Visiting New York's African-American Past
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The Battle to Integrate New York City's Public Schools
Bowdoin College Bowdoin Digital Commons Honors Projects Student Scholarship and Creative Work 2019 "This is N.Y.C. Not Little Rock": The Battle to Integrate New York City's Public Schools Anne Fraser Gregory Bowdoin College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bowdoin.edu/honorsprojects Part of the Education Commons, and the Urban Studies and Planning Commons Recommended Citation Gregory, Anne Fraser, ""This is N.Y.C. Not Little Rock": The Battle to Integrate New York City's Public Schools" (2019). Honors Projects. 131. https://digitalcommons.bowdoin.edu/honorsprojects/131 This Open Access Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship and Creative Work at Bowdoin Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of Bowdoin Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. "This is N.Y.C. Not Little Rock": The Battle to Integrate New York City's Public Schools An Honors Project for the Department of Africana Studies by Anne Fraser Gregory Bowdoin College, 2019 ©2019 Anne Fraser Gregory Acknowledgments This project would not have been possible without the support of the entire Africana Studies Department, particularly my readers, Judith Casselberry and Tess Chakkalakal, and especially my advisor Dr. Brian Purnell, who has been a role model to me since my first class with him in Africana Studies 1101. My wonderful family and my network of supportive friends and peers here at Bowdoin also created the productive space in which I could study and conduct my research, and I could not be more grateful for them. -
The Origins of “Antibusing” Politics from New York Protests to the Civil Rights Act
on e The Origins of “Antibusing” Politics from new york protests to the civil rights act There is a pressing need for a liberalism in the North that is truly liberal, that firmly believes in integration in its own community as well as in the deep South. —Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., speaking to Urban League of New York City, 1960 I do not blame the two distinguished Senators from New York, for they desire to protect New York City, as well as Chicago, Detroit, and similar areas. In my opinion the two Senators from New York are, at heart, pretty good segregationists; but the conditions in their State are different from the conditions in ours. —Mississippi senator James O. Eastland, 1964 On a snowy March day in 1964, over ten thousand white parents walked from the Board of Education Building in Brooklyn to city hall in Manhattan to protest against school desegregation in New York City. Carrying signs reading, “We oppose voluntary transfers,” “Keep our children in neighborhood schools,” “I will not put my children on a bus,” and “We will not be bused,” the marchers called their coalition of local organizations “Parents and Taxpayers.” They hoped to persuade the school board to aban- don a school pairing plan that called for students to be transferred between predominantly black and Puerto Rican schools and white schools. “Most of the demonstrators were taking their case into the streets for the first time,” the New York Times reported, noting that more than 70 percent of the dem- onstrators were women.1 “For every mother who’s here, there’s another one sitting at home with both her children, wishing she could be here,” said Joan Adabo, a mother from Jackson Heights, Queens.2 While the protestors sought to influence policy at the city level, television news captured the scope 23 Delmont - 9780520284241.indd 23 14/11/15 4:31 PM figure 1. -
Princeton Seminary and Slavery: Context
TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 1 Princeton Seminary and Slavery: Context 4 The Seminary Founders and Their Involvement with Slavery 6 Slavery and the Seminary as Institution 10 Princeton Seminary, Slavery, and Colonization 15 Alumni: The Range of Opinion and Action on Slavery 28 Lessons, Implications, and Recommendations 49 Bibliography 54 Moving Forward.................................................... 58 Appendix A: Student Demographics, 1812-1865 60 Appendix B: Financial History, 1811-1861...........................................................90 Introduction When Princeton Theological Seminary was founded in 1812, it was part of a national culture and a local community that were deeply entangled in slavery. The faculty and students at Princeton Seminary in its early years through the Civil War would have encountered slavery as a familiar aspect of life. It was part of the context of their theological studies in this place. Just as they were shaped by their context, the faculty and graduates of Princeton Seminary also shaped the town of Princeton and other communities around the country where they served. As theologians and religious leaders, they spoke with moral authority about the questions of their day. But they were not of one mind about the ethical evaluation of slavery. Nor did their personal practices always align with their professions of theological conviction. The following report begins to trace the complicated story of Princeton Seminary and its relationship to slavery. From its founding aspirations, Princeton Seminary has placed high value on both rigorous scholarship and Christian faith, and a commitment to these values informs our present study of the Seminary’s history, which is both an act of faith and scholarly investigation. -
New York's Black Intellectuals and the Role of Ideology in the Civil Rights Movement, 1954-1965
