TOWARDS AN INCLUSIVE CITY DRIVERS OF SOCIAL VALUE AND WEALTH CREATION
WHAT ARE POSSIBLE URBAN RESPONSES FOR PROMOTING INCLUSION BY WAY OF THE TEMPORARY, THE INFORMAL... ?
35TH INTERNATIONAL
URBAN PLANNING
WORKSHOP
3-22 SEPTEMBER 2017
CONTEXT DOCUMENT
www.ateliers.org Les Ateliers internationaux de maîtrise d’oeuvre urbaine de Cergy-Pontoise
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Tél : +33 1 34 41 93 91 Pierre-André Périssol, Chairman of les Ateliers [email protected]
2017 Paris Region Workshop : [email protected]
A non profit- organization since 1982, Les Ateliers – International workshops of planning and urban design – aims to develop the collective creation of ideas that tackle the challenges and processes of everyday city planning and design by promoting a process of collective and multidisciplinary work that produces innovative and illustrative proposals relating to urban design and spatial development.
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Year after year, Les Ateliers internationaux network has been growing: it includes more than two thousand former participants who are now professionnals, academics, and decision-makers in the urban field.
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Creating cities is by its very nature a collective process. As true as architecture enables an individual and identifiable creation of masterpieces, developing cities cannot be ascribed to a single person who would dominate all the aspects of urban creation: this process is collective in its essence.
Based on the logic of laboratory work, urban project management should encompass the various disciplines required to plan urban areas and their interfaces. Therefore, each atelier is a place of freedom of proposal, where the aspirations of collective and voluntary work enable the development of new ideas, innovative projects and proposals for the future of urban areas which are in perpetual transition.
Partners of the 2017 Paris Region Workshop : Context document 2017 Paris Region Workshop
This document is the culmination of extensive research, case studies, as well as observations on projects conducted on the proposed topic and in the territory of the Île-de-France. Its purpose is to serve as a tool for participants of the 2017 Paris Region Workshop, who will expand on its analysis. It offers a multi-angle view of the workshop’s focus territory, incorporating an interdisciplinary approach through the use of cartographic, iconographic, and bibliographic resources. A highly collaborative effort, this document reflects the intersection of many approaches and multiple points of view. Particularly strengthened by the compact brainstorming session held on 19 April 2017, this document also bears the mark of the many discussions exchanged among the workshop’s pilot team, monitoring committee members and other partners.
Writing and layout: Cécile Mattoug, architect/urban planner and Assistant Pilot for the 2017 Paris Region Workshop.
Editing : Anne Durand, architect/urban planner and Patrice Berthé, engineer/urban planner, Pilots for the 2017 Paris Region Workshop Ariane Dreyfus, landscape architect, Participant and Jury Coordinator Véronique Valenzuela, geograph – Director of Projects
English translation : Susanna Hsing
Cover page : Marek Zielinski
Publication date August 2017
Les Ateliers would like to thank all who participated in the creation of this document.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface by the pilots of the 2017 Île-de-France workshop ...... p. 7
CHAPTER 1: INCLUSIVE CITIES ...... p. 9 The Inclusive City: Definitions? ...... p. 10 A Global Issue ...... p. 11
CHAPTER 2: THE ÎLE-DE-FRANCE, A TERRITORY FOR QUESTIONING INCLUSION ...... p. 17 The Metropolitan Region: A Centralised and Attractive Territory ...... p. 18 Metropolitan Prospects to Counterbalance the Trend ...... p. 20 Populations in Movement for a Global City ...... p. 25 Shortcomings of the Parisian Rental Market and Fallback Places ...... p. 27
CHAPTER 3: MECHANISMS OF URBAN EXCLUSION ...... p. 37 The City, a Fountain of Resources ...... p. 38 The City, a Generator of Exclusion ...... p. 38 Access to Housing ...... p. 40 Mechanisms of Urgency ...... p. 43 Accumulation of Forms of Precarity ...... p. 44 Refusal of Legal Status ...... p. 45
CHAPTER 4: DRIVERS OF INCLUSION THROUGH...... p. 47 ...Mutability: Thinking About Phases of the City and Urbanity ...... p. 48 ...The Acquisition of Autonomy: Thinking About the Phases of Life and Humans ...... p.49
CHAPTER 5 : FROM SOUTH-EASTERN PARIS TO THE SOUTH OF THE METROPOLITAN p. 67 AREA: A TERRITORY OF CONTRASTS An artery in the regional and metropolitan development ...... p. 67 Contrasts of a development at various speeds ...... p. 75
APPENDICES ...... p. 87 Housing Measures in the Île-de-France ...... p. 87 Migrants en Île-de-France ...... p. 90 Resources ...... p. 91 ......
5
Preface By the pilots of the 2017 Paris Region Workshop
The 35th International Urban that weave new links between formal possibilities of movement Planning Workshop of Cergy- and informal habitats; connect • Inequalities in the ability to Pontoise is focused on inclusive buildings and neighbourhoods, the be housed in decent conditions. cities and their spatial and urban centre and the periphery; reconcile responses. How can exclusion be multiple temporalities, from This last form of inequality avoided? Is it by thinking about cities moments of urgency to the long- is expressed in diverse forms: for all? What forms of cooperation term and the permanent. The cities living in the street or in a car, and mutualisation should be created of tomorrow should be reconsidered being housed by third parties or between the economy, housing and by using human and ecological in a hotel, encampments, slums, services? How can inclusive cities dynamics as processes in which all squats, substandard housing, become drivers of value creation and may find their place, which is to say accommodations based on occupancy wealth — through their forms, their that these are cities that bring people availability, year-round camping, functions — in order to facilitate the together, not ones that tear them etc. This situation of poor housing is inclusion of populations in at-risk apart. tied to structural factors such as the situations? Is it by thinking about that insufficient construction of affordable which they unite? Les Ateliers de Cergy proposes housing as well as cyclical factors such to work on these urban and spatial as the influx of migrants linked to Why are such questions being responses by defining the concept economic and environmental crises asked today? A situation that has of the inclusive city within the Île-de- and wars. The weakest individuals, indeed been worsening for the last France. the populations the most at risk are two decades can be seen through penalised, excluded, confined and the deteriorating living conditions The Île-de-France, whether the made invisible. of inhabitants and territories. This Paris metropolitan area, the heart of applies to extra-urban areas as much the conurbation, or inner Paris, is The measures that have been as city centres when speaking about subject to worsening inequalities: put into place no longer meet the being socially isolated from the city • Social inequalities that quantitative and qualitative needs (absence of transportation, commerce, are part of how territories function required to respond to this massive sometimes cut-off from networks). (residential segregation) phenomenon of homelessness, poor This phenomenon is explained by the • Inequalities within housing and precarious habitats. rise in disadvantaged populations: institutions such as education and These deficits are the result of those excluded from employment health funding and policy difficulties, largely and housing, those who are migrants • Inequalities in the use due to the lack of social acceptance. seeking refuge. of cultural, sports or recreational The latter can take on various forms facilities (from the refusal to acknowledge Inclusive cities are those that • Inequalities in access to the existence of populations to encourage living together, that unite employment physical bans), but can also result people through their public spaces, • Inequalities in the in inadequate processes and over-
7 structured isolated approaches (one and adaptability in responding to public = one strategy = one type of quantitative and qualitative needs accommodation/housing) that lack over time and in line with the sufficient transversality. territories, we propose to address this concept of the inclusive city intended The result, in an almost universal to help vulnerable populations manner, is a lack of inclusion by questioning the potential and integration in a community, represented by vacant lands, neighbourhood or city: wastelands, and empty buildings • People without housing or awaiting assignment, demolition, are poorly housed (human aspect) renovation or conversion, which are • Reception structures therefore available for a transitional (construction aspect) period that is defined or not. It is necessary to use: Faced with this assessment, Les • temporalities as a staring Ateliers proposes to approach the point for the subject, through the topic from a new perspective by notions of the transitory and the questioning the role urbanity can temporary, as much as for the people play in the social and spatial inclusion and for the places of populations in at-risk situations. • the mutability capacity of The concept of the INCLUSIVE CITY cities, including their ability to return presents a unique opportunity backwards since it questions the relationships between all of the elements to which This approach of transitory urban these populations are completely planning that gives rise to the right or partially excluded from: housing, to experiment, foreshadow and work, mobility, training, major public error must be combined with citizen services, etc. participation and the mobilisation of economic, social and cultural The subject concerns the notions stakeholders. But above all, it must of transitional places, temporalities give its place to the power to act and to and places that welcome the the individual capacities of the people possible. It is not necessary to focus being housed or accommodated. on one single population, nor on one specific temporality (which in theory should be short), but to question Anne Durand et Patrice Berthé whether territories are capable of rapidly changing with the needs of the populations they receive. It is precisely the notion of mutability that needs to be developed: a city that can “welcome changes and encourage possibilities”. How can existing processes that are informal or temporary be reinforced?
In the name of urgency, but also that of the need for flexibility
8 Inclusive Cities Chapter 1
This section examines the choice of the topic of “the inclusive city”, beyond that of the Île-de-France territory. It requires revisiting the definition, as well as the current research being conducted in France and abroad, in order to establish a non-exhaustive list of the latest developments along with the different issues that exist in contemporary contexts.
The Inclusive City: Definitions? ...... p. 10 Impact of Global Transformations ...... p. 10
A Global Issue ...... p. 11 International and European Networks ...... p. 11 Committee on Social Inclusion, Participatory Democracy and Human Rights...... p. 11 Habitat III Conference ...... p. 12 OECD: The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development ...... p. 12 URBACT European Programme ...... p. 13 Social Mixity Challenges in France ...... p. 13 Observing Social Cohesion and the Inclusive City ...... p. 13 The Inclusive Dimension of Urban Projects ...... p. 14 Hospitality and Reception of Populations ...... p. 14 In the Île-de-France ...... p. 14 The Sharing of Space in the Île-de-France ...... p. 15 Babels ...... p. 15 Quartiers-tremplins ...... p. 15
9 Context document
THE INCLUSIVE CITY: DEFINITIONS?
The concept of the “inclusive practices and when the continuing field as much as it imposes on those city” is currently spreading into the increase in inequalities makes clear the involved, designers who engage in discussions and practices of the many resounding disparities in the access to its practices, to limit themselves to professions tied to the making of cities urban resources, the “inclusive city” that which they believe lies behind it. (conception, planning, development, presents itself as an imperative that Therefore, there is no singe “inclusive etc). Behind this concept stretches an affects everyone from professionals to city” but rather “inclusive cities” and objective that is admittedly difficult elected officials, researchers in various inclusive territories — beyond the to achieve, which includes taking into disciplines and citizens. distinctions between urban territories account the needs, desires, solvency Sometimes seen as a portmanteau — that are also pluralist and to which and representations of inhabitants concept, “the inclusive city” refers city designers are ready to involve in the approach of making a city. At a on one hand to the idea of “social themselves in and find solutions. time when concerns are increasingly inclusion”, while also seeking to be be raised about the opening of a “city for all”. The highly generic social boundaries in urban planning nature of this concept opens the
Impact des transformations globales
The imperative of the “inclusive start from the constant that our world The UCLG’s “Social Inclusion and city” is first a question of “for whom is has changed under the impact of global Participatory Democracy” report, the inclusive city conceived?” Although transformations. The phenomenon published in 2010, states that the it implies “for all”, it actually deals with of precariousness among French question of inclusion has come groups of people undergoing the families is growing and becoming to replace, for a large part of the process(es) of exclusion. The position polymorphic. This development is not academic and political world, the of the 2017 Paris Region Workshop, limited to the question of housing, former paradigm of class relations. as defined by the monitoring but also encompasses the access It defines inclusion as a result of committee in September 2016, has to services and urban amenities. the distancing of certain people or been to approach the theme of the Moreover, as we follow the definitions certain groups from “normal” society. inclusive city by focusing especially established by United Cities and Local While globalisation can be thought on the living conditions of the Île-de- Governments (UCLG), we observe our of as positive in the field of cultural France’s disadvantaged populations. world grappling with a global and exchanges and civilisations, it also Our choice, as was presented in the dynamic movement that is opening participates in economic dislocation, preface, focuses our research on the boundaries, displacing populations job insecurity, social fragmentation inclusion of the needs of individuals and transforming our environment. as well as the accelerated destruction in situations of great instability. By Our world has thus changed for all of us of the environment. The factors doing so, we have chosen to turn this as individuals, since our ways of living of discrimination appear to have question of the inclusive city into an and our social groups have become increased today, expanding the examination of the access available to more complex, and often more fragile; circle of populations suffering from these people to the multiple resources and the traditional foundations its effects and also compounding offered by the city. that once served as references for the impact of these same effects previous generations, have, for us, on the populations concerned. Our entry into the challenges become something else. The effects The development and spread of related to the “inclusive city” requires of this transformation touch firstly the technologies (in particular those for us to consider the possibilities of going populations experiencing the greatest information and communication) “towards an inclusive city”; but this levels of instability. The imperative of participate in this globalisation and in demands us to revisit the factors that inclusion is therefore fully in line with the erosion of traditional authorities, generate exclusion in cities today. We this global evolution. with a growing individualisation of life
10 Chapter 1 Inclusive Cities Context document trajectories. Finally, among the effects in their lives, it enables the positive of globalisation, it is important to cite development of their life trajectories the astonishing increase in human beyond social and geographical mobility and the even greater “agility” boundaries. However for others, of individuals in this new maelstrom. and at other moments of their lives, This increased freedom of its increases the uncertainty in the movement is a double-edged sword. development of their life paths. For some and at certain moments
A GLOBAL ISSUE
There is a proliferation of research One constant is clear among the great Therefore, the solutions proposed and projects on the subject of the number and variety of projects and also vary for this imperative of an “inclusive city”, both at the global and studies that have been conducted in “inclusive city”. Here, we will present a national level, as well as locally in the the last twenty years: urban zones non-exhaustive account of the events, Île-de-France. As stated earlier, this are the scene of an ever-increasing projects and current research on the concept has led to the conducting disparity in equalities that adds to the idea and practice of the “inclusive city” of numerous experiments; and as a social and environmental factors of throughout the world and in France. result, also many suggested responses. urban exclusion throughout the world.
International and European Networks
In observing the current work today the issue is global, the actions developed to exchange and capitalise being conducted on the subject of that are being taken are being done on the knowledge and expertise the inclusive city, variations can be at varying extents and with differing required for creating an inclusive city. seen between initiatives on a wide- levels of financial means. At the global range of scales. While it is clear that level, international networks are being
Committee on Social Inclusion, Participatory Democracy and Human Rights
For the Committee on Social conducted over 65 case studies, in that might inspire other cities to Inclusion, Participatory Democracy and collaboration with local governments, design and implement their own Human Rights (CISDP), a member of on innovative policies in community social inclusion policies. Attached to United Cities and Local Governments development, access to basic services, the field of public policy, the analyses (UCLG), one of the responses was gender equality, environmental are intended to serve as a tool of to develop an “Inclusive Cities protection and the eradication of transmission through the studies that Observatory”. Involving members of poverty, among others. With the have been conducted. the organisation’s Global Platform of support of Prof. Yves Cabannes Local Governments (cities and other of University College of London collectivities responsible for urban and the team of researchers at the development), an exhaustive study Centre for Social Studies (CES) at the was conducted to question, represent, University of Coimbra, working under and defend the interests of local the supervision of Prof. Boaventura governments. de Sousa Santos, the purpose of To learn more: this observatory is to identify and Committee on Social Inclusion, Participatory Beginning in 2016, the project investigate successful experiments Democracy and Human Rights
Chapter 1 Inclusive Cities 11 Context document
Habitat III Conference
Habitat III was the third conference planning, and a call to recognise the Conference also pointed out that the led by the United Nations on complementary roles of local and urbanisation and economic vitalisation sustainable urban housing and national policies. Ever-convinced of of cities can bring with them many development. Twenty years after the the importance of the role of inclusive benefits, but they can also exacerbate Habitat II Conference in Istanbul, cities in policies of social inclusion, the inequalities. Habitat III is considered one of the conclusions reached at the Habitat III major events addressing the problems facing cities. The Habitat III Conference was held in Quito, Ecuador on 17- 20 October 2016, on the theme of “Sustainable Urban Development: What is Future of Urban Planning?” For the immensely broad issue of social cohesion and equity, an entire chapter on “inclusive cities” was included in the conference’s report. Based on the conviction that it is necessary to combat the rise in urban exclusion, the report on inclusive cities offers two main axes of approach: the first is to participate in political advocacy that reinforces the necessary inclusion of inhabitants and civil society in urban development at all levels; the second proposes a series of mechanisms to facilitate inclusion, Jorge Aurelio Alvarez Yáñez including political participation, To learn more: Fig. 1 : Heinrich Böll Stif- universal access to services, spatial Habitat III Conference tung, 2016.
