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NGO Report to the UN Human Right Committee in Advance of Its List of Issues for the State of Israel
NGO Report to the UN Human Right Committee in Advance of its List of Issues for the State of Israel Violations of the ICCPR committed by the State of Israel against the Arab Bedouin in the Southern Negev-Naqab desert Submitted by The Negev Coexistence Forum for Civil Equality (NCF) Adalah – The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel 9 April 2018 1 The Negev Coexistence Forum for Civil Equality (NCF) was established in 1997 to provide a framework for Jewish-Arab collaborative efforts in the struggle for civil equality and the advancement of mutual tolerance and coexistence in the Negev-Naqab. NCF is unique in being the only Arab-Jewish organization that remains focused solely on the problems confronting the Negev- Naqab. NCF considers that the State of Israel fails to respect, protect and fulfill its human rights obligations, without discrimination, towards the Arab-Bedouin citizens in the Negev-Naqab. As a result, the NCF has set as one of its goals the achievement of full civil rights and equality for all people who make the Negev-Naqab their home. Adalah – The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel is an independent human rights organization and legal center, founded in November 1996. Its mission is to promote human rights in Israel in general and the rights of the Palestinian minority, citizens of Israel, in particular (around 1.5 million people, or 20% of the population). This work also includes promoting and defending the human rights of all individuals subject to the jurisdiction of the State of Israel, including Palestinian residents of the OPT. -
Azar Ajaj, Duane Alexander Miller, and Philip Sumpter Arab Evangelicals in Israel
SCJR 13, no. 1 (2018): 1-3 Azar Ajaj, Duane Alexander Miller, and Philip Sumpter Arab Evangelicals in Israel (Eugene, Oregon: Pickwick Publications, 2016), xi + 142 pp. DANIEL G. HUMMEL [email protected] University of Wisconsin-Madison, Madison, WI 53706 As the authors of this concise introduction remind the reader more than once, Arab evangelicals are a minority of a minority of a minority in Israel. About twenty percent of Israelis are Arab, and only ten percent of those Arabs are Chris- tian (less than two percent of Israel’s population). Arab evangelical Christians, who are viewed and view themselves as separate from the rest of the Arab Chris- tian community, number no more than 5,000. Arab Evangelicals in Israel, written by Arab evangelical scholar Azar Ajaj and two non-Arab researchers, Duane Al- exander Miller and Philip Sumpter, offers historical, institutional, and demographic information about this community. It also supplies insights into key fissures in current Israeli and Palestinian societies, such as those between Arab Is- raelis (Arab citizens of Israel) and Palestinians in the West Bank, between Arab evangelicals and the established Orthodox churches, and between Arab evangeli- cals and Messianic Jews (Jewish converts to Christianity) in Israel. The book is divided into seven chapters. Two are co-authored and five are written by a single author. Each of the first six chapters covers an aspect of Arab evangelical history, institutions, or identity. The final chapter contains an exten- sive bibliography of Arabophone Christianity in Israel-Palestine. The bibliography will be valuable to anyone interested in Arab evangelicalism and ex- tends from 1948 to 2013. -
The Juxtaposition of Palestinians in Israel and the Occupied Territories
Sigma: Journal of Political and International Studies Volume 38 Article 2 5-2021 Diverging Identities: The Juxtaposition of Palestinians in Israel and the Occupied Territories Micah Russell Brigham Young University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/sigma Part of the Community Psychology Commons, Comparative Psychology Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Russell, Micah (2021) "Diverging Identities: The Juxtaposition of Palestinians in Israel and the Occupied Territories," Sigma: Journal of Political and International Studies: Vol. 38 , Article 2. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/sigma/vol38/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sigma: Journal of Political and International Studies by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Diverging Identities: The Juxtaposition of Palestinians in Israel and the Occupied Territories Micah Russell A SOCIAL IDENTITY PUZZLE Identity is important. Social identities deal with an individual’s self-perceived placement within a certain group and how that group interacts with a larger community (Tajfel 1974, 65). Identities are often multifaceted and can be influenced by any number of variables including age, religion, social class, profession, culture, language, disability, education, ethnicity, gender, or sexuality. Because of the diverse nature of social identities, it is quite possible for individuals to self-select themselves into multiple groups. For example, it is not uncommon for people to identify themselves as a Muslim and an Arab or a Christian and a German. -
Back to Basics: Israel's Arab Minority and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
