Predicting Major Prison Incidents
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Prisons Are Violent Are Prisons Why Violence of Amount the Assaults Sexual Rioting Coping Mature Story the of 7.3
CHAPTER 7 Prisons Introduction: The State of Prisons 108 Gangs and the Prison Subculture 120 Prison Organizations 109 Violence 122 Classification 109 Why Prisons Are Violent 122 Comparative Perspective: Canada’s The Amount of Violence 123 Debate Regarding Social Support Sexual Assaults 123 Programming Versus More Prisons 109 Rioting 124 Prison Types and Levels 110 Mature Coping 125 In Focus 7.1. Alcatraz, the In Focus 7.3. The Story of United States’ First Supermax 111 Wilbert Rideau 126 Attributes of the Prison That Shape the Special Populations 127 Experience 115 The Elderly and the Physically and Total Institutions, Mortification, Mentally Ill 127 Importation, Prisonization 115 Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Pains of Imprisonment 116 Transgender Inmates 129 The Prison Subculture 118 Summary 130 In Focus 7.2. Inmate Roles Identified Key Terms 131 by Sykes (1958) and Sykes and Discussion Questions 131 Messinger (1960) 119 Useful Internet Sites 131 v Introduction: The State of Prisons It has become axiomatic to say that correctional programs and institutions are overcrowded, underfunded, and unfocused these days. As the drug war rages on and as mandatory sentencing has its effect, probation and parole caseloads and incarceration rates spiral past any semblance of control. As a consequence, though spending on corrections has steadily, and steeply, climbed over the last several years, it is nearly impossible for most states and localities to meet the needs for programs, staff, and institutions. So they do not. As a consequence, the corrections experience for offenders is shaped by shortages. 108 Chapter 7 v Prisons 109 But, as has been discussed already in this text, this has always been somewhat true. -
U.S. Citizens Kidnapped by the Islamic State John W
CRS Insights U.S. Citizens Kidnapped by the Islamic State John W. Rollins, Specialist in Terrorism and National Security ([email protected], 7-5529) Liana Rosen, Specialist in International Crime and Narcotics ([email protected], 7-6177) February 13, 2015 (IN10167) Overview On February 10, 2015, President Barack Obama acknowledged that U.S. citizen Kayla Mueller was killed while held in captivity by the terrorist group known as the Islamic State (IS). This was the fourth death of an American taken hostage by the Islamic State: Abdul-Rahman Kassig (previously Peter Kassig), James Foley, and Steven Sotloff were also killed. The death of Mueller and the graphic videos depicting the deaths of the other three Americans have generated debate about the U.S. government's role and capabilities for freeing hostages. In light of these deaths, some policymakers have called for a reevaluation of U.S. policy on international kidnapping responses. Questions include whether it is effective and properly coordinated and implemented, should be abandoned or modified to allow for exceptions and flexibility, or could benefit from enhancements to improve global adherence. Scope The killing of U.S. citizens by the Islamic State may be driven by a variety of underlying motives. Reports describe the group as inclined toward graphic and public forms of violence for purposes of intimidation and recruitment. It is unclear whether the Islamic State would have released its Americans hostages in exchange for ransom payments or other concessions. Foley's family, for example, disclosed that the Islamic State demanded a ransom of 100 million euros ($132 million). -
Veterans in State and Federal Prison, 2004
U.S. Department of Justice Office of Justice Programs Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report May 2007, NCJ 217199 Veterans in State and Federal Prison, 2004 By Margaret E. Noonan Percent of prisoners reporting prior military service BJS Statistician continues to decline and Christopher J. Mumola BJS Policy Analyst Percent of prisoners 25% The percentage of veterans among State and Federal Federal prisoners has steadily declined over the past three decades, 20% according to national surveys of prison inmates conducted State by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS). In 2004,10% of 15% State prisoners reported prior service in the U.S. Armed Forces, down from 12% in 1997 and 20% in 1986. Since 10% BJS began surveying Federal prisoners in 1991, they have 5% shown the same decline over a shorter period. Overall, an estimated 140,000 veterans were held in the Nation’s 0% prisons in 2004, down from 153,100 in 2000. 1986 1991 1997 2004 The majority of veterans in State (54%) and Federal (64%) prison served during a wartime period, but a much lower percentage reported seeing combat duty (20% of State Veterans had shorter criminal records than nonveterans in prisoners, 26% of Federal). Vietnam War-era veterans were State prison, but reported longer prison sentences and the most common wartime veterans in both State (36%) and expected to serve more time in prison than nonveterans. Federal (39%) prison. Veterans of the Iraq-Afghanistan eras Nearly a third of veterans and a quarter of nonveterans comprised 4% of veterans in both State and Federal prison. -
