Islamic Revival in Post-Independence Uzbekistan
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Varieties of South Asian Islam Francis Robinson Research Paper No.8
Varieties of South Asian Islam Francis Robinson Research Paper No.8 Centre for Research September 1988 in Ethnic Relations University of Warwick Coventry CV4 7Al Francis Robinson is a Reader in History at the Royal Holloway and Bedford New College, University of London. For the past twenty years he has worked on Muslim politics and Islamic institutions in South Asia and is the author of many articles relating to these fields. His main books are: Separatism Among Indian Muslims: The Politics of the United Provinces' Muslims 1860-1923 (Cambridge, 1974); Atlas of the Islamic World since 1500 (Oxford, 1982); Islam in Modern South Asia (Cambridge, forthcoming); Islamic leadership in South Asia: The 'Ulama of Farangi Mahall from the seventeenth to the twentieth century (Cambridge, forthcoming). Varieties of South Asian Islam1 Over the past forty years Islamic movements and groups of South Asian origin have come to be established in Britain. They offer different ways, although not always markedly different ways, of being Muslim. Their relationships with each other are often extremely abrasive. Moreover, they can have significantly different attitudes to the state, in particular the non-Muslim state. An understanding of the origins and Islamic orientations of these movements and groups would seem to be of value in trying to make sense of their behaviour in British society. This paper will examine the following movements: the Deobandi, the Barelvi, the Ahl-i Hadith, the Tablighi Jamaat, the Jamaat-i Islami, the Ahmadiyya, and one which is unlikely to be distinguished in Britain by any particular name, but which represents a very important Islamic orientation, which we shall term the Modernist.2 It will also examine the following groups: Shias and Ismailis. -
China Analysis China Debates Its Global Strategy April2011
ANALYSIS CHINA CHINA DEBATES ITS GLOBAL STRATEGY Introduction ABOUT by François Godement Strategic culture, power balances and the analysis of geopolitical shifts are a long-standing Chinese obsession. Academic institutions, think tanks, China’s global peers were surprised by the country’s robust journals and web-based debate are growing in assertion of its sovereignty claims and its less cooperative number and quality. They work to give China’s approach on issues ranging from climate change to the foreign policies breadth and depth. Korean peninsula in 2010. The ramifications of China’s China Analysis introduces European audiences to new stance were most clearly felt by China’s Asian the debates inside China’s expert and think-tank neighbours, but Europe and the United States have also world, and helps the European policy community found reasons to be concerned. The Copenhagen summit understand how China’s leadership thinks about was a rude awakening for Europe, thwarting its aspirations domestic and foreign policy issues. While freedom towards climate change. And China’s passive tolerance for of expression and information remain restricted in China’s media, these published sources and unprecedentedly provocative North Korean behaviour in debates are the only available access we have to 2010 upset America’s expectation of strategic cooperation, understand emerging trends within China. a central plank of its China policy. China Analysis mainly draws on Chinese mainland The meaning of China’s apparent change in direction is sources, but also monitors content in Chinese- language publications from Hong Kong and Taiwan. still unclear. Is this a fluke, a passing mood of superiority Reports from Hong Kong and Taiwan reflect the brought on by China’s extraordinary resilience in the diversity of Chinese thinking, with occasional news face of the global financial crisis? Has the Party state lost and analysis unpublished in the mainland. -
Islamism After the Arab Spring: Between the Islamic State and the Nation-State the Brookings Project on U.S
Islamism after the Arab Spring: Between the Islamic State and the nation-state The Brookings Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World U.S.-Islamic World Forum Papers 2015 January 2017 Shadi Hamid, William McCants, and Rashid Dar The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide in- novative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institu- tion, its management, or its other scholars. Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW independence and impact. Activities supported by its Washington, DC 20036 donors reflect this commitment and the analysis and recommendations are not determined by any donation. www.brookings.edu/islamic-world STEERING n 2015, we returned to Doha for the views of the participants of the work- COMMITTEE the 12th annual U.S.-Islamic World ing groups or the Brookings Institution. MArtiN INDYK Forum. Co-convened annually by Select working group papers will be avail- Executive Ithe Brookings Project on U.S. Relations able on our website. Vice President with the Islamic World and the State of Brookings Qatar, the Forum is the premier inter- We would like to take this opportunity BRUCE JONES national gathering of leaders in govern- to thank the State of Qatar for its sup- Vice President ment, civil society, academia, business, port in convening the Forum with us. -