BACK TO BASICS: ISRAEL’S ARAB MINORITY AND THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT Middle East Report N°119 – 14 March 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................. i I. PALESTINIAN CITIZENS SINCE THE SECOND INTIFADA: GROWING ALIENATION ................................................................................................................... 1 A. OCTOBER 2000: THE DOWNWARD SPIRAL ................................................................................... 1 B. SEEKING REGIONAL AND GLOBAL SUPPORT ................................................................................ 5 C. POLITICAL BACKLASH ................................................................................................................. 8 II. POLITICAL TRENDS AMONG PALESTINIANS IN ISRAEL ............................... 10 A. BOYCOTTING THE POLITICAL SYSTEM ....................................................................................... 10 B. THE ISLAMIC MOVEMENT .......................................................................................................... 12 C. THE SECULAR PARTIES .............................................................................................................. 15 D. FILLING THE VACUUM: EXTRA-PARLIAMENTARY ORGANISATIONS ........................................... 19 E. CONFRONTATION LINES ............................................................................................................. 22 III. PALESTINIANS IN ISRAEL AND THE PEACE PROCESS -
Inside Israel (Armistice Line [Green Line] of 1948–49) 1967-Occupied Arab Territories
Inside Israel (Armistice Line [Green Line] of 1948–49) 1967-occupied Arab Territories Part III Article 2 A. Measures to eliminate racial discrimination 1. Measures preventing discrimination by all public authorities and institutions [See Article 4 for a discussion on the judicial, legislative and penal measures taken by the State to eliminate discrimination] Favoured Status for Jewish (“national”) Institutions Nonetheless, both Israel’s state and parastatal institutions exclusively proscribe Palestinians from enjoying the rights and Under the World Zionist Organization/Jewish Agency Status Law freedoms guaranteed to them by international law, and ratified by (1952), major Zionist organizations have special parastatal status. Israel. It is impossible for Palestinians to have fair appeals in Israeli They manage land, housing and services exclusively for the Jewish courts to uphold their rights. A dual system of law discriminates population. As no non-Jewish organizations enjoy similar status, this between Jewish Israelis and indigenous Palestinians based on a yields a vastly inferior quality of life for the indigenous Palestinian constructed status of “Jewish nationality.” This prejudicial Arab community. (More on these mechanisms of material application of law is apparent in all processes of the legal system, discrimination below under the specific rights affected). from the rights to information and fair trial to detention and prison treatment. State policies compound judicial failures by contracting The State party has taken no measures to address the charters or parastatal institutions (WZO, JNF, etc.) to annex and manage the the operations of these parastatal institutions, which form the most properties confiscated from indigenous Palestinians by developing fundamental and pervasive institutional discrimination in the country, and transferring them to possession by “Jewish nationals” in disadvantaging the entire class of indigenous Palestinian Arab perpetuity. -
The Future Vision of the Palestinian Arabs in Israel
The National Committee for the Heads of the Arab Local Authorities in Israel The Future Vision of the Palestinian Arabs in Israel 2006 The National Committee for the Heads of the Arab Local Authorities in Israel Steering Committee members: Shawki Khatib, Salman Natour, Aida Toma, Dr. Riad Eghbaria, Prof. Marwan Dwerie, Dr. Asaad Ghanem, Dr. Khaled abo Asbeh, Jaafar Farah, Ghaida Rinawie Zoabi Editor: Ghaida Rinawie- Zoabi Translation: Abed Al Rahman Kelani Design & Production: Wael Wakeem Special Thanks to Samah Haiek © All Rights Reserved, 2006 The National Committee for the Heads of Arab Local Authorities in Israel Tel: 6013323\04 Fax: 6013322\04 Al Woroud, PO box 5642, Nazareth 16430 [email protected] www.arab-lac.org Introduction In order to collect various versions in the self-definition of our entity, our relation with the rest of the Palestinians and our relation with the State and to connect them to create a firm integral homogeneous vision, we, the Arab Palestinians in Israel, should have a clear self-definition that includes all the political, cultural, economic, educational and social aspects. As the chairman of the High Follow up Committee for the Arabs in Israel, I have invited a group of Arab intellectuals (see attached list of names) to a discussion aiming at crystallizing a strategic future collective vision of the Palestinian Arabs citizens of Israel. I express my gratitude to this group for its efforts and commitment in the march that lasted for more than a year during which four long meetings were held. Documents attached to this paper are the outcome of this march. -