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Publications and Research Hostos Community College 2011 Crossroads: New York's Black Intellectuals and the Role of Ideology in the Civil Rights Movement, 1954-1965 Kristopher B. Burrell CUNY Hostos Community College How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/ho_pubs/16 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] CROSSROADS: NEW YORK'S BLACK INTELLECTUALS AND THE ROLE OF IDEOLOGY IN THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT, 1954-1965 by KRISTOPHER BURRELL A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2011 © 2011 KRISTOPHER BRYAN BURRELL All Rights Reserved ii This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in History in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Dr. Clarence Taylor____________________ History Department, CUNY Graduate Center _________________ ___________________________________ Date Chair of Examining Committee Dr. Helena Rosenblatt__________________ History Department, CUNY Graduate Center _________________ ___________________________________ Date Executive Officer Dr. Joshua Freeman___________________________ History Department, CUNY Graduate Center Dr. Carol Berkin______________________________ History Department, CUNY Graduate Center Dr. Jeanne Theoharis___________________________ Political Science Department, Brooklyn College Dr. Robyn Spencer_____________________________ History Department, Lehman College Supervisory Committee THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii Abstract CROSSROADS: NEW YORK'S BLACK INTELLECTUALS AND THE ROLE OF IDEOLOGY IN THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT, 1954-1965 By Kristopher Burrell Adviser: Dr. -
New York and Civil Rights 1945-1964
LESSON PLANS WE SHALLPOLITICAL NOT BE MOVED:AND CIVIL New York RIGHTS and Civil Rights 1945-1964 WE SHALL NOT BE MOVED: New York and Civil Rights 1945-1964 OVERVIEW COMMON CORE STATE STANDARDS Through viewing photographs, questionnaires, and flyers, students will learn about activists involved in the civil rights movement in New York City who Grade 3: fought for integration in public schools and quality education for Puerto CCSS.ELA-LITERACY.RI.3.1 Ask and answer questions to demonstrate Rican and African-American children in the 1950s-60s. understanding of a text, referring explicitly to the text as the basis for the answers. STUDENT GOALS Students will learn about de facto segregation that was practiced in Grades 6-8: CCSS.ELA-LITERACY.RH.6-8.7 northern cities and how African-American communities were affected Integrate visual information (e.g., in charts, by multiple systems of racial inequality with regard to jobs, housing, graphs, photographs, videos, or maps) with and schools. other information in print and digital texts. Students will learn about individuals, such as Ella Baker and Milton Galamison, who participated in the civil rights movement in New York Grades 11-12: CCSS.ELA-LITERACY.RH.11-12.2 and thus played a role in the fight for racial equality. Analyze in detail how a complex primary Through analyzing primary sources (photographs, questionnaires, source is structured, including how key and flyers) students will observe the various tactics and strategies sentences, paragraphs, and larger portions of that activists used to address segregation in NYC schools and incite the text contribute to the whole. -
Robert Wagner, Milton Galamison and the Challenge to New York Liberalism by Clarence Taylor
Robert Wagner, Milton Galamison and the challenge to New York liberalism by Clarence Taylor During the mayoralty of one of New York City's most liberal mayors, Robert F. Wagner (1954- 1965) the city faced a great deal of racial turmoil. Despite its reputation as a bastion of liberalism and the mayor's efforts at making New York a place where harmonious race relations existed, Wagner found himself under siege by numerous racial protests. In 1963 a coalition of civil rights groups, including the Brooklyn chapter of the Congress of Racial Equality, the NAACP, and the Urban League of Greater New York initiated a sit-in at Mayor Wagner's office demanding a halt to all construction sponsored by the city until all discriminatory hiring practices were "eliminated." CORE also began demonstrating at construction sites throughout the city demanding that the state and city governments and the Building and Construction Trade Council hire African Americans. In July of 1963, CORE forged an alliance with a group of Brooklyn ministers and led a huge protest at the construction site of the Downstate Medical Center where over 700 people were arrested becoming, "jailbirds for freedom" in an attempt to force the state to hire blacks and Puerto Ricans construction workers. (2) The most dramatic civil rights protest in New York City took place on February 3, 1964 when civil rights groups launched a one-day boycott of the public school system over the issue of school integration. The school integration protest, led by the Rev. Milton A. Galamison, managed to keep close to a half million children out of the public schools in an attempt to force the New York City Board of Education to come up with a plan and timetable to integrate the school system. -
I Why Busing Failed
I I Why Busing Failed Thepublisher gratefully acknowledges the generous support RACE, MEDIA, AND THE NATIONAL oftheAnne G LipowEndowmentFundforSoczalJustzce RESISTANCE TO SCHOOL DESEGREGATION and Human Rights ofthe University ofCalifornia Press Foundation, which was established by Stephen M Silberstein Matthew F. Delmont m UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS C ONE The Origins of ff4ntibusing”Politics FROM NEW YORK PROTESTS TO THE CIVIL RIGHTS ACT There is a pressing need for a liberalism in the North that is truly liberal, that firmly believes in integration in its own community as well as in the deep South —DR MARTIN LUTHER KING JR ,speakzngto U~banLeague ofNew York City, spdo I do not blame the two distinguished Senators from New York, for they desire to protect New York City, as well as Chicago, Detroit, and similar areas In my opinion the two Senators from New York arc, at heart, pretty good segregationists, but the conditions in their State are different from the conditions In ours —MISSISSIPPI SENATORJAMES 0 LASTLAND, 1964 ON A SNOWY MARCH DAY ifl 1964, over ten thousand white parents walked from the Board of Education Building in Brooklyn to city hail in Manhattan to protest against school desegregation in New York City. Carrying signs reading, “We oppose voluntary transfers,” “Keep our children in neighborhood schools,” “I will not put my children on a bus,” and “We will not be bused,” the marchers called their coalition of local organizations “Parents and Taxpayers.” They hoped to persuade the school board to aban don a school pairing plan that called for students to be transferred between predominantly black and Puerto Rican schools and white schools.