OECD: The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
The Organisation for Economic Co- towards an economic growth that can labour markets for immigrants and operation and Development (OECD) be shared. refugees, and lastly, the fight against is also developing a campaign for climate change. inclusive growth. The OECD sees it As a key participant in the “Cities as an opportunity for all populations for Life — Global Summit on Inclusion, This intergovernmental organisation to generate an economic growth, Innovation and Resilience” organised operates on a global scale, serving of which the dividends can then be in Paris in November 2016, the as a forum to address these issues distributed to increase prosperity. OECD launched actions plans in cities by working with international For the organisation, this objective wishing to develop an inclusive growth organisations such as the United seems like a potential way, both in strategy. This summit in Paris, which Nations, but also those active in local economic and non-economic terms, also called on those to “Share [Their] public policy. to develop society in a fair manner. Ideas on Inclusive Cities, the City for The OECD also views inclusive growth All”, and the OECD focused on four as a multidimensional goal, one that specific themes: the built environment extends beyond the simple question (housing and transportation), To learn more: of economic income and moves education and the world of work, OECD for Inclusive Growth
12 Chapter 1 Inclusive Cities Context document
URBACT European Programme
In Europe, another network of European cities by networking and regaining possession of the city’s actors is growing that encourages aims to identify sustainable solutions resources. The issues addressed in sustainable integrated urban on various themes, including that of the brainstorming session will be development in EU Member States, inclusion in urban development. For distributed to the participants when from Norway to Switzerland. URBACT, Laura Colini, an URBACT programme they arrive. Laura Colini’s talk will whose name is derived from the expert and guest speaker at Les be available in the documentary contraction of “urban” and “action”, Ateliers de Cergy’s Brainstorming file delivered to participants at the seeks to be an instrument of Session held on 19 April 2017, one beginning of the workshop. cohesion policy, and is financed by of the necessary factors in creating “a the European Regional Development fair city” is found in the development Fund (ERDF) and EU Member of processes that integrate multiple To learn more: States. Conceived as a forum for actors. This Italian researcher sees in URBACT European programme the exchange and building upon these policy processes the possibility of experiences between cities since of designing shared and collective 2005, URBACT promotes connecting spaces and projects necessary for
Social Mixity Challenges in France
Since 2010, the question of the specificity is tied to the Anti-Exclusion territory. The debate on inclusive cities inclusive city has also been spreading Act of 1998, which was based on tends to promote themes that are in France. Reflecting national concerns the principle of social mixity. In this specific to a concept dear to the French, and mentalities, the public debate sense, we can identify specific actions, that of “living together” and access to on inclusion most often relates to the localised and thematic studies that housing. question of “social mixity”. This local have been conducted on the national
Observing Social Cohesion and the Inclusive City
For the Assemblée des to integrate the viewpoints of the Communautés de France (AdCF) and inhabitants themselves, underlining the National Centre For Studies and the significant disparities in perception Expertise on Risks, Environment, between the feelings evoked by Mobility, and Urban and Country inhabitants and the quantitative Planning (CEREMA), the imperative measures used to define poverty and of the inclusive city stands out in a in return used to also design new study conducted following the 13th forms of policies. Focusing particularly Urban Observation Seminar held in on the challenges directly related to November 2015, titled “Observing neighbourhood policies, this study Social Cohesion and the Inclusive City”. sees urban renewal as an opportunity This scientific study sees the traditional to question the inclusive city. understanding of social cohesion and the inclusive city as a focus on economic disparity and inequalities. It considers that these indicators, which are addressed exclusively through To learn more (in French): quantitative means, are insufficient. And it places an accent on the need Report: Observing Social Cohesion and the Inclusive City
Chapter 1 Inclusive Cities 13 Context document
The Inclusive Dimension of Urban Projects
The public policy think tank FORS and policies that promoted the the need to restore urban planning’s Recherche Sociale is investigating hosting of disadvantaged populations respectability in a society where whether, now in 2017, this issue of and those living in precarious the gap between urban production, inclusion is a new factor in urban situations; as a result it concluded lifestyles, aspirations and purchasing planning. In a study titled “The Inclusive that the importance of recognising power have evolved at such a rate Dimension of Urban Projects”, FORS the needs and desires, but also the that it seems unacceptable that urban based its research on the observation of constraints facing inhabitants of city design and real estate programmes a weakening of the city’s faculty “in the neighbourhoods in construction or have not followed suit. process of creating society”. It studied redevelopment, is an essential factor. examples of urban renovation projects For FORS, the challenge lies in the To learn more: (PRU), large-scale development articulation between the phenomena FORS-Recherche sociale projects, and housing programmes of precarity and development, and
Hospitality and Reception of Populations
More specifically, the concept of the to a great number of events and architects and political scientists to inclusive city has seen a significant rise studies such as day-long conferences, reflect on this situation of urgency in prevalence around what has been seminars and performances — all and the multiple responses that could called the “migrant or refugee crisis” in subjects of intense media coverage. be established in the contemporary France since 2015. Realising that the The “Urban Hospitality?” event context. Relying heavily on networks movement of populations entering the organised by Pôle de Recherche of solidarity and citizen mobilisation, national territory has become massive et d’Expérimentation de la Ville these issues were further analysed with the wars that have affected (POLAU), in March 2016, combined through discussions on the crisis of the Far and Middle East, as well as art and social sciences. The purpose political media coverage. some African countries, researchers of this gathering was to consider and practitioners have embarked what the role of artistic and scientific on or intensified their involvement endeavours play in facing the urgency in the many initiatives addressing of a human situation. While, the the hospitality and reception of “School of Situations” hosted by the To learn more: populations. The compounding nature Pôle d’Exploration des Ressources Paper about the Association PEROU of this situation, and its transformation Urbaines (PEROU), in Paris in April into a mass phenomenon, has led 2017, brought together students, Association pOlau
In the Île-de-France
In the Île-de-France, the work issue of institutions. The Délégation practices being conducted in the Île- and concerns about the inclusive city Interministérielle de l’Habitat et de-France is only a minor overview and are primarily focused on the specific du Logement (DIHAL) and the is partially supplemented in Chapter 4 issues of the capital region (which Commissariat Général à l’Egalité des of this document. will be discussed in Chapter 2 of this Territoires (CGET) are conducting these document). In this urban context with discussions in the field of public policy. its wide-range of disparities, there While elsewhere, many collectives and are a variety of studies and projects associations are developing their own examining the issues of inclusion, programmes and becoming involved reception and hospitality. Many in the creation and implementation of professionals are also seizing on the projects. This look at the research and
14 Chapter 1 Inclusive Cities Context document
The Sharing of Space in the Île-de-France
Already in 2010, the question of hospitality in cities and how it could the benefits of common law. In this “The City, a Place of Reception and prove to be another aspect in the study, the public space forms in itself Hospitality” emerged in the Île-de- fight against exclusion. In contrast to a place of solidarity. As the ultimate France and was addressed by the the strong appeal of the greater Paris example of a shared space, the public association Profession Banlieue, region, these researchers examined space brings together different usages along with the départements of the rights, examples of solidarity, and and finds itself even serving as a place the Val D’Oise, the city of Paris, and roles of these populations who are of accommodation for the homeless. the département of Essonne. This left out of the national processes of study used the territory of the Île-de- redistributive solidarity (such as social To learn more (in French) : France to investigate the concept of security) or who do not have access to Association Profession Banlieue
Babels
The programme “Babels, the City as a Border. What Cities Do for Migrants”, supported by the French National Research Agency (ANR), examines the evolution of the “migrant crisis” phenomenon in Europe. Its purpose is to investigate the different forms Babels of hospitality and rejection towards migrants that have emerged from this Fig. 2 : Web- “crisis”. Based on ethnographic studies questions not only the modalities of site of Babels Project of European and Mediterranean cities, reception but also the importance this programme also includes a section of the solidarity movements that are To learn more (in English) : dedicated to Cities of Refuge and the working to make the Parisian territory Projet ANR Babels “Asylum Crisis”. Observing in Paris one a place of reception for populations in Babels at the EHESS of these Cities of Refuge, this study need.
Quartiers-tremplins
The question extends across receive and host populations in the To learn more (in French): various scales and also affect Île-de-France. Within the quartiers- Quartiers-tremplins studies more localised on the tremplins, or springboard districts, neighbourhoods outside of the city’s areas can be observed to be in the limits. “Quartiers-Tremplins, Ordinary process of transforming, but there City, Urban Citizens in Difficulty: are also places where the capacity What is the Transition or Extinction to receive populations is called back Planned for Neighbourhoods Seen into question due to the high number as a Springboard to Integration?” of arrivals. Examining the processes was a project conducted until 2016 of normalisation for the arrival of by the Centre de Recherche sur populations through the study of l’Habitat. This project postulated the “city of everyday life”, this project that an interdependent relationship also aimed to characterise places of exists between the capital city and the reception and their evolution through neighbourhoods that, in turn, serve to the prism of the city’s transformations.
Chapter 1 Inclusive Cities 15
The Île-de-France, a Territory For Questioning Inclusion Chapter 2
This section offers a cartographic and photographic overview of the large territory of the Île-de-France, in order to examine its topographic, demographic, and socio-economic characteristics.
The metropolitan region: a centralisez and attractive territory ...... p. 18 A Structuring Landscape: The Genetic Code of the Greater Territory ...... p. 18 Structures and infrastructure that Divide the Île-de-France into Sections ...... p. 19 Urban Density ...... p. 19 Differential Urban Development ...... p. 19
Metropolitan prospects to counterbalance the trend ...... p. 21 Key Themes of the SDRIF ...... p. 21 A Concentric Zone Model Of The Grand Paris ...... p. 23 Grand Paris Metropolitan Area ...... p. 23 Projects of the Grand Paris ...... p. 24
Populations in movement for a global city ...... p. 26 Transitory Population ...... p. 26 Drivers of Appeal ...... p. 26 Migrants and the Move from Temporary to Permanent Residences ...... p. 26 A Pronounced Social Geography ...... p. 27 Vulnerability of Households in Relation to Income ...... p. 28 Accessible Rents and Spaces Without Problems ...... p. 29 Impasses Tied to Fuel Poverty ...... p. 29 Calculation of Fuel Poverty ...... p. 29
Shortcomings of the parisian Rental Market and Fallback places ...... p. 31 Demands for the Social Housing Market ...... p. 31 Captivity of the Poorest Households ...... p. 32 Backed into a Corner of Poor Housing ...... p. 33 Several Characteristics of Poor Housing in the Île-de-France, According to the Foundation Abbe Pierre .. p. 35 Paris, the Last Resort for the Homeless ...... p. 35 Document de contexte Fig. 3: Sketch of the geological structure of the IDF, IAURIF 1983.
M. Belliot C. Mattoug
THE METROPOLITAN REGION: A CENTRALISED AND ATTRACTIVE TERRITORY A Structuring Landscape: The Genetic Code of the Greater Territory
The Île-de-France has a geography As a whole, this large territory has a marked by a structuring landscape. Its concentric structure reinforced by an water network (the rivers Seine, Marne urban presence in the valley of the and Oise) design the arteries that Seine. As illustrated in the sketch by punctuate the urban landscape, and Jacques Sgard, the urban construction its valleys define the greater region. of the Parisian conurbation sits in the Around the city is an agricultural ring valleys and is concentrated in the heart that is receding as urbanisation gains of the Île-de-France territory. ground. However, the green belt still represents the greatest share of the surface area in the Île-de-France. The various sections of the landscape are organised in the shape of a star around the capital city of Paris. There are two levels embedded into each other in the landscape of the Île- de-France region and they represent a clear division: the first level is that of the “country” and the large valleys (the Seine upriver and the Marne and Oise Fig. 4: Between the downstream), of which some extend valleys, countries: beyond the limits of the region and the An identity resulting Parisian conurbation; the second level from historic is that of the major areas identified by and geographic the characteristics of their landscapes. J. Sgard specificities, 1996.
18 Chapter 2 The Île-de-France, a Territory for Questioning Inclusion Document de contexte
Fig. 6: Economic orientation, density, and accessibility, 2010. IAU-îdf
Structures and infrastructure that Divide the Île-de-France into Sections
Urban Density
This urban presence that is urban framework is largely dominated Ring, from the historic to the recent concentrated in the region’s centre thus by Paris (which represents ¼ of the (Saint-Denis, Mantes, Meaux, Melun, follows the pronounced landscape, conurbation, over a surface area of 100 Pontoise, Saint-Germain, Versailles, just as the urban density is also km²). The development of a series of the new towns), and from the medium- concentrated in the very centre of the levels can also be observed, from the and small-sized towns to the hamlets Parisian conurbation. The hierarchised nearby regional centres to the Outer and villages.
Differential Urban Development
Since the Second World War, a remarkable population growth, linked to rural exodus and a favourable economic situation, has generated a strong need for the restructuring of urban centres. During the last half century, periphery urban centres have been designed around new towns (Cergy-Pontoise, Saint- Quentin-en-Yvelines, Marne-la-Vallée, among others) to relieve congestion within Paris and the Inner Ring. In a simultaneous manner, these Fig. 6 : Orientation entire neighbourhoods have been économique, densité et constructed to receive the people accessibilité, 2010. entering the Île-de-France territory IAU-îdf
Chapter 2 The Île-de-France, a Territory for Questioning Inclusion 19 Document de contexte
Source.
Fig. 7: View and to mitigate the population 12 million souls living together on of Paris from growth associated with the rate of a territory of nearly 120,000 km², in Porte d’Ivry, as natural increase and the replacement other words, an area 120 times larger seen from the of a dilapidated habitat: from the than the single city of inner Paris. sky. increase in urban amenities due to industrial transformation in the former Linking these urban hubs and become the backdrop for numerous deteriorating peri-urban centres, as servicing the neighbourhoods economic activities including well as in the expansion of suburbs, the between the centres and the various commerce and logistics. Designed as emergence of major tertiary centres, peripheries are heavy infrastructures, radiating beams around the capital the building of major highway, rail, which in turn leave their own mark on city, enclosed by the two major ring and airport infrastructure, along the urban landscape and reinforce the roads of the A86 and the A104, these with the development of residential centralised character of the Parisian infrastructure lines mark the fractures neighbourhoods, and so on. All of conurbation. Simply accentuating the and spatial links between the urban these constructions have definitely geographic structure of the region, zones. transformed the face of the urban these infrastructures are set in the area of Paris. Today, there are over valleys and along the rivers that have
20 Chapter 2 The Île-de-France, a Territory for Questioning Inclusion Document de contexte
METROPOLITAN PROSPECTS TO COUNTERBALANCE THE TREND
Today, these massive infrastructures to the flow of people and goods, disparities. The latter is one of the represent both the strength and the this phenomenon of centrality is major challenges facing development unity of the Île-de-France territory, compounded by the continuity of prospects for the greater Parisian and but also its most important challenge. urbanisation that devours virgin Île-de-France region. Causing continual bottlenecks due spaces and generates strong spatial
Key Themes of the SDRIF
Voted in 2014, the Schéma the various parts of the territory, the It also determines the preferential de Direction Régional de l’Île-de- means of protection and promotion placements of urban expansions, as France (SDRIF) is a regional master of the environment, and the well as those for industrial, artisan, plan committed to identifying and placement of major transportation agricultural, forestry, and tourism designating “the general uses of infrastructure and urban amenities. activities.”
Fig. 8: Île- de-France 2030: Map of the general functions for various parts of the territory, SDRIF 2013. Île-de-France Region Région Île-de-France
Chapter 2 The Île-de-France, a Territory for Questioning Inclusion 21 Document de contexte
Key Themes of the SDRIF
1. Linking and Structuring:
• Transportation infrastructure • Reinforcement of airport infrastructures • Reinforcement of the logistics framework • Networks and amenities tied to resources
2. Polarising and Balancing
Priority is given to limiting the consumption of agricultural, Relier-structurer wooded and natural spaces, and thus to an urban development conducted through the densification of spaces already urbanised. Urban planning proposals should increase significantly, by 2030, to include reception capacities, related to population and employment; urbanised spaces, and new spaces for urbanisation in the territory. It will thus be necessary to: • Promote the mutability of lands and the densification of constructions in the existing urban fabric, especially by exploiting urban wastelands and enclaves, etc. • Promote the development of major projects in urban zones. • Reinforce the diversity of functions and their translation in the planning of spaces to avoid a policy of zoning. • Reinforce the existing city centres and their infrastructure (public transportation, commerce, cottage industry, public spaces, etc) along with their system of hierarchy at various levels (from city centres to neighbourhood centres), which will in turn promote the diversity of functions and the densification of Polariser-Equilibrer neighbouring sectors.
3. Preserving and Promoting
• Urban fronts • Agricultural spaces • Wooded areas and natural spaces • Green spaces and recreational areas • Continuities: Breathing spaces, agricultural and forest links, ecological corridors, green links, etc. • River and aquatic spaces
Préserver-valoriser
22 Chapter 2 The Île-de-France, a Territory for Questioning Inclusion Document de contexte
A Concentric Zone Model Of The Grand Paris
“Numerous forms are available for (nearly one million) constitutes not only a public transportation, in which three effects the choice of metropolitan governance: penalization for the poorest populations and a can be expected: the reinforcement of existing unitary schemas, simple or hierarchical pauperization of the middle class, but also an centres, the revealing of new centralities, and poly-centralities, organisation by district or obstacle to economic development; the linking of the different territories of the a scaleable geometry of project territories, a • training and education, which is Grand Paris metropolitan area without ever dense core or expanded metropolis. Faced essential at all levels, from early childhood to having to pass through the centre. I have with social urgency, economic challenges and vocational training, in order for equal opportunity been told that this is already planned or that technical delays, efficiency is imperative. to be something other than a formula regularly it will cost too much. But how much does it […] espoused without effect; cost the nation to poorly maintain, let’s face it, The Grand Paris will come into existence • mobility, which, in large contemporary 2 million unemployed people for the last 20 through simple, modest measures, but cities, conditions both access to training and years? How much does it cost the nation to ones essential for breaking the logistics employment, but also culture and leisure. […] wait and postpone, from plan after plan and segregation: a shared name, a single tariff proposal after proposal, the quality of urban system for transportation, an equitable The only serious alternative to a concentric life to which each inhabitant has a right? These redistribution of services. It obviously requires zone model that maintains inequalities is are such things as proximity to services, access significant investments in order to provide not in an abstract battle between centralities to information, employment and leisure. This each inhabitant with equality in the following and polarities, it is in the implementing of a is a question of citizenry. The map of a more three areas: hierarchised poly-centrality ensured through just and more unified Grand Paris will be the • housing, whose current deficit the creation of an efficient network of heavy plan for its public transportation.”