11 the Palestinian Arab Citizens of Israel in 1948, Only About 150,000
The Palestinian Arab Citizens of Israel In 1948, only about 150,000 Palestinian Arabs remained in the area that became the state of Israel. They were granted Israeli citizenship and the right to vote. But in many respects they were and remain second-class citizens, since Israel defines itself as the state of the Jewish people and Palestinians are non-Jews. Until 1966 most of them were subject to a military government that restricted their movement and other rights (to speech, association and so on). Arabs were not permitted to become full members of the Israeli trade union federation, the Histadrut, until 1965. About 40 percent of their lands were confiscated by the state and used for development projects that benefited Jews primarily or exclusively. All of Israel’s governments have discriminated against the Arab population by allocating far fewer resources for education, health care, public works, municipal government and economic development to the Arab sector. Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel have had a difficult struggle to maintain their cultural and political identity in a state that officially regards expression of Palestinian or Arab national sentiment as subversive. Until 1967, they were entirely isolated from the Arab world and were often regarded by other Arabs as traitors for living in Israel. Since 1967, many have become more aware of their identity as Palestinians. One important expression of this identity was the organization of a general strike on March 30, 1976, designated as Land Day, to protest the continuing confiscation of Arab lands. The Israeli security forces killed six Arab citizens on that day. -
Arab-Jewish Relations in Israel: Alienation and Rapprochement
[PEACEW RKS [ ARAB-JEWISH RELATIONS IN ISRAEL ALIENATION AND RAPPROCHEMENT Sammy Smooha ABOUT THE REPO R T This report is a result of a Jennings Randolph Fellow- ship at the U.S. Institute of Peace. The author would like to thank Chantal de Jonge Oudraat, Pierre van den Berge, Andreas Wimmer, and Shibley Telhami for their helpful comments and other assistance in preparing this report. Any errors or factual inaccuracies in the report are solely the responsibility of the author. ABOUT THE AUTHO R Sammy Smooha was a 2009–10 Jennings Randolph Senior Fellow at the U.S. Institute of Peace in Washington, D.C. He is professor of sociology at the University of Haifa and specializes in ethnic relations and in the study of Israeli society in comparative perspective. Widely published and an Israel Prize laureate for sociology in 2008, he was president of the Israeli Sociological Society from 2008 to 2010. Photo: iStock The views expressed in this report are those of the authors alone. They do not necessarily reflect views of the United States Institute of Peace. United States Institute of Peace 1200 17th Street NW, Suite 200 Washington, DC 20036-3011 Phone: 202.457.1700 Fax: 202.429.6063 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.usip.org Peaceworks No. 67. First published 2010. © 2010 by the United States Institute of Peace CONTENTS PEACEWORKS • DECEMBER 2010 • NO. 67 Summary ... 3 Introduction ... 5 Arab-Jewish Relations ... 5 Alienation or Rapprochement? ... 6 The Lost Decade ... 9 The Index of Relations ... 13 Public Opinion ... 15 Drivers of Coexistence ... 24 Policy Implications .. -
Religious Freedom in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory: Selected Issues a Report to the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom
Religious Freedom in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory: Selected Issues A Report to the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom Palestine Works Editors Omar Yousef Shehabi Dr. Sara Husseini Hady Matar Emma Borden Contributors Jessica Boulet Dario D'Ambrosio Lojain al-Mouallimi John Pino Helena van Roosbroeck Andrew Udelsman Licensed under the Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/ Copyright © 2016 Palestine Works All rights reserved. ISBN: 0692688242 ISBN-13: 978-0692688243 Published by Palestine Works Inc. 1875 Connecticut Avenue NW, 10th Floor Washington, District of Columbia 20009 United States of America PALESTINE WORKS Palestine Works is a U.S.-based §501(c)(3) nonprofit organization founded in 2012 to promote Palestinian human rights and human development. Our vision is a Palestinian society that can enjoy the improved prospects and economic, social and political benefits of a strong economy, one powered by the development and deployment of Palestinian human capital. Our mission is to help realize this vision by engaging, developing and harnessing the expertise of young professionals through the creation of high-impact knowledge exchange opportunities, including internships, legal advocacy projects, conferences, publications and networking. CONTENTS 1 Introduction 1 Part One: Extending Ethnoreligious Control over Mandatory Palestine 2 Ethnoreligious Citizenship in the Israeli Control System 15 3 Maximalist Jewish Claims to -
Inadequate Housing, Israel, and the Bedouin of the Negev Tawfiq .S Rangwala