Prison Abolition and Grounded Justice
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2015 Prison Abolition and Grounded Justice Allegra M. McLeod Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/1490 http://ssrn.com/abstract=2625217 62 UCLA L. Rev. 1156-1239 (2015) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminal Procedure Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Social Control, Law, Crime, and Deviance Commons Prison Abolition and Grounded Justice Allegra M. McLeod EVIEW R ABSTRACT This Article introduces to legal scholarship the first sustained discussion of prison LA LAW LA LAW C abolition and what I will call a “prison abolitionist ethic.” Prisons and punitive policing U produce tremendous brutality, violence, racial stratification, ideological rigidity, despair, and waste. Meanwhile, incarceration and prison-backed policing neither redress nor repair the very sorts of harms they are supposed to address—interpersonal violence, addiction, mental illness, and sexual abuse, among others. Yet despite persistent and increasing recognition of the deep problems that attend U.S. incarceration and prison- backed policing, criminal law scholarship has largely failed to consider how the goals of criminal law—principally deterrence, incapacitation, rehabilitation, and retributive justice—might be pursued by means entirely apart from criminal law enforcement. Abandoning prison-backed punishment and punitive policing remains generally unfathomable. This Article argues that the general reluctance to engage seriously an abolitionist framework represents a failure of moral, legal, and political imagination. -
Prisoner Testimonies of Torture in United States Prisons and Jails
Survivors Speak Prisoner Testimonies of Torture in United States Prisons and Jails A Shadow Report Submitted for the November 2014 Review of the United States by the Committee Against Torture I. Reporting organization The American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) is a Quaker faith based organization that promotes lasting peace with justice, as a practical expression of faith in action. AFSC’s interest in prison reform is strongly influenced by Quaker (Religious Society of Friends) activism addressing prison conditions as informed by the imprisonment of Friends for their beliefs and actions in the 17th and 18th centuries. For over three decades AFSC has spoken out on behalf of prisoners, whose voices are all too frequently silenced. We have received thousands of calls and letters of testimony of an increasingly disturbing nature from prisoners and their families about conditions in prison that fail to honor the Light in each of us. Drawing on continuing spiritual insights and working with people of many backgrounds, we nurture the seeds of change and respect for human life that transform social relations and systems. AFSC works to end mass incarceration, improve conditions for people who are in prison, stop prison privatization, and promote a reconciliation and healing approach to criminal justice issues. Contact Person: Lia Lindsey, Esq. 1822 R St NW; Washington, DC 20009; USA Email: [email protected] +1-202-483-3341 x108 Website: www.afsc.org Acknowledgements This report would not have been possible but for the courageous individuals held in U.S. prisons and jails who rise above the specter of reprisal for sharing testimonies of the abuses they endure. -
Slavery by Another Name History Background
Slavery by Another Name History Background By Nancy O’Brien Wagner, Bluestem Heritage Group Introduction For more than seventy-five years after the Emancipation Proclamation and the end of the Civil War, thousands of blacks were systematically forced to work against their will. While the methods of forced labor took on many forms over those eight decades — peonage, sharecropping, convict leasing, and chain gangs — the end result was a system that deprived thousands of citizens of their happiness, health, and liberty, and sometimes even their lives. Though forced labor occurred across the nation, its greatest concentration was in the South, and its victims were disproportionately black and poor. Ostensibly developed in response to penal, economic, or labor problems, forced labor was tightly bound to political, cultural, and social systems of racial oppression. Setting the Stage: The South after the Civil War After the Civil War, the South’s economy, infrastructure, politics, and society were left completely destroyed. Years of warfare had crippled the South’s economy, and the abolishment of slavery completely destroyed what was left. The South’s currency was worthless and its financial system was in ruins. For employers, workers, and merchants, this created many complex problems. With the abolishment of slavery, much of Southern planters’ wealth had disappeared. Accustomed to the unpaid labor of slaves, they were now faced with the need to pay their workers — but there was little cash available. In this environment, intricate systems of forced labor, which guaranteed cheap labor and ensured white control of that labor, flourished. For a brief period after the conclusion of fighting in the spring of 1865, Southern whites maintained control of the political system. -
