpowers during the Cold War and after the eventual demise of Soviet Union, consolidated its supremacy as sole hegemon of the world. US relations with many regions and many states have been extensively studied upon and in Asia, the relationship mostly dealt with China, Japan and South Korea. US patron relationship to Northeast Asia is relatively stable, durable, one consisting of visible and tangible security transactions such as military bases still stationed in South Korea and Japan. There is a wealth of literature to be found pertaining to Northeast Asia but US relationship with Southeast Asia is lacking compared to its neighbors. This paper starts with the following questions: Does a patron-client state relationship actually exist between the US Southeast Asia? Why is there a lack of patronage compared to one displayed in Northeast Asia? Is there room for maneuver for clients? How does US patronage change over time and in what way? The first part of this paper will briefly review previous literature on patron-client relationships. Second, key concepts of patron-client state relationships and the 6 types of relationships will be enumerated. Third, these relationships will be applied to three periods: 1965-67, 1975, 1985-87 in three countries: Indonesia, Philippines and Thailand to examine the trend of US patronage. Finally, implications and future modifications of this theory to Southeast Asia will be discussed. Patron-Client Relationship in Literature Patron-client relationship is not a fresh concept in the eyes of anthropology, sociology and even politics. -
MARIA VICTORIA MURILLO 420 118Th Street, 8Th Floor, IAD • Columbia University Phone (212) 854 4671 • Fax (212) 854 4607 • Email: [email protected]
MARIA VICTORIA MURILLO 420 118th Street, 8th floor, IAD • Columbia University Phone (212) 854 4671 • Fax (212) 854 4607 • Email: [email protected] EDUCATION Harvard University: PhD, November 1997; M.A., May 1994 Universidad de Buenos Aires, Licenciada en Ciencia Política, June 1991 ACADEMIC EMPLOYMENT Columbia University, Professor, Department of Political Science/ School of International and Public Affairs, 2003- present (Associate Professor, 2003-2010, Director of Graduate Studies, 2010-14). Yale University, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, July 2002-December 2002 . Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, January 1998-July 2002. Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, Visiting Professor, 2009-present. AWARDS & FELLOWSHIPS Midwest Political Science Association, Best Paper in International Relations presented in the MPSA 2015 conference (with Pablo Pinto). Comparative Political Studies; Editorial Board Best Paper Award, 2014 (with Ernesto Calvo). American Political Science Association, Luebbert Award for the Best Comparative Politics Article published in 2004-05 (with Ernesto Calvo). Russell Sage Visiting Fellowship, 2011-12. Fulbright Foundation, William Fulbright Foreign Scholar 2008-09. Harvard University, Harvard Academy for International and Area Studies Post-Doctoral Fellowship, 1996-1997. Harvard University, Peggy Rockefeller Research Fellowship, July 2002-December 2002. PUBLICATIONS IN ENGLISH Books: . The Politics of Institutional Weakness: Lessons from Latin America (with Daniel Brinks -
CHAPTER 21 Environmental Policy
CHAPTER 21 Environmental Policy REVIEWING THE CHAPTER CHAPTER FOCUS Environmental policy, like economic or welfare policy, reflects the unique nature of the American political system. Unlike economic or welfare issues, however, environmental issues lend themselves to entrepreneurial politics, which requires mobilizing the media, dramatizing the issue, and convincing members of Congress that their political reputations will suffer if they do not cast the right vote. It is politics in which an unorganized public benefits at the expense of a well-organized group, such as a manufacturer. After reading and reviewing the material in this chapter, you should be able to do each of the following: 1. List three reasons environmental policy tends to be so controversial, providing examples of each reason. 2. Describe the role of the American political system and local politics in shaping environmental policy. Contrast these with environmental policy-making in England. 3. Distinguish among the following styles of politics in terms of who benefits and who pays: entrepreneurial, majoritarian, interest group, and client. 4. Describe the role of entrepreneurial politics in government’s efforts to deal with the issues of global warming and endangered species. 5. Outline the major provisions of the Clean Air Act (1970), the Water Quality Improvement Act (1970), the revised Clean Air Act (1990), and the National Environmental Policy Act (1969). 6. Describe the role of majoritarian politics in government’s efforts to reduce automobile emissions. Explain why majoritarian politics worked in some cases and not in others. 7. Describe the role of interest-group politics in government’s efforts to resolve the acid rain controversy. -
The Policy-Making Process Setting the Agenda