Panerai Philippe. Paris métropole: Formes et échelles du Grand-Paris, Edition de la Villette, 2008. Excerpt from the first chapter: “How to design the metropolis?”
Grand Paris Metropolitan Area
In the background of the numerous evolutions concerning the future development of the Île- de-France region, a major reform of the governance system has emerged during the last decade led by the creation of the Métropole du Grand Paris (MGP) on 1 January 2016. Representing 7.5 million inhabitants spread across 12 territories over a surface area of 175 km², this metropolitan area was created by the law of 27 January 2014 for the modernization of public territorial action and the affirmation of Fig. 9 : metropoles, and was reinforced by MGP 2016 the law of 7 August 2015 for the new territorial organisation of the French 2016-2018. These jurisdictions are: life policy (1 January 2016) Republic. The purpose of its creation • Economic, social and cultural • Planning of the metropolitan was to define a metropolitan project development and planning (1 space (1 January 2017) around the Inner Ring of Paris in order January 2016) • Local habitat policy (1 January to concentrate the area’s territorial • Protection and promotion of the 2017) development jurisdictions between environment and the quality of
Chapter 2 The Île-de-France, a Territory for Questioning Inclusion 23 Document de contexte
Fig. 10: Atelier du Grand Paris, 650 projects for Atelier du Grand Paris, the Grand Paris
Projects of the Grand Paris
Following the international 600 projects now accompany the infrastructure to train stations and consultation of 2008, titled “Le Grand metropolitan transition of the Parisian new centralities in the peripheries, Pari(s) de l’Agglomération Parisienne”, conurbation. Affecting the entire area the Grand Paris represents a key the Atelier International du Grand around Inner Paris, its focus is on the opportunity for the restructuring of the Paris was created with the objective restructuring of mobilities through metropolitan project. of pursuing developed reflections. transportation projects. In producing By producing numerous “work sites” an entire series of construction and development themes, more than projects from public transportation
Fig. 11 : Flagship projects of the Grand Paris.
https://www.ateliergrandparis.fr 24 Chapter 2 The Île-de-France, a Territory for Questioning Inclusion Document de contexte
POPULATIONS IN MOVEMENT FOR A GLOBAL CITY Transitory Population
The dynamic population growth of the Parisian conurbation is very similar to that of other capital regions around the world. The metropolis is highly attractive and thus generates important reception needs. Education, research, economic vitality and cultural standing are the main reasons behind the appeal of global cities. The Île- de-France is a strong demographic driver with the presence of a young population due to the high birth rate. Considered to be a high rate of natural increase, there is a birth every three minutes, a death every seven minutes. The region also represents the highest rate of natural increase for all of Europe, without including the net migration rate. Therefore looking at its progression, the population of the Île-de-France will see an increase of 50,000 to 60,000 people each year. Already one-tenth of the population has been added since 1990. This demographic growth in the Île-de-France is occurring despite a negative net migration in comparison to other French regions. The net migration rate however remains positive in comparison to the rest of the world (estimated between +25,000 to +45,000 per year). This growth has been stable for the last thirty years, but the region’s geography has evolved IAU-IDF with a return to the centre of the metropolis since 1990. Fig. 12 : data provided by INSEE and RGP 2013, 2016
Chapter 2 The Île-de-France, a Territory for Questioning Inclusion 25 Document de contexte
Fig. 13 : INSEE, Arrivals and departures in the MGP, survey of the population in 2013, excluding arrivals and departures abroad. INSEE.
Drivers of Appeal
Employment and training are the be seen at specific life stages: couples who leave the Île-de-France region main drivers of appeal for the Île-de- with children, homeownership, etc. are working-age populations who are France, and attract a young population: Any change to the household structure the least qualified. The demographic “60% of arrivals in the Grand Paris leads to the shifting of the population. structure is particularly pronounced metropolitan area are between 15 This can be explained by the living in the centre of the metropolis, where and 29 years old”. Nevertheless, these conditions for those in the Île-de- young populations can be seen flows are different depending on age: France, where it is difficult to find passing through for their first job or young people are arriving more in the accommodations, to move around, to the end of their studies. territory, but peaks in departures can have children watched after, etc. Those
Migrants and the Move from Temporary to Permanent Residences
The Île-de-France has a cosmopolitan population that contrasts starkly with the rest of the national territory. Nearly four out of ten foreigners that live in France, live in the Île-de-France. This represents over 2 million immigrants, and one out of three long-time residents of the Île-de-France is an immigrant or a descendent of an immigrant. However, the distribution of these foreign and migrant populations remains highly
Fig. 14 :: Share of the immigrant population by commune + a close-up of the south- eastern territory, 2011. IAU-IDF
26 Chapter 2 The Île-de-France, a Territory for Questioning Inclusion Document de contexte contrasted across the conurbation. entry points for newcomers. than the regional average. Although Massively concentrated in the north less concentrated than in the north of of Paris and in the east, near the Inner The upper part of the Seine, in Paris, this “cosmopolitan” area is one Ring, true “cosmopolitan” pockets can the south-east of the city of Paris, is of the defining characteristics of the be found not only in the centre of the where a significant portion of the Île- Île-de-France’s south-eastern section conurbation, but notably in the very de-France’s immigrant population is and the urban valley. close periphery. These areas act as concentrated, with a presence higher
Fig. 15 : The social geography of residents in the Île-de-France according to household incomes, IAU-IDF 2011
A Pronounced Social Geography
The young and cosmopolitan households are moving outwards. d’Urbanisme d’Ile-de-France (IAU-IDF): population of the Île-de-France also “… it would be futile to put the capital, represents a social geography marked These two observations make it the suburbs and the peri-urban areas by significant disparities between possible to highlight the reception into opposition. The heterogeneity of wealth and poverty. These inequalities zones within the Greater Parisian social situations crosses all of these in income form strong socio-economic territory, but also the development of a territories. The social contrasts are, contrasts and follow the design of the social polarisation in the Île-de-France. however, more pronounced in the territory in the same manner as the This polarisation goes far beyond centre of the conurbation, where distribution of immigrant populations. the simple opposition between a the most affluent and the poorest Contrary to popular believe, poverty centre that is wealthy and a suburb areas are neighbours. These contrasts does not increase little by little as that is poor. As Marielle Sagot stated increased markedly until the mid- one moves away from the capital city. in her 2015 study Métropolisation 2000s, without the crisis amplifying The greatest poverty is found much et spécialisation sociale du territoire them. The forces that interact in the closer to the heart of the conurbation, francilien, which was supported territorial polarisation create a system, across the Inner Ring, while wealthier by the Institut d’Aménagement et take place over a long period of time,
Chapter 2 The Île-de-France, a Territory for Questioning Inclusion 27 Document de contexte
and go beyond the sole effect of the light of the long term and especially evolution of the Île-de-France territory economic situation. when defined by characteristics can be made clear. specific to life stages, the relationship By recasting these phenomena in between social geography and the
Fig 16. : Study of housing and territorial disparities, Schema Regional de l’Habitat et de l’Hebergement, DRIHL-IDF DRIHL-IDF
DISADVANTAGED POPULATIONS AND TERRITORIES AT AN IMPASSE
Vulnerability of Households in Relation to Income
The significant demographicways by this increase. The incomes of Rental prices are so high that 220,000 growth in the Île-de-France and the the poorest households are increased households in the Île-de-France cannot specificities of the rental market less rapidly than those for others. There find solutions within the existing generate unique situations in terms of is, therefore, a stalling of incomes for rental market and this includes in the the lifestyles of the region’s residents. the poorest households, who once social housing market. Indeed, the price of rent is historically having paid their rent, find themselves high in the Île-de-France. The market with a remainder insufficient for their Thus, nearly a million people in pressure that is tied to the continual other living costs. In 1973, households the Île-de-France are living in poor growth of the population directly dedicated 17% of their income to housing conditions (social residences, causes the massive rise in rental prices. housing; in 2013, this rose to 36% of makeshift housing, etc). While consumer prices have increased their income simply to pay for rent, 5.5 times higher in recent years, even despite housing assistance. the price of rent has risen 10 times This requires an extra budget that higher and home purchases 14 times threatens some households and leads higher. The outcome is simple in the to an inability to cover other financial development of the city: this situation needs. Young or single-parent impinges the capacity of those living families and individuals (with a single in the Île-de-France to purchase or rent income) are particularly affected by a a home. generational divide; nearly one-third of households are unable to cope with Populations are affected in different vital expenditures (food and clothing).
28 Chapter 2 The Île-de-France, a Territory for Questioning Inclusion Document de contexte
Fig. 17 : La hiérarchie des loyers dans l’agglomération parisienne selon les loyers au m² IAU-idf indicés, 2011
Accessible Rents and Spaces Without Exit
This situation is presented in by something other than their polarisation from the top is spreading different ways across the greater distance from the dense centre of the in the west of the greater Parisian Parisian territory. The centre of the conurbation. It is more in the nature of territory due to the ever-increasing conurbation, inside the walls of Paris, this latter rental market that the origin number of wealthy inhabitants. is indeed where the highest rental of this disparity must be sought. prices are concentrated, followed by For certain sections of the Residential mobility is found what can be observed as an evolution population, who still have a choice in in the hierarchy of rental prices. A of concentric circles around the city the form of their housing, there is a centralisation of wealth can be seen in of Paris. Nevertheless, there is a stark movement towards the periphery and the centre of the conurbation as well contrast between the rental market residential zones. However, the poorest as a residential mobility that remains of the Inner Ring in the east and the populations remain in the centre of the contrasted. Often populations move west. The west clearly shows higher conurbation and in particular in the farther outside the centre to access prices, while the east has the same north of Seine-Saint-Denis, where all the possibility of home ownership rates as some of the areas in the Outer of the aspects of territorial polarisation and this distancing creates other Ring. These rental prices are explained are concentrated. Moreover, a vulnerabilities, such as fuel poverty.
Impasses Related to Fuel Poverty
The peri-urban area receives capacity to stay in housing. This tension populations who are able to choose is tied to the cost of housing and the Calculation of Fuel Poverty their forms of housing and who seek cost of transportation. These situations lifestyles that makes them dependent lead to less resilience and compound Criterion 1: Number of houses with on transportation. These lifestyles these households’ vulnerability to a Class-G energy efficiency label lead to tenser family situations. fuel poverty. This affects anyone who Criterion 2: Average income amount The slightest incident in a family’s spends over 10% of their income Criterion 3: Share of working-age situation (divorce, job dismissal, in energy expenditures. Therefore, population that travels more than 40 unemployment) jeopardises its this calculation makes it possible km per day for work
Chapter 2 The Île-de-France, a Territory for Questioning Inclusion 29 Document de contexte
to see if this expenditure exceeds the remaining income allotted for a person’s living costs.
In the Île-de-France in 2014, it was estimated that 360,000 households spent over 10% of their income on energy. By following these criteria, nearly 7.5% of the region’s household populations will be affected by fuel poverty. This is a portion of the population that is difficult to identify. Also called the “invisibles of social services” by Lucile Mettetal, researcher at the IAU of the Île-de-France, these are people who are often owners of single-family homes in poor condition, but who are nonetheless considered affluent since they have the opportunity to be owners of their own homes. Regardless of this fact, they IAU-idf remain in highly vulnerable situations Fig. 18 : since they are also considered among Territories with those poorly housed or even among the Inner Ring, which nonetheless a high risk of those populations who live in the benefits from a close proximity to fuel poverty, cold in winter and have difficulties the city centre, also represents a high (Sputnik with in finding employment, given their rate of fuel poverty. Concerned more data provided isolation. by household poverty, as previously by INSEE) In the Île-de-France, this stated, the north-east and the south- phenomenon of fuel poverty is linked east also seem to be highly affected especially to the distances from the by the vulnerability tied to the forms city centre. The fringes of the region, of habitat and the shortcomings of the in Seine-et-Marne and the Essonne, housing market.. seem particularly affected by this isolation of urban centres. However,
30 Chapter 2 The Île-de-France, a Territory for Questioning Inclusion Document de contexte
Fig. 19 : Social housing production: Demand in 2013 and the rate of construction IAU-idf completion, 2012.
SHORTCOMINGS OF THE PARISIAN RENTAL MARKET AND FALLBACK PLACES
The Île-de-France territory shows simple insufficiency in the quantity of a serious malfunction in its rental its supply, although it is true that the market; and the origin of this existing constructions do not meet the malfunction resides beyond the demand. Demands for the Social Housing Market
The demand for social housing of the lowest rent. programme operates on a basis of continues to rise, reflecting the inability maintaining the populations who of households to find accommodations The choice therefore seems rather are already in place, thus preventing in the traditional housing market. On limited for the populations in need of the reception of new populations in 31 December 2016, 679,000 requests housing. Even in this social housing difficulty. were submitted for social housing, of market, trends can be seen that which nearly 70% were from people indirectly cause a decrease in its supply. living in metropolitan areas, even The creation of the National Agency for though only 84,000 social housing Urban Renewal (ANRU), which focuses units are allocated annually. This on residential areas deemed sensitive means that only one out of every eight urban zones, has improved the living demands is met across the entire Île- conditions of the people living in these de-France region and only one out of neighbourhoods. The Urban Renewal every ten for the Paris metropolitan Programme carried out numerous area. When looking at the profiles demolitions, while also seeking of applicants, it can be observed that to promote population diversity. 71% of applicants correspond to the Nevertheless, the most disadvantaged profile of those most in need of social populations do not have the assistance, that is to say those in need opportunity to change locations. The
Chapter 2 The Île-de-France, a Territory for Questioning Inclusion 31 Document de contexte
Fig. 20 : Regional map of neighbourhoods deemed high- priority and NPNRU areas, 2016. IAU-idf
Captivity of the Poorest Households
Despite numerous attempts to The profile of the social geography diversify the geography of social illustrates on one side the polarisation housing in France as a means to of hosting territories, and on the increase its production, rental price other the fact that some households levels remain very high. This market find themselves captives in terms of represents only extremely low-income the choice of their place of residence. housing, which are found in older Backed into a corner, the poorest buildings offering accessible rental populations are forced to take up prices but that present a significant residence in areas with a high disparity in living conditions in concentration of deteriorated housing, comparison to more recent buildings. or even undignified housing. The areas in which this older housing market is located are thus the true hosting territories. In particular, it is this deteriorating housing market that assumes the form of a “last chance” for households in need of housing. Following once more the same geographic distribution, this portion of the housing market deemed potentially substandard is again located across the same territories as those where the lowest incomes and the highest proportion of immigrant populations are concentrated.
Fig. 21 : Share of the potentially substandard housing market in 2011. IAU-idf
32 Chapter 2 The Île-de-France, a Territory for Questioning Inclusion Document de contexte
Backed into a Corner of Poor Housing
Fig. 22 : Une crise du logement qui touche fortement les ménages modestes, Schéma Régional de l’Habitat et de DRIHL-IDF l’Hébergement
In the Île-de-France, it can be In fact, owners are aware that the said that a captivity exists, one that is shortages in the housing market are linked to precarious housing; and this what has allowed them to be owners, captivity is tied to the metropolitan regardless of their property’s state of market. Given the high demand for deterioration. If this state of affairs housing, there is an urgent need can also be observed in the dynamics for accommodations, which in itself of reception, then a strong tension is confining. For Anne-Claire Davy, can also be seen in the Île-de-France researcher at IAU in the Île-de-France: that is tied to a metropolitan context. “This is a market that is practically The metropolis wishes to both strive criminal”. Well beyond the simple for greater diversity and to develop existence of slumlords, it is the far too solidarity for the most modest in its lucrative manner in which the market territory. Nevertheless, this apparent functions that creates a market with utopia must grapple with the reality only occasional owners, causing there of a real estate market and also the to be no incentive to adapt rental reality of households urgently seeking prices or invest in the housing units. solutions.
Chapter 2 The Île-de-France, a Territory for Questioning Inclusion 33 Document de contexte
Several Characteristics of Poor Housing in the Île-de-France, According to the Foundation Abbe Pierre
[…] According to the assessment by the Regional Housing and Accommodation Plan in the Île-de-France, there are at least 950,000 people living in a poor housing situation. The construction shortage represents a major reason for the housing crisis that is striking the region in an alarming manner. In fact, there are a multitude of assessments and analyses aimed at addressing the housing shortage to meet the needs of a constantly growing population. […] Malthusianism remains the strongest approach to housing production, with the conditions for a construction revival not set in place; nor, unfortunately, are the conditions for ensuring that those with the most modest of incomes have access to a dignified housing situation adapted to their means. A veritable “centrifuge”, the commercial housing market selects more than ever its “applicants” according to the solvency of their resources and turns away others to the responses given by the government. As for HLMs (or rent-controlled housing), this market, although important, remains insufficient in meeting needs — both quantitative and qualitative — and it too now makes selections for households that penalise a proportion of those with the most modest incomes. The temporary housing and accommodation sectors have also been forced to select applicants, make them wait, and provide poorly adapted responses. Even more serious, thousands of households can find refuge only through makeshift solutions, unworthy of a region that can boast of having Europe’s second highest GDP. And more, there are others, who although have a roof over their heads, are threatened by a pauperization that no longer enables them to pay for their housing.
Fondation Abbé Pierre
34 Chapter 2 The Île-de-France, a Territory for Questioning Inclusion Document de contexte
Fig. 23 : Number of reports of homeless people, 2015.
