Scientific and Technical Publication No. 579
Tobacco-free by the e from live in Youth grows
ach to m ever mong ople— cco at grams people pres- of the senal. A “life skills” primer ators, iew of ell as ent of grams
Pan American Health Organization Scientific and Technical Publication No. 579
Tobacco-free Youth
A “life skills” primer
Pan American Health Organization Pan American Sanitary Bureau, Regional Office of the World Health Organization 525 Twenty-third Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20037 U.S.A.
2000 Also published in Spanish (2000) with the title: Por una juventud sin tabaco: formación de habilidades para una vida saludable ISBN 92 75 31579 5
Pan American Health Organization Tobacco-free youth: A “life-skills” primer.—Washington, D.C.: PAHO, © 2000. x, 54 p.—(Scientific and Technical Publication No. 579)
ISBN 92 75 11579 6
I. Title II. (Series) 1. SMOKING—in adolescence 2. SMOKING—prevention 3. TOBACCO USE DISORDER—epidemiology 4. HEALTH PROMOTION 5. LATIN AMERICA
NLM WM290
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© Pan American Health Organization, 2000
Publications of the Pan American Health Organization enjoy copyright protection in accordance with the provisions of Protocol 2 of the Universal Copyright Convention. All rights are reserved. The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the Pan American Health Organization concerning the status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The mention of specific companies or of certain manufacturers’ products does not imply that they are endorsed or recommended by the Pan American Health Organization in preference to others of a similar nature that are not mentioned. Errors and omissions excepted, the names of proprietary products are distinguished by initial capital letters.
Tobacco-free Youth: A “Life Skills” Primer was made possible through a generous contribution from the Government of Spain.
ii Table of Contents
PREFACE ...... v INTRODUCTION ...... vii PART I Substance Use and Addiction ...... 3 The Dependency that Kills ...... 4 Tobacco Use in Latin America ...... 5 Tobacco Control Efforts ...... 9 Tobacco Industry Practices in the Americas ...... 10 Young People: A Generation in Jeopardy ...... 13 Addicted By Choice? ...... 13 Psychosocial Determinants of Smoking ...... 14 Unprotected Targets ...... 16 Latin American Youth at Risk ...... 17 Taking Action ...... 19 Tobacco Surveillance ...... 19 Comprehensive Policy Efforts ...... 20 Prevention Programming ...... 20 School-based Programs ...... 22 PART II Life Skills ...... 29 Life Skills Training ...... 29 The WHO Life Skills Initiative ...... 30 Life Skills Programs in Latin America and the Caribbean ...... 31 Adopting the Life Skills Approach ...... 33 Mobilizing Support ...... 33 Life Skills Program Planning ...... 33 Completing a Needs Assessment ...... 34 Setting Goals and Objectives ...... 35 Creating Program Strategies ...... 36 Designing Training Modules ...... 37 Developing Materials ...... 38 Evaluation of Life Skills Programs ...... 39
iii “Trazando el Camino:” The Costa Rican Experience . . . . 41 Background ...... 41 Planning and Implementation Process ...... 42 Teacher Training ...... 43 Evaluating “Trazando el Camino” ...... 43 Process Evaluation ...... 43 Outcome Evaluation ...... 44 BIBLIOGRAPHY AND SUGGESTED READINGS ...... 47 APPENDIX A ...... 51 APPENDIX B ...... 52
iv Preface
If present trends hold, 10 million people will die worldwide from tobacco related causes in the year 2030; fully half of them will live in developing nations. Today, in the Region of the Americas, tobacco causes more deaths than AIDS, alcohol and drug abuse, traffic accidents, and violence com- bined. And yet, deaths from tobacco use are totally preventable. Unfortunately, tobacco consumption is growing in the Region, bringing with it a deadly toll in lung cancer, cardiovascular diseases, and chronic res- piratory diseases. More and more young people—especially girls—are experimenting with tobacco, and they are doing so at ever earlier ages. In short, more and more young people are becoming nicotine addicts. More- over, despite any perceived economic gains to be had from tobacco, facts tell us that tobacco consumption has a net negative effect on the economies of producing countries. Any earnings from tobacco sales or exports are more than offset by higher health expenditures resulting from treating peo- ple for cancer, emphysema, and a host of other tobacco-related health problems. In fact, conservative estimates from the World Bank put the net drain from tobacco on the world economy at about US$ 200 billion a year. The true costs are likely to be much, much higher, because of underesti- mation of health costs, diminished quality of life, losses of caretakers in families, and other factors. Alarmed by this situation, the Governing Bodies of the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) urged that children and adolescents be pro- tected by regulating tobacco advertising, enforcing laws and regulations designed to eliminate the sale of tobacco products to minors, and estab- lishing effective prevention programs. PAHO has been actively engaged in the battle against tobacco since then. We already know, from experts and from experience, that the best approach to tobacco control is to discourage people from ever starting to smoke—but the competition is fierce. Tobacco firms invest huge sums of money in marketing and advertising to persuade people to smoke. Life Skills prevention programs give young people the wherewithal to resist the social and media pressures that encourage tobacco use; as such, they are one of the most effective weapons in our anti-tobacco arsenal. We offer these guidelines as yet another way to level the playing field in the battle against tobacco.
Dr. George A.O. Alleyne Director Pan American Health Organization
v Introduction
In an effort to stem the rising tide of tobacco consumption in the Americ- as, the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) has sponsored various activities, including research on tobacco control legislation and policies Regionwide; coordination and development of tobacco control action in the countries; and the implementation of a data collection instrument to survey tobacco use, attitudes, and beliefs. The Organization’s support for the Life Skills methodology—an evidence-based prevention tool—holds particular promise as a way to reduce the use of tobacco, alcohol, and other drugs among the Region’s young. In addition to promoting Life Skills school-based pilot programs in the Region, PAHO also will issue a series of publications on the methodology aimed a wide range of decision makers and health and social service providers. This book is the first in that series. Part One details the scope of the tobacco problem, focusing on youth in developing countries in the Region of the Americas. It reviews Regional issues regarding the prevention of tobacco-related diseases and describes effective elements of various approaches to substance use prevention. Part Two provides both theoretical and practical discussions of the Life Skills approach to preventing the use of tobacco and other substances. This sec- tion includes guidelines for the planning and development of a Life Skills substance use prevention program tailored to the needs of developing countries in the Region. Health professionals, program planners, educators, and government pol- icy makers will find here a review of substance use trends in the Americas and the public health response, as well as figures on the increasing toll taken by tobacco use and exposure—currently the number one killer in the world among all lifestyle-related diseases.