Chapter Seventeen The Policy-Making Process Setting the Agenda • The political agenda: deciding what to make policy about • The current political agenda includes taxes, energy, welfare, and civil rights • Shared beliefs determine what is legitimate for the government to do Copyright © Houghton Mifflin Company. All rights reserved. 17 | 2 Scope of Government Action • Government always gets larger • People generally believe that government should continue to do what it is doing now • Changes in attitudes and events tend to increase government activities • Government growth cannot be attributed to one political party Copyright © Houghton Mifflin Company. All rights reserved. 17 | 3 The Influence of Institutions • The courts make decisions that force action by other branches: e.g. school desegregation, abortion • The bureaucracy is a source of innovation and forms alliances with senators and staff • The Senate is a source of presidential candidates with new ideas Copyright © Houghton Mifflin Company. All rights reserved. 17 | 4 Other Influences • Groups may react to a sense of relative deprivation • The media helps place issues on the political agenda • The national government may later adopt ideas pioneered by the states Copyright © Houghton Mifflin Company. All rights reserved. 17 | 5 Costs, Benefits, and Policy • Cost: any burden, monetary or non-monetary, that some people must, or expect, to bear from the policy • Benefit: any satisfaction, monetary or non- monetary, that some people must, or expect, to receive from the policy • Politics is a process of settling disputes over who benefits/pays and who ought to benefit/pay Copyright © Houghton Mifflin Company. All rights reserved. 17 | 6 Figure 17.1: A Way of Classifying and Explaining the Politics of Different Policy Issues Copyright © Houghton Mifflin Company. -
Political Settlements and the Governance of Growth-Enhancing Institutions
Political Settlements and the Governance of Growth-Enhancing Institutions Mushtaq H. Khan This version July 2010 Abstract: It is well known that institutions work very differently across countries because their political contexts are different. It is also understood that this has important implications for the design of governance priorities in different countries. This paper develops an analysis of the ‘political settlement’ to provide an analytical framework for analysing institutions and governance in developing countries. Central to this analysis is an understanding of the distribution of power. We define this as the relative holding power of different groups and organizations contesting the distribution of resources. Holding power is partly based on income and wealth but also on historically rooted capacities of different groups to organize. A political settlement emerges when the distribution of benefits supported by its institutions is consistent with the distribution of power in society, and the economic and political outcomes of these institutions are sustainable over time. In advanced countries, the distribution of power is largely based on the distribution of incomes generated by formal institutions and rights. The correspondence between power and formal institutions explains why Weberian states in advanced countries can effectively enforce formal institutions. In contrast, the distribution of power in developing countries draws significantly on organizational abilities based in non-capitalist sectors. In many cases, the historical roots of these capabilities go back to colonial history or earlier. Here, formal institutions alone cannot support distributions of benefits consistent with these distributions of power. Informal institutions like patron- client allocative rules, and informal adaptations to the ways in which particular formal institutions work play a critical role in bringing the distribution of benefits supported by the institutional structure into line with the distribution of power. -
Promoting Electoral Integrity Through Aid: Analysis and Advice for Donors
U4 Issue 2018:5 Promoting electoral integrity through aid: Analysis and advice for donors By Luca J. Uberti and David Jackson Series editor: David Jackson Disclaimer All views in this text are the author(s)’, and may differ from the U4 partner agencies’ policies. Partner agencies Australian Government – Department for Foreign Affairs and Trade – DFAT German Corporation for International Cooperation – GIZ German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development – BMZ Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark / Danish International Development Assistance – Danida Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency – Sida Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation – SDC The Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation – Norad UK Aid – Department for International Development About U4 U4 is a team of anti-corruption advisers working to share research and evidence to help international development actors get sustainable results. The work involves dialogue, publications, online training, workshops, helpdesk, and innovation. U4 is a permanent centre at the Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI) in Norway. CMI is a non-profit, multi-disciplinary research institute with social scientists specialising in development studies. www.U4.no [email protected] Cover photo Presidential Elections. UNAMID (CC by-nc-nd) https://flic.kr/p/9pMzoN Keywords elections - informal institutions - informal sector Publication type U4 Issue Notes Appendix: Econometric Strategy1 Creative commons This work is licenced under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) 1. https://www.u4.no/assets/appendix:-econometric-strategy Despite increased donor spending on electoral integrity, elections in democratising countries often suffer from irregularities, intimidation, and corruption. -