Paris, the Last Resort for the Homeless
Given the urgency and the lack of distributed across its territory. These situations of urgency only available options, an ever-growing This distribution of emergency underscore the glaring presence population is finding itself with only accommodations, community today in the Île-de-France of the the streets as a hosting territory. In outreach programmes, day centres phenomena of exclusion, which must the Île-de-France region, it is the city and so on, helps in identifying the first be understand in order to be able of Paris that remains the hosting areas in which these homeless to propose solutions. territory preferred by the homeless. populations are concentrated. Following the contrasting geography Studied by the Paris Urban of the Île-de-France region, their Planning Agency (APUR), the presence rises in the east and north presence of homeless people in Paris of the city of Paris. The study revealed has existed for a long time and has that the profiles of these populations evolved with the changes in economic are people between 30 and 50 years situations and geopolitical contexts. old, and that although they were During recent years especially, there formerly considered to be exclusively has been a greater presence of male, these populations have families within this population, which changed considerably to now include was formerly comprised of mainly more women and children. This single men. In the same way, there landscape of homelessness has been is an ever-growing presence of large particularly affected by the influx of families occupying the public space. migrants fleeing from geopolitical This “visibility” of the homeless is contexts such as war, and economic also tied to the extremely limited and climatic crises. size of the city, whose concentration of support services is unevenly
Chapter 2 The Île-de-France, a Territory for Questioning Inclusion 35
Mechanisms of Urban Exclusion Chapter 3
The purpose of this chapter is not to define all of the forms of exclusion present in cities, or those produced by urbanisation. It aims rather to provide a deeper glance at several forms of exclusion that are produced from the urban setting and urban planning, so as to trace the mechanisms that have led to them.
The city, a fountain of resources ...... p. 38 Access to Resources ...... p. 38
La ville, a generator of exclusion ...... p. 38 Jacques Donzelot, « La ville à trois vitesses : gentrification, relégation, périurbanisation » ...... p. 38
Access to Housing ...... p. 39 Undignified Housing: Diverse Situations ...... p. 40 The Spiral of Degradation in Deteriorating Council Estate Properties ...... p. 40 Factors that Lead to Housing Becoming Undignified ...... p. 41 Visible Informal Housing ...... p. 41
Mechanisms of urgency ...... p. 43 Capacities and Limits of Temporary Accommodations ...... p. 43
Accumulation of forms of precarity ...... p. 44
Refusal of legal status ...... p. 45
37 Document de contexte
THE CITY, A FOUNTAIN OF RESOURCES
In the introduction of the report this phenomenon of “separation” through the prism of urban resources for the Inclusive Cities Observatory, can affect anyone at any time in their and this “separation” as a lack of access edited by the UCLG in 2008, exclusion lives. This supposition requires looking to these resources for which the causes is presented as the “separation of beyond cultural and social specificities and mechanisms are many. certain people and groups from in order to analyse, in a more global ‘normal’ society”. This definition, which manner, ways of living in cities. This emerged from the belief that certain also means examining exclusion as groups would likely be the preferred a contingent issue for any individual. victims of exclusion, suggests that Here, exclusion will be considered Access to Resources
Within cities is where material and Poverty thus represents an component of the European symbolic resources, along with social imbalance in the phenomenon of programme URBACT (as referenced inequalities, history, displacements, resource distribution and is a sign of in Chapter 1), it is in the context of risks, opportunities, and an evermore the disadvantages that affect certain an “unjust inequality” where this accelerated circulation of people, people. Exclusion, on the other hand, separation of certain people can be goods and ideas are concentrated. characterises more the relational studied and which she considers a The city is a fountain of resources dimension of this distribution. “mechanism of oppression that creates through the services it provides; the It is through the stratification of privilege and privation, inclusion and economic, cultural and environmental disadvantages for populations that exclusion...” In other words, suffering opportunities it possesses; and the exclusion can be defined. For Laura from urban exclusion means being answers it offers to all of life’s needs. Colini, an expert on the ‘inclusion’ denied access to urban resources.
LTHE CITY, A GENERATOR OF EXCLUSION
In this article, it is the possibility Donzelot, Jacques. La ville à trois vitesses : gentrification, relégation, of choosing an urban environment to périurbanisation. Revue Esprit, Ed. March-April 2004. which Jacques Donzelot speaks. The mechanisms that others — such as “While the historical dynamics of the city favoured an aggregation of Sakia Sassen — have associated with the diverse populations within a single space, we are today experiencing a rupture metropolitan transition phenomenon that corresponds to a threefold movement of separation: the gentrification of influence the capacity of populations prestigious city centres, the departure of the middle class to less expensive and to choose their neighbourhoods. protected peri-urban areas, and the relegating elsewhere of social housing estates. Choosing where one wishes to live Instead of a single movement that unifies the city’s spaces, it is the advent of a city does not seem to be a luxury at first moving at three speeds that we are experiencing: that of the relegation elsewhere glance, but more often than not, the of social housing estates, the peri-urbanisation of the middle class who fear poorest populations find themselves their proximity to the ‘excluded’ of the housing estates, but who have also been in such situations of urgency that they ‘forgotten’ by the elite of ‘winners’ willing to invest in the process of gentrification are forced to accept the few choices in the former centres.” that remain to them, regardless of the conditions. Defined here in highly rental market’s supply, but it also is a city, raise basic questions of: Do we vivid terms by Jacques Donzelot, the sign of the basic social phenomenon of have a choice in our host territory? Do polarisation of territories by social the exclusivity maintained by different we have a choice in our neighbours and categories does not only testify to the social groups. These mechanisms, our neighbourhood? Can me move market strategies that determine the working at the different speeds of the over the course of our lives, following
38 Chapter 3 Mechanisms of Urban Exclusion Document de contexte
the changes in our households? What create cities together? How can a place are the possibilities for each individual be given to the informal and to the and how can these be promoted to inventiveness of each individual?
ACCESS TO HOUSING
Housing represents one of the most constantly evolving. Despite the are now regulated in Paris by the ALUR basic resources of a city and its access significant construction of housing in law of 24 March, but they remain only remains one of the most important recent years, the number of housing a slight solution to the problem. factors of exclusion in metropolitan units remains much lower than the areas. Access to housing in France demand. Accessing social housing is a complex and comprehensive requires an average wait of seven system, which seeks to respond to years. In the meantime, families must the needs of all social categories. find other solutions (which will be Financial assistance services exist, addressed in the following paragraph). tied to household incomes they are Concerning commercial rentals, they
Fig. 24 : Screenshots from the documentary A l’Abri de Rien, by Samel Bollendorff and Mehdi Ahoudig, production by Textuel la Mine Samel Bollendorff [online]
Chapter 3 Mechanisms of Urban Exclusion 39 Document de contexte
Undignified Housing: Diverse Situations
• Among the 4 million people transformations necessary for this practices of landlords : inadequately housed in France, few evolution: garages, cellars, attics, • Old Faubourg-style housing are truly without a roof over their cabins and annexes that are rented out (the most widespread section) heads. The housing that affects these by owners seeking additional income • Lead poisoning (deterioration people are ones that do not sufficiently and which take on the role of makeshift tied to health and different time meet their vital needs. This is therefore accommodations. On the other hand, periods) considered “undignified housing” or there are formal dwellings that have • Deteriorated council estates substandard housing. become undignified through the with social housing occupation • process of deterioration. These forms • At-risk subdivisions: • Among the dwellings of housing are mainly distributed in without social services, status, considered substandard, two very the housing market of deteriorating, comfort, maintenance, facilities, or different criteria for this inadequacy old buildings in council estates and planned public spaces (resulting in can be identified. On the one hand, with poor management. The council consequences at the urban scale) there are unfit locations, whether estate properties testify to a process of • Cabins and shacks: It is due to their construction or their urban segregation and are pauperised necessary to distinguish between usage, that have become homes even more by their occupation and those for whom this is a choice and while not having undergone the sometimes by the unscrupulous those who are reduced to it.
The Spiral of Degradation in Deteriorating Council Estate Properties
by Anne-Claire Davy, researcher at IAU–Île-de-France: Three contradictory cycles can be found in deteriorating council estate properties: • The technical cycle: the obsolescence of technical components in buildings that are over thirty years old leads to reinvestment demands. • The generational cycle: which leads to a replacement and pauperization of the population • The urban and sociological cycle: which induces risks of lessening appeal. Some types of housing, especially those constructed between 1965 and 1995 have seen a loss of interest by the most solvent populations: residences far from public transportation, formerly valued at a time of “all car”; or buildings that today seem outdated. For that matter, there are also “energy leakers” that are becoming increasingly expensive to heat. Many households only heat their homes during certain hours or certain days in order to avoid expenses that they cannot pay.
These cycles operate on “price scissors” since one of these cycles can lead to another and so on. This creates a spiral of degradation as the slightest incident in a household’s situation can trigger this self-sustaining phenomenon: “Those who have the means leave council estates and, little by little, it is only those who have no other housing solutions that remain.”
40 Chapter 3 Mechanisms of Urban Exclusion Document de contexte
Factors that Lead to Housing Becoming Undignified
The deterioration factors that create to detect the presence of substandard substandard housing are many. The living conditions as they do not appear most common factor is that of the on the façade, and since numerous deterioration caused by unscrupulous human factors are involved it is landlords during the dividing up of a uncontrollable. building. In such a case, it is difficult
Visible Informal Housing
There are many other types of camps, or slums, among others. housing that produces forms of exclusion: isolation, stigmatisation, These forms of occupations, within and so on. Unlike inadequate housing, limited and specific territories, take informal dwellings are more visible, advantage of the margins of the sometimes representing cultural “normal” city. Such dwellings, which practices or specific politics. These have always existed, can result from types of dwellings can take the form of a temporary or permanent choice of squats in the city, shacks and caravans, nomadism for some or as a last resort
Fig. 25 : “De baraque en baraque, voyage au bout de ma rue”, Editions la Cendrine Bonami Redler ville brûle, 2014
Chapter 3 Mechanisms of Urban Exclusion 41 Document de contexte
Fig. 26 : RMN- Grand Palais (MuCEM) / Franck Raux
for others. “Shanty towns” (makeshift the uncontrolled arrival of migrants. the standard rental market cannot encampments) are the most recurrent The Délégation Interministérielle à meet the needs of everyone. For Anne- form of this type of informal dwelling l’Habitat et au Logement (DIHAL), Claire Davy, talk of eradicating shanty and are part of a history of mass or the Inter-ministerial Delegation towns or undignified housing cannot migration. Their development is tied for Housing and Accommodation, be undertaken as long as there are to an accumulation of people arriving announced that there are between no solutions for meeting the needs of within such a short time frame that it 15,000 and 20,000 people living in those for whom this answer remains a would have been impossible to create makeshift encampments in France last resort. a sufficient rental market for them. today. Changes in housing policies and the creation of set standards for In the 1980s, the massive housing now prevent the presence of construction of housing led to the visible informal dwellings and lead belief that the era of shanty towns to a loss of “non-standard” habitats. had come to an end, however they Nevertheless, this type of non-standard have returned since the early 2000s housing remains a rental market like due to growing urbanisation and any other, especially in a context where
Fig. 27 : “De baraque en baraque, voyage au bout de ma rue”, Editions la Cendrine Bonami Redler ville brûle, 2014
42 Chapter 3 Mechanisms of Urban Exclusion Document de contexte
MECHANISMS OF URGENCY Capacities and Limits of Temporary Accommodations
This type of accommodation breaches, periods of returning to provides provisional and temporary The administrative situations the street, makeshift dwellings and transitions for the people concerned. are distinct according to the reliance on third-party housing. These For Anne-Claire Davy, an entire “social populations concerned. Public agen- situations bear the sign of a major hotel” initiative is developing and cies as a whole are not intended instability across the territories, a has expanding in recent years. Social to be limited to housing, but often form of institutional itinerancy that hotels are furnished hotels or hostels have a “social assistance” compo- undermines access to rights and that respond to a major demand in nent for individuals and families, responses to fundamental needs. the heart of the conurbation. They addressing such matters as the Here, housing reveals its limits. “Being provide reception to families with access to rights up to the access to housed means to have a bed and to children (who have been evicted from permanent housing. However, the be able wash oneself,” say Pascale their homes or are fleeing domestic lack of fluidity within the entire Joffray and Lauréline Guilapin. The violence, without resources after system of services, compounded by right to housing means to be able a divorce, seeking asylum and so the lack of suitable housing, results in to choose one’s own home. The on) whose current living conditions lengthy and complex administrative questions that are raised concerning create difficult situations. However, procedures for single individ-uals and the access to housing are the fol- it is impossible to cook in these at-risk families. These administrative lowing: Do you have a roof over your establishments or receive guests, and procedures hamper access to a head that protects you? Are you safe? families are divided among several sustainable solution for housing in Can you build your every-day life in a rooms, or even several hotels. A high too many cases and contribute to stable and serene manner? price is also applied to social services, and the humanitarian organisations that supervise these populations and provide these services do “What is it to have a home if not to have one’s own roof for a not participate in upgrading the sufficient and pre-determined amount of time, to make a place where establishments. More than often, one can enjoy some liberties of existence, to be the actor of one’s daily building standards are not respected life, to be able to welcome whomever one wants and to live together and are hidden below a “fire- with one’s neighbours without constraints?” resistant” surface. That being said, Pascale Joffray and Lauréline Guilapin. “the issue of renovating this [type of accommodation] comes from a public health standpoint and the need to preserve a source of reception for the poorest populations in the heart of the conurbation” (Anne-Claire Davy, IAU). There are nevertheless many other mechanisms of emergency accommodation beyond that of social hotels, including migrant worker housing facilitates and numerous agencies as well as sometimes uncoordinated solidarity movements that participate in this offer of a bare minimum of comfort. (See appendix 1: Housing measures in the Île-de- France).
Chapter 3 Mechanisms of Urban Exclusion 43 Document de contexte
ACCUMULATION OF FORMS OF PRECARITY
While housing remains a key is one of the last stages of all of the These experiences of the street are issue, it is also intrinsically tied to mechanisms of distancing resources, not at all similar. Living in the public other needs. There is a spiral of and this applies to those who live in space as if it is one’s home, as if it is precarity that is created, of which the very centre of the city. For Julien the roof intended to protect oneself, housing is a catalyst. As mentioned Damon, an expert on the social issues is a situation that leads to tensions in Chapter 2, housing is a resource, tied to those who are forced to take up within urban life and usage. “Living but it can also become a source of residence in the streets, the homeless in the streets” is a limited experience significant expense, especially when are not “a clear-cut population, for Pascale Pichon, who sees it as when it is substandard or undignified. The unwonted with distinctive traits; one adopts a complete urban life and twofold problem of fuel poverty finds these are people who are part of the renounces private life. This also means its source in the state and situation of general dynamics of disqualification, that the street becomes one’s sole a home. The energy expenses, whether disaffiliation, abandonment, losssupport system, with one living off they be for transportation or for energy of status, etc.” This condition of the resources it offers. This condition costs directly related to the home, can homelessness represents, for him, represents an urbanity in peril, since become a handicap to anyone whose the extreme hardship of poverty the whole of these fundamentals income is low. and exclusion. It seems to glaringly — having a home, mobility and encapsulate all social problems, citizenship — has broken down. All of In the same way, the link between while also being an especially urban these experiences connected to the employment and housing no longer issue. At the intersection between street belong to the single and unique needs to be proven and anyone who urban challenges (housing, planning, experience of necessity. In a way, it is no longer has financial resources finds police...) and social challenges as if being laid bare, in the city. themselves at risk of not being able (assistance, integration, social . to pay their rent. If their inability to transfers... ), the people who reside in pay their rent puts them in the street, the streets are living a daily experience then the absence of an address leads of the street that cannot be understood to additional difficulties in finding by most. employment and so on. The very specific situation of homeless people, For Pascale Pichon, sociologist, called Sans Domiciles Fixes (SDF) three forms of experiences of the in France, represents mechanisms street can be identified: “living on the of exclusion; in fact, this situation streets, in the streets and of the streets”.
Fig. 28. : Des illusions comiques, Editions Levalet Critères, 2015
44 Chapter 3 Mechanisms of Urban Exclusion Document de contexte
Irish Refugee Council Fig. 29.
REFUSAL OF LEGAL STATUS
The final stage in the mechanisms (Appendix 2, page 88). of separation remains the refusal of being accepted into common law. Obtaining the “droit commun” is a For anyone entering or has been in legal status that provides legitimacy the territory for several years, being for people to be in a territory and without “papers”, that is to say without to be able to claim rights there. In legal authorisation to build their theory, this abstract status seems to lives, remains a factor of exclusion. create a condition of distancing one For asylum seekers in France, they from urban resources, but in this case are able to know after a period of 9 it is the necessary condition for one to months if they will be authorised to leave the streets and become a citizen. work or not. They must have obtained The origin of any city is in being the a temporary work permit upon place of politics, as illustrated by presentation of a promise to hire or a the thinking of Aristotle, and more contract of employment. During this recently Hannah Arendt who defined period, these people find themselves it as “the space in-between” people. waiting. They are thus without papers This space between people is a public and cannot work. In the inclusive space, a political space, and a space of city are there solutions for these being in society. If we leave the street, people that prevent them from being we are thus able to regain our place isolated, so that they can work and in society. In numerous langagues, take care of themselves? “citizenship” and “citizenry” include the same term : “city”. It means that, Asylum is the protection granted to be a citizen is, somehow, “to be part by the State to foreigners who are at of the city”. This status as an urbanite risk of being persecuted in their home is the first step towards building a life countries. Under the name of asylum, in the city. there are two forms of protection: • Refugee status To learn more (in French) : • Subsidiary protection status French government website regarding work OFPRA, France’s asylum authority, permits for asylum seekers: has sole justification over granting these statuses in France. Temporary protection is a special status decided upon at the European level during mass influxes of displaced populations.
Chapter 3 Mechanisms of Urban Exclusion 45
Drivers of Inclusion Through... Chapter 4
This section addresses the drivers that can generate inclusion. Each concept or driver presented below is defined by a brief introduction, before being illustrated by existing projects in France or in Europe.