vii Substance Use and Addiction
Addiction and related diseases are tak- used alcohol increased from 32.5% in ing an ever greater toll on the health 1996 to 42.8% in 1997 (SAMHSA, and well-being of people everywhere. 1999). In fact, further analysis shows Worldwide trends reflect an overall that the only increase in drug use dur- increase in the use of illicit, addictive ing this period occurred among adoles- drugs and alcohol. Even more disturb- cent smokers and users of alcohol. See ing is the increase in drug use among Figure 1. the youngest sectors of the population. Tobacco is dangerous to health not According to the United States Sub- only because its use frequently leads to stance Abuse and Mental Health Ser- the initiation of other heavier drugs; vice Administration (SAMHSA, 1999), more importantly, tobacco in and of drug use has gradually but steadily itself endangers human health, and its increased, mainly due to increased use use leads to nicotine addiction, tobac- among 12–13-year-olds. The World co related illnesses, and—among half Health Organization (WHO) reports a of all adult smokers—premature death. similar trend among youth throughout As noted by WHO in The World the globe, noting lower ages of initia- tion of drug use and a greater availabil- Figure 1. Comparison of ity of illegal drugs (WHO,1996). substance use by smoking In both industrialized and develop- status, age-adjusted, ing countries, the use of inhalants and United States, 1997. hallucinogens has increased signifi- 20 cantly among 12–17-year-olds, partic- ularly among street children, indige- 15 nous youth, and other marginalized adolescents. Other substances on the 10
rise include heroin, opioids, cocaine, Percent and alcohol (WHO, 1996). Nicotine, a powerfully addictive 5 substance, has long been known to serve as a “gateway” drug, leading to 0 the use and abuse of other addictive Heavy substances such as alcohol and nar- alcohol use Marijuana/ Other illicit drug use cotics. In the United States, for hashish use instance, household survey data from Current smokers 1997 reveal that the rates of illegal Current nonsmokers drug use by youth who smoked and Source: SAMHSA.
3 Health Report, 1999—Making a Differ- der, cervix and pancreas; and, among ence (WHO, 1999), “The joint proba- infants exposed to maternal smoking, bility of trying smoking, becoming low birthweight and sudden infant addicted and dying prematurely is death syndrome. higher than for any other addiction Exposure to environmental tobacco (such as alcohol, for which the likeli- smoke also has been linked to death hood of addiction is much lower).” and disease. A recent WHO report Furthermore, experts characterize the (WHO, 1999) on environmental dependency caused by nicotine-deliv- tobacco smoke and children’s health ery products (e.g., cigarettes, cigars, reveals an association between this pipes, smokeless tobacco) as greater exposure and pneumonia, bronchitis, coughing, wheezing, worsening of asthma, and middle-ear infections in children. In addition, environmental In 1997, adolescents between 12 and 17 years old tobacco smoke is associated with a who smoked cigarettes were nearly 12 times as like- higher risk of lung cancer —causing an ly as nonsmoking youth to use illegal, addictive estimated 3,000 deaths each year in the United States alone—and it also drugs and 23 times as likely to drink heavily. increases the risk of heart disease (United States Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration) (CDC, 1999). Every year, tobacco is responsible than the dependency caused by either for 3.5 million deaths: it is the leading heroin or cocaine (WHO, 1999). cause of foreseeable deaths around the Studies carried out by the United world. Despite the dangers of tobacco States Centers for Disease Control and use, people continue to smoke, and the Prevention (CDC) reveal that around annual death toll continues to rise. In 70% of smokers want to quit, but less fact, WHO estimates that there are 1.1 than 3% are able to do so and remain billion smokers in the world, and 88 smoke-free over the long-term (CDC, million of them live in developing 1999 August). countries (WHO,1999) (see Figure 2). If this trend is not reversed, tobacco use will be responsible for 10 million THE DEPENDENCY deaths annually by the year 2030, of THAT KILLS which 70% will occur in developing countries (WHO, 1998 April). Nearly thirty-five years have passed Preventing these deaths is of para- since the United States Surgeon Gener- mount importance and a priority al published the first report identifying of public health professionals around the harmful effects of cigarettes on the world. human health. In this groundbreaking The longer a person continues to report, the Surgeon General docu- use tobacco, the greater the health risks. mented that smoking cigarettes led to The mortality rate of smokers is three chronic bronchitis, lung cancer, and times greater than that of non-smokers cancer of the larynx in men (U.S. in all age groups, starting in early adult- Department of Health, Education, and hood. Individuals who become addict- Welfare, 1964). ed to nicotine in adolescence—nearly Subsequent studies have document- 60% of all youth who experiment with ed the relationship between tobacco smoking—have a 50% chance of dying use and more than thirty additional from tobacco as they become adult diseases, such as cardiovascular disease; smokers, with a loss of around 22 years cerebrovascular disease; chronic of normal life expectancy (U.S. Depart- obstructive pulmonary disease; cancers ment of Health and Human Services, of the mouth, esophagus, throat, blad- 1994) (WHO, 1999 May).
4
TOBACCO-FREE YOUTH Figure 2. WHO estimates of smoking prevalence in developing and developed countries, by gender, May 1999. 50
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0 Men Women Developing countries Developed countries
Source: WHO, 1999.
In the United States, more than 20% of wreak havoc on nations around the deaths today are related to tobacco use world at increasing rates as the num- initiated decades ago, when prevalence bers of new smokers continue to climb. of consumption in adults was more In terms of economic costs, U.S. med- than 45%. Since then, adult tobacco ical expenses to treat diseases related to use has decreased to around 25%, and tobacco use have been estimated at $50 has remained somewhat stable for the to $73 billion annually (CDC, 1999 last decade. However, the prevalence of August). WHO has described the tobacco use among adolescents, tobacco epidemic as both a “major although declining in the 1980s, drain on the world’s financial increased in the 1990s. In 1997, smok- resources,” and a “major threat to sus- ing rates among young adults ages 18 tainable and equitable development” to 25 stood at 40.6%, up from 34.6% (WHO, 1998 June). just three years earlier (SAMHSA Of the 1.1 billion smokers in the 1999). world, 88 million live in the devel- Since 1990, the CDC has surveyed TOBACCO USE IN oping world. If smoking rates adolescent smoking at schools across continue to rise, 7 million people in the United States using the Youth Risk LATIN AMERICA developing countries will die of Behavior Surveillance System. Data tobacco-related causes in the from 1997 show that 70% of the stu- Historically, indigenous populations in dents surveyed had experimented with the Americas have used tobacco in heal- year 2030. smoking at least once, 36% of students ing practices, ceremonies, and rituals. had smoked a cigarette in the previous In the first part of the 20th century, thirty days, and 44.5% reported having tobacco began to be increasingly used used some form of tobacco (cigarettes, as the popularity of the cigarette inten- smokeless tobacco, or cigars) in the pre- sified after World War I (DHHS and vious month (CDC, 1999 August). PAHO, 1992). In the past couple of The costs of tobacco use—in both decades, several factors have begun to human and economic terms—will influence an increase in the use of
5
SUBSTANCE USE AND ADDICTION tobacco in Latin America. Demograph- Brazil, Cuba, Honduras, and Mexico) ic changes have expanded tobacco’s and cigarette-manufacturing countries market potential, including a reduction (e.g., Brazil, Colombia, and Venezuela), tobacco and its products translate into major export earnings (WHO, 1997). Population groups that are vulnerable In Latin America and the Caribbean, tobacco is to tobacco’s appeal—such as adoles- responsible for 135,000 preventable deaths each cents—are likely to be exposed to tobacco if they participate in the tobac- year—a human cost too great to compensate for co production and manufacturing any financial gain from tobacco production. workforce. Such everyday exposure may reinforce a perception that tobacco use in birth rates and mortality with subse- is widespread and socially acceptable. quent population growth; greater In developing countries in the urbanization; greater access to educa- Region of the Americas tobacco is tion, followed by higher employment responsible for some 135,000 preventa- and increased purchasing power; and a ble deaths each year (WHO, 1997). In larger proportion of women in the Mexico alone, an estimated one in four workforce. deaths is related to tobacco-use (Insti- The fact that tobacco is cultivated in tuto Nacional de Enfermedades Respi- the Region also may have accelerated ratorias, 1997) (see Tables 1 and 2). the smoking trend. In many tobacco- Unlike the United States and Cana- producing countries (e.g., Argentina, da, most Latin American and Caribbean
Table 1. Tobacco-related deaths in the Region of the Americas, 1996.