Osgoode Hall Law Journal Article 2 Volume 42, Number 3 (Fall 2004) Inadequate Housing, Israel, and the Bedouin of the Negev Tawfiq .S Rangwala Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/ohlj Part of the Housing Law Commons, Human Rights Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Article Citation Information Rangwala, Tawfiq ..S "Inadequate Housing, Israel, and the Bedouin of the Negev." Osgoode Hall Law Journal 42.3 (2004) : 415-472. http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/ohlj/vol42/iss3/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Osgoode Hall Law Journal by an authorized editor of Osgoode Digital Commons. Inadequate Housing, Israel, and the Bedouin of the Negev Abstract This article examines Israel's treatment of its Arab Bedouin citizens living in the Negev desert through the lens of the international human right to adequate housing. The eN gev Bedouin, an agrarian indigenous community, is the most socially, politically and economically disadvantaged segment of the Arab minority in Israel. Their precarious situation is rooted primarily in Israeli land planning pursuits that have ignored Bedouin land claims in favor of settlement programs reserved exclusively for the majority population. This article documents the manner in which the overarching legal and political character of the state has led to the development of a legislative, judicial, and public policy regime aimed at forcibly evicting the Bedouin from their traditional homes in so-called "unrecognized villages" and transferring them to impoverished urban townships. -
The Case of Palestinian Arabs in Israel Ismael Abu-Saad Ben-Gurion University of the Negev [email protected]
International Education Journal, 2006, 7(5), 709-720. ISSN 1443-1475 © 2006 Shannon Research Press. http://iej.com.au 709 State educational policy and curriculum: The case of Palestinian Arabs in Israel Ismael Abu-Saad Ben-Gurion University of the Negev [email protected] The state educational system in Israel reflects the declared character of the state as a 'Jewish state', and, consequently, the deep inter-group divisions in society, including a large Palestinian Arab minority. This study demonstrates how Israeli educational policy and curriculum are designed to support the Jewish nation-building project. As such, they silence the Palestinian Arab narrative while reshaping regional history for both Jewish and Arab students to fit the Zionist narrative. Furthermore, Israeli educational policy has played an essential role in consigning Palestinian Arabs to the social, economic and political margins of Israeli society. Educational policy, curriculum, Palestinian Arabs, Israel, minorities Israeli society is very heterogeneous due to the existence of a wide variety of immigrant Jewish populations and an indigenous Palestinian Arab population; yet, at the same time, is officially defined as 'the State of the Jewish people.' The centrality of the notion of 'Jewishness' to Israel's national identity has been translated, in practical terms, into the subordination of the indigenous Palestinian Arab minority, which comprises 19 per cent of the total population, to the Jewish majority (Abu-Saad, 2004a, Fares 2004; Lewin-Epstein and Semyonov, 1993). This article examines the role of Israeli state educational policy and curriculum in this process. While the state educational system is administratively subdivided into a Jewish system (which is further divided into a number of subsystems, for example secular schools, religious schools), and an Arab system, this reflects not only the cultural and language diversity, but also the deep inter- group divisions in society. -
Ethnic Minority Languages in Israel
ETHNIC MINORITY LANGUAGES IN ISRAEL Asher Shafrir Tel Aviv University The non-Jewish minorities make up nearly 25% of the population of Israel. Among them are 4 groups differentiated in various ways from the general Arab Israeli population. The Bedouin are differentiated by their traditional residence patterns, the Druzes by religion, the Circassians by religion and ethnicity. The Greek Orthodox Church brings Greek-speaking priests to Israel, who teaches the language in their church schools. There are Arab Christian families with knowledge of Greek. There are speakers of Aramaic (Syriac), but most members of the Syriac community now speak Arabic. For the rest of the Churches, such as the Coptic and Ethiopians, the speakers are generally clerics. The exception to this is the small but significant Armenian community. The Armenians, like the Circassians, are working effectively for maintenance of their own language. In this paper we will look at language issues that affect these groups. Ethnicity, religion, minority, Aramaic, Druze, Circassian, Arab, Christians Some 1.8 million people, comprising Christian Arabs, some 150,000, live some 24 percent of Israel's population, are mainly in urban areas. Although many non-Jews. Although defined collectively as denominations are nominally represented, the Arab citizens of Israel, they include a number majority are affiliated with the Greek of different, primarily Arabic-speaking Catholic, Greek Orthodox and Roman groups, each with distinct characteristics. Catholic churches Religion Total Grand Jews Moslems s Christian Druze Other Muslim Arabs, over 1.2 million people, reside mainly in small towns and villages, over half of them in the north of the country.