The Crisis of American Democracy SAVING OUR DEMOCRACY SAVING
The Crisis of American Democracy SAVING OUR DEMOCRACY SAVING By Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt In a 2019 survey by Public Agenda, 39 percent of Americans said they believed our democracy is “in crisis,” while another 42 early all living Americans grew up taking our democracy percent said it faces “serious challenges.” Only 15 percent said 1 for granted. Until recently, most of us believed—and American democracy is “doing well.” acted as if—our constitutional system was unbreakable, Democratic backsliding in the United States is no longer a no matter how recklessly our politicians behaved. matter of speculative concern. It has begun. Well-regarded 2 NNo longer. Americans watch with growing unease as our global democracy indexes—such as Freedom House, Varieties 3 4 political system threatens to go off the rails: costly government of Democracy, and the Economist Intelligence Unit —all show shutdowns, stolen Supreme Court seats, impeachments, mount- an erosion of American democracy since 2016. According to ing concerns about the fairness of elections, and, of course, the Freedom House’s ranking, the United States is now less demo- election of a presidential candidate who had condoned violence cratic than Chile, the Czech Republic, Slovenia, Taiwan, and at rallies and threatened to lock up his rival, and who, as presi- Uruguay—and in the same category as newer democracies like 5 dent, has begun to subvert the rule of law by defying congres- Croatia, Greece, Mongolia, and Panama. sional oversight and corrupting law enforcement agencies to How Did We Get Here? protect his political allies and investigate his opponents. -
Understanding, Evaluating, and Extending Theories of Democratic Backsliding
Unwelcome Change: Understanding, Evaluating, and Extending Theories of Democratic Backsliding Ellen Lust Department of Political Science Yale University 115 Prospect Street Rosenkranz Hall New Haven, CT 06520 David Waldner Department of Politics University of Virginia 1540 Jefferson Park Avenue Gibson Hall Charlottesville, VA 22904 Final Version Submitted June 11, 2015 This publication was prepared under a Subaward funded by the Institute of International Education (IIE) under the Democracy Fellows and Grants (DFG) Program, award # AID-OAA-A-12-00039, funded by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The content of this publication does not necessarily reflect the views, analysis, or policies of IIE or USAID, nor does any mention of trade names, commercial products, or organizations imply endorsement by IIE or USAID. TABLE OF CONTENTS Democratic Backsliding ......................................................................................................................1 1. Conceptualizing Democratic Backsliding .............................................................................................. 2 2. Description and Evaluation of Theory Families ..................................................................................... 8 Part One: Structure, Agency, and Causation ........................................................................................8 Part Two: Introducing Six Theory Families ........................................................................................ 10 1. -
Levitsky-Way-Stanford
COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM: The Origins and Dynamics of Hybrid Regimes in the Post-Cold War Era Steven Levitsky Harvard University Lucan A. Way University of Toronto This piece combines parts of Chapter 1 (Introduction) with Chapter 2 (theoretical framework) of an early draft of our book manuscript. The chapters that will eventually follow cover each of five regions: the Americas, Central Europe, former Soviet Union, East Asia, and Sub-Saharan Africa. CHAPTER 1 THE RISE OF COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM IN THE POST- COLD WAR ERA The end of the Cold War posed a fundamental challenge to authoritarianism. Single-party and military dictatorships collapsed throughout post-communist Eurasia, Africa, and much of Asia and Latin America during the late 1980s and early 1990s. At the same time, the formal architecture of democracy—particularly multiparty elections— diffused widely across the globe. Transitions did not always lead to democracy, however. In much of Africa,1 the former Soviet Union, 2 and in parts of Central and South-Eastern Europe, 3 East Asia, 4 and the Americas, 5 new regimes combined electoral competition with varying degrees of authoritarianism. Unlike the single-party or military autocracies that predominated during the Cold War era, regimes in Kenya, Malaysia, Mexico, Peru, Russia, Serbia, Slovakia, Taiwan, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and elsewhere were competitive, in that opposition forces used democratic institutions to contest vigorously—and at times successfully—for power. Nevertheless, these regimes were not democratic. Government critics suffered harassment, arrest, and in some cases, violent attacks, and electoral fraud, unfair media access, and abuse of state resources skewed the playing field heavily in favor of incumbents.