United States 500,000 Latin America 100,000 English-speaking Caribbean 35,000 Canada 35,000 Total 670,000
Source: WHO, 1997.
Table 2. Percentage of population (> 12 years old) using tobacco, by country. At least In the In the once previous year previous month
Bolivia (1992) 46.8 34.1 24.9 Canada (1994) 54.5 27.0 … Chile (1996) 70.2 47.5 40.4 Colombia (1996) 38.8 25.9 22.2 Costa Rica (1995) 35.2 18.3 17.5 Paraguay (1991) … … 24.3 United States (1994) 73.3 31.7 28.6 Mexico (1993) 45.4 … 25.1 Peru (1997) 62.1 42.0 31.7 Venezuela (1996) 31.8 25.7 24.4
Source: PAHO, 1998.
6
TOBACCO-FREE YOUTH countries do not have country-specific, Dominican Republic, and as many as standardized surveillance systems in one-quarter of all women are smokers place to systematically monitor either in Brazil, Chile, Cuba, and Uruguay the prevalence of smoking or the toll it (WHO, 1997) (See Figure 3). takes on human health and well-being. A PAHO/WHO survey conducted The most recent prevalence data avail- in 1992 showed that in urban areas of able for the Americas was rendered the most developed Latin American through the WHO “Tobacco or countries, young people—especially Health” initiative in the mid-1990s young women—were beginning to (WHO, 1997). smoke at a higher speed than that of Analysis of this important, although their predecessors. Smoking among limited, data reveals that in the early girls has been reported to almost equal 1990s per capita consumption of ciga- smoking among boys in Argentina, rettes in persons over 15 years of age Chile, and Cuba, for instance (see averaged 1,300 cigarettes per year. Figure 4). Low-consumption countries, such as However, the difference in smoking Peru and Guatemala, reported only prevalence between genders is more 350 cigarettes consumed per capita per accentuated in other countries. For year, and high consumption countries, instance, in Honduras in 1995, less such as Venezuela and Cuba, reported than 10% of school age girls were per capita consumption at around reported to smoke, compared to more 2,000 cigarettes per year. than 35% of boys the same age (Insti- According to WHO estimates, 40% tuto Hondureño para la Prevención of men and 21% of women smoke in del Alcoholismo, Drogadicción y developing countries in the Region of Farmacodependencia, 1996) (see Fig- the Americas (WHO, 1998), but this ure 5). And in Bolivia, the difference Tobacco cultivation in the Americ- figure masks the considerable variation in smoking between genders was just as may also have helped to fuel between countries and among popula- as great in urban areas (43% male the increase in tobacco use in tion groups. For instance, data reveal smokers v. 18% female smokers) as Latin America and the Caribbean. that two out of three men smoke in the in rural areas (44% v. 17%) (Centro Adolescents working in tobacco production are exposed to tobac- co on a daily basis, which may Figure 3. Percentage of current smokers and lifetime reinforce their view that tobacco prevalence of smoking among 3,635 students, use is widespread and socially by school grade and gender, Argentina, 1997. acceptable.
80
64
48
32
16
0 Current smokers Lifetime prevalence 11th grade females 8th grade females 11th grade males 8th grade males
Source: Morello, 1997.
7
SUBSTANCE USE AND ADDICTION Latinoamericano de Investigacion Uruguay in the 1980s revealed the Cientifica, 1998). average age of smoking initiation to be Although the reported age of smok- between 15 and 16 years old (Ruocco, ing initiation varies across the Region, et al., 1989). it does appear to be dropping. As Partly as a result of earlier smoking measured by a nationwide survey in onset, the number of young smokers Cuba, for example, more than 35% addicted to nicotine continues to of adult smokers surveyed in 1995 climb through adolescence into adult- started smoking before the age of 14 hood (see Figure 6). In Cuba, almost (Ministerio de Salud Pública, 1995). A half of adolescent smokers between the survey of students conducted in ages of 17 and 19 years old described
Figure 4. Percentage of 12–18-year-olds who smoked in the previous month, by gender, Chile, 1994–1996. 35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0 1994 1996 Male Female
Source: CONACE, 1996.