Transform the Harsh Economic Reality of Working Inmates
Journal of Civil Rights and Economic Development Volume 27 Issue 4 Volume 27, Winter 2015, Issue 4 Article 4 Emancipate the FLSA: Transform the Harsh Economic Reality of Working Inmates Patrice A. Fulcher Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.stjohns.edu/jcred This Notes and Comments is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Civil Rights and Economic Development by an authorized editor of St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. EMANCIPATE THE FLSA: TRANSFORM THE HARSH ECONOMIC REALITY OF WORKING INMATES PATRICE A. FULCHER* ABSTRACT Prisoner labor is a booming American industry. The 2.3 million people in the United States of America ("U.S.") behind bars serve as human resources sustaining the Prison Industrial Complex. In a less economically depressed market, perhaps there would be national prison reform campaigns geared toward decreasing the prison population. But in today's economic climate, the increase of U.S. inhabitants sentenced to prison has helped to quench the thirst for cheap, and in many instances, free laborers. Proponents of the use of inmate labor in the U.S. have argued that inmates should not be paid minimum wages because working for free is a part of the punishment for their crime. However, critics maintain that forcing inmates to work for free is the rebirth of chattel slavery. In order to protect the rights of workers, Congress passed the Fair Labor Standards Act ("FLSA") in 1938, which in part, established the national minimum wage requirement. -
Kenyon Collegian College Archives
Digital Kenyon: Research, Scholarship, and Creative Exchange The Kenyon Collegian College Archives 2-3-1983 Kenyon Collegian - February 3, 1983 Follow this and additional works at: https://digital.kenyon.edu/collegian Recommended Citation "Kenyon Collegian - February 3, 1983" (1983). The Kenyon Collegian. 846. https://digital.kenyon.edu/collegian/846 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the College Archives at Digital Kenyon: Research, Scholarship, and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Kenyon Collegian by an authorized administrator of Digital Kenyon: Research, Scholarship, and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Vjumi win -- iiini ( riMitiiMiMiiiiitrtMiiimMiniiia ijljumjhjimw mm pera 915ork!)op of $Ken)on Sotlege Men take triangular meet 6 tafervieiv ivifh presents (Silbert onb Suttiuan'3 iu- - of 8 u President PQ princess U w National Public Radio CO Ph E--i CO on television to-.- ? and society February 4. 5. &. 6 at w tf)eS?itt Ibeatre a. PL. 8 CO Volume CX, Number 15 Thursday, February 3, 1983 Established 1 1856 NYU suit on copyright violation cramps course reading selections By Lynn Travers each use of the materials. This cost publishers and obtain their per- for sale, with three on reserve in the would have to be passed on to the mission before the copies are needed. library. Although the book could be A suit brought against New York 01ftf: student, and in some cases could She claims that the Copy Center is reproduced relatively inexpensively, University by nine publishers late last i . raise the cost of a reprint package "extremely strict" about following Clor says that now "It couldn't be December claiming copyright in- considerably. -
The Hostage Through the Ages
Volume 87 Number 857 March 2005 A haunting figure: The hostage through the ages Irène Herrmann and Daniel Palmieri* Dr Irène Herrmann is Lecturer at the University of Geneva; she is a specialist in Swiss and in Russian history. Daniel Palmieri is Historical Research Officer at the International Committee of the Red Cross; his work deals with ICRC history and history of conflicts. Abstract: Despite the recurrence of hostage-taking through the ages, the subject of hostages themselves has thus far received little analysis. Classically, there are two distinct types of hostages: voluntary hostages, as was common practice during the Ancien Régime of pre-Revolution France, when high-ranking individuals handed themselves over to benevolent jailers as guarantors for the proper execution of treaties; and involuntary hostages, whose seizure is a typical procedure in all-out war where individuals are held indiscriminately and without consideration, like living pawns, to gain a decisive military upper hand. Today the status of “hostage” is a combination of both categories taken to extremes. Though chosen for pecuniary, symbolic or political reasons, hostages are generally mistreated. They are in fact both the reflection and the favoured instrument of a major moral dichotomy: that of the increasing globalization of European and American principles and the resultant opposition to it — an opposition that plays precisely on the western adherence to human and democratic values. In the eyes of his countrymen, the hostage thus becomes the very personification of the innocent victim, a troubling and haunting image. : : : : : : : In the annals of the victims of war, hostages occupy a special place. -
America's Longest Held Prisoner of War: Lessons Learned from the Capture, Prosecution, and Extradition of General Manuel Noriega Geoffrey S
