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Investigating Causes of Emergence of Bushehr, Deylam and Rig

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Investigating Causes of Emergence of Bushehr, Deylam and Rig ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎت ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﺳﻼم ﺳﺎل دوازدﻫﻢ/ ﺷﻤﺎرة 44/ ﺑﻬﺎر 1399 ﺑﺮرﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮي ﺑﻨﺎدر ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ، دﻳﻠﻢ و رﻳﮓ در دوره ﺻﻔﻮي ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ زاده1 2 ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺼﻮﻓﻲ ﭼﻜﻴﺪه: در اﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ دﻻﻳﻞ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮي ﺑﻨﺎدر ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ، دﻳﻠﻢ و ﺑﻨـﺪر رﻳـﮓ در دورة ﺻـﻔﻮي، از ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻲ و ﺟﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ اﺳﺘﺨﺮاج و ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺪه اﺳﺖ. ﺑﺮرﺳﻲ زﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎي ﭘﻴـﺪاﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﺰﻣـﺎن اﻳـﻦ ﺳـﻪ ﺑﻨﺪر و ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬاري آﻧﻬﺎ در ﺗﺤﻮﻻت ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎرس از دورة ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺎﺟـﺎر، ﻋﻠـﺖ اﻧﺠـﺎم اﻳـﻦ ﭘـﮋوﻫﺶ ﺑﻮده اﺳﺖ. اﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ روﻳﻜﺮد ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ و ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ اي ﻫﻤﺮاه ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮرﺳﻲ ﻫﺎي ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ - ﻣﻴﺪاﻧﻲ ﺑـﻪ رﺷـﺘﺔ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ درآﻣﺪ. ﻧﻮﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﺎي ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻲ و ﺟﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ اﻳﻦ ﭘﮋوﻫﺶ ﻧﺸﺎن ﻣـﻲ دﻫـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺮآﻣـﺪن اﻳـﻦ ﺑﻨـﺎدر از ﻣﻮاردي ﭼﻮن اﻓﻮل ﺑﻨﺎدر ﻣﺠﺎور اﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻨﺪر، ﺣﻀـﻮر اﺳـﺘﻌﻤﺎر در دﻫﺎﻧـﺔ ﺧﻠـﻴﺞ ﻓـﺎرس و ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎن ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺎﻻدﺳﺖ آن، ﺟﺎذﺑﻪ ﻫﺎي اﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ اﻳﻦ ﺳﻮاﺣﻞ، اراﺿﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﺨﻴﺰ ﺟﻠﮕـﻪ ﻫـﺎي اﻃـﺮاف اﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺎدر، ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮت ﻫﺎي درون ﻓﻼﺗﻲ، ﻧﻴﺎز ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎي ﭘﺲ ﻛﺮاﻧﻪ اي ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪرﮔﺎه، ﻣﺴﻴﺮ درﻳـﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸـﺘﻲ ﻫـﺎ و ﭘﻨﺎهﮔﺎهﻫﺎ و ﺑﺎزارﻫﺎ، اﺳﺘﻘﺮار ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺻﻔﻮي در ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺸﻮر و ﺿﺮورت ﻣﺒﺎرزه ﺑﺎ اﺳـﺘﻌﻤﺎرﮔﺮان ﻧﺸـﺄت ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ اﺳﺖ. ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮرﺳﻲ ﺷﺪه در اﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻧﺸﺎن ﻣﻲ دﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺪاﻳﺶ اﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻨﺪر در ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ و اﺣﻴﺎي اﻗﺘﺪار درﻳﺎﻳﻲ اﻳﺮان در ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎرس دﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮده اﺳـﺖ و اﻫﻤﻴـﺖ اﻳـﻦ ﺑﻨـﺎدر در زﻣﻴﻨـﺔ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺗﺠـﺎرت درﻳﺎﻳﻲ، ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﺔ ﺗـﻮان ﻧﻈـﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮر و ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠـﻪ ﺑـﺎ اﺳـﺘﻌ ﻤﺎرﮔﺮان و ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ اداري -ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ و اﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎي ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ آﺷﻜﺎر ﻣﻲﺷﻮد. واژهﻫﺎ يﻛﻠﻴﺪي: ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ، ﺑﻨﺪر دﻳﻠﻢ، ﺑﻨﺪر رﻳﮓ، دوره ﺻﻔﻮي، ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎرس Downloaded from journal.pte.ac.ir at 12:41 +0330 on Tuesday October 5th 2021 1 داﻧﺸﺠﻮي دﻛﺘﺮي ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﻳﺮان ﺑﻌﺪ از اﺳﻼم، داﻧﺸﮕﺎه ﭘﻴﺎم ﻧﻮر ﺗﻬﺮان - اﻳﺮان (ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪه ﻣﺴﺌﻮل) [email protected] 2 داﻧﺸﻴﺎر ﮔﺮوه ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ داﻧﺸﮕﺎه ﭘﻴﺎم ﻧﻮر ﺗﻬﺮان- اﻳﺮان [email protected] ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ درﻳﺎﻓﺖ: 29 / 04 /98 ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮش: 08 / 09 /98 34 ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎت ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﺳﻼم، ﺳﺎل دوازدﻫﻢ، ﺷﻤﺎرة 44، ﺑﻬﺎر 1399 Investigating Grounds of Emergence of Bushehr, Deylam and Bandar Rig Ports during Safavid Era Ali Reza Khalifehzadeh1 Ali Reza Alisoufi2 Abstract: In this research, the reasons for the formation of Bushehr, Deylam and Bandar Rig ports during the Safavid era have been derived from historical and geographical sources. The study of the grounds of the emergence of these ports and their impact on the developments of the Persian Gulf from Safavid to Qajar eras was the reason for conducting this research. This research was done using an analytical and library methods along with surveying-field studies. The new and recent geographic and historical findings show that the emergence of these ports comes from following factors: the decline of ports adjacent to these ports, the presence of colonialism in the Persian Gulf, and more attention of the Safavids to its high regions, the climatic attractions of these ports, the fertile lands of the plains around these ports, the inland plateau migration, the need of hinterland cities for harbors, the maritime route of ships and shelters and markets, the establishment of the Safavid capital in the center of the country, the need to fight the colonialists. Therefore, the historical sources examined in this study indicate that the emergence of these three ports was consisted of the restoration and revitalization of Iranian naval authority in the Persian Gulf, and the significance of these ports is apparent in the development of maritime commerce, the development of military power of the country and the confrontation with the colonialists as well as the administrative, political, and social development of coastal cities. Keywords: Bushehr, Bandar Deylam, Bandar Rig, Safavid Era, Persian Gulf. Downloaded from journal.pte.ac.ir at 12:41 +0330 on Tuesday October 5th 2021 1 PhD Candidate, History of Iran in Islamic Period, Payam-e-Noor University Tehran, Iran, (Corresponding Author) [email protected] 2 Associate Professor at the Department of History, Payam-e-Noor University Tehran, Iran [email protected] ﺑﺮرﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮي ﺑﻨﺎدر ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ، دﻳﻠﻢ و رﻳﮓ در دوره ﺻﻔﻮي 35 ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﺮاي ﺑﺮرﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮي اﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻨﺪر ﺻﻔﻮي، دو ﮔﺰارش ﺟﺰﺋـﻲ ﻧﮕﺮاﻧـﻪ درﺑـﺎرة ﺑﻨﺎدر و ﺟﺰاﻳﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎرس، ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮط ﺑﻪ اواﻳﻞ ﻗﺮن ﻫﺸﺘﻢ (ﺣﺪود 694 -718ق) و دﻳﮕﺮي از اواﻳﻞ ﻗﺮن دﻫﻢ(ﺣﺪود905 -913ق) در دﺳﺖ اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ از ﺑﻨﺎدر ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ، رﻳﮓ و دﻳﻠـﻢ در اوﻟﻲ دﻳﺪه ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷﻮد؛ اﮔﺮﭼﻪ روﺷﻦ اﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ رﺷـﻴﺪاﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀـﻞ اﷲ ﻫﻤـﺪاﻧﻲ ﻣﻘـﺪار ﻋﻄﺮﻳـﺎت ﭘﺮداﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ «ﺣﻖ اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﻮك و ﺣﻜﺎم» ﺑﻨﺎدر ﻋﺒﺎدان، ﻣﺎﭼﻮل، ﻣﺎﻫﻲروان و ﻓﺎل (ﺳﻴﺮاف) و ﺟﺰاﻳﺮ ﺧﺎرگ، ﻛﻴﺶ و ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ را ﺑﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎت ﻗﺎﺑﻞ اﻋﺘﻤﺎدي در دورة ﻏﺎزان (694 -703ق) ﻧﻘـﻞ ﻛﺮده اﺳﺖ (ﻫﻤﺪاﻧﻲ، 1358: 176 -178). روﻧﻖ ﺗﺠﺎرت درﻳﺎﻳﻲ، ﻓﺮاواﻧﻲ ﻋﻄﺮﻳـﺎت و ﻛﺎﻻﻫـﺎي ﻫﻨﺪي و ﮔﺴﺘﺮة ﻧﻔﻮذ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ -اداري اﻳﺮان، ﺗﻌﺪاد ﺑﻨﺎدر و ﺟﺰاﻳﺮ آﺑﺎد، ﻣﻴﺰان ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒـﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻴـﺖ و درآﻣﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ از آن ﺑﻨﺎدر و ﺟﺰاﻳﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎرس را ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮان از اﻳﻦ ﮔﺰارش اﺳـﺘﻨﺒﺎط ﻛﺮد (ﺟﺪول 1). ﺟﺪول ﺷﻤﺎرة 1: ﺟﺰاﻳﺮ و ﺑﻨﺎدر ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎرس و ﻣﻘﺪار ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎت ﭘﺮداﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ «ﺣﻖ اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﻮك و ﺣﻜﺎم» در دورة ﻏﺎزان ﺟﺰاﻳﺮ و ﺑﻨﺎدر ﺻﻨﺪل/ ﻋﻨﺒﺮ/ ﻋﻮد/ زﺑﺎد/ ﻣﺸﻚ/ ﺗﻤﺮ ﻫﻨﺪي/ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎرس ﻣﻦ ﻣﺜﻘﺎل ﻣﻦ ﻣﺜﻘﺎل ﻣﺜﻘﺎل ﻣﻦ ﺑﺼﺮه 100 3000 50 250 1000 900 ﻋﺒﺎدان - - - 200 - - ﺑﻨﺪر ﻣﺎﭼﻮل 50 300 20 100 250 300 ﺑﻨﺪر - 250 100 - 500 50 ﻣﺎﻫﻲروان ﺧﺎرگ - - 20 - - - ﻓﺎل - 200 10 - - - ﻛﻴﺶ Downloaded from journal.pte.ac.ir at 12:41 +0330 on Tuesday October 5th 2021 - 1000 1000 - - 50 ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ 50 500 10 200 250 - ﻗﻄﻴﻒ - 200 10 100 250 - ﻛﻴﺞ و ﻣﻜﺮان 100 1000 50 - 1000 - 36 ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎت ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﺳﻼم، ﺳﺎل دوازدﻫﻢ، ﺷﻤﺎرة 44، ﺑﻬﺎر 1399 در ﮔﺰارش دوم ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮط ﺑﻪ اواﻳﻞ روي ﻛﺎر آﻣﺪن ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎن در ﺣﺪود ﺳـﺎل 905 -913ق. اﺳﺖ، از ﺑﻴﻦ اﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻨﺪر ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺎم ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ دﻳﺪه ﻣﻲﺷﻮد. اﺑﻦﻣﺎﺟﺪ در ﺳﺮودهاي در ﻗﺎﻟـﺐ ﻣﺜﻨـﻮي ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎم «اَرﺟﻮزه ﺑﺮّ اﻟﻌﺮب و اﻟﻌﺠﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎرس» ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮاﺣﻲ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ و ﺑﻨﺎدر و ﺟﺰاﻳﺮ (ﻣﺎﺷﻮر، ﺑﻬﺮﻛﺎن و ﻟﻮﻟﻮﺗﻴﻦ ،ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻪ، ﺷﻂ ﺑﻨﻲ ﺗﻤﻴﻢ، ﺧﺎرگ ، اﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ و رﻳﺸﻬﺮ(ذي ﺷﻬﺮ) زﻳﺎرت، ﺑﺮدﺳﺘﺎن، ﺳﻴﺮاف و ﺟﺒﺎل ﻓﺎل، ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ) و ﺑﺴﻴﺎري ﻧﻘﺎط دﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮداﺧﺘـﻪ اﺳـﺖ (اﺑـﻦ ﻣﺎﺟـﺪ، 1372: 492، 494؛ ﻣﺸﻜﻮر، ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ 1355: 43 53-). ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ اﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ در اﺑﺘﺪاي دورة ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ رخ داده ﺑﻮد، ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗـﺪرﻳﺞ ﻧـﺎم ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ، ﺑﻨﺪر دﻳﻠﻢ و ﺑﻨﺪر رﻳﮓ در ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻫﺎ، ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ و ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ادﺑﻲ و ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪار ﺷﻮد. ﻟﺬا