545-562 Kendzior Fall 06
Inventing Akromiya: The Role of Uzbek Propagandists in the Andijon Massacre SARAH KENDZIOR Abstract: Many have claimed that the alleged terrorist group Akromiya incited the violence in the city of Andijon, Uzbekistan, in May 2005. This article contends that the portrayal of Akromiya as a violent organization is highly suspect and may have been created by members of the Uzbek government and propagated by mem- bers of the international scholarly community. Key words: Akromiya, Andijon, Islam, propaganda, terrorism, Uzbekistan Introduction n May 16, 2006, a group of scholars, policy experts, and journalists convened O at the Hudson Institute in Washington, DC, for the unveiling of a video that promised to reveal the truth about the violent events in the city of Andijon, Uzbek- istan, one year before. “This video demonstrates that the organizers of the upris- ing may not have been, as some have claimed, ‘peaceful Muslims,’” proclaimed the cohosts of the event, Zeyno Baran of the Hudson Institute and S. Frederick Starr of the Central Asia Caucasus Institute, in an invitation to colleagues.1 According to Baran and Starr, this new video, which had been made available to them by the Uzbek embassy, would put to rest reports declaring the Andijon events to be a Tiananmen Square-style massacre of defenseless citizens by the Uzbek government. Proof of the falseness of this allegation, they claimed, lies in the fact that the video “shows clips recorded by members of Akromiya (a Hizb- ut Tahrir splinter group) during the uprising in Andijon on May 14, 2005.”2 Roughly twenty-six minutes long, the video consisted of three main parts: clips of remorseful Akromiya members pleading for the forgiveness of the government; conversations with alleged witnesses and victims; and an interview with Shirin Akiner, a professor and close colleague of Starr who has condemned Akromiya and supported Uzbek President Islam Karimov’s claim that the use of force was Sarah Kendzior recently completed her MA in Central Eurasian studies at Indiana Uni- versity. -
Bosnia and Herzegovina—Islamic Revival, International Advocacy Networks and Islamic Terrorism
Bosnia and Herzegovina—Islamic Revival, International Advocacy Networks and Islamic Terrorism Strategic Insights, Volume IV, Issue 5 (May 2005) by CPT Velko Attanassoff, Bulgarian Armed Forces Strategic Insights is a monthly electronic journal produced by the Center for Contemporary Conflict at the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, California. The views expressed here are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of NPS, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. For a PDF version of this article, click here. Introduction The disintegration of the former Yugoslavia, the reemergence of several new ethnically divided states, and the demise of communist ideology opened up new opportunities and led to the emergence of a public space vacuum in most of the Balkan states. These changes allowed for new influences and the possibility of resuming the Balkans’ historical role as a gateway for transmission of ideas, values, and resources from the Middle East. Recently, the most pressing concern has been the potential of Islamic activism as a transnational social movement and the global spread of Islamic terrorist networks.[1] In the past decade and a half, one of the newly emerged states, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), has drawn considerable attention and interest. In a sense, it has become a testing ground for the employment of conceptual categories from social movement theory (SMT). The goal of this paper is to explore the issues of Islamic revival and the possible establishment of a support base for Islamic terrorism due to an Islamic transnational social movement (TSM) by using empirical analysis of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s historic development. -
Uzbek: War, Friendship of the Peoples, and the Creation of Soviet Uzbekistan, 1941-1945
Making Ivan-Uzbek: War, Friendship of the Peoples, and the Creation of Soviet Uzbekistan, 1941-1945 By Charles David Shaw A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Yuri Slezkine, Chair Professor Victoria Frede-Montemayor Professor Victoria E. Bonnell Summer 2015 Abstract Making Ivan-Uzbek: War, Friendship of the Peoples, and the Creation of Soviet Uzbekistan, 1941-1945 by Charles David Shaw Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Berkeley Professor Yuri Slezkine, Chair This dissertation addresses the impact of World War II on Uzbek society and contends that the war era should be seen as seen as equally transformative to the tumultuous 1920s and 1930s for Soviet Central Asia. It argues that via the processes of military service, labor mobilization, and the evacuation of Soviet elites and common citizens that Uzbeks joined the broader “Soviet people” or sovetskii narod and overcame the prejudices of being “formerly backward” in Marxist ideology. The dissertation argues that the army was a flexible institution that both catered to national cultural (including Islamic ritual) and linguistic difference but also offered avenues for assimilation to become Ivan-Uzbeks, part of a Russian-speaking, pan-Soviet community of victors. Yet as the war wound down the reemergence of tradition and violence against women made clear the limits of this integration. The dissertation contends that the war shaped the contours of Central Asian society that endured through 1991 and created the basis for thinking of the “Soviet people” as a nation in the 1950s and 1960s. -