... Mutability : thinking about phases of the city and urbanity ...... p. 48 Nantes and the Plan-Guide of Alexandre Chemetoff ...... p. 49 The Hospitality of Territories ...... p. 50 Anne Gotman, La ville, lieu d’accueil et d’hospitalité ? Le partage de l’espace en Île-de-France ...... p. 50 “La Ville Accueillante” in Grande-Synthe ...... p. 51 Le Carillon, a Network of Solidarity in the City ...... p. 52 Transitory and Temporary Urban Planning ...... p. 53 Vacant Spaces Management at Les Grands Voisins ...... p. 54 The House of Statistics in Berlin, an Initiative by Raumlabor ...... p. 55 Cities own Resources ...... p. 56 “La Ferme des Possibles” in Stains ...... p. 56 The Informal and the Unconventional ...... p. 57 Bioclimatic Chicken Coops and Hutches by Agence Internationale ...... p. 57 “Jeux d’Enfants” by Système B, Comme Bidonville ...... p. 58
... The acquisiton of the autonomy: Thinking about the phases of life and the human ...... p. 59 Safety and Protection ...... p. 59 O Topos Mou, a Solidarity Pharmacy in Greece ...... p. 59 A Village for the Homeless in Villebéon ...... p. 60 The Base de Vie in Ris-Orangis, By the Association PEROU ...... p. 61 Recognition and the Power to Act ...... p.62 Workers of the World, Open Letter to Architects ...... p. 62 Entrepreneurs without Borders in Hamburg ...... p. 63 Education and Training ...... p.64 Linked housing in the Construction-Training Site of Actes & Cités ...... p. 64 Habitat and Society ...... p. 65 Sports, a Factor of Social Inclusion ...... p. 65 A Social City of Kotti & Co à Berlin ...... p. 66
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MUTABILITY: THINKING ABOUT PHASES OF THE CITY AND URBANITY
Planning — creating a framework the supply allowed for it. That said, — tends to prevent the flourishing mutability goes beyond its spatial As for uncertainty, it has become a of possibilities, always uncertain, standing: its form is not essential, it is dominating principle in city planning. but nonetheless indispensable the manner in which it takes form that And rather than being considered as and necessary for community life is interesting. an impediment to decisions, it needs in a city. It is up to us to reimagine to be understood as a structuring organisational frameworks that are It is a question of inventing new element, one that makes it possible no longer limiting, and which, to the ways of constructing cities, while to test situations and share everyone’s contrary, open the doors to creativity. holding onto this omnipresent notion interests in the decision-making The urban mutability that we define of building together and for others. process. Lastly, local initiatives form as a city that can “welcome change Henri Maldiney once said, “the spatio- essential elements for bringing and promote possibilities” represents temporal experience draws man into life back to territories, stimulating a position, a paradigm that comes a horizon of encounters”. Therefore, if collective intelligence. Calling on to complete the shortcomings in mutability is supposed to lay claim to the engagement of citizens is a form urban planning in terms of the a principle, it would be this one: that of exercising the right to the city, an future and this project. It raises the the process of creating cities is the element that has been forgotten or question of whether territories are opportunity to work together. imposed in the construction of our capable of rapidly changing with We propose several conditions territories. Experiments are invented the needs of the populations they to put this into practice, which we by necessity across the four corners are receiving. In this context, it is summarise here as three major of the world, but often the means for particularly associated with the themes: (1) welcoming change, creating such a force face those of concept of inclusive cities. When the (2) accepting uncertainty and (3) major developers. We are expanding future is seen as an uncertain period sharing a collection of inventiveness. on several forms of mutability: and when, through a value scale, the In concrete terms, this requires a set spontaneity, programmed, and so present becomes seen as the richest of principles to be implemented, on. Each presents various interests period — the producer of all that is partially or totally, such as the depending on the projects to be possible — then mutability comes to development of a framework and put into place. Urban mutability is reexamine the unpredictable and the meta-rules that adapt according to strongly tied to the construction of present time. the teams and projects: temporary inclusive cities, it can serve as a basis occupations that make it possible to for their implementation. Mutability is a way to speak about satisfy local needs, experimenting temporalities by articulating the with possibilities, the transformation notions of urbanity, the informal, of multi-purpose sites with the aim transversality, otherness and of producing a better cohabitation acceptance. One of its objectives of rhythms, and so on. One of is to think about cities that can the challenges is to improve the welcome the poorest populations cohabitation of times and spaces, who are in transitional situations, which remain highly disjointed in the moving from one place to another. organisation of cities. And the present For social and economic reasons, time, seen as the period of time being among others, mutability concerns experienced by inhabitants and users, as much the ephemeral use of a site is essential to take into account. It is as the creation of a structure that is the time of the current moment — of built over time, or even the hosting life — and it is often forgotten by the of one function over another because stakeholders of cities. Or if not, it is the demand presented itself and the time of problems and urgency.
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Fig. 30.
Nantes and the Plan-Guide of Alexandre Chemetoff
Nantes is a city in the west of France, An inventory of the existing sites 60 km from the sea. It was a port city was plotted in a highly detailed that saw all of its shipyards close in manner, serving as a foundation 1987. Faced with this phenomenon of for the future project, but also, and abandonment and deindustrialisation, moreover, as a collective memory to the city has reinvented new ways of be shared. This is one of the main doing things. Nantes is not a city that strengths of the project. The Plan- relies on city planning, but is known Guide then defined the basic outline for being pragmatic — knowing how to of the public spaces and a rather adapt. In 1999, the city launched a call broad production process allowed for projects and the team of landscape many private and public stakeholders architect Alexandre Chemetoff was to participate in the project. The selected as the winner, it was at this production process was developed time that they created the architecture gradually, adapting to demands, agency Atelier de l’Île de Nantes. while also being monitored by the For their project they reinvented the committees of Atelier de l’Île de Nantes notion of a master plan for the site and SAMOA, the city’s development of the former shipyards all the way to company. The flexibility of the the Île de Nantes, an island that while production process was accompanied Fig. 31. being in the very centre of the city had by temporary occupations of the space, been isolated until then. This Plan- making it possible to experiment Guide, a wordplay on master plan in the unthinkable. Les Halles Alstom French, is above all a working method became, between 2003 and 2013, — a map that does not fix anything in an emblematic site for this type of now cleared the path for this area to place, but rather moves the path along. project. It hosted associations, start- be a neighbourhood of creation, an It is updated every three months, was ups seeking inexpensive rental space, international reference. This project, presented in a public forum, and is as well as SAMOA, who shared in the innovative in its scale, made it possible permanently on exhibition. on-site experience. This place has to imagine new ways of making cities.
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The Hospitality of Territories
In a historical perspective, the from the sphere of giving, of loosely To learn more (in French): word hospitality means “the free felt obligations, in the register of moral DELEGATION A LA POLITQUE DE LA VILLE ET or charitable hosting of the poor, virtues. It is a notion that involves a A L’INTEGRATION DE PARIS, « La ville, lieu travellers, in free and charitable relationship of trust. Thinking about d’accueil et d’hospitalité » convents, homes and hospitals.” the hospitality of territories or a In the Middle Ages, the notion of territory is to consider reception as a hospitality appealed to the register of requirement of openness. That said, Christianity, of which one of the three hospitality questions the policies of theological virtues is charity. In the cities in their capacity to receive and to 16th century, the word reappeared reject. with a very different sense, inspired by antiquity, becoming a “reciprocal right of protection and shelter”. This reciprocal right of protection therefore took on a contractual dimension. Today, the Robert French dictionary defines hospitality as “the action of receiving at home, welcoming with Anne Gotman, La ville, lieu d’accueil et d’hospitalité ? Le partage de l’espace grace”. Nowadays, hospitality is used as en Île-de-France, December 2011 synonym for welcome and reception. “To be hospitable is to make place for the other, it is to open one’s house to a However, hospitality refers more stranger, in the strict sense of the word — a stranger to the nation, a stranger to the to the domestic sphere and points to economic city, a stranger to the organisation.” the act of receiving family or friends, rarely strangers. Today, this notion Hospitality requires a place for welcoming others. Very often, this space of hospitality reappears with a new becomes the only place where one has the right to be: hospitality is therefore dimension that goes beyond that associated with encirclement, confinement, and so on. of the domestic: there is now the question of territorial hospitality. It is “If everything is organised for hospitality, well then it is no longer hospitality. constantly being analysed as it seems Constructing reception areas for travellers, buildings ‘for’ and exclusively ‘for’, is to insufficient. Although associated with make a place for them, certainly; but it is this place, and not another. Either these the idea of openness, hospitality is spaces will become more and more exclusively ‘for’, or this aspect of hospitality called upon much more in situations of will gradually be erased...” closure and borders. Hospitality comes
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Fig. 32 : “La Ville Accueillante”, an action research project by Association Actes & Cités and AIR Architecture
“La Ville Accueillante” in Grande-Synthe
Through the work of the association generously wishes to act. The Actes & Cités and the AIR Architecture committed stance of these architects, agency, the action research project “La artists and other professionals is Ville Accueillante”, or The Inviting City, to recognise the urbanity present has been financed by Plan Urbanisme across these sites by encouraging Construction Architecture (PUCA) and and maintaining urban spaces and the City of Grande-Synthe since spring shared places, through the support 2017. An inviting city is, for them, a city of French and British associations, that would be able to accommodate amid and around the emergency populations in mass, all while avoiding housing structures installed by the saturation of its hosting capacities. humanitarian organisations. The It would also be a city that is resilient, structures themselves, wooden shelter since it would be able to endure the units, become the foundation for fact that these people would then adaptions since they remain open leave. Their research and project on to DIY efforts. The project of “La Ville the city of Grande-Synthe, in the north Acueillante” can thus be summarised of France, is based particularly on as going beyond the condition of the Pour aller plus loin : the migrant camp known as Linière. “camp” and thinking about resilient Association Actes & Cités This space has been improvised as a reception areas that would make it reception centre for people wishing to possible to offer shared spaces and transit to England. The question that is participatory processes that draw the being raised by “La Ville Acueillante” features of a real urban fabric, here applies to this refugee camp where where one would not normally see an the city’s mayor consciously and encampment.
Chapter 4 Drivers of Inclusion Through... 51 Document de contexte
Fig. 33 : Homepage and logo for Le Le Carillon, a Network of Solidarity in the City Carillon Le Carillon presents itself as a seeks to be a palliative measure for solidarity network. Its aim is to create isolation and the feeling of rejection links between homeless people, suffered by people living in the streets. shopkeepers and inhabitants. The The association tends to attack the objective of Le Carillon is to promote impediments that exist today in the a change in how the people living in building of social links — such as the the streets are viewed and to bolster lack of communication, the fear of the citizen initiatives, whether they be unknown and the feeling of being To learn more (in French): by shopkeepers or their clients. The powerless by those who would like to Association Le Carillon association calls on everyone to help — by working through a model of participate in anyway they can. The engagement. shopkeepers can join the network and display the logo of the association on their storefront. The homeless then know that it is a business where they are welcome and where they can benefit from a list of services such as using the toilet, making a phone call and receiving a glass of water. As for the area’s inhabitants, they can also join the association and contribute by offering to distribute cards to people in the street that enable them to obtain a hot meal for example. Le Carillon
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Transitory and Temporary Urban Planning
Transitory urban planning is on occupations of spaces awaiting their the rise in contemporary planning final assignment, in particular against practices. By making use of vacant temporary artistic organisations. land and buildings — such as deserted For Sébastien Thierry, political lots, wastelands and structures waiting scientist and coordinator at the Pôle to be demolished — transitory urban d’Exploration des Ressources Urbaines planning takes advantage of the (PEROU) in the Île-de-France, these long development periods to offer organisations are often referred to as provisional occupation. They are more “urban entertainment”, which serve or less the same type of occupations to “keep squatters away, at least in as those for squats or illegal dwellings, areas where there is a high pressure except that they are based on for land”. He emphasises: “Dupe agreements with the property’s owner or not, the artist becomes a tool for and most often assume an artistic and/ neutralising the territory. To involve or social dimension as well as clearly him first is the best way to put into presenting themselves as being only a place a development policy for which provisional response. cities do not always have the means, especially at the moment when they In the Île-de-France, these initiatives should be preserving their lands.” have spread remarkably in the last few years given the price of real estate, the extension of the planning and development period (up to ten years) and the value-creation opportunity that these projects represent for the land being used. In addition, the Île-de-France region encourages the support of these initiatives by regularly launching calls for projects for financial assistance investments in transitory urban planning projects. Helped in particular by the evolution of urban project methods and the rise of digital practices, these vacant spaces can now be located and their owners contacted. Digital platforms such as those of Plateau Urbain or Belle Friche have opened a market and set upon simplifying relationships, being the intermediary between the different actors. A genuine market for the temporary is developing in France and abroad and is leading to the creation of new professional practices in the field of real estate.
However, numerous criticisms are also being raised against temporary
Chapter 4 Drivers of Inclusion Through... 53 Document de contexte
Fig. 34 : Les Grands Space Vacancy Management at Les Grands Voisins Voisins by Plateau Urbain urbain Les Grands Voisins is a large-scale considered to be the largest temporary temporary occupation project in the occupation project in Europe. heart of the 14th arrondissement of Paris, led by Aurore, an association for the emergency housing of To learn more (in French) : poor people; managed by Plateau Les Grands Voisins Urbain, an association for temporary occupations; and animated by the Association Aurore association Yes We Camp. This three- party organisation has been installed Association Plateau urbain on the site of the former hospital Saint- Vincent-de-Paul for the last several Association Yes We Camp years and offers a wide range of uses within a neighbourhood defined by the former walls of the hospital.
Housing poor people, hosting associations and businesses tied to the social economy, bolstering the presence of artisans and creators, as well as sharing tools and workspaces; it is a complete set of functions that Les Grands Voisins offers within grounds that are public and open to all. Lasting until December 2017, this site is
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The House of Statistics in Berlin, an Initiative by Raumlabor
The House of Statistics is a building populations into a rapidly changing To learn more (in French): located on the Alexanderplatz in Berlin neighbourhood in the centre of Berlin. Haus der Statistik that has been unoccupied for over eight years. The House of Statistics Collectif Raumlabor initiative, in coordination with the district of Mitte, emerged following the results of an investigation proposed by the Senate to look into urban and environmental development on the Alexanderplatz. Since the investigation highlighted the need to design new practices for this heritage building, the project intends to establish a new public centrality.
The Haus der Statistik will offer, 45% Integration housing for refugees: at the price of utility costs, nearly refugees, students, elderly... 40,000 m² of social and community 25 % Artistic and cultural activities: housing for refugees, students and work spaces for Berlin residents and the elderly. In addition, workspaces spaces for cultural creations by new arrivals and gathering spaces will be offered Fig. 35 : The House 20 % Training and education: integra- for artistic, cultural and educational of Statistics led tion projects and training for refugees activities. The goal of this project is to by the association 10 % Culture and exchanges: spaces Raumlabor establish synergies through the help dedicated to events of micro-initiatives and to integrate its
Chapter 4 Drivers of Inclusion Through... 55 Document de contexte
Cities Own Resources
Cities are full of their own resources. establish forms of co-existence”, based inclusive modes of appropriation, Beyond resources for inhabitants such on the definition by Pascale Pichon; in hopes of being accessible to all as expertise, cultural practices and the public space appears as a place who aspire to them, must also be social organisations; cities inheriting of possibilities, even if resources are presented by different rhythms, the effects of consumer society are lacking. The traits of these public spaces allowing everyone to also access them. filled with materials left behind, respond to numerous imperatives, As journalist and writer Paul Ariès buildings pending assignment, whether they be for the people who explains: “A shared society cannot wastelands and the abandoned; are only passing through, those who be a slow society, but how can this which create as many possibilities as are leaving, or those who are staying. slowness be managed?” Could it be there are prospects for action. Amid For the homeless, public urban spaces simply the slowness needed to design diverse landscapes, and given the offer material and symbolic spaces for new models, the slowness of sharing opportunity left by open spaces and survival (see Chapter 3). and exchanging, or the slowness of the mobilisations of inhabitants and discussion and negotiation? The public civil society, the public space is one of Public spaces are also the space appears to be a privileged site the key resources unique to the city. foundation for the exploitation of the for the slow pace needed for inclusion Considered here as simply “a concrete urban landscape and this exploration in cities. space for practices and usages that requires a paced approached. The
Cécile Mattoug Fig. 36
“La Ferme des Possibles” in Stains
Located a few hundred metres from and businesses of alternative Paris 8 University, on a former fallow production and consumption modes. plot of land, La Ferme des Possibles, It is a place of production, training, or The Farm of Possibilities, is a project experimentation, recreation and that serves as a research and meeting awareness-raising in the very centre centre led by the company NOVAEDIA of a neighbourhood facing multiple To learn more (in French) : and motivated by a dynamic of social social challenges — conflicts, trafficking La Résidence Sociale economy. This space, installed in the of all kinds. The site is open and offers heart of a block between residential activities around an organic garden, as Plaquette de présentation de la Ferme des zones and a large urban renewal area, well as hosts salvage areas on a 12,000 Possibles aims to create and animate a centre for m² plot of land, of which 2,000 m² are territorial integration and economic dedicated to educational activities. The cooperation around urban agriculture. project’s goal is to create twenty jobs in The purpose of this project is based vocational reintegration. . on the professional integration of vulnerable populations and the bringing of awareness to inhabitants
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The Informal and the Unconventional
Today, construction is a highly far more than its homologation It is the conventional approach to regulated activity and its drastic by norms and legislation, it is an create projects rather than question safety regulations prevent numerous experience of the necessary, that of a the informal, even more so than attempts at hybridization and roof, and the shared fabric of society”. the qualifying of outcomes. But experimentation. In this sense, In taking literally the human necessity it is in the act of doing and in the urban planning and architecture are that anchors every act of building, result of the work that the informal disciplines and expertises that are architects and builders are able to see remains an inexhaustible source of also regulated and subject to rules vast fields that can respond to certain experimentation. Within this context, that ignore many human, material needs in the transcending of rules and the informal cannot be anticipated, and technical factors that cannot, norms. Architect and professor Pascale it is the actual reflection of any need themselves, be restricted to established Joffroy states that it is necessary and the result of the means left to any norms. For architect and researcher “to recognise informal habitats as a budding builder. Lauréline Guilapin, it is important not strategy of opportunity on the part of to forget that “architecture remains its vulnerable inhabitants...”
