Introduction/Reshaping Confederation: the 1982 Reform of the Canadian Constitution
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The Historical and Constitutional Context of the Proposed Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms
THE HISTORICAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT OF THE PROPOSED CANADIAN CHARTER OF RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS WALTER S. TARNOPOLSKY* I INTRODUCTION As far back as 1967, when he was still Minister of Justice, Prime Minister Pierce Elliott Trudeau advocated changing the Canadian Bill of Rights by adop- tion of a constitutionally entrenched charter.' It should surprise no one, then, that just such a Charter of Rights and Freedoms constitutes the bulk of the proposed resolution which seeks one final amending Act by the United Kingdom Parliament of Canada's basic constitutional document-the British North America Act 2 (B.N.A. Act). The Charter of Rights and Freedoms possesses two qualities which radically distinguish it from its predecessor, the Canadian Bill of Rights. First, the Charter would be constitutionally entrenched. Endowed with constitutional authority, the rights and freedoms of the Charter would be superior to infringing legislation, which has not been exempted by means of a specifically enacted "notwithstand- ing" clause provided for in section 33 of the Charter, and subject to amendment only as a constitutional provision. Second, the Charter would apply equally to the provincial and Canadian federal governments. The purpose of this article is to provide the historical and constitutional con- text of the proposed Charter. Surveying the development of the judicial interpre- tations of the B.N.A. Act and the Canadian Bill of Rights, this article will attempt to bring into focus the major points of departure between the Charter and the Bill of Rights. At the same time, it is hoped that the value of these qualities of the Charter will become apparent as fundamental principles necessary to protect the civil liberties of Canadian citizens. -
Supreme Court of Canada the Canadian Charter of Rights
SUPREME COURT OF CANADA THE CANADIAN CHARTER OF RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS AND CANADIAN SOCIETY Michel Bastarache, Supreme Court of Canada Zaragosa, Spain, June 7, 2007 I have been asked to speak about the important changes in Canadian society that were brought about by the adoption of the Canada Act of 1982. The amendment to the Constitution of that year is best known for adopting the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms,1 or more simply, the Charter. Put simply, the Charter is an entrenched bill of rights, which as its title suggests, guarantees certain fundamental rights and freedoms to citizens and individuals. Its purpose is to prevent government, which in Canada includes the federal and provincial governments, from passing laws or acting in ways that violate those rights in a manner that cannot be justified in a free and democratic society. When a government does enact a law that unjustifiably violates one of the guarantees in the Charter, for example, by prohibiting public servants from speaking out in favour of a particular political party or a particular candidate,2 the courts have the power, and indeed the constitutional responsibility, to strike down the legislation. Similarly, when agents of the state, such as police officers, carry out unreasonable searches or seizures or when the law provides for cruel and unusual treatment or punishment on an individual, that individual is entitled to a remedy under the Charter. 1 Part I of the Constitution Act, 1982, being Schedule B to the Canada Act 1982 (U.K.), c.11. 2 Osborne v. Canada (Treasury Board), [1991] 2 S.C.R. -
The Meaning of Canadian Federalism in Québec: Critical Reflections
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Revistes Catalanes amb Accés Obert The Meaning of Canadian federalisM in QuébeC: CriTiCal refleCTions guy laforest Professor of Political Science at the Laval University, Québec SUMMARY: 1. Introdution. – 2. Interpretive context. – 3. Contemporary trends and scholarship, critical reflections. – Conclusion. – Bibliography. – Abstract-Resum-Re- sumen. 1. Introduction As a teacher, in my instructions to students as they prepare their term papers, I often remind them that they should never abdicate their judgment to the authority of one single source. In the worst of circum- stances, it is much better to articulate one’s own ideas and convictions than to surrender to one single book or article. In the same spirit, I would urge readers not to rely solely on my pronouncements about the meaning of federalism in Québec. In truth, the title of this essay should include a question mark, and its content will illustrate, I hope, the richness and diversity of current Québec thinking on the subject. There are many ways as well to approach the topic at hand. The path I shall choose will reflect my academic identity: I am a political theorist and an intellectual historian, keenly interested about the relationship between philosophy and constitutional law in Canada, hidden in a political science department. As a reader of Gadamer and a former student of Charles Taylor, I shall start with some interpretive or herme- neutical precautions. Beyond the undeniable relevance of current re- flections about the theory of federalism in its most general aspects, the real question of this essay deals with the contemporary meaning of Canadian federalism in Québec. -