Figure 5. Percentage of Figure 6. Smoking prevalence school-age children among youth 15-to-16 and reported to have ever smoked, 17-to-19 years old, by gender, by gender, Honduras, 1995. Cuba, 1995. 25
40 20
30 15 Percent 20 10 Percent 5 10
0 0 Male Female Males Females 15–16-year-olds 17–19-year-olds
Source: IHADFA, 1996. Source: MINSAP, 1995. 8
TOBACCO-FREE YOUTH that they had tried to quit at least once nomic output (WHO, 1999 April). (Ministerio de Salud Pública, 1995). They further state that “the alleged eco- nomic benefits of tobacco are illusory TOBACCO CONTROL and misleading” when all the costs associated with the product are not EFFORTS considered. Unfortunately, the eco- Tobacco control achievements vary nomic losses associated with these between countries in the Region of the drugs are rarely measured or factored Americas: the United States and Cana- into the equation. da have made great progress regulating The perceived economic benefits of tobacco, but other countries have made tobacco also may be part of the reason less progress in reducing tobacco use. why so few developing country govern- This was reflected in the late 1980s, ments in the Americas have initiated when tobacco use in Latin America comprehensive tobacco control or pre- declined only modestly (11%) while vention campaigns. Nongovernmental the United States and Canada experi- organizations have taken on much of enced a reduction of 28% and 35%, the responsibility for leading such respectively (PAHO, 1989). tobacco control activities as World No Economic and political factors seem Tobacco Day or smoking cessation and to be responsible for the disparity substance abuse prevention programs. between tobacco control efforts in Despite the lack of progress in industrialized countries in North tobacco control relative to their indus- America and developing nations in the trialized neighbors, several developing Region. The latter countries may be countries in the Region have made hindered in their ability to achieve bet- impressive strides. For instance, some ter tobacco control due to the fact advertising restrictions are now in place that many of these countries depend in Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Mexi- heavily on income generated from the co and Panama, and smoking has been production or manufacturing of tobac- banned on most commercial flights in co products. the Region (WHO, 1999). The relative lack of national regula- The Coordinating Committee of tory action in some countries in the Tobacco Control in Latin America Region is likely associated with the (CLACCTA), founded in 1985, has Tobacco-control efforts vary from dubious power of the tobacco industry been actively involved in motivating country to country, and can range to stimulate the economy and generate countries in the Region to adopt tobac- from prevention campaigns, to jobs and taxes. Both tobacco and alco- co control policies. In addition, the advertising restrictions, to legisla- hol are “legalized drugs” that con- Interagency Committee for the Con- tion. This sign on a building in tribute much needed income for trol of Smoking in Latin America was Costa Rica attempts to enforce a resource-poor countries through taxa- created in 1995. It includes representa- smoking ban legislation. tion policies. In an effort to preserve tion from the Centers for Disease Con- this income, policy makers frequently trol and Prevention, the Society Against fail to implement restrictions on the Cancer and the National Cancer Insti- promotion and consumption of ciga- tute, both from the United States, rettes. Anti-tobacco legislation is often CLACCTA, the International Union of minimal at best and is rarely enforced. Struggle Against Cancer, Health Cana- Economic losses resulting from da, and the Pan American Health tobacco, although staggering, have not Organization. The Interagency Com- been clearly communicated. WHO mittee’s main function is to provide reports that most analyses of the eco- financial and technical support for par- nomic effects of tobacco reveal that a ticipating national programs that decline in production would not result reduce the supply of and the demand in overall lower employment or eco- for tobacco.
9 SUBSTANCE USE AND ADDICTION 9 SMOKING PREVENTION AND CONTROL PROGRAMS IN THE REGION According to the report on the Regional Encounter on Smoking, which took place in Rio de Janeiro in August 1998, the status of smoking prevention and control programs in the Americas can be described as follows: • Almost all the countries in the Region have a basic govern- mental or non-governmental infrastructure for the prevention and the control of smoking. • Smoking cessation services are frequently led by ecclesiastic and community organizations. Financing by governments is rare. • These systems use a multidisciplinary approach to monitor smoking. • Educational programs in schools have not been used much in these control activities, although evaluation studies indicate that these programs can be effective. • In almost all the countries, public information activities are car- ried out, but their effectiveness and impact on tobacco use behavior are unknown.
Research for International Tobacco Control, 1998.
In 1995, the Interagency Commit- TOBACCO INDUSTRY tee established the following five goals PRACTICES IN THE for participating countries: AMERICAS • to increase by 10% the number of former smokers within five years, As tobacco control tightens in industri- • to reduce by 10% the incidence of alized countries, multinational tobacco tobacco use among young people companies are strategically increasing between 12 and 16 years old with- their penetration into resource-poor in five years, countries in the Region, where they can direct their efforts at potentially lucra- • to raise by 2 years the age at which tive markets vulnerable to the tobacco tobacco consumption is permitted appeal, such as adolescents and women. within five years, and By and large, these groups are not sufficiently protected by regulations • to reduce by 5% mortality rates limiting tobacco promotion or access to from noncommunicable, tobacco- tobacco. Industry marketing and adver- related diseases within ten years. tising that target these groups remains In order to meet these targets, largely unchallenged. The tobacco despite the tobacco industry’s organized industry in developing countries— opposition, committed policy support whose financial resources often outstrip and the assistance of private and gov- those of national governments—have ernmental organizations is critical. organized powerful tobacco lobbyists
10
TOBACCO-FREE YOUTH who have managed to thwart tobacco products, however, this enormous effort control legislation in countries such as and expense hardly seem warranted. Argentina and Uruguay as part of an The use of publicity as a strategic aggressive tobacco promotion strategy tool to increase tobacco use is ubiqui- aimed at increasing consumption in the tous in the Region’s developing coun- Region (Weissman, 1998 [as cited in tries, where extensive publicity and Hammond, 1998]). promotion of tobacco have become Promoting tobacco products not commonplace. Promotional products only involves lobbying against tobacco such as clocks, lights, displays, and control, but it also entails a huge attractive posters have made their way investment in publicity and marketing to the most isolated towns and kiosks. campaigns—which, in effect, dimin- In addition, most televised sports (e.g., ishes the impact of any existing nation- auto racing and soccer matches) and al policies that attempt to regulate cultural events have been sponsored by tobacco. Publicity is a very important the tobacco industry for decades, mak- component of the tobacco industry’s ing sports leagues now heavily depend- strategy, and it is used worldwide to ent on tobacco money. maintain tobacco demand. In 1996 the In addition to promoting their U.S. Federal Trade Commission esti- potentially lethal products, tobacco mated annual tobacco industry pro- companies also use publicity campaigns motional expenses at $5 billion in the to try to shape their public image as an U.S. alone. industry concerned about the health of The industry has traditionally adolescents. These campaigns frequent- argued that their tremendous invest- ly involve the creation of alliances ment in publicity and marketing cam- between tobacco manufacturers or paigns is not intended to increase con- retailers and Ministries of Health and sumption but to merely preserve market of Education, tobacco control organi- share, maintain the loyalty of smokers zations, or Offices of the First Lady. As to a given brand, and promote cigarettes a result of such alliances, government, with low tar and nicotine content. Since university, or nonprofit organizations very few smokers change brands of that have joined forces with the tobac-
THE CASE OF MEXICO In the recently published Addicted to Profit: Big Tobacco’s Expand- ing Global Reach (1998), Ross Hammond describes the rise of ‘big tobacco’ (a.k.a. Philip Morris and British American Tobacco) in Mex- ico upon the opening of its markets to foreign investment. In July 1997, the two industry giants paid a total of US$ 2.1 billion for two Mexican cigarette companies. The report explains that Mexico is especially attractive to multi- national cigarette producers because of its cheap labor, quality tobacco leaf, young population, and few restrictions on tobacco. Industry critics believe that one of the primary goals of the buyouts is to establish the country as a platform from which to cheaply pro- duce cigarettes for export to other developing countries. However, the potential to develop Mexican markets (including the world’s fifteenth largest cigarette market) has apparently not gone unnoticed. The foreign subsidiaries have boosted marketing expenditures and honed their advertising strategy to portray their product as meeting Mexican consumers’ desires for international status, romance, and rebellion.