Louisiana Law Review Volume 71 | Number 4 Summer 2011 America's Longest Held Prisoner of War: Lessons Learned from the Capture, Prosecution, and Extradition of General Manuel Noriega Geoffrey S. Corn Sharon G. Finegan Repository Citation Geoffrey S. Corn and Sharon G. Finegan, America's Longest Held Prisoner of War: Lessons Learned from the Capture, Prosecution, and Extradition of General Manuel Noriega, 71 La. L. Rev. (2011) Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/lalrev/vol71/iss4/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at LSU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Louisiana Law Review by an authorized editor of LSU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. America's Longest Held Prisoner of War: Lessons Learned from the Capture, Prosecution, and Extradition of General Manuel Noriega Geoffrey S. Corn* Sharon G. Finegan" INTRODUCTION In the fall of 1986, while serving his first tour as an Army officer in Panama, one of the authors, Professor Corn, participated in a large-scale field training exercise called Operation Kindle Liberty. For three weeks he worked alongside members of the Panamanian Defense Force (PDF) with the mission of enhancing the capability of the Panamanian military to work side-by-side with the U.S. military to defend the Panama Canal. At the end of their training, as is customary, the commanding generals of both armies came to the field to visit the troops. Then-First Lieutenant Corn stood in an impromptu formation outside of the combined U.S.-PDF tactical operations center as General John Galvin, Commander of United States Southern Command, and his Panamanian counterpart General Manuel Noriega walked down the row of U.S. -
Hostage-Taking
Chapter II Hostage-Taking The development of the international humanitarian law rules that prohibit hostage-taking followed a similar trajectory to those relating to collective pun- ishment recounted in the previous chapter, although the transition from per- mitted practice to a prohibited one was much more abrupt. The taking of hostages had been embraced by belligerents as a means of warfare from ancient times right up to the Second World War, after which it was transformed almost overnight into one of the most egregious violations of international humani- tarian law, a grave breach of the 1949 Geneva Conventions. Previously, hostages were exchanged pursuant to interbelligerent agreements and taken from com- munities as a means of ensuring compliance with demands and for the purpose of deterring hostile acts. Those held were frequently executed in the event of disobedience, killed in response to the acts of others. As such, the taking and particularly the killing of hostages was based on a notion of collective respon- sibility, whereby those held were liable to death, injury, or continued detention for the acts or omissions of the target group or its members.1 The use of hostages was common during the wars of Ancient Greece and Rome. These were usually exchanged or taken to ensure the maintenance of truces and other agreements, and although an injured State often “wreaked a terrible vengeance on the foreign hostages,” they were, for the most part, treated with courtesy and consideration.2 Early international law writers, such as Grotius and de Vattel, supported the taking of hostages, but opposed their killing, if the hostages themselves were innocent of any crime.3 But killed they were, through- 1 Unless otherwise stated, hostage-taking is used in this chapter to mean both the taking and the killing or ill treatment of hostages. -
(UNODC), Handbook for Prison Leaders: a Basic Training Tool
Handbook for prison leaders A basic training tool and curriculum for prison managers based on international standards and norms CRIMINAL JUSTICE HANDBOOK SERIES Cover images: Left and right: ©Photodisc.com, Centre: ©iStockphoto.com/theprint UNITED NATIONS OFFICE ON DRUGS AND CRIME Vienna Handbook for prison leaders A basic training tool and curriculum for prison managers based on international standards and norms CRIMINAL JUSTICE HANDBOOK SERIES UNITED NATIONS New York, 2010 UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATION Sales No. E.10.IV.4 ISBN 978-92-1-130292-9 © United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, March 2010 The designations employed and the presentation of material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. This publication has not been formally edited. Publishing production: UNOV/DM/CMS/EPLS/Electronic Publishing Unit. ii Acknowledgements This Handbook for prison leaders was prepared for the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) by Vivienne Chin, Associate, International Centre for Criminal Law Reform and Criminal Justice Policy, Vancouver, Canada, with the assistance of Robert E. Brown, Yvon Dandurand and Eric McAskill. The Handbook was reviewed by a group of international experts. UNODC wishes to acknowledge the valuable contribution of experts who reviewed this tool and helped finalize it: Elias Carranza, Aggrey Nyapola, Michael Langelaar, and Richard Kuuire. UNODC also wishes to acknowledge the support provided by the Government of Canada.