The Politics of Memory in Samarkand in Post-Soviet Period
127 International Journal of Modern Anthropology Int. J. Mod. Anthrop. (2018) Vol: 2, Issue No: 11, pp: 127 - 145 Available online at: www.ata.org.tn ; DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijma.v2i11.6 Research Report The politics of memory in Samarkand in post-Soviet period Azim Malikov Azim Malikov is a Senior research fellow affiliated to the Department of Anthropology and Ethnology of Institute of History, Academy of Sciences of Republic of Uzbekistan, Tashkent. From 2004 to 2005, he directed the Centre for Study of History of Uzbekistan at Samarkand State University. His research interests are focused in the areas of Identity, ethnicity, memory, Islamic shrines and sacred lineages in Central Asia, social and cultural transformation, and history of Samarkand. The Institute of History of The Academy of Sciences of The Republic of Uzbekistan.100060, Tashkent, Shahrisabzstreet 1, dom 5. E-mail: [email protected] (Received 17 March 2018; Accepted 20 April 2018; Published 5 May 2018) Abstract - In this paper the author explores the strategy of politics of memory in Samarkand, the hometown of the First President of Uzbekistan I.A. Karimov, in the post-Soviet period. The analysis concerns the traditions of Samarkand's memory culture chosen, invented or forgotten in independent Uzbekistan, to form ideas about the past using historical figures, monuments, holy places and renamed streets in Samarkand as examples. In this complex process it is important to take into consideration how the central authorities interacted with the local cultural elite of Samarkand. President Sh.Mirziyoyev formulated new trends in Uzbekistan's foreign policy, which was reflected in the politics of memory in Samarkand. -
IPG 2002-4.Book(06 a Yom.Fm)
Islam and Globalization: Secularism, Religion, and Radicalism SEAN L. YOM hat is Islam’s place within globalization? Many prominent scholars Wcharacterize the religion as incapable of adapting to a globalized so- ciety because Islam instinctively opposes globalization and the secular values it entails. However, this explorative endeavor favors a multidimen- sional rather than polemic approach, one that views the recent Islamic re- vival, radical Islamic militants, and the broader return of religion around the globe as critical aspects of globalization. This investigation does not so much advance a centralized argument as it acts as a web of possibilities, linking concepts and realities together under a global framework in the hope of positing a broader appreciation of Islam and its evolution vis-à- vis globalization and the normative context within which it lies situated. At the end of the Cold War, partly in response to the ideological lacuna left by the collapse of international bipolarity and partly in reaction to the realization that globalization was inexorable, numerous scholars pro- posed new paradigmatic theories of international relations that expressed a new dynamic of global conflict. These architects, whom Sadowski memorably labels »global chaos theorists«, described globalization as a fragmenting process, eroding the sovereignty of states and fomenting the rebirth of new social, cultural, and religious loyalties.1 They forecasted a world divided along religious-civilizational lines that »seemed to be slip- ping over a precipice into an epoch of ethnic and cultural violence«.2 As such, the revival of religion – particularly Islam – heralded a mutiny against modernity, globalization, and even secularism.3 Globalization, defined as »[T]he inexorable integration of markets, nation-states, and 1. -
Statistics and State-Society Relations in the Early People's Republic of China, 1949-1959
Making it Count: Statistics and State-Society Relations in the Early People’s Republic of China, 1949-1959 Arunabh Ghosh Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Arunabh Ghosh All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT Making it Count: Statistics and State-Society Relations in the Early People’s Republic of China, 1949-1959 Arunabh Ghosh This dissertation offers new perspectives on China’s transition to socialism by investigating a fundamental question—how did the state build capacity to know the nation through numbers? With the establishment of the People’s Republic in 1949, jubilant Chinese revolutionaries were confronted by the dual challenge of a nearly nonexistent statistical infrastructure and the pressing need to escape the universalist claims of capitalist statistics. At stake for revolutionary statisticians and economists was a fundamental difficulty: how to accurately ascertain social scientific fact. Resolving this difficulty involved not just epistemological and theoretical debates on the unity or disunity of statistical science but also practical considerations surrounding state-capacity building. The resultant shift toward a socialist definition of statistics, achieved by explicitly following the Soviet Union’s example, was instrumental in shaping new bureaus, designing statistical work, and training personnel. New classificatory schemes and methods of data collection also raised issues of authority and policy, ultimately not just remolding state-society relations but also informing new conceptions of everyday life and work. By the mid-1950s, however, growing disaffection with the efficacy of Soviet methods led the Chinese, in a surprising turn of events, to seek out Indian statisticians in an unprecedented instance of Chinese participation in South-South scientific exchange. -