11
SUBSTANCE USE AND ADDICTION co industry are subsequently limited in beginning to help these countries pro- their power to reduce tobacco con- mote national and local tobacco control sumption through anti-industry strate- measures. In addition, some developing gies. Unfortunately, such alliances are countries—Guatemala, Nicaragua, and all too common in the Region’s devel- Venezuela, for example—have followed oping countries. the example of the United States and Industrialized countries have recent- have begun to hold multinational ly begun to acknowledge the conse- tobacco companies accountable by quences of the tobacco industry’s target- demanding compensation for health ing of developing countries on the care costs stemming from tobacco- global burden of disease, and they are related death and disease.
TOBACCO INDUSTRY PRACTICES Marketing Cigarettes can be heavily promoted with very positive imagery that promotes a notion that smoking is acceptable, even healthy, or that risk-taking is glamorous. Tobacco companies have also been allowed to engage in often quite deceptive behavior that reassures smokers and keeps them in the tobacco market. Tobacco compa- nies, often unfettered by governments, manipulate the dependence of smokers by offering justification for continued smoking and marketing alternatives to cessation. Public Relations Either directly, or through funded ‘front’ groups, tobacco compa- nies often attack the scientific evidence on the effects of smoking. The industry also adopts the stance that smoking is not as harmful as other activities, or that “everything” is harmful. These public relations strategies are often so far removed from scientific reality that they would not work for most consumer products. But tobac- co, because of the dependency it creates, is not like other products. Smokers are often strongly motivated to find ways to justify con- tinued smoking, and while others might recognize these strategies as attempts to deceive consumers, smokers may view them as a beacon of hope in their efforts to justify continued smoking there- by avoiding the hardship of a cessation attempt. Packaging and Labeling Cigarettes are sold in attractive packaging and offered in small Although required by law, health quantities—such as a single day’s supply). If health messages are messages on cigarette packages required on packaging and advertising, tobacco companies often often are inconspicuous or diffi- successfully ensure that messages are as small and inconspicuous cult to read. Note the contrast as possible, and are rarely updated, essentially undermining the between the crisp and clear brand effect of the warnings. name on the front of the pack and the almost illegible health mes- Products sage on the side. A lack of health-based product standards means that cigarettes can be manufactured in order to be very effective nicotine delivery sys- tems. Nicotine delivery can easily be manipulated and cigarettes can be made more palatable by leaf blending and using additives.
PAHO, 1999.
12
TOBACCO-FREE YOUTH Young People: A Generation in Jeopardy
Young people today face many attrac- to influence them—family, media pro- tive choices and challenges in both the fessionals, educators, counselors and industrialized and developing worlds. teenagers themselves. They are exposed to, and frequently influenced by, powerfully persuasive messages through the ever-growing media—messages that often compete ADDICTED BY CHOICE? with traditional family values and may exert more influence over lifestyle choic- WHO reports that three out of five es. This barrage of information and young people who experiment with constant shift in fads is very compelling tobacco will become addicted, daily and can be overwhelming to young peo- smokers into adulthood, half of whom ple who are trying to make choices. will die prematurely (WHO, 1998 In most societies, the family and the April), and the majority of whom will school remain the key emotional sup- suffer needlessly as a result of their ports needed for youths’ healthy devel- nicotine addiction. Unfortunately, opment. But the psychosocial pressure young people who choose to smoke caused by rapid cultural change and and use other tobacco products may competing messages may lead young not understand the nature of addiction people to distance themselves from tra- ditional protective influences. Experts theorize that these traditional mecha- nisms for passing on values and life Three of every five young people who experiment skills may no longer adequately balance with tobacco will become addicted smokers into the power of other—often negative— influences to which young people are adulthood—half of them will die prematurely. exposed (WHO, 1997b). It is important to create opportuni- or appreciate the long-term conse- ties where young people can acquire the quences of their behavior. What begins skills and knowledge necessary to sort as experimentation more often than through this onslaught of information not evolves into a daily dependence on and the growing challenges encoun- tobacco products to satisfy the craving tered as they approach adulthood. In for nicotine. order to keep young people tobacco- Furthermore, research has shown and drug-free, youth development also that young people who choose not to must involve all who are in a position smoke before the age of 20 are not
13 likely to start smoking as adults • Cigarette smoking often leads to (WHO, 1998b). This means that the the use of other heavier drugs and prevention of the onset of smoking at is associated with distinct health an early age in effect reduces smoking problems among teens—mainly at all ages. respiratory diseases. Various stud- Despite 30 years of decline in over- ies demonstrate that adolescent all smoking prevalence, many young smokers have diminished lung people are beginning to smoke and capacity and contract a greater become addicted every day. Clearly, number of respiratory diseases then, preventing smoking among than their non-smoking peers young people is critical to stemming (Woolcock, 1984). the epidemic of tobacco use. In 1994, the United States Surgeon General’s • Combined efforts, especially those report on smoking and health focused, that give adolescents the skills nec- for the first time, on young people. essary for rejecting tobacco, can The six major conclusions from that effectively reduce smoking onset report can be summarized as follows: (DHHS, 1994). • Between 75% and 90% of adult • Risk factors have been identified smokers started smoking before that are associated with increased turning 18, which means that ado- likelihood of tobacco use by young lescence is a crucial stage for the people. prevention of tobacco use and tobacco-related deaths (DHHS, 1994). While the age of smoking PSYCHOSOCIAL initiation is increasing slightly in DETERMINANTS OF the U.S., the rate of increase is extremely gradual, roughly one SMOKING month per year (SAMHSA, 1999) Over the decades, social scientists have (see Table 3). tried to understand why some adoles- • The promotion of tobacco con- cents experiment with smoking and sumption in the mass media is others don’t. Current research on the linked to greater consumption etiology of smoking has largely focused among youth (DHHS, 1994). on the identification of psychosocial There has been a continuous shift predictors of the onset of smoking. from advertising to promotion, Researchers have identified several largely because of banning cigarette domains of predictors, including social ads from the broadcast media. bonding variables, social learning vari- ables, and intrapersonal variables such • A growing number of adolescent as refusal skills, knowledge, attitudes, smokers are already addicted to and intentions. In a meta-analysis of nicotine and describe withdrawal nearly 30 studies that included symptoms when they attempt to prospective data on the beginning of quit smoking. Once they become tobacco use, a combination of social daily smokers, successful cessation and personal factors were found to be is very difficult (WHO, 1998; related to smoking onset (Conrad, DHHS, 1994). Flay, and Hill, 1992):
Table 3. Average age of first use by adolescents aged 12 to 17, U.S.A.