COVID's Collateral Contagion
June 2020 COVID’s Collateral Contagion: Why Faking Parliament is No Way to Govern in a Crisis Christian Leuprecht The COVID-19 epidemic is the greatest test for the maintenance of Canada’s democratic constitutional order in at least 50 years, certainly since the October crisis of 1970. It is also a bellwether for the way the Canadian state manages risk. Risks that stem from globalization have a common denominator: by definition, no state can manage them alone. However, citizens still expect their state to act. Confronted with dire predictions of immi- nent Armageddon, politicians invoke largely performative measures to signal to citizens that they are acting – to manage a risk that is largely beyond their control. Managing risk has become to individual citizens the essence of the modern welfare state: unemployment insur- ance, health care insurance, mortgage insurance, etc. Such is the essence of “risk society”: the expectations by citizens that the state will manage risks, many of which the state cannot control, such as a global pandemic. Paradoxically, the less control and certainty the state has over a risk that is perceived as existential, the more heavy-handed is its approach. Precisely because of the threatening environment in which it exists and because it is shut out of many international organizations, Taiwan was well prepared for the pandemic and its reaction was measured. By contrast, much of the rest of the democratic world was ill-prepared, which explains the heavy-handed measures taken by many of these countries, including Canada. The author of this document has worked independently and is solely responsible for the views presented here. -
Insights from Canada for American Constitutional Federalism Stephen F
Penn State Law eLibrary Journal Articles Faculty Works 2014 Insights from Canada for American Constitutional Federalism Stephen F. Ross Penn State Law Follow this and additional works at: http://elibrary.law.psu.edu/fac_works Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Stephen F. Ross, Insights from Canada for American Constitutional Federalism, 16 U. Pa. J. Const. L. 891 (2014). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Works at Penn State Law eLibrary. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Penn State Law eLibrary. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARTICLES INSIGHTS FROM CANADA FOR AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL FEDERALISM Stephen F Ross* INTRODUCTION National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius' has again fo- cused widespread public attention on the role of the United States Supreme Court as an active arbiter of the balance of power between the federal government and the states. This has been an important and controversial topic throughout American as well as Canadian constitutional history, raising related questions of constitutional the- ory for a federalist republic: Whatjustifies unelected judges interfer- ing with the ordinary political process with regard to federalism ques- tions? Can courts create judicially manageable doctrines to police federalism, with anything more than the raw policy preferences of five justices as to whether a particular legislative issue is -
Interjurisdictional Immunity in Canadian Federalism
INTERJURISDICTIONAL IMMUNITY IN CANADIAN FEDERALISM DALE GIBSON* Winnipeg Introduction There are eleven different governments in Canada exercising a measure of constitutional sovereignty : ten provincial and one federal. Each has a distinct legal system. Each sometimes engages in activities which in one way or another have ramifications within the boundaries of the others. In such situations it is important to know the extent to which the laws of one government are legally binding on the other. A closely related problem, which arises even more frequently than that of directly controlling government con- duct, is the extent to which government "instrumentalities" (cor- porationscreated by a government, or enterprises involving activities under its legislative jurisdiction) are bound to obey the laws of other governments. Surprisingly, the solutions to these problems remain obscure after a century's experience with the Canadian constitution .' This article will examine the often inconsistent decisions that have been made on the subject in the past, and attempt to suggest an ap- proach for the future. It would, perhaps, be wise to say a word at the outset about my use of the word "Crown"? I use it as a convenient abbrevia- tion for "Her Majesty the Queen in the Right of Canada (or of a particular province)", which is, in turn, merely a useful ex- *Dale Gibson, of the Faculty of Law, University of Manitoba, Win- nipeg. 'Considerable controversy also surrounds the problem in Australia and the United States : Sawer, State Statutes and the Commonwealth (1961), 1 Tasmanian U. L. Rev. 580. Since that article was written, the Australian High Court has clarified matters somewhat by recognizing in Common- wealth v. -
Canadian Bill of Rights 1960, C