“Throughout the world, self-building demonstrates the capacity to be a driver of individual redeployment... Throughout the world self-builders live, in the strict sense of the word, by adapting, from day to day, their habitats to their needs.” — Pascale Joffroy
Bioclimatic Chicken Coops and Hutches by Agence Internationale
In this project of a chicken coop and hutch in Quimper, Catherine Rannou of Agence Internationale examines practices of self-building. Claiming that it is an ethical, political and economical choice, Catherine Rannou considers that resourcefulness and the sharing of knowledge and know-how are the key features of these forms of informal construction.
This unconventional practice results Fig. 37 : from “inventions of necessity, assessed Quimper, for their ‘intelligence in approach’”, 2016 Agence Internationale where the choice of “regularising the informal” requires the adoption of modes of representation. It is by architect in a “letting go” where the “It is a matter of examining taking a new look at figures of formal limits between the roles of inhabitant the informal habitats and whole architecture through 3D designs and - architect - author - builder seem to neighbourhoods that can be precise copying that Catherine Rannou disintegrate. constructed despite the legal and is able to see the qualities of these restrictive normative environment of constructions. Her commitment allows our developed societies.” for the reimagining of the role of the Catherine Rannou
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Fig. 38 : Projet « Jeux d’enfants »
Système B comme bidonville
To learn more (in French): Association Système B comme Bidonville “Jeux d’Enfants” by Système B, Comme Bidonville
Système B is an association of as a response to the needs of the architects, self-builders, journalists, children in a makeshift camp in students and teachers. Système B, Marne-la-Vallée. Although the Comme Bidonville aims to help camp’s school had been demolished, people learn about and respect following a decision by the town bidonvilles (shanty towns, makeshift hall, the association drew out of this camps): their social utility, their living destruction the opportunity to create conditions and their inhabitants. But games while spending a day during it also works to defend and protect the holidays with the children of them by applying and increasing the the camp. A zip line was thus built, rights of makeshift camps; expanding by using the former school’s wall their acceptance by the public and of tires and an improvised swing in their possibilities for existence; and the middle of the trees. The time to thinking about and working towards construct it brought together the their improvement with those who children, parents and architects, who construct them and live in them. The joined together to give back a place project Jeux d’Enfants (Children’s to the children. Games) was designed by its initiators
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... THE ACQUISITION OF AUTONOMY: THINKING ABOUT THE PHASES OF LIFE AND HUMANS
Safety and Protection
Among the drivers that promote find others to protect their physical These resources include, among the inclusion of individuals, protection and mental integrity. The feeling of others, shelter from the elements and and safety figure among the most security contributes to well-being and protection from health risks; access essential elements for the report on health within a group of which we are to hygiene and necessary care; and inclusive cities by the UCLG. The need a part. Being secure means having access to privacy and rest. for safety and security, to a large extent, access to resources that allow us to pushes people to live in society and to protect ourselves in cases of adversity.
O Topos Mou, a Solidarity Pharmacy in Greece
The O Topos Mou project is a citizen in different countries in Europe. initiative taking place in the regional After being registered in a digital unit of Pieria in Greece. It is a group of database, the drugs can be requested donors from abroad who finance this in each solidarity pharmacy. Then, project with the objective of helping the association set up a grocery Greece since the start of the financial without intermediaries by offering crisis. These citizens have chosen products at affordable prices. Finally, to support o topos mou (our place). the association has recently begun Kikaf.org Their projects include six components to help children with their school that have been developed gradually work, provide food for small tasks, Fig. 39 : “O Topos through the years. In the beginning, and organise a Christmas solidarity Mou” Project the association offered medical aid market to collect funds and donations. to poor families who could then be To learn more (in German) : treated free of charge. However, Association KIKAF many of the families could not afford to pay for the drugs prescribed to them, so the association created a pharmacy. This pharmacy collects unsold and donated medicine
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Fig. 39 : Photos from the article published in Le Parisien on 1 March 2016
Pascal Villeboeuf
To learn more (in French) : A Village for the Homeless in Villebéon Article published in le Parisien Since 2012, a village for “Our village will serve as Association le “115 du Particulier” homeless people has been created showcase for the construction of by an resident of Villebéon, a former other more elaborate mobile cabins, homeless person, in his garden. equipped with a little kitchen. There Dozens of people without shelter have must be a solution to the lack of thus found refuge in this village in the emergency rehousing. And housing is south of Nemours, in the Seine-et- the solution for offering a start to the Marne. This was originally a personal integration process for the homeless. initiative by Brann de Sénon, but it has This is the problem most often faced since been grown into a community by social services.” initiative called 114 du Particulier. — Brann du Sénon Quickly, the association created a professional integration centre. The co-director of the association has launched a workshop to construct mobile wooden cabins, which he considers is an “alternative solution between the street and sustainable housing”. These little 9 m² wood cabins are built on metal frames coming from old caravans.
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Fig. 40 : Evolution of the Base de Vie from 2012 to 2014
http://uncampement.fr/
The Base de Vie in Ris-Orangis, By the Association PEROU
The work of the association also accompany them in the opening Pôle d’Exploration des Ressources of bank accounts, in registering for Urbaines (PEROU) is an activist work transportation cards,... for Roma families living in makeshift encampments in Ris-Orangis and Grigny. Between 2012 and 2014, after the eviction of the camp that was in place, a rehousing project using ALGECO trailers was set up, allowing families to resettle. Following that, the association PEROU and other volunteers accompanied these families in the installation of their homes, enabling them to decorate and organise the trailers and to make them their own.
Today called the Collective of Roma Ambassadors, the people invested in this project accompany families, who wish to do so, in their To learn more (in French): legal and administrative endeavours, Association le PEROU such as enrolling their children in school for example. These residents Blog du projet porté par le PEROU à working to help these needy families Ris-Orangis
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Recognition and the Power to Act
Dans toutes les sociétés, les bIn all In the vast majority of countries, by paying taxes. It is nevertheless societies, ethnic mixing and mobility paid work seems to be the essential important to consider employment leads to an increase in diversity. This key to having access to resources and in a larger sense: the completion of great human wealth is a reserve to enabling individuals to become full tasks has an end, a utility and/or a of knowledge and experiences, members of society. Stable incomes social recognition and its objective just as it can appear as grounds for make it possible to pay for basic to seek profit can also be replaced discrimination. To settle somewhere necessities and to create a home, by other incomes. Thus, in the Third is to seek one’s place despite one’s to enjoy social security or a status. Sector — the social economy — there are differences. The search for social and Employment provides individuals with opportunities for generating activities cultural recognition is a process of self-esteem and a sense of personal that can promote inclusion through individualisation that involves equal dignity, owing to being able to take the existence of alternative paths in opportunities on the one hand and the charge of oneself, while also being accessing income, and which are also feeling of human dignity on the other. a jointly responsible member of the means of subsistence. society to which one contributes
Fig. 41 : Blog for the association “Ouvriers du Monde”
Ouvriers Workers of the World, Open Letter to Architects
This letter addressed to architects life falls apart right there, and that can of the world themselves. We know that and students of architecture served as push men or women to the point where today there is no pre-prepared path for a proposal for a meeting and project they abandon their jobs and commit realising such a singular project. But we for creating housing. Written by the suicide. The consequences for housing? have confidence in the solidity of our inhabitants of Foyer de Procession, We must live in places where, if there idea, as well as in the force that could its contents include the words of 250 is a problem, we must able to speak open a new alliance between architects, Malian, Senegalese, Algerian and together [...] We push friendship to the theatre artists and the workers of the Moroccan workers protesting against forefront: we must have a place where world to push past the obstacles and to the transformation of their building we can spend a moment with people, create a field of invention necessary for into a “social residence” based on where we can speak with others. Even if this grand project.” current norms. this place is small, it provides a very big Loger le pauvre, l’immigré, le space [...] demandeur d’asile, edited by Pascale “... Life is long and wide, there is Some of us are construction workers. Joffroy. Except from the magazine always a problem coming out, to the Builders. We don’t have money, but we D’architectures, n°251. right or the left. When this problem have the strength to work, as labourers arrives, if you are alone, if your idea or in many other trades. We are pleased manages to find a way through, then to send you this request: that of creating To learn more (in French) : you can be saved. Otherwise, your entire the first home carried out by the workers Association des Ouvriers du Monde
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Fig 42. Newspaper article on the association Unternehmen ohne Grenzen, Billstedt Wochenblatt (29 March 2012). Article: Neighbourhood shows what it is to be good-hearted (in German).
« Entrepreneurs sans frontières » à Hambourg
This project was carried out in French). This competence enabled the Hamburg, within the difficult economic organisation to quickly become one of context of the neighbourhoods of St the representatives speaking on behalf Pauli and Wilhemsburg, where the of the communities on issues related concentration of immigrants is high. to migrant populations, as well as In 2002, the city-state of Hamburg allowing it to study their development launched a financing programme possibilities as entrepreneurs. called “A City in Full Growth”, which selected the project of Unternehmen ohne Grenzen (Entrepreneurs Without To learn more (in German): Borders). Since 2004, this organisation Association des Entrepreneurs sans Frontières has been offering consulting services to help resolve the everyday difficulties faced by entrepreneurs and small- business owners. This creation centre, similar to a business incubator, offers individual assistance, seminars and debriefings on legal, fiscal, legislative and social issues. It also organises gatherings that bring together entrepreneurs and potential backers. The quality that makes it unique is that it offers services free of charge in the primary language of the directed group (Turkish, Russian, English, Spanish and
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Education and Training
Being a part of society implies These spaces where one acquires allow for the learning of social codes knowing, at least in the broad sense, skills and training are not only and basic communication (language, its modes of communication, and classrooms, but can also take on many know-how...), but also the access to having the necessary knowledge to other forms. However, their main culture. This access to culture must understand and find one’s place in object must remain the following: to not be simply observed as a process the different spheres of social and give people the opportunity to live and of assimilation, but also as the means professional life. Knowing a society develop independently in society. The of opportunity to express one’s own means knowing its social codes of educational function must therefore culture. Education provides access communication. The learning and be present in all forms of these spaces, to the transfer of the core values and relaying of this information requires but with the guarantee of a common common social codes of society. spaces of expertise and knowledge, educational foundation that ensures and the access to these spaces is what the transfer of basic knowledge to determines many factors of inclusion. every person. These spaces then
Olivier Leclercq AIR Architectures - Ateliers de Cergy - Avril 2017
Fig 43. : Project of Olivier Leclercq AIR Architectures - Ateliers de Cergy - Avril 2017 Olivier Leclercq AIR Architectures - Ateliers de Cergy - Avril Linked housing in the Construction-Training Site of Actes & Cités 2017 linked houses, Actes & Cités This project, led by the association building process. In parallel, they Actes & Cités, was established in the learn French and other necessary makeshift encampments of Porte de skills required on building sites. is thought to be de-constructible. Clignancourt with the objective of Through this project, the inhabitants The principle behind this project is promoting self-building. The purpose are brought under common law (legal to learn through constructing and of this project of logements-passerelle, recognition) and obtain certificates de-constructing, in order to follow or linked housing, is to accompany that then allow them to look for the life cycles of materials as they go inhabitants in attaining housing of employment. The housing units through the recycling process. their own thanks to movable modular include a standardised modular unit, units. The inhabitants participate in which however offers specificities for To learn more (in French) designing the units and are involved organisation, such as a central stove Association Actes & Cités in the construction of their unfinished that defines the living area and a large sections. A construction-training site room that can host several people. has been set up by the association There is also the option of a loft, which and allows its inhabitant-builders to makes it possible to accommodate integrate into the construction project children. The modular unit can be where they will be trained during the moved, whereas the self-built portion
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Habitat and Society
In all forms of society, isolation or reinforces strategic values, such social environment, which means that is a barrier to inclusion. Maintaining as confidence and solidarity, and permanent housing is an important links and belonging to many social facilitates the functioning of all other key. Access to these networks and networks — virtual or human — that aspects of life. Moreover, access to information is also a major driver, support quality relationships is an the political dimensions of social life as well as the capacity for social essential factor that can be linked also represent an essential driver for mobility and political mobilisation with income levels, education and demanding “to socialise” with those in all forms of activity. Lastly, access well-being. Social relationships who surround us. to material resources and well-being provide the essential asset that is represent a final essential factor in information: practical information, Among the immense varieties attaining autonomy and a quality of useful in different areas of life in of needs that this implies, the most life necessary for inclusion. society. These relationships constitute essential is the capacity to take one’s true social capital, which creates time to peacefully become part of a
Fig. 44 : Screenshots of the promotional film Un ballon pour l’insertion in 2016
Sports, a Factor of Social Inclusion
The Pôle de Ressources Nationales – several weeks are also offered as Sport, Éducation, Mixités, Citoyenneté “remobilisation trips”. Based on the (PRN-SEMC) is an agency in France observation that people in at-risk under the direction of the Ministry situations have a distant relationship of the City, Youth, and Sports. One of with their bodies and do not take care SEMC’s principles is the promoting of themselves, the sustained practice and supporting of sports activities of physical exercise improves feelings that advance social inclusion. This of self-esteem and creates a space of agency supports initiatives at several socialisation where financial means levels (community, city, regional, are not a consideration. These shared etc) that are invested in helping moments become the occasion to people suffering from extreme break down social isolation and to social inclusion by involving them develop relationships of solidarity. in sports. This support can take the form of weekly sports instruction to anyone who asks for it, the insertion To learn more : : of a team of sports instructors in Le SEMC structures that support teens, among others. Short trips and some lasting
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Association Kotti & co
The Social City of Kotti & Co, in Berlin
The neighbourhood association years been a place of reception for Kotti & Co has existed for nearly six Turkish populations. The people in years in a social housing district at this neighbourhood claimed the right the entrance of Kottbuss, Kreuzberg to maintain their cultural diversity. In in Berlin. Its activities are divided 2012, the inhabitants built a wooden into several objectives, but they pavilion in front of their housing all fall within the urban context estate and named it Gecekondu. of this social housing district. This This space is a place of political gathering of the neighbourhood’s information, debates, exchanges populations originated as a protest and sharing of cultural and social against the rise in rental prices that activities. During the last few years, would have forced many to move, their commitment as enabled them including people that had lived in to keep the populations in place — in the neighbourhood for decades. This the housing estate — and to produce Fig. 45 : first mobilisation led to a gathering of regular cultural and social activities. Association people around issues related to social Kotti & Co housing, but also to migration, since To learn more : the neighbourhood has for many Association Kotti & co
66 Chapter 4 Drivers of Inclusion Through... From South-Eastern Paris to the South of the Metropolitan Area: A Territory of Contrasts Chapter 5
This chapter offers a presentation of the workshop’s study territory with regard to its subject. Chosen for its contrasted character and the wide diversity it embraces, this territory consists of the south-east edges of Paris and opens well beyond the southern borders of the Grand Paris metropolitan area.
An Artery in the Regional and Metropolitan Development ...... p. 68 A Territory Historically Characterised by Infrastructure ...... p. 69 Resources of an Ecological Development: The Seine and Pockets of Nature ...... p. 69 Structuring Hubs and Economic Dynamics in the Heart of the Grand Paris ...... p. 72
Contrasts of a development at various speeds ...... p. 75 Within the Regional Context ...... p.75 The Gates of Paris that Open to the Inner Ring ...... p.76 Ivry-Confluence Zone d’Aménagement Concerté (ZAC) ...... p. 76 Redevelopment of Montreuil’s City Centre ...... p. 78 Beyond the Grand Paris Metropolitan Area: Drivers of Urban Renewal ...... p.79 La Grande Borne ...... p. 79 Grigny 2 ...... p. 80 Village District - Centre-Ville ...... p. 80 At the Margins of the Metropolitan Development ...... p.81 Forms of Hospitality in the Inner Ring ...... p. 81 Reabsorption of Makeshift Encampments and Inter-City Slums ...... p. 82 The “People of the Woods”, the Phenomenon of Makeshift Shacks ...... p. 83
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PARIS T8 EST - ENSEMBLE
T10 PARIS-EST MARNE ET BOIS
T 11 PLAINE CENTRALE - HAUT-VAL- DE-MARNE - PLATEAU BRIARD
T 12 VAL DE BIÈVRE - SEINE-AMONT - GRAND ORLY
CA VAL D'YERRES - VAL DE SEINE
CA PORTES DE L'ESSONNE
Fig. 46 : Relevé des territoires sur fond IAU- IDF 2016
AN ARTERY IN THE REGIONAL AND METROPOLITAN DEVELOPMENT
The proposed study territory for the poverty in the Île-de-France, but rather Its proximity to the capital city of 2017 Paris Region Workshop extends to position the subject in a larger Paris and its heavy infrastructure — across the south-east territory of the territorial dynamic. The goal is indeed including those for road, rail and river Grand Paris Metropolitan Area, even to think about metropolitan territories transportation — make it a crossroads opening up beyond these borders. It as potential communicating vessels for and a place of important projects for therefore includes the departments avoiding isolated enclaves of poverty. the Paris Region. of Paris, Val-de-Marne, Hauts-de- The area’s contrasted character makes Seine, northern Essonne and Seine- this part of the Île-de-France territory et-Marne. This territory was selected a space conducive to experimentation by the monitoring committee for the and for the defining of urban forms 2017 Paris Region Workshop as it is a and processes that could also be territory that features strong contrasts. transposable in other contexts. This choice was justified through This territory represents an the importance of not limiting the important artery in the regional focus only on the pockets of extreme and metropolitan development.