1988 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 2000 (baseline)
Cigarettes 11.6 11.5 11.5 11.7 11.7 12.2 12.3 12.6
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TOBACCO-FREE YOUTH • having parents or best friends who Social learning theories assume that smoke, experimental substance use originates in the substance-specific attitudes and • having poor self-esteem, behaviors of people who serve as ado- • performing poorly in school or lescent‘s role models, especially family having dropped out of school, and close friends. This theory suggests that a key to prevention lies in making • having positive attitudes regarding substance-using role models less salient tobacco use, and substance-abstaining role models • engaging in other risk-taking more salient. An additional key to pre- attitudes, vention lies in teaching refusal skills and enhancing refusal self-efficacy • not having necessary refusal skills, (Bandura, 1969). and Conventional commitment and social attachment theories (Elliott, Hawkins • feeling anxious or depressed. and Weis, 1985) are based on classic The problem is that, although sociological theories of control that researchers are now aware of most of argue that deviant impulses presumably the determinants that contribute to shared by all persons often are con- experimental substance use, they do trolled by strong bonds to convention- not know yet how they all interact. al society, family, and school. When Over the years, various theories have adolescents have weak bonds to con- focused on different determinants, ventional society, they feel they have lit- with subsequent implications for pre- tle to lose through attachment to vention strategies. deviant peers. These theories imply that According to cognitive-affective theo- the prevention of substance use ries, the roots of experimental substance requires the nurturing of interpersonal use are found in adolescents’ attitudes and academic skills among children and beliefs about substances. The theo- long before they form substance-specif- Young people who do not start to ry of planned behavior posits that self- ic beliefs as adolescents and become smoke by the time they turn 20 are efficacy directly affects intentions and involved with substance-using peers. unlikely to smoke as adults. Clear- behavior (Ajzen, I and Fishbein, M., Several theories try to explain sub- ly, preventing the onset of smoking 1980). Refusal self-efficacy represents stance use by the existence of intraper- at an early age reduces smoking adolescents’ beliefs in their abilities to sonal characteristics such as stress, low at all ages. resist social pressure to begin using sub- self-esteem, or emotional distress, but stances. According to this approach, longitudinal studies suggest that these prevention relies on persuasive mes- intrapersonal characteristics are poor sages that: predictors of substance use. • increase adolescents’ expectations The problem behavior theory (Jessor regarding the adverse conse- and Jessor, 1977) assumes that suscep- quences of experimental substance tibility to problem behavior results use and decrease their expectations from the interaction of the person and about its potential benefits, the environment and tries to integrate the other theories. It implies that ado- • emphasize the cost rather than the lescents are at risk for substance use if benefits, they are unattached to their parents • challenge adolescents’ perceptions and are more influenced by their peers concerning the normative nature than by their parents. It also holds that adolescents who are prone to one of substance use, and problem behavior also are prone to oth- • provide information and skills that ers. Since tobacco use usually begins in directly promote feelings of refusal adolescence and is associated with other self-efficacy. risky behaviors, understanding the psy-
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YOUNG PEOPLE: A GENERATION IN JEOPARDY chology of adolescent “risk-takers” is an greater the number of risk factors important step in understanding how to encountered, the greater the number of prevent tobacco and other substance protective factors are needed to coun- use. These risk-takers often desire inde- teract that risk (PAHO, Nov. 1998). pendence and autonomy, want to Neither risk factors nor protective assume the adult role, give importance conditions, however, function in a con- to the peer group in decision-making, sistent, predictable pattern. They are need to act in accordance with peer dynamic and affect individuals differ- group rules, and feel “invulnerable.” ently. Most of these factors or character- The domain model by Huba and istics constantly interact with environ- Bentler, a more comprehensive model, mental influences, affecting and is an attempt to catalogue most of the modifying each other. For instance, causes of substance use. It includes individual characteristics interact with more than 50 potential causes catego- social and environmental conditions rized into four domains: such as publicity, family behaviors, and • biological influences—genetic perceived social norms, and subsequent- influences, physiologic reaction to ly either increase or diminish the indi- substances, general health; vidual’s likelihood of using substances. • intrapersonal influences—beliefs, personal values, sensation seeking, UNPROTECTED impulsiveness, sociability, extraver- TARGETS sion, anxiety, and low self-esteem; • interpersonal influences—charac- Tobacco industry documents that teristics of the people in close con- recently have been made public reveal tact with the teen; how the industry has targeted its tobac- The tobacco industry has targeted co promotion campaigns to adoles- most of its promotional campaigns • sociocultural influences—media, cents. In an attempt to keep product to young people. By portraying market availability, social sanctions. demand high, adolescent consumers smoking as attractive and feeding The emphasis on adolescents’ rebel- are frequently targeted to replace the on young people’s desire to feel liousness and sensation seeking and the large number of adult consumers who grown up and free, tobacco mar- recognition that substance use is relat- die each year from tobacco-related dis- keters attract youth and keep ed to easy access to substances are eases. For example, Philip Morris, in a them hooked. important features of this theory that 1981 internal document cited in the incorporates the concept that legal 1998 Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids, measures must be added to the preven- stated, “Today’s teenager is tomorrow’s tion efforts. potential regular customer, and the Just as certain conditions or qualities overwhelming majority of smokers first have been associated with increased risk begin to smoke while still in their of substance use, specific characteristics teens... The smoking patterns of are associated with decreased consump- teenagers are particularly important to tion. These protective factors range from Philip Morris (cited in Campaign for behavioral characteristics such as harm Tobacco-Free Kids, 1998). R.J avoidance and coping abilities, to posi- Reynolds attempted to encroach on tive life experiences and events. Philip Morris’s young clientele with its Risk and protective factors that are own Camel campaign. A 1975 memo modifiable are more appropriate vari- recommends that the national expan- ables to target with prevention pro- sion of the “successfully tested “Meet grams. Factors more sensitive to change the Turk’ ad campaign and new Marl- include attitudes (e.g., negative view of boro-type blend is another step to meet tobacco use), beliefs, and behavioral our marketing objective: to increase our competencies (Pandina, 1996). Re- young adult franchise. To ensure search has shown that, in general, the increase and longer-term growth for
