O Farmacêutico De Auschwitz
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From Humiliation to Humanity Reconciling Helen Goldman’S Testimony with the Forensic Strictures of the Frankfurt Auschwitz Trial
S: I. M. O. N. Vol. 8|2021|No.1 SHOAH: INTERVENTION. METHODS. DOCUMENTATION. Andrew Clark Wisely From Humiliation to Humanity Reconciling Helen Goldman’s Testimony with the Forensic Strictures of the Frankfurt Auschwitz Trial Abstract On 3 September 1964, during the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial, Helen Goldman accused SS camp doctor Franz Lucas of selecting her mother and siblings for the gas chamber when the family arrived at Birkenau in May 1944. Although she could identify Lucas, the court con- sidered her information under cross-examination too inconsistent to build a case against Lucas. To appreciate Goldman’s authority, we must remove her from the humiliation of the West German legal gaze and inquire instead how she is seen through the lens of witness hospitality (directly by Emmi Bonhoeffer) and psychiatric assessment (indirectly by Dr Walter von Baeyer). The appearance of Auschwitz survivor Helen (Kaufman) Goldman in the court- room of the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial on 3 September 1964 was hard to forget for all onlookers. Goldman accused the former SS camp doctor Dr Franz Lucas of se- lecting her mother and younger siblings for the gas chamber on the day the family arrived at Birkenau in May 1944.1 Lucas, considered the best behaved of the twenty defendants during the twenty-month-long trial, claimed not to recognise his accus- er, who after identifying him from a line-up became increasingly distraught under cross-examination. Ultimately, the court rejected Goldman’s accusations, choosing instead to believe survivors of Ravensbrück who recounted that Lucas had helped them survive the final months of the war.2 Goldman’s breakdown of credibility echoed the experience of many prosecution witnesses in West German postwar tri- als after 1949. -
Central Europe
Central Europe West Germany FOREIGN POLICY AND STATUS OF BERLIN OUBJECTS discussed during British Premier Harold Wilson's offi- cial visit to Bonn from March 7 to 9 included the maintenance of the British Rhine Army in Germany, the continuation of German currency aid for the United Kingdom, and a new approach to German reunification. When East German authorities tried to interfere with the meeting of the Bundestag in Berlin on April 7 by disrupting traffic to and from the former capital, the Western Allies protested sharply. In his opening speech Eugen Gerstenmaier, president of the Bundestag, emphasized the right of the Fed- eral parliament to meet in West Berlin and denied that the session was an act of provocation. During the Easter holidays 300,000 West Berliners were permitted to visit relatives in the Eastern zone of the divided city. About a million Berliners crossed the Berlin Wall and spent Christmas with their relatives, after the renewal of an agreement in November. Queen Elizabeth II of England and her consort the Duke of Edinburgh made an official visit to West Germany and West Berlin in May, and were cheered by the population. Attempts by Foreign Minister Gerhard Schroder to bring about an improvement in relations with the United Kingdom during this visit were viewed skeptically by Franz-Josef Strauss, chairman of the Christian Social Union (CSU), representing the pro-French wing of the coalition. French President Charles de Gaulle's talks with Chancellor Ludwig Erhard in Bonn in June were described as "positive," but did not lead to an agree- ment on a conference to discuss the reorganization of the Common Market and other matters pertaining to the European community. -
Weiterlesen, Nicht Wahr?, Den Autor Backe Weiterlesen: «Wir Müssen Daher Auch Die Härtesten Und Rücksichtslosesten Massnahmen Mit Würde Durchführen.» A: Ja
Einleitung Die Urteile, Kreuzverhöre und Vernehmungen, die in diesem Buche zum erstenmal veröffentlicht werden, sind ein Mahnmal. Es soll jedermann zur Wachsamkeit gegen verbrecherische Cliquen und Organisationen aufrufen, die sonst ein Land überwuchern können. Unser Musterbeispiel sind die Schutzstaffeln (SS) der NSDAP während des Hitlerregimes mit ihren Massenmorden in ganz Europa. Der verbrecherischen Führung der SS folgten Tausende ihrer Angehörigen, wenn auch nicht jeder einzelne SS- Mann an den organisierten Untaten beteiligt war. Das dunkle Gemälde zeigt wenig lichte Stellen, wie den SS-Obersturmführer Kurt Gerstein, der sein Leben wagte, um die Welt auf SS-Verbrecher hinzuweisen. Es gab auch Beispiele von anderen SS-Männern mit menschlichen Gefühlen. Noch heute sind viele von SS-Angehörigen begangene Mordtaten unge- sühnt: Aufgrund der