Canadian Bill of Rights 1960, c. 44 An Act for the Recognition and Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms Assented to 10th August 1960 HE Parliament of Canada, affirming that the Canadian Nation is Canadian Bill of Rights, be so construed and applied as not to abrogate, 3. (1) Subject to subsection (2), the Minister of Justice shall, in founded upon principles that acknowledge the supremacy of God, abridge or infringe or to authorize the abrogation, abridgment or accordance with such regulations as may be prescribed by T the dignity and worth of the human person and the position of the infringement of any of the rights or freedoms herein recognized and the family in a society of free men and free institutions; declared, and in particular, no law of Canada shall be construed or Governor in Council, examine every regulation transmitted to the Affirming also that men and institutions remain free only when applied so as to Clerk of the Privy Council for registration pursuant to the Statutory freedom is founded upon respect for moral and spiritual values and the (a) authorize or effect the arbitrary detention, imprisonment or exile Instruments Act and every Bill introduced in or presented to the House rule of law; of any person; of Commons by a Minister of the Crown, in order to ascertain whether And being desirous of enshrining these principles and the human rights (b) impose or authorize the imposition of cruel and unusual treatment any of the provisions thereof are inconsistent with the purposes and and fundamental freedoms derived from them, in a Bill of Rights which or punishment; provisions of this Part and he shall report any such inconsistency to the House of Commons at the first convenient opportunity. -
Parliamentary Engagement with the Charter: Rethinking the Idea of Legislative Rights Review Janet L
The Supreme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference Volume 58 (2012) Article 3 Parliamentary Engagement with the Charter: Rethinking the Idea of Legislative Rights Review Janet L. Hiebert Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/sclr This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Citation Information Hiebert, Janet L.. "Parliamentary Engagement with the Charter: Rethinking the Idea of Legislative Rights Review." The Supreme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference 58. (2012). http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/sclr/vol58/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in The uS preme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference by an authorized editor of Osgoode Digital Commons. Parliamentary Engagement with the Charter: Rethinking the Idea of Legislative Rights Review Janet L. Hiebert I. INTRODUCTION Canada has contributed an important idea to constitutional thought about how to conceive of legislative responsibilities under a bill of rights.1 This idea is the concept of legislative rights review, which originated in the Canadian Bill of Rights,2 was adapted for the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms,3 and has been emulated and altered in several other Westminster-based parliamentary systems that have recently adopted statutory bills of rights.4 These include New Zealand Queen’s University. 1 The borrowing and adaptation of this idea elsewhere is discussed by the author in: “New Constitutional Ideas: Can New Parliamentary Models Resist Judicial Dominance When Interpreting Rights?” (2004) 82:7 Tex. -
Public Opinion on Asymmetrical Federalism
PUBLIC OPINION ON ASYMMETRICAL FEDERALISM: GROWING OPENNESS OR “The question is,” said Alice, “whether you CONTINUING AMBIGUITY? can make words mean so many different things.” F. Leslie Seidle Lewis Carroll, Alice in Wonderland Centre for Research and Information on Canada and Institute for Research on Public Policy In politics, words can be used for good or ill; they can help clarify complex public policy Gina Bishop issues or baffle even well-informed citizens. At Centre for Research and Information on Canada different times and in different contexts, the expression ‘asymmetrical federalism’ has Foreword probably performed all of these functions and others. Some have used it to describe what they The federal Liberal Party’s 2004 general see as a strength of Canadian federalism, namely election platform heavily emphasized issues that that provinces are not identical in their history, are mainly subject to provincial competence circumstances and public policies. Others have under the constitution (e.g. health care, child used the term to express their opposition to the care, cities). Since the federal government lacks ‘special treatment’ they believe one province, the authority to implement detailed regulatory namely Quebec, seeks – or already receives - schemes in these areas, acting on these election within the federation. Still others claim that even commitments frequently requires federal- modest asymmetry, such as variation in provincial-territorial (FPT) agreements. intergovernmental agreements (as opposed to the A controversial question that arises when letter of the Constitution), violates the principle considering all intergovernmental agreements is of the equality of the provinces. whether they should treat all provinces and territories similarly or whether the agreements Largely because of the association with should be expected to differ from one Quebec, politicians and policy makers have province/territory to another. -
The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms
Public Law II AK/POLS 3136 1 Agenda • Defining Civil Liberties • A Brief History of Civil Liberties in Canada • Implied Bill of Rights • Canadian Bill of Rights • Universal Declaration of Human Rights (handout) 1 Civil Liberties • Freedoms that protect the individual from the government. • Civil liberties set limits for government so that it cannot abuse its power. • The protection of civil liberties is a key feature of democratic states, as distinct from authoritarian states. • The Constitution of Canada includes the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms 3 Brief History of Civil Liberties in Canada 4 Brief History • No Bill of Rights ?? • Implied Bill of Rights • Bill of Rights • Charter of Rights & Freedoms 5 • In 1867, the British North American colonies after confederation did not include a bill of rights in their constitution. • English Common Law inherited by Canada included rules that are protective of civil liberties but does not provide any guarantee for their continued recognition. 6 Implications • In the absence of a bill of rights, when a law abridging a civil liberty is challenged, the issue is that of jurisdiction, not whether the injustice should be prohibited completely. • In other words, if the courts were faced with a law passed by a province that placed restrictions on civil liberties, the responsibility of the court was not to state whether or not the law violated a civil liberty or freedom but if the law fell under the province's jurisdiction under the constitution. 7 Implications • In other words, if the courts were faced with a law passed by a province that placed restrictions on civil liberties, the responsibility of the court was not to state whether or not the law violated a civil liberty or freedom but if the law fell under the province's jurisdiction under the constitution. -
The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Edited by Walter S
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Constitutional Commentary 1985 Book Review: The aC nadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Edited by Walter S. Tamopolsky and Gerald-A. Beaudoin. Stephen Allan Scott Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Scott, Stephen Allan, "Book Review: The aC nadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Edited by Walter S. Tamopolsky and Gerald-A. Beaudoin." (1985). Constitutional Commentary. 1014. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm/1014 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Constitutional Commentary collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE CANADIAN CHARTER OF RIGHTS AND FREE DOMS. Edited by WalterS. Tamopolsky1 and Gerald-A. Beaudoin.2 Toronto: Carswell Co. Ltd. 1982. Pp. liii, 590. $57.50. Stephen Allan Scott3 This symposium has as its purpose the exposition of what, at the time of its appearance, was a freshly enacted series of Cana dian constitutional guarantees of fundamental freedoms. On April 17, 1982, Canada became under its own internal law a sov ereign state independent of the United Kingdom. Through the Canada Act 1982,4 the United Kingdom Parliament (acting on a request made by both Houses of the Canadian Parliament, with the concurrence of the executive governments of nine of the ten provinces) brought the law into accord with the long-standing political reality. This final Imperial constituent act, with its asso ciated Constitution Act, 1982,s transfers constitution-making power from the United Kingdom Parliament to Canadian institu tions acting through a series of intricate constitutional-amend ment formulae. -
The Crown in the Provinces: Canada's Compound Monarchy
THE CROWN IN THE PROVINCES: CANADA’S COMPOUND MONARCHY Michael Jackson and Lynda Haverstock1 Canada: a “compound monarchy” (Smith, D.E., 1995, 12). This succinct phrase by David E. Smith, dean of Canadian scholars of the Crown, neatly sums up a key dimension of the constitutional monarchy in Canada. We contend that the Crown is an institution belonging jointly to the central and provincial governments and that it is crucial to the co-sovereign status of the provinces in Confederation. It is, therefore, of vital interest to the Province of Quebec and holds promise for First Nations’ governance. This aspect of our nation’s constitutional monarchy merits far more examination by scholars and policy-makers than it has received. Attention to the Crown in Canada – and attention there has recently been – has focused primarily on the Office of the Governor General. In part, this stems from a spotlight on the federal vice-regal reserve powers of dissolution and prorogation in 2008 and 2009 (Russell and Sossin, 2009). In addition, there has been debate in the media about the appropriateness of using the term “Head of State” in reference to the Governor General. In most cases, those who call for the end of the monarchy ignore its vital provincial dimension. Few commentators have drawn attention to the provincial Crown and the Lieutenant Governors who embody it; among those few are Michael Valpy and Ian Holloway (Valpy 2009). The present paper will discuss what we call the “provincial Crown” and how it evolved. By doing so, we will make the case that it is integral to how Canada has evolved as a fascinating federation and that to ignore its significance diminishes thoughtful discourse on the nation’s strengths.