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TOBACCO-FREE YOUTH Camel Filter the new brand must LATIN AMERICAN increase its share of penetration among YOUTH AT RISK the 14–24 age group which have a new set of more liberal values and which Many conditions experienced by young represents tomorrow’s cigarette busi- people in developing countries in the ness” (Multinational Monitor July/ Americas intensify their risk and may August 1998). hinder the reversal of adolescent smok- Studies show that adolescents are ing trends in the Region: particular susceptible—by some Tobacco regulation in the Region accounts three times as sensitive as tends to be weak and, where it exists adults (Pollay, et al., 1996)—to ciga- at all, it is often not enforced. Multi- rette advertising schemes. In the U.S., national tobacco companies and their this is manifested by youth loyalty to subsidiaries in the Region are relatively the three most heavily advertised free to publicize and promote tobacco brands: Marlboro, Camel, and New- use among young people, and their port. The United States Centers for efforts are both sophisticated and per- Disease Control and Prevention reports vasive. They sponsor events popular that close to 90% of the nation’s teen with youth such as high school sporting smokers choose these three brands, as and cultural events. At times, the opposed to only about one-third of industry will comply with one regula- adult smokers (CDC, August 1994). tion just until the next loophole is The tobacco industry has conducted found. For example, it is not uncom- sophisticated marketing studies identi- mon to see tobacco ads jump from the fying the psychological and develop- billboard to the T-shirt. mental factors that make youthful Anti-tobacco messages are often ‘replacement smokers’ the most vulner- poorly disseminated. The widespread able to tobacco initiation: namely, their ignorance of the real dangers of tobac- desire to feel “grown up”, free, and co among the general public serves to independent, but also to “fit in” social- safeguard the social acceptability of ly. As a result of industry advertising, smoking. Even health professionals in adolescent smokers often see the ciga- many areas lack sufficient knowledge rette as the essential element needed to and training in the health risks of achieve popularity and “sex appeal.” tobacco consumption. This results in Cleverly manipulating these factors, missed opportunities to promote pre- tobacco marketers have managed to vention among young people and ces- portray smoking in a way that attracts sation among patients who are already youth and keeps them hooked. In fact, tobacco dependent. the majority of tobacco advertisements Anti-tobacco messages are often show healthy, active young people of poorly developed. Some so-called both sexes having a good time while tobacco prevention messages dissemi- smoking in some social situation. nated in the Region cleverly disregard Tobacco marketing messages promote common adolescent attitudes that myths such as: value rebellion, risk-taking and adult • smoking is a ‘rite of passage’ to the behavior in their purported preven- adult world; tion messages. Such alleged attempts • people who are popular and who to reduce youth smoking often are achievers smoke; only encourage young people to assert their independence and start or con- • cigarettes help to loosen you up tinue smoking by crafting messages when you are in a group; that emphasize authority and age • cigarettes are healthy and symbol- (Coe, 1999). ize freedom; Young people constitute a large • the whole world smokes. share of the general population. In
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YOUNG PEOPLE: A GENERATION IN JEOPARDY the Region’s developing countries, easy to purchase. For instance, the young people represent anywhere from purchase of a pack of cigarettes in one-third to one-half of the economi- Argentina would require only eight cally active population (Burt, 1996; minutes of labor at the minimum OAS, 1990). Most young people live in wage, compared to twenty-two urban areas—by the year 2000, 80% of minutes in Canada and twenty-three young people will live in urban areas— minutes in the United Kingdom where they may experience an erosion (WHO, 1997). of family and social support, poor Regional data collection describ- housing and sanitation, and high ing youth tobacco consumption and levels of violence (PAHO, 1998 the general demographics of youth November; World Bank/PAHO, 1999 is conducted sporadically and is February). These stresses can increase insufficient for monitoring the true anxiety levels, a major risk factor magnitude of the problem. Country- for substance use among youth. level research analyzing the status of Young people in Latin America tobacco use by youth in discrete areas sometimes work in tobacco-related also is needed in order to target young jobs. While not widespread, children people most at risk with appropriate and adolescents in many countries in the prevention programs. Lack of ade- Region work cultivating tobacco in rural quate information that describes the areas and have been observed working magnitude of the tobacco problem— for tobacco companies by handing out including “the causes, consequences free product samples; in some urban and costs of tobacco use”—may con- areas, they even sell cigarettes. tribute to the reluctance of area policy In some countries in the Region, makers to support tobacco control cigarettes are relatively cheap and action (WHO, 1999).
Most tobacco advertisements show active, healthy young peo- ple having a great time. If restric- tions on tobacco advertisements curtail roadside ads, smoking messages often will leap from the billboard to t-shirts or other mar- keting objects.
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TOBACCO-FREE YOUTH Taking Action
For policy makers and practitioners alike, the public health model can serve SAMPLE NATIONAL as a framework for building compre- PLAN OF ACTION hensive health services and planning FOR COMPREHENSIVE actions. The public health approach to TOBACCO CONTROL reducing disease (such as tobacco-relat- ed death and disability) involves acting Health Promotion on all three domains of the problem. • No-tobacco days One key to reducing tobacco use in the Americas—and the increased mor- • Media advocacy tality associated with it—is to develop • School-based programs strategic actions to reduce consumption • Community-based initiatives (host), diminish the power of tobacco • Sponsorship of cultural and (agent), and lower the accessibility and sporting events acceptability of tobacco use (environ- ment) at the country and regional lev- Health Protection els. Tobacco control strategies may take • Legislative efforts • Fiscal measures The host The agent Capacity Building • Training health and education professionals The environment • Partnerships between public and private health organizations the form of surveillance, policy initia- • Collaboration across sectors tives, public information activities, pre- (e.g., health, education, youth vention interventions, or, ideally, a development, children’s rights) combination of all of these activities. Monitoring and Evaluating • Programs and policies TOBACCO • Surveillance of tobacco use SURVEILLANCE Recognizing the importance and the 1997). This publication identifies need for improved tobacco surveillance, important indicators for monitoring in 1990 the World Health Assembly tobacco use. It targets the following cat- commissioned WHO to monitor the egories as fundamental areas to survey magnitude of smoking and tobacco use in each country or Region: in the nations around the world. WHO • the sociodemographic situation; then collected available country level statistics, later published in Tobacco or • the tobacco-production and tobac- Health: A Global Status Report (WHO, co industry situation;