Muslim Women Leaders in Post-Soviet Ferghana Valley: Whose Leadership Is It Anyway?1
Muslim Women Leaders in Post-Soviet Ferghana Valley: Whose Leadership Is It Anyway?1 Svetlana Peshkova, University of New Hampshire2 Abstract Despite many geographic and historical examples of Muslim women’s leadership, questions about women’s ability to lead and about the kinds of leadership women can assume are still a part of scholarly and public debates among Muslims. Muslim women leaders (otinchalar) in post-Soviet Ferghana Valley act as leaders, both religious and political, within their communities without necessarily being recognized as such by formal religious and secular authorities. Based on ethnographic fieldwork (2001-2003) in the Valley, I argue that in order to fully understand women’s leadership we need to question the assumption that men and women desire the same forms of leadership. A desire for leadership is not intrinsic to women (or humans in general) but is socio-historically specific. Thus constituted desire engenders different, equally important, forms of leadership, such as imams, mullahs, and otinchalar. People’s Professor Feruza-opa3 was described by some of her students as “the one who brings Islamic knowledge and spiritual peace into the hearts of the believers.” Her other students called her a “people’s professor.” She called herself an otincha, a teacher. As she said, she “taught Islam” to some local women and occasionally children. Some local men came by periodically to get her advice. At a meeting in 2002 in the Ferghana Valley, I asked Feruza-opa about Hizb ut-Tahrir (the Party of Liberation), a transnational Islamist movement with the aim of establishing an Islamic State. -
CT 6 Final (Spring 08):Layout 1
The Politicization of American Islam by Husain Haqqani ince its inception, the Muslim Brotherhood has defined itself as the vanguard of a global Islamic revival. After starting out in Egypt in 1928, the Brotherhood had set up branches in Sudan, Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, Syria, Palestine, Morocco, Hyderabad (India), Hadramawt (Ye - men) and Paris by 1937.1 The universality of the Brotherhood’s ideology Sand organization was described by its founder, Hassan al-Banna when he said: A Muslim individual, Muslim family, Muslim nation, Muslim govern- ment and Muslim state should be able to lead Islamic governments, should be able to unite the dispersed Muslims, should be able to regain their honor and superiority, and should be able to recover their lost lands, their usurped regions and their occupied territories. Then it should be able to raise the flag of Jihad and the call towards Allah until the entire world is benefited by the teachings of Islam.2 In al-Banna’s vision, the Brotherhood was not to be restricted to a single country or region. Its members had the responsibility of organizing themselves and carrying its message throughout the world. Since the objective of this organization was not merely to expand Islamic piety but rather to create an Islamic political entity, the Brotherhood could not ignore the major actors in its global power play. Within the Muslim world, the Brotherhood sought members who would struggle to create and lead what they construed as the Islamic State. In countries with non-Muslim majorities, the purpose was to advance the Brotherhood’s political agenda by all means possible. -
Political Islam in the Middle East
Political Islam in the Middle East Are Knudsen R 2003: 3 Political Islam in the Middle East Are Knudsen R 2003: 3 Chr. Michelsen Institute Development Studies and Human Rights CMI Reports This series can be ordered from: Chr. Michelsen Institute P.O. Box 6033 Postterminalen, N-5892 Bergen, Norway Tel: + 47 55 57 40 00 Fax: + 47 55 57 41 66 E-mail: [email protected] www.cmi.no Price: NOK 50 ISSN 0805-505X ISBN 82-8062-043-5 This report is also available at: www.cmi.no/public/public.htm Indexing terms Islam Democracy Politics Middle East © Chr. Michelsen Institute 2003 Contents Foreword ii Executive summary iii 1. Introduction 1 Political Islam 2 Jihad 5 2. Democracy 7 3. Political violence 12 4. Theories 17 5. Conclusion: “Old Islamism” or “New Islamism”? 23 Appendix I: Persons met 26 Appendix II: Islamist performance in parliamentary elections 1965-1995 27 References 28 i Foreword This report provides an overview of the phenomenon known as “political Islam” in the Middle East. The term “Middle East” is used here in a restricted sense with a special emphasis on the Levant (Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine and Syria). The report may be read in conjunction with the CMI reports on political Islam in South Asia (Knudsen 2002a) and the annotated bibliography on Palestinian Islamist movements (Bangstad 2002). The report is principally a desk-study, but I have also benefited from informal discussions and interviews with scholars working on the subject (Appendix I). They should not be held responsible for the views expressed here which, along with any mistakes, are solely my own.