Nürnberger SS-Prozesse wurden nur fünf hohe SS- Führer hingerichtet, ferner sieben SS-Ärzte. Dazu kommt Ernst Kaltenbrun- ner (SS-Obergruppenführer), der vom Internationalen Militärtribunal zum Tode verurteilt wurde. Die anderen in Nürnberg wegen Mordtaten verur- teilten SS-Führer wurden auf starken Druck von teilweise unbekannten Hintermännern allzu früh begnadigt und schon vor Jahren aus den Ge- fängnissen entlassen. Gleichfalls entlassen sind die von alliierten Kriegs- gerichten verurteilten SS-Angehörigen. Nur eine geringe Zahl wurde wegen Ermordung von Kriegsgefangenen oder Zivilgefangenen hingerichtet. Eine erneute Strafverfolgung der von den Alliierten Abgeurteilten ist aufgrund des sogenannten Überleitungsvertrages vom 5. Mai 1955 nicht mehr möglich. Einige hundert SS-Männer standen wegen Mittäterschaft oder Beihilfe zum Mord vor deutschen Gerichten oder haben Anklagen zu erwarten. Die bis- her erkannten Strafen sind oft als zu milde kritisiert worden. Schwer- wiegender ist es, dass hohe SS-Chargen im Durchschnitt mildere Strafen er- hielten als SS-Mannschaften in unteren Rängen. -
S: I. M. O. N. Shoah: Intervention
01/2021 S: I. M. O. N. SHOAH: INTERVENTION. METHODS. DOCUMENTATION. S:I.M.O.N. – Shoah: Intervention. Methods. DocumentatiON. S:I.M.O.N. is the open-access e-journal of the Vienna Wiesenthal Institute for Holocaust Studies (VWI). It is committed to immediate open access for academic work. S:I.M.O.N. serves as a forum for discussion of various methodological approaches. The journal especially wishes to strengthen the exchange between researchers from different scientific communities and to integrate both the Jewish history and the history of the Holocaust into the different ‘national’ narratives. It also lays a special emphasis on memory studies and the analysis of politics of memory. The journal operates under the Creative Commons Licence CC-BY-NC-ND (Attribution-Non Com- mercial-No Derivatives). The copyright of all articles remains with the author of the article. The copyright of the layout and design of articles remains with S:I.M.O.N. Articles can be submitted in German or English. S:I.M.O.N. ist das Open-Access-E-Journal des Wiener Wiesenthal Instituts für Holocaust-Studien (VWI). Es setzt sich für einen sofortigen offenen Zugang zur wissenschaftlichen Arbeit ein. S:I.M.O.N. dient als Diskus- sionsforum für verschiedene methodische Ansätze. Die Zeitschrift möchte insbesondere den Austausch zwi- schen ForscherInnen aus unterschiedlichen Forschungszusammenhängen stärken und sowohl die jüdische Geschichte als auch die Geschichte des Holocaust in die verschiedenen „nationalen“ Erzählungen integrieren. Ein besonderer Schwerpunkt liegt auch auf Ansätzen der Memory Studies und der Analyse der Geschichts- politik. Die Zeitschrift arbeitet unter der Creative Commons-Lizenz CC-BY-NC-ND. -
I Didn't Know What Auschwitz Was": the Frankfurt Auschwitz Trial and the German Press, 1963-1965
"I didn't know what Auschwitz was": The Frankfurt Auschwitz Trial and the German Press, 1963-1965 Devin 0. Pendas* On December 20, 1963, the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial opened before the State Court (Schwurgericht) at Frankfurt am Main. Ginther Leicher, covering the trial for the Allgemeine Zeitung/Neuer Mainzer Anzeiger, described the scene thus: "A huge mass of journalists, photographers and camera people from all over the world and half-empty seats in the visitors' gallery: these are the contradictory emblems of the public interest in the Auschwitz trial, which opened last Friday, four days before Christmas, in the Frankfurt City Council chambers."' In this Article, I examine the seeming paradox that the Auschwitz trial could attract such considerable attention from the mass media while remaining a matter of indifference, if not open hostility, for much of the German public. In other words, I ask what the relationship is between the Auschwitz trial as a trial, as a media event, and as a "moment" in the West German public sphere. Trials for mass atrocity are often viewed as at least potentially engendering a historical narrative of truth, one aimed at securing reconciliation and social solidarity in the aftermath of genocide.2 But of course, such an understanding of trials as pedagogical events * William Rainy Harper Post-Doctoral Fellow at the University of Chicago. This Article is part of a dissertation entitled, "Displaying Justice: Nazis on Trial in Postwar Germany," which is currently being revised for publication. A German version of this Article was given as a public lecture at the Fritz Bauer Institute in Frankfurt am Main in November 1997, and a shortened version was presented at the conference "From Trials to History" at the Einstein Forum in Potsdam, January 25-27, 1998.