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A Territory Historically Characterised by Infrastructure
This territory is highly structured by A6 and A5 motorways guided an urban continuous urbanisation of the central the Seine and its valley, the main trade expansion that was strung together conurbation was carried out in this and supply route. Similarly, several like a pearl necklace during the method of an urban chain, which major structuring roads extend the second half of the 20th century along includes the heart of the metropolitan important urban axes of the capital. their roads, as well as, a bit farther area. In the eastern part of the territory, The rail links from the Gare de Lyon and out, along the A86 and Francilienne an increase in single-function housing the Gare d’Austerlitz, along the Seine, ring roads. This urban expansion was for the middle class can be seen allowed for an industrialisation of the accompanied by the construction of in the residential neighbourhoods valley, now taken over by the increased the RER, which borrowed from the where a highly space-consuming peri- development of logistics centres. The existing rail network. The mixed and urbanisation has recently emerged.
Fig . 47 : Historic photos of the A6, also known as the Motorway of the Sun (A6) Durandaud/IGN.
Resources of an Ecological Development: The Seine and Pockets of Nature
The river network of the Seine, and of the territory. Recreational hubs the confluence with the Marne, plays are still preserved throughout the a major role in the structuring of this entire territory, acting as veritable territory. Forming not only a trade and green lungs for the region. Across supply route, the Seine, in particular, this territory, the green infrastructure is also the support for a leading of the conurbation is subjected to economic activity in the region and the extremely high urbanisation pressure, greater territory as a whole. Similarly, thus demanding that their qualities it designs the area’s landscape identity be well watched over today. They are (as mentioned in Chapter 2). The south- among the spaces to be preserved east territory is indeed part of the Seine in the Île-de-France Regional Master Valley and shows little difference in its Plan, also known as the Schéma elevations across the areas as a whole, Directeur (SDRIF). except for the Hauts-de-Montreuil.
Two ports are located on this river network that runs across the territory: a first one is on the Seine at the Ivry-sur- Seine technopark and a second port is at Bonneuil-sur-Marne. Along with the other networks, the ports play an active role in the economic development
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During the last few decades, the banks of the Seine have undergone many redevelopments that can also be linked to the evolution of economic practices. The development of services activities and cultural spaces, as well as construction projects, have given residents back access to the river in areas of former industrial wastelands or non-constructed spaces linked to the old railway tracks.ferroviaires.
Fig. 48 : http://www.gareautheatre.com Redevelopment projects on the banks that line the area of Seine-Amont
https://www.nexity.fr/
https://www.lejournaldugrandparis.fr
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Fig. 49 : Map of flood simulations, IAU- IDF 2016. IAU-IDF
Figuring among one of the territory’s assets, as well as one of its risks, the Seine is a river with a high flood risk. The flash floods of 2016 highlighted the danger of rising water levels for any building that is too close to the water. Simulations also show that recent constructions up to a fairly remote perimeter face a very high risk in the event of a 100-year flood.
To learn more : Fig. 50 : Simulation of a 100- Video of flood simulations for the Seine by year flood at Les Ardoines, the Police Commissioner’s Office Sequana 2016
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Structuring Hubs and Economic Dynamics in the Heart of the Grand Paris
The territorial reorganisation of the metropolitan area in terms of the governance of the Grand Paris and the Île-de-France region was established in order to limit urban sprawl and to adopt a strategy of economic development with the purpose of creating nearly 28,000 jobs per year. The strategy that is in place has identified the assets, opportunities, weaknesses and threats facing the region. At the economic level, the priorities for development areas are urban logistics, eco-activities, social economy, competitiveness and innovation hubs, digital economy, tourism, cultural and creative industries, and so on. The challenges facing the Île-de-France’s economy also include the support for adaptation to major transformations, IAU-IDF the maintenance of a diversified and competitive regional economy, as Fig. 60 : Communal well as the creation of an economic typologies based development rooted in its territories. on their dominant economy, 2015
At this territorial scale, the particularly to health, is encouraged, as economy is still characterised today by well as the structuring of the university its role of industrial development and cluster of Paris Rive Gauche / Seine- Fig. 61 : metropolitan services. This territory Amont. Development hub of features a major development hub: Orly-Rungis (RD) the Seine-Amont-Orly-Rungis territory, which is bolstered by the Orly airport and a secondary area around Créteil. This main centre is reinforced today by the current development projects associated with the Grand Paris. The territory of Seine-Amont-Nord has undergone a redevelopment in favour of the dynamics of the office market through its contact with Paris, a diverse economic fabric of small businesses (SME/PME) and the competitiveness hub of Médicen Santé, of which Seine- Amont is its centre. The creation of research and innovation centres, linked http://www.leparisien.fr/rungis-94150/
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Fig. 62 : The new train stations for the Grand Paris Express
On the other hand, the Orly- Ivry-sur-Seine, Vitry-sur-Seine, Choisy- Agency, was created and is in charge Rungis activity zone has undergone le-Roi, Orly, Rungis, Alfortville, Thiais, of the strategic plan for the region’s a revitalisation with the Rungis Villeneuve-le-Roi, and so on. An development. International Market and the Orly Etablissement Public d’Aménagement airport logistics platform and its (EPA-ORSA), or Public Development Fig. 63 : The five surroundings. The Orly-Rungis cluster strategic perimeters aims to become a strong urban and of the EPA-ORSA economic centre, open to international plan markets and more diversified. The territory of Seine-Amont-Orly-Rungis benefits from an exceptional land potential: the many industrial and railway wastelands and the moderate density of the existing urban fabric make this a highly strategic territory. The Territorial Development Contract (CDT) for the south of Paris reinforces the Biotech Valley and life science research centres along with the development of the Orly-Rungis airport hub. The construction of new transportation lines across the territory generates the development of numerous urban projects. In particular, the national government has given this territory the status of a national interest programme, covering a total of 14 communes including http://www.epa-orsa.fr
Chapter 5 From South-Eastern Paris to the South of the Metropolitan Area 73 Projets d’urbanisation nouvelle et de densification prévus au SDRIF Document de contexte 2013
Critères considérés Au moins une pastille d’urbanisation nouvelle au SDRIF 2013
Au moins une pastille de densification préférentielle au SDRIF 2013
= +
Autre commune
Territoire d’application de l’atelier francilien 2017
Source : xxx
Fig. 64 : Map of In more general terms, the 2013 metropolitan areas where more of the new urbanisation SDRIF (as presented in Chapter 2) new urbanisation projects are located and densification called for a large number of projects. (yellow dots). Some of the areas have projects in the IDF Two types of projects are recognised: both types of projects (orange dots). as per the 2013, densification projects and new 2017 SDRIF urbanisation projects. For the area of These two trends show the south-east Île-de-France, which is our contrasts linked not only to urban focus area, we clearly see the contrast density, but also to the different stakes between the Inner Ring where there is being tested on these territories, a high concentration of densification which reveal different speeds of urban projects (pink dots) and the exterior development.
74 Chapter 5 From South-Eastern Paris to the South of the Metropolitan Area DocumentUn deterritoire contexte d’accueil, jeune et dynamique
Fig. x. : Presence of a young population, a contrasted host territory, Map IAU 2017.
Critères considérés
Part de la population de moins de 25 ans supérieure à la moyenne régionale (18,5%)
Part de la population immigrée supérieure à la moyenne régionale (33%)
= +
Autre commune
Territoire d’application de l’atelier francilien 2017
CONTRASTS OF A DEVELOPMENT AT VARIOUS SPEEDS
Within the Regional Context
This territory is characterised, on a Fig. 65 : Social large scale, by its social diversity. The geography based on map above indicates that this territory household profiles, is inhabited by a young population IAU-IDF 2011 with a high rate of immigration (as previously stated in Chapter 2). Notwithstanding the mixed population on a large scale, the area still presents a certain concentration of people. The region’s second largest area of poverty can be seen here in the south-east, after that of the northern Seine-Saint-Denis. The Île-de-France’s south-eastern territory also shows the presence of sub-territories, with numerous pockets of extreme poverty concentrated in close proximity to Paris as well as in the high-tech economic zones and at the southern edges of the metropolis along the valley of the Seine.
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Fig. 66 : Comparison of disposable It can nevertheless be observed income inequalities that these pockets of poverty can be among wealth and differentiated by the different levels poverty levels, IGN- of income inequality within these IAU-IDF 2015 communes. The territories closest to Paris represent high rates of poverty, but they also remain the most contrasted, even within the communes. The edges of the Grand Paris metropolitan area demonstrate a much lower rate of income equality, thus signifying a much greater concentration of poverty. This difference is representative of the two current trends happening in the workshop’s study territory: on one side, there is the Inner Ring that has the highest population density IGN-IAU-idf and presents the mixing of highly contrasted populations; and on the other, there are the exterior zones of the metropolitan area that present a density relative to city blocks and neighbourhoods with a high level of urban sprawl and a specific social concentration of their populations.
The Gates of Paris that Open to the Inner Ring
The Inner Ring’s high level they be in the territories of Seine- of density, as well as the mixing Amont and Est Ensemble, or well of contrasted populations, is not beyond the gates of the capital city. representative of a statistical This trend of gentrification is found situation, but rather is characteristic in the establishing of urban projects of a phenomenon of gentrification. across the territories of the Inner Ring The Parisian Inner Ring has become and through the initiatives being the territory of development and carried out in the urban projects. extension for the city of Paris. Formerly the territory with the greatest concentration of poverty, this expansion of the capital city has generated a phenomenon of gentrification through the replacing of populations. Still more attractive to middle-income families, the Inner Ring suffers from a strong land pressure. As a result many large-scale projects have been launched, whether
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Zone d’Aménagement Concerté Ivry-Confluence
Fig. 67 : Map of Ivry
Carte : Ivry-sur-Seine
At the confluence of the Marne Fig. 68 : Aerial view and the Seine, at the edges of Paris of the Ivry-Confluence and the territory of Seine-Amont, Project Ivry-Confluence is a large-scale development project covering nearly 145 hectares. Situated in the south of the Ivry-Port district, a former working-class neighbourhood of more than 10,000 inhabitants, the site has been called upon since 1998 to become an important centre of urban, economic, social, environmental and cultural development for the city. The construction of more than 1 million m² of major infrastructure has been planned, along with local services and businesses. Completing the agenda for the Zone d’Aménagement Concerté (ZAC), or Special Planning District, are the construction of 5,600 housing units, 570,000 m² of offices and commercial spaces, 60,000 m² of public infrastructure, 20,000 m² Beyond the very classic of retail spaces and a 3.5-hectare programming of this development commercial park on the banks of the project, the affected households — Seine, and new roads, including a tenants, owner-occupants or those large, landscaped central boulevard without a status — as well as the retailers, and new public transportation services. employees and entrepreneurs of
Chapter 5 From South-Eastern Paris to the South of the Metropolitan Area 77 Document de contexte
the developing territory’s perimeter have sought to know more about the project, and especially its consequences. Development since the early 2000s has, however, revealed difficult situations for them to bear, such as not being able to take part in real negotiations, nor participate in the transformation of their neighbourhood. An association of inhabitants, Ivry sans Toi(t), or Ivry without you/shelter, was created in 2011 to defend the interests of inhabitants affected by the Ivry-Confluences project, whether they be owners, renters, retailers, or inhabitants living in furnished hotels or squats. Fig. 69 : Association Ivry- To learn more (in French) : sans-toi(t) Association APPUII Ivry-Confluences Association Ivry-sans-toi(t)
Redevelopment of Montreuil’s City Centre
In the city of Montreuil, located to the Petits Espaces Autrement (PEPA) To learn more (in French) : the east of Paris, it is the entire city program has made it possible to Ville de Montreul centre that is undergoing a major work from small budgets on the look redevelopment. Businesses have of the sites while also involving the been established along with housing, inhabitants of the neighbourhoods of a nursery, new pedestrian areas, Bas-Montreuil, or lower Montreuil, in infrastructure for public transportation particular. The city has also encouraged Fig. 70 : Redevelopment and a new cinema. Considered a initiatives involving inhabitants, of the Virginia Woolf busy crossroads, the neighbourhood especially in public squares. Square in Montreuil consisting of the metro stations of the Croix de Chavaux and the Mairie de Montreuil was redesigned with the objective of becoming a more homogenous city centre, after the redevelopment of public spaces and the creation of attractive sites such as the promenade, and shopping and cultural sites. Ville de Montreuil
Continuous improvement of public spaces has been one of the key projects for the city of Montreuil in the last few years. Relying on the participatory budgets of the townships, in order to resolve both the problems of deterioration and usage conflicts,
78 Chapter 5 From South-Eastern Paris to the South of the Metropolitan Area Document de contexte
Beyond the Grand Paris Metropolitan Area: Drivers of Urban Renewal
An observation can be made urbanisation and the single-function Its entire territory is guided by a of the density relative to the nature of middle-class housing. national interest plan and three neighbourhoods and city blocks, the On the other side, some territories neighbourhoods are targeted for urban forms highly reflective of the are centres of significant economic long-term projects and different construction carried out during the and social difficulties tied to the redevelopment goals. Concerning second half of the 20th century, and living environment, training and both deteriorating council estates the increased divisions of social groups employment, making it necessary to and the city’s neighbourhoods, via the in the territories. They represent set up institutional tools for urban National Agency for Urban Renewal, a double trend that is affecting renewal. but also the implementation of the territories the most removed a Special Planning District (ZAC) from the capital city. On one hand, Grigny is an example completely in its city centre, Grigny speaks to there is a significant development characteristic of the measures put the territorial engineering by the of urban residential sprawl tied to into place by the government’s government in the development of the massive phenomenon of peri- call for urban renewal projects. urban territories.
Sur la Grande Borne
The neighbourhood of La Grand planned since 2007 by the National Fig. 71 : View of La Borne in Grigny is large-scale social Urban Renewal Agency through Grande Borne, City housing estate comprised of 3,685 the creation of new public roads, of Grigny housing units, of which 206 are the reorganisation of new public individual units. Built by architect spaces and the identification of Emile Aillaud between 1967 and new residential blocks developed 1971, La Grand-Borne was intended and renovated by landlords. New as a humanised and poetic response housing projects and the upgrading to the problem of mass social housing or creation of new infrastructure at the same time as being a “City of completes this ambitious programme Children”. It is characterised by a rare of urban renewal. attention to the usage value of the space. Nonetheless, the last few years have seen the social and architectural situation of this neighbourhood To lear more (in French): deteriorate. Therefore, the opening up of this neighbourhood has been La Grande Borne District
Chapter 5 From South-Eastern Paris to the South of the Metropolitan Area 79 Document de contexte
Grigny 2
Constructed in the 1970s, the Grigny 2 block estate represents nearly half of the city of Gringy. It counts 17,000 inhabitants living in nearly 5,000 housing units in direct proximity to the Grigny RER station. The ORCOD-IN, a government programme aimed at redeveloping deteriorating tenements of national interest, has been underway since 2016 with the objective of improving EPFIF living conditions for inhabitants while also revitalising the neighbourhood. buildings are not part of a social Fig. 72 : View The ORCOD is unique in that it is based housing estate. Also, much of the of Grigny 2 on the will to rehabilitate deteriorating implementation consists of regaining of a human situation confronted by tenements, which makes it possible to order of the financial situation a living environment that no longer combat the situation of substandard of the ownership councils. This responds to the populations living housing despite the fact that these neighbourhood testifies to the urgency there.
To learn more (in French): Grigny 2 District
Secteur Village Centre-ville :
Ville de Grigny
A third neighbourhood project with more complex cost controls for Fig. 73 : Aerial affects the heart of the city of Grigny. the project than in the other Special view of the A National Interest Contract and a Planning Districts of the Inner Ring, Village in Grigny’s shared roadmap for the development this new program plans to construct city-centre of Grigny, signed in September 350 housing units, divided into 150 2016 with the national government, social housing units and 200 units reinforces the project being carried for purchase (whether directly or out by the city and identifies the with social assistance). The creation implementation of the “Cœur de of a commercial hub in its centre ville – République” (Heart of the city and the construction of a new music - Republic), an essential component conservatory completes the public To learn more (in French): of the Special Planning District (ZAC), offering of this programme. Village District - Centre ville of Grigny as a priority programme. Dealing
80 Chapter 5 From South-Eastern Paris to the South of the Metropolitan Area Document de contexte
At the Margins of the Metropolitan Development
Beyond the major social and throughout the entire territory. Their urban trends underway across this exclusion or their cohabitation with territory, several marginalized groups so-called “normal” society, however, can be found. Whether across the take on different forms depending Inner Ring or beyond the limits of on the will and the capacity for the metropolitan area, the most reception and hospitality offered disadvantaged populations are by the territories, who willingly or assembled together and experience begrudgingly, host them. The trends living situations and paths that appear
Forms of Hospitality in the Inner Ring previously mentioned for the Inner Ring reflect a renewed increase in the standard of living, which will ultimately lead to the replacement of populations. Regardless of whether they are to the east of the capital or the south, the former working-class cities undergoing rapid change are being affected by local public debates about Norah Benarosh-Orsoni the conditions of “public hospitality”. Fig. 74 : Recognised as important local and Squats and historic roots for populations (Roma town halls are undertaking many encampments in communities, Romanians, travellers, rehousing projects to normalise the Montreuil and so on) living on public lots, the situation.