19 • tobacco consumption; (U.K. Secretary of State for Health, • the prevalence in different popula- 1998; Hibbs, 1999). Norway, Belgium, tion groups: e.g., adults, young Portugal, and Thailand also have adopt- people, pregnant women; ed prevention measures that include a ban on tobacco propaganda, control of • the rates of morbidity and mortal- consumption in enclosed spaces, ity related to smoking; and increase in cigarette taxes, and develop- • existing legislation related to the ment of national prevention and cessa- tobacco use and its application. tion campaigns (WHO, 1998). The problem of smoking is one of Such efforts have resulted from suc- the greatest challenges for preventive cessful advocacy and public informa- medicine in the Region. The lack of tion campaigns that have effectively country-specific data needed to inform informed policy makers of the grave project design has been an obstacle to health consequences and enormous adequately respond to the challenge; economic costs resulting from tobacco standardized, disaggregated baseline use and exposure. data on tobacco consumption is not Fighting tobacco through legislative routinely available for many of the initiatives is an important component Region’s countries. Country specific of national action plans. However, the data can be transformed into effective actual impact of legislation varies and policy, advocacy, and health promotion must be better evaluated in order to tools. According to the International guide policy action, implementation, Union Against Cancer (1990), this type and enforcement. For instance, legisla- of data is required to: tion affecting the design or manufac- • influence policy and decision ture of cigarettes would theoretically makers; have the most immediate and powerful • recruit tobacco control allies impact on tobacco use, but such initia- among health professionals, educa- tives have not been evaluated or pro- tors, and the public at large; moted. More frequently, policy makers favor legislation that influences tobacco • select or design appropriate inter- advertising and purchase instead. These ventions; and types of legislative efforts can achieve an • monitor progress in decreasing eventual impact, but over a longer peri- tobacco use. od. The feasibility of implementing and enforcing various types of legislation COMPREHENSIVE must also be considered in the evalua- tion of policy options (see Figure 7). POLICY EFFORTS The Toxic Substances Board of New Although tobacco control policies are Zealand conducted a study on the rela- gaining ground around the world, some tionship between the regulation of countries have made more headway tobacco promotion policies and con- than others. As early as 1977, Finland sumption trends in thirty-three coun- prohibited smoking in public places. In tries between 1970 and 1986. They 1988, Canada prohibited the advertise- found that, overall, the greater the ment of tobacco products. More recent- restrictions on tobacco promotion, the ly, the United States and England have greater the average annual reduction in begun to restrict the promotion, sale, tobacco use (Roemer, 1995). and consumption of tobacco. The British government, for instance, PREVENTION recently drafted legislation that will ban most tobacco advertising, and it plans to PROGRAMMING abolish all tobacco promotion—includ- Simply put, prevention works. It works ing sponsorship of sporting events such not only to reduce disease and death, as Formula One—by the year 2006 but in the case of tobacco, it also serves
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TOBACCO-FREE YOUTH Figure 7. Impact over time of legislative efforts targeting various aspects of tobacco manufacture and consumption.
Design Manufacturing
Sale Efficacy Purchase Advertisement
Consumption
Time
to reduce the astronomical economic children and adolescents who are alive costs associated with lost productivity today (WHO, 1999b April). Targeting and health care costs. WHO estimates young people with tobacco use preven- that effective tobacco prevention efforts tion programs can prevent the life-long cost around US$ 20–US$ 40 per year dependence on nicotine that is associat- of life gained in a developing country ed with a myriad of diseases and even- setting (1999 April). But this cost is tual premature death. minuscule in comparison to the esti- In order to incorporate elements mated US$ 18,000 per year required to that will help target prevention pro- treat a lung cancer victim. grams, it is necessary to examine the Experts around the globe agree that huge body of evidence describing such effectively reducing death and disabili- programs. Behavioral scientists Dusen- ty caused by tobacco use requires strate- bury and Falco (1995) did this in their gies that integrate prevention efforts review of youth-focused, drug preven- such as policy advocacy, health promo- tion and public awareness campaigns, with cessation programs for both adults The most effective strategies for reducing death and adolescents. Regarding tobacco dependence, sec- and disability from tobacco couple prevention ondary prevention often addresses the efforts with smoking cessation programs. early detection and primary care of tobacco dependents, including educa- tion programs implemented between tional and behavioral approaches to 1989 to 1994. They also surveyed a quitting smoking. Tertiary prevention, group of fifteen experts in the field. on the other hand, aims to treat and Their investigation identified the fol- rehabilitate individuals suffering more lowing as essential features of effective advanced tobacco-related disease, such prevention programs: as emphysema, cardiovascular disease, • methods are based on behavioral lung and larynx cancer. theory (social learning theory); Targeted, primary prevention efforts • information is concrete and are essential to preventing the suffering present-oriented; as well as the predicted premature tobacco-related death of 250 million • programs are school-based;
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TAKING ACTION PUBLIC INFORMATION EFFORTS Policies that ensure that smokers and potential smokers are told the truth about tobacco must be developed and implemented. This entails three key steps: 1. Protecting children. Children are incapable of making fully informed decisions about tobacco use and should be protected from becoming dependent on tobacco. Messages that state that “smoking is for adults” may be one of the most effective incen- tives for children to start smoking; it is probably no coincidence that tobacco companies endorse such campaigns. In order to put a dent on tobacco sales to children, there must be consistent messages that restrict when, where, how, and to whom tobacco products may be sold. 2. Providing detailed information to the public. Fully informed decisions require more detailed knowledge of the dis- eases caused by tobacco use, the increased risk of such out- comes, and the prognosis. The public also should know the ben- efits and methods of cessation, as well as where and how to access cessation assistance. 3. Protecting the public from misinformation. Tobacco indus- try efforts resulting in consumer deception must be prevented; past deceptive practices must be acknowledged and corrected.
PAHO, 1999.
• normative education and interac- (IUAC, 1990). A successful conceptual tive teaching are employed; framework incorporates as many social • teachers are adequately trained; channels of influence as possible. • programs offer at least 10 sessions, plus follow up or booster sessions SCHOOL-BASED in subsequent years; • programs are culturally appropri- PROGRAMS ate (i.e., attuned to the target pop- Since almost 90% of smokers begin ulation’s culture); and using tobacco before the age of 18, and • programs are evaluated for effec- youth begin trying cigarettes on average tiveness. at around 13 years of age, tobacco use prevention efforts logically have the It also is important to examine effec- greatest impact when focused on chil- tive programs implemented in specific dren and young people. Indeed, the locales or cultural settings. A fundamen- majority of such prevention programs tal strategy for better targeting preven- are directed toward school-age chil- tion programs is to carefully design pri- dren, making schools an ideal setting mary prevention programs so that they for the application of these programs. meet the unique needs of young people Of the six billion inhabitants of the living in specific settings. Prevention world, one billion are registered in programs that effectively influence pos- schools. In developing countries, 80% itive change in young people’s behavior of young people are enrolled in schools, (regarding the decision to smoke, for and of these, 60% complete at least four instance) must address not only individ- years of schooling (WHO, 1998b). The ual factors but also the societal context school is a place of special importance of the behavior targeted for change for the implementation of prevention
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TOBACCO-FREE YOUTH Conceptual Framework