در اﻳﻦ ﭘﮋوﻫﺶ ﺑﺮاﺳﺎس ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ و ﻣĤﺧﺬ، ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗـﺮﻳﻦ و ﻋﻤـﺪه ﺗـﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠـﻞ ﭘﻴـﺪاﻳﺶ و ﭼﻨـﺪ ﻋﻠـﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮك ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮي اﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻨﺪر ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮي ﻣﻮرد ﺑﺮرﺳـﻲ ﻗـﺮ ار ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ اﺳـﺖ . اﻟﺒﺘـﻪ ﺣﻮزة ﺟﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ، ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﺸﺎورزي و ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ اﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻨﺪر ﻣﺤﺪود ﺑﻮده و ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ درآﻣـﺪ ﻗﺎﺑـﻞ اﺗﻜﺎي ﺣﻜﺎم آﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺠﺎرت درﻳﺎﻳﻲ، ﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺖ در ﺣﻤـﻞ ﻛـﺎﻻ و ﻣﺴـﺎﻓﺮ و زوار ﺣـﺞ و ﻋﺘﺒـﺎت ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺎت، ﺻﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ و ﻣﺮوارﻳﺪ، ﻋﺎﻳﺪات ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ و ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎتﻫﺎي ﻣﺄﺧﻮذه (ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎت دﻛﻠـﻲ از ﻫﺮ ﻟﻨﺞ و ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎت ﻣﺸﺘﻲ از ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎر ﻏﻼت و ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎت ﺑﺎزار و ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎن ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﺎ) ﺑﻮده اﺳﺖ؛ اﮔﺮﭼﻪ آﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮاي ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﺤﺘﺎج و ﺿﺮورﻳﺎت ﺧﻮد، ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪات ﻛﺸـﺎورزي و ﺗـﻮان ﻧﻈـﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻨـﺎﻃﻖ و روﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎي ﻣﺠﺎور ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻮاره اﺗﻜﺎ داﺷﺘﻪ اﻧﺪ. از ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ آن ﻋﺼﺮ و ﭘﮋوﻫﺶ ﻫﺎي ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﻣـﻲ ﺗـﻮان ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎي ﻣﻬﻢ دﻳﮕﺮي ﺑﺮاي ﭘﻴﺪاﻳﺶ و ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮي ﺑﻨﺎدر ﺟﺪﻳﺪ اﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎط و اﺳﺘﺨﺮاج ﻛﺮد ﻛﻪ در اداﻣﻪ ﻣﻮرد ﺑﺮرﺳﻲ و ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮار ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ: 1. اﻓﻮل ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﺎدر ﭘﻴﺶ از ﺻﻔﻮي و ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻨﺎدر ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ از دﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪن ﻧﺎم اﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻨﺪر، اﻓﻮل ﺑﻨﺎدر ﻣﺠﺎور آﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮده اﺳﺖ. ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ از اﻓـﻮل ﺑﻨﺪر رﻳﺸﻬﺮ، ﺑﻨﺪر رﻳﮓ از اﻓﻮل ﺑﻨﺪر ﮔﻨﺎوه و ﺑﻨﺪر دﻳﻠـﻢ از اﻓـﻮل دو ﺑﻨـﺪر واﻗـﻊ در ﺷـﻤﺎل و ﺟﻨﻮب آن، ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻬﺮوﺑﺎن و ﻟﻮﻟﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ وﺟﻮد آﻣﺪه اﺳﺖ. ﺑﻨـﺪر ﺗـﺎرﻳﺨﻲ و ﻣﺸـﻬﻮر ﻣﻬﺮوﺑـﺎن (ﺑﻨﺪر ﻣﺎﻫﻲ روان) (ﻫﻤﺪاﻧﻲ، 1358: 177) در دورة ﺻﻔﻮي رو ﺑـﻪ اﻓـﻮل ﻧﻬـﺎد (ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻨﺸـﻲ، Downloaded from journal.pte.ac.ir at 12:41 +0330 on Tuesday October 5th 2021 1385: 35،99) و «ﻟﻮﻟﻮﺗﻴﻦ» ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ در ارﺟﻮز هًْ اﺑﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺪ (اﺑﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺪ، 1372: 492) در ﺣﺪود ﺳــﺎل 905 -913ق. و در ﻣﻨــﺎﺑﻊ ﭘﺮﺗﻐــﺎﻟﻲ آﻣــﺪه اﺳــﺖ، وﻗﺘــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﭘــﺪرو آﻟﺒــﻮﻛﺮك در ﺳــﺎل 920ق/1514م. ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻔﺮ درﻳﺎﻳﻲِ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻫـﻪ (15 ﺗﻴـﺮ ﺗـﺎ 14 ﻣـﺮداد 893ش) وارد آﺑـﺮاه ﺑﺮرﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮي ﺑﻨﺎدر ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ، دﻳﻠﻢ و رﻳﮓ در دوره ﺻﻔﻮي 37 ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎرس ﺷﺪ (ﺗﻠﺶ اي ﻛﻮﻧﻴـ ﺎ، 1393: 25)، از ﺗﻤـﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻨـﺎدر و ﺟﺰاﻳـﺮ و ﺟﺎﻫـﺎي دﻳﮕـﺮ ﺗـﺎ ﻟﻮﻟﻮﺗﻴﻦ1 واﻗﻊ در ﻧﻴﻤﺔ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎرس ﺑﺎزدﻳﺪ ﻛﺮد. از آﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ از دو روز ﺑﻪ رﻳﺸـﻬﺮ رﺳـﻴﺪ . «او در رﻳﺸﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮاﺑﻮاﺳﺤﺎق ﻳﻜﻲ از ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﺎن ﺷﺎه اﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪاد ده ﭘﺎرﭼﻪ آﺑﺎدي را از ﻳﻜﻲ از ﺳﺮﻛﺮده ﻫﺎي اﻣﻴﺮﻫﺮﻣﺰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮد، ﻣﻼﻗﺎت ﻛﺮد» و ﻫـﺪﻓﺶ را ﺧـﺪﻣﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻠـﻚ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ و ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ آﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎوﮔﺮوه ﻫﻤﺮاه، آن آﺑﺎدي ﻫـﺎ را ﻧﻴـﺰ از اﻣﻴـﺮ رﻳﺸﻬﺮ ﺑﺎزﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ (ﺑﻴﺸﺎپ اﺳﻤﻴﺖ، 1381: 48 -49). اﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً رﻳﺸﻬﺮ و ده آﺑﺎدي اﻃـﺮاف آن ﻗﺒﻞ از ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ در دﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﻮك ﻫﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﻮده اﺳﺖ. ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﭘﺮﺗﻐـﺎﻟﻲ دﻳﮕـﺮي ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﭘـﺪرو آﻟﺒﻮﻛﺮك ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﻟﻮﺗﻴﻦ و رﻳﺸﻬﺮ اﺷﺎره ﻛـﺮده، آورده اﺳـﺖ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘـﺎن (ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧـﺪه ﻧﻴـﺮوي درﻳـﺎﻳﻲ ) ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻫﺎي ﻣﻴﺮاﺑﻮاﺳﺤﺎق ﺗﻌﺪاد ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺮاد (ﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ) را ﻛﻪ از ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘـﺎن ﺷـﺎه ﻫﺮﻣـﺰ ﺗﺴـﺨﻴﺮ ﻛﺮده ﺑﻮد، ﺑﻪ اﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ اﻋﺰاﻣﻲ ﺑﺎزﭘﺲ داد (FREDERICK,1894: 1/298). «ﺑﻪ دﻧﺒﺎل اﻳـﻦ ﺳـﻠﻄﻪ و ﺗﻔﻮق، ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎن ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮرت ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻼﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎر ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺣﻀﻮر ﻧﻈـﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺗﻐـﺎل را در ﻣﻨـﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨـﻮﺑﻲ ﻗﻠﻤﺮو ﺧﻮد ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ» (ﻋﻠﻴﺼﻮﻓﻲ، 1389: ﻫﻔﺖ). در ﻧﻘﺸﺔ «ﻓﺮﻧﺎﺋﻮ واس دورادو» ﻛﻪ در ﺳﺎل 1571م/979ق. ﺗﺮﺳـﻴﻢ ﺷـﺪه ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺑـﻪ lulutem اﺷﺎره ﺷﺪه اﺳﺖ (وﺛﻮﻗﻲ و ﺻـﻔﺖ ﮔـﻞ، 1395: 3/753؛ ,Dourado, 2012. 16th century , Map Atlas edition). ﻟﻮﻟﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ در ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎي ﻗﺮن دﻫﻢ دﻳﺪه ﻣـﻲ ﺷـﻮد، در ﺳـﺎﺣﻞ روﺳـﺘﺎي ﻛﻨـﻮﻧﻲ ﻟﻴﻠﺘﻴﻦ، در ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ دو ﺧﻮر «ﭼﻴﺘﻮ» و ﺧﻮر «ﻋﺒﺪ» در ﺣﺪود ده ﻛﻴﻠـﻮﻣﺘﺮي ﺷـﺮق ﺑﻨـﺪر دﻳﻠـﻢ، در ﻣﺤﻞ اﺗﺼﺎل دﺷﺖ ﻟﻴﺮاوي ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎرس ﻗﺮار داﺷﺘﻪ و اﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً در ﻗﺮن ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻨﺪر ﺗﺠﺎري اﻣـﺮاي ﻟﻴﺮاوي ﺑﻮده اﺳﺖ.
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