Norah Benarosh-Orsoni
Chapter 5 From South-Eastern Paris to the South of the Metropolitan Area 81 Document de contexte
Fig. 75 : Rehousing Seeing it as a “makeshift process projects in of public hospitality”, researcher Montreuil Norah Benarosh-Orsoni noted a strong commitment by the City of Montreuil, as well as by departmental institutions, with the help of Maîtrise d’Œuvre Urbaine et Sociale (MOUS), a public agency aimed at assisting needy people and families in accessing housing. Buildings for rehousing have been built, as well as integration centres, in order to LA Architecture provide better living conditions to Fig. 76 : Migrant populations already living in the reception centre territory. in Ivry-sur-Seine
In the territory of Ivry-sur-Seine, the transfer of Parisian situations from the Inner Ring appear in a more concrete manner. Having realised the extent of the situation facing the mass arrival of migrants to the city Emmaüs Solidarité of Paris since 2015, the mayor of Paris has taken steps to create two The agreement signed between the condition: around fifty people hosted reception centres for migrants. The city halls, with the cooperation of the in this centre must be from the area two have been designed in parallel, association Emmaüs Solidarité as of Ivry-sur-Seine. This decision once with the first being created in the manager of the sites, is tied to Paris’s again reflects the need to integrate north of Paris (in La Chapelle) and difficulty in developing these projects disadvantaged populations to ensure the second, intended for families and within its own territory. The Ivry town their inclusion in reception initiatives. single women, to be built a bit later hall has thus extended its hospitality To learn more (in French): (in 2017), in the territory of Ivry-Port. to migrant populations, yet with one Article de Norah Benarosh-Orsoni
Reabsorption of Makeshift Encampments and Inter-City Slums
Farther south of the Grand Paris metropolitan area, numerous examples of existing makeshift encampments can be found. Families of Roma, Romanians and others settle there. Despite several years of Fig. 77 : a systematic policy of expulsion and Situational destruction of these encampments, organisation of the families continue to resettle mere the makeshift steps away, on the paths to the schools encampment in were the children are educated, on Ris-Orangis by the fringes of the cities. This is the PEROU
82 Chapter 5 From South-Eastern Paris to the South of the Metropolitan Area Document de contexte
Fig. 78 : Project of ALGECO case in Ris-Orangis, in the areas of housing units Les Portes de l’Essonne, where several and public space associations assist these populations development by with the process of building a viable PEROU and permanent habitat. In Ris-Orangis, there is the collection of ALGECO modular housing units, together with a program of social assistance, that is carried out by the association Le Rocheton and supported by the national government, which has allowed 25 families to stay on the site, but in better sanitary conditions. An entire project of public spaces around these ALGECO units were put into place by the families themselves, with the support of associations, including PEROU (see Chapter 4).
To learn more (in French): Illegal Encampments/ Reabsorption of Inner- City Slums. DIHAL Report, Feb. 2017 Association le PEROU
The «People of the Woods», the Phenomenon of Makeshift Shacks
“The vulnerable, the undesirable. The case of the those living in the woods of Paris”, by Gaspard Lion
“Travel tents bought in stores, from ‘igloos’ to ‘eight-person’ tents; cabins about 10 sq m in size, constructed with whatever is at hand, from materials found in the woods or in surrounding towns: there is no doubt that the disparity in comfort with standing housing can be a source of constraints, which has been extensively reported by the press, such as the exiguity, the cold during winter, or even the absence of sanitation facilities. However, through the opposition to other situations — the ‘street’, reception centres or social hotels, for example — these habitats also offer resources (mainly stability, tranquility and privacy) that cannot be ignored, just like the skills employed by the inhabitants to cope with the difficulties and used to make the spaces liveable and liveable in common. Forms of know-how and resourcefulness have been developed for survival, but also to live well, in difficult conditions, in order to — as expressed repeatedly by inhabitants — ‘live well despite all’.”
Stéphane Rémael
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Stéphane Rémael
This phenomenon reflects services, such as as reception and Fig. 79 : another aspect affecting the people rehousing, Gaspard Lion notes that Photographies living on the fringes of the city: these people refuse the assistance in the Woods of the desire to disappear. As single and consideration of vulnerability Vincennes individuals, or those regrouped imposed on them by so-called into small communities in the back “normal” society. They refuse to seek To learn more : of the woods, these ‘marginalised’ out emergency housing, in order to Article by Gaspard Lion people find refuge in public spaces, stay in the living situation that they Photographies by Stéphane Rémael sheltered by the trees from looks. have chosen. Whether employed in the city or simply working daily for their own survival, these people have settled in these areas for several months or years and require staying close to Paris. Ignoring public hospitality
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To meet the imperative of creating that we wish to help on their paths an inclusive city is above all to to autonomy. It is paying attention open our eyes to the situations that to oneself and all that one can give. surround us. It is to stop thinking Cities are sites of infinite wealth and that certain human phenomena resources, and require that all be are invisible and to question the committed to them in order to create reasons that push us to look away. A the promises of the future. potential first step is to change the To build an inclusive city is to way we look at poor people, taking confront the situations that seem them out of the world of “without” (as the most unjust to us. To build an described by Thierry Paquot) that the inclusive city means rolling up one’s normalisation of society has forced us sleeves, taking action, imagining, to categorise them as. This is because creating and having in one’s heart the imperative of an “inclusive city” this certainty that even the smallest is mainly a question of attention. It is and simplest responses can create an obviously paying attention to others, impact. but more importantly to these others
Chapter 5 From South-Eastern Paris to the South of the Metropolitan Area 85
Housing Measures in the Île-de-France Appendix 1
Each of these categories correspond to specific populations, distinctive funding procedures and particular admission modalities. All of these fall within a theoretical residential mobility track:
Transitional Emergency Integration Social residence rental and accommodation accommodation eventual individual housing 1. People Living in the Street
The government’s emergency families with many very young populations are different according housing measures are mainly children. to the social purpose of the centres composed of: (reception of women, isolated men, • c• The number of places financed Please note: Indicated between etc.) and according to the areas. by the government doubled parentheses for each measure is the • An extending of accommodation between 2011 and 2014. number of people accommodated in June periods (48% of people are housed • • There were double the 2014, for a total of 33,631. In 2015, over for a year or more) which adds to the number of families in 2014, as 60,000 people each day requested access saturation of housing measures. there were in the early 2000s. to emergency housing funded by the • 23% of departures from emergency • • An age pyramid with almost government. housing end without services as many women as men, mostly helping to direct people to a between the ages of 20 and 40 Six revealing figures: sustainable solution, but rather to years, showed that 67% of them • A supply that remains highly individual housing (30%). This is the were single and one third were concentrated in Paris and the acknowledgement of a failure. mainly a part of single-parent Inner Ring (70%). However, the
Fig. 1 : Observatory of the Samu Social de Paris (data from 115-Ahoa 4D)
87 Document de contexte
2 Integration Housing
There are several types of social residences, and 3% were family programmes). Due to their young integration housing that each boarding houses. age and still precarious professional correspond to a specific public by situations, 56% live under the poverty offering supporting services. These It is also important to distinguish: line. different services have in common the offer of accommodation/housing The FTM and RS-FTM still primarily Transitional houses or family solutions that are more stable than house single men, most often those boarding houses are a specific form emergency solutions and that no coming from Maghreb or sub-Saharan of social residences, falling within longer fall under a policy of providing Africa, and those whose problems are an approach of sustainable housing, simply shelter, but rather a strategy of related to ageing and isolation. without limits on the duration of stay, integration. These forms of reception offering a semi-communal setting that are also characterised by their Social residences accommodate a valorises conviviality and integration provisional nature, and for the majority, more diversified public, such as people in the social environment. They are only “classic” conditions of housing are who have faced temporary difficulties intended for the reception of people offered with a rental agreement that is in accessing ordinary housing or with very low incomes in a situation of governed by common law. people who require a supporting isolation or extreme exclusion. service aimed at helping them • Social residences reinforce their autonomy. Those in the BUT IN VIEW OF THE SIGNIFICANT • Transitional houses latter category have often participated SCALE OF NEEDS EXPRESSED AND • Young worker homes (FJT) in an integration programme/housing THE NUMBER OF APPLICANTS, THE • Migrant worker homes (FTM) service, such as a Centre d’Accueil de RESPONSE AND ADMISSION RATE IS • Reception centres for Roma Demandeurs d’Asile (CADA) or Centre VERY LOW: BETWEEN 10% AND 20% populations d’Hébergement et de Réinsertion OF THE APPLICATIONS REGISTERED IN Sociale (CHRS), in the past. 2013. In 2014, 79,662 places in accommodations/homes were counted Designed to accommodate in the Île-de-France. young workers, the FJT houses young (70% are less than 24 years Of these, according to a simplified old) and mixed (49% are women) classification, 55.7% were social populations, who are undergoing residences (that integrated residences training or are participating in their for young working-age populations), first job experience (88% are young 39.3% were FJT and FTM, 10% were workers, including 21% in work/study
3 Housing for Migrants and Asylum Seekers:
The Île-de-France has seekers (in housing centres or But due to lack of places, asylum approximately 10,000 spaces apartments) seekers are also housed in social hotels dedicated to these populations, • 113 places in transition centres and ordinary housing measures. consisting of: • 80 places in transition centres • 3 656 places en CADA (centres • and 33 places in reception In 2017, the whole of 3,656 places in CADA (reception and orientation centres for these measures did not meet the centres for asylum seekers) unaccompanied minors seeking demand and is largely undersized. • 258 places in CHUDA (emergency asylum The phenomenon of makeshift accommodation centres) • 493 places in CPH (provisional encampments at the edges of Paris are • 323 places in emergency housing centres intended for signs of this situation: 34 evacuations accommodations for asylum people with refugee status) of these camps have been recorded,
88 Appendices Document de contexte
the last of which included 2,500 obtaining their official status as asylum people. seekers). For households obtaining refugee status, attaining social or BEFORE AND AFTER THE commercial market housing remains PROCESS OF DEMANDING ASYLUM, difficult and the number of places HOUSEHOLDS STRUGGLE TO FIND offered in CPHs is small. The asylum ACCOMMODATION SOLUTIONS. seekers who have been refused, although without any right or title Without a dedicated place, the pre- and under an obligation to leave the applicants are temporarily housed in French territory (OQTF), remain, for a CHUs or hotels (in Paris, the delays in significant number of them, in the Île- obtaining a certificate of address and de-France territory. Their legal situation an appointment with the Prefecture often leaves them no other short- and force future asylum applicants to wait medium-term prospects other than between two and three months before hotels or emergency accommodations.
Appendices 89 Document de contexte
Migrants in the Île-de-France Appendix 2
Excerpts from the OFPRA activity report:
“While the demand for protection armed conflicts. This is the case for In the Île-de-France in under the status of asylum and Sudan (ranked 1st among the home October 2015, it was estimated that statelessness in France — including countries, excluding accompanied 17,510 people lived in 569 illegal those in review and accompanied minors, + 15.6% compared with encampments. minors — saw a sharp rise of 24% 2015), Afghanistan (2nd / + 166%) between 2014 and 2015, the trend and Syria (5th / + 6.2%). There was (source: DIHAL) between 2015 and 2016 showed only also a significant flow of asylum a slight rise in requests, increasing applications from Haiti (3rd / + 61.6%) 8.7% to 85,726 applications filed with and Albania (4th / 104.9%) with low OPRA, of which 21,028 were in the protection rates. Demand from Kosovo Île-de-France. The majority of the men fell (-51.4%)”. (57.3%) and women (45.8%) applying to OPRA presented themselves as “In 2016, there was a slight single with an average age of 31.3 fall in comparison to the 26% in 2015. years.” This shift is explained notably by the sharp drop in Syrian requests, whose The number of accompanied rate of admission is nearly 90%, children was estimated at 30,000. like for applicants from the Central African Republic and Iraq. Women “These figures do not include represented 40.4% of admissions. The the ever-increasing number of people most represented nationalities among placed under the Dublin Regulation these admissions were Syrians, Central by towns, since these people cannot Africans, Sri Lankans, Moroccans, demand asylum in France.” Congolese from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Afghans, The Dublin Regulation: Chinese of Tibetan origin, Iraqis and A single State is responsible for Russians. examining a request for asylum in the European Union. In the end, it is very difficult to have a reliable estimate of the total “The home countries of the number of migrants when all patterns greatest number of first-time asylum are taking together: between 100,000 seekers in 2016 are countries where and 200,000? there are internal or international
90 Appendices Document de contexte
Resources Appendix 3
Books and articles
Agier Michel (dir.), Un monde de camps, La Découverte, Paris, 2014, 350 p.
Ariès Paul, Ralentir la ville… pour une ville solidaire, Ed. Golia, Villeurbanne, 2010
Caenen Yann, Martinez Corinne, Molinier Marie, Moreau Emilie, Roger Sandra, Tissot Yvan (mars 2017), « Migrations résidentielles : « 60% des arrivants dans la métropole du Grand Paris ont entre 15 et 29 ans », Insee Analyses Île-de- France, n°59.
Damon Julien, Questions sociales et questions urbaines, editions du PUF, 2010
Davy Anne-Claire (19 avril 2017), Intervention au Séminaire productif de l’Atelier francilien 2017: Enjeux, défis et expériences de la ville inclusive, ayant lieu à l’Institut d’Aménagement et d’urbanisme d’Île-de-France.
Durand Anne, De la mutabilité urbaine, une nouvelle fabrique des villes, éditions Infolio, 2017
Fijalkow Yankel, « Crises et mal-logement : réflexions sur la notion de “vulnérabilité résidentielle” »,Politiques sociales et familiales, vol. 114, n° 1, p. 31-38. Lévy-Vroelant Claire, Logements de passage, L’Harmattan, 2000
Institut d’Aménagement et d’urbanisme d’Île-de-France (Mars 2017), note rapide n° 743, Démographie : l’emploi et la formation moteurs de l’attractivité francilienne.
Institut d’Aménagement et d’Urbanisme d’Île-de-France (mai 2011), note rapide n° 548, L’habitat indigne en Île-de-France : processus et enjeux.
Institut d’Aménagement et d’urbanisme d’Île-de-France (Janvier 2017), note rapide n° 738, L’identité de l’Ile-de-France façonnée par ses paysages.
Lainé Frédéric, « Dynamique de l’emploi et des métiers : quelle fracture territoriale ? », La Note d’analyse, n°53, France Stratégie, février 2017.
Lévy-Vroelant Claire (dir.), Logements de passage. Formes, normes,expériences, L’Harmattan, coll. Habitat et sociétés, Paris, 2000, 297 p.
Appendices 91 Document de contexte
Lion Gaspard, Incertaines Demeures. Enquête sur l’habitat précaire, Bayard, Blois, 2015, 230 p.
Marchal Hervé, Daubeuf Jean-Baptiste et Besozzi Thibaut, Idées reçues sur les bidonvilles en France, Le Cavalier bleu éditions, 2017
Mettetal Lucile, « Appréhender et prendre en compte la précarité énergétique », in Les Cahiers Territoires incubateurs de santé ? IAU-IDF, (septembre 2014)
Morovich Barbara, Miroirs anthropologiques et changement urbain, qui participe à la transformation des quartiers populaires ?, L’Harmattan, 2017
Sagot Marielle, Métropolisation et spécialisation sociale du territoire francilien, IAU-idf, décembre 2015
Reports and Magazines
CGLU, “Pour un monde des villes inclusives”, 2008 [en ligne] : http://www.uclg-cisdp.org/sites/default/files/CISDP%20 IGOP%20FR%20Sencera_baixa.pdf
Donzelot Jacques, “La ville aux trois vitesses : relegation, périurbanisation, gentrification”, Revue Esprit, 2004 [En ligne] : http:// www.esprit.presse.fr/article/donzelot-jacques/la-ville-a-trois-vitesses-relegation-periurbanisation-gentrification-7903
Fondation Abbé Pierre, “L’Etat du mal-logement en île-de-France” [en ligne], 2015 : http://www.fondation-abbe-pierre.fr/ sites/default/files/content-files/files/eclairage_regional_2015_-_letat_du_mal-logement_en_ile-de-france.pdf
Fondation Abbé Pierre, “Les chiffres du mal logement en France en 2017” [en ligne] : http://www.fondation-abbe-pierre. fr/sites/default/files/content-files/files/dossier_synthese_22e_rapport_2017_-_les_chiffres_du_mal-logement.pdf
Joffroy Pascale (dir.), Dossier « Loger le pauvre, l’immigré, le demandeur d’asile », Revue D’architectures n°251
Sabbah Catherine, Dossier « Ville passante, vers un nouvel urbanisme ? » Enquête « La ville temporaire » de la Revue AA n°413, juillet 2016.
Auteurs, Dossier “Ville temporaire”, Revue Architecture d’Aujourd’hui n° 413, 2016
Podcasts
FRANCE CULTURE, “Ce qui se joue à Calais” : http://www.franceculture.fr/emissions/hors-champs/serie-special-calais-45- ce-qui-se-joue-calais-il-faut-absolument-changer-de#
92 Appendices Document de contexte
Movies to be seen
Laisse béton, Serge le Péron, 1984
De bruit et de fureur, J.L Brisseau, 1987
Le thé au Harem d’Archiméde, Mehdi Charef, 1985
Douce France, Malik Chibane, 1995
Wesh wesh, Rabah Ameur Zaimache
L’esquive, Abdelattif, 2003
A l’Abri de rien, Bollendorf Samuel et Ahoudig Mehdi, produit par Textuel La Mine : http://www.a-l-abri-de-rien.com/
Appendices 93 VERS UNE VILLE INCLUSIVE LEVIERS DE CRÉATION DE VALEURS ET DE RICHESSES
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