Marianismo (La Mujer Buena) Affects Physical Activity Level in Mexican Immigrant Women

Araceli Luna

Colorado College

DEDICATION

I would like to dedicate this thesis to the One that has helped me get this far in life and also to my wonderful family here in Colorado Springs that has supported me in this endeavor: Lauren

Schultz, Ana McKnight, Jessica Terrones, Rachel Engle, Richard Wittenbrook and Zuri Randell,

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to give a special thank you to the Feminist and Gender Studies Department for funding the incentive for my participants. I greatly appreciate your generosity and support.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

Hispanic Women and Health 2-3

Mexican Women and Physical Activity 3-4

Barriers to Physical Activity 4-5

Acculturation Barriers to Physical Activity 5-7

Cultural Beliefs as Barriers to Physical Activity: Marianismo 7-9

Chicana Feminist Perspectiveson Marianismo: “La Mujer Buena” and “La Mujer Mala” 9-11

CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY 11-15

CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS & ANALYSIS

Participant Demographic Data 15

Acculturation 16-18

Marianismo: Womanhood in Mexican Culture as a Barrier to Physical Activity 18-24

Physical Activity Overview: Why did Some Women Engage and Others did Not? 24-28

CHAPTER FIVE: IMPLICATIONS 28-30

CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION 30-31

REFERENCES 32 1

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

Introduction

Latina women in the United States are experiencing many preventable health problems like cardiovascular disease and high rates of obesity. For example, in 2010, the U.S. Department of Health & Services reported that 78 percent of Mexican American women were overweight or obese making this both a gender and racial issue. A study found that 94 percent of Mexican immigrant women had a positive attitude towards exercise in regards to their health meaning that they associated exercise with health and well-being; however 78 percent did not engage in regular sustained physical activity (Juarbe 2003). Physical activity has been proven to be an integral part of a healthy lifestyle that can prevent diseases like cardiovascular disease and obesity. Therefore, it is important to investigate the barriers that Mexican immigrant women are experiencing to engaging in healthy physical activity behaviors like exercise. As mothers, they are transmitting not only cultural knowledge, but also health knowledge to the future generation.

A recent study showed that physical inactivity is particularly common among Latina women regardless of socioeconomic status, which was considered to be a determinant of health behaviors, showing that deeper factors are acting as barriers to physical activity among these women. It is important to realize that Mexican immigrant women have a very different worldview rooted in specific ideologies that frame their daily lives including health behaviors like physical activity. Marianismo refers to the distinct gender roles of Latina women that are based in traditional cultural values and those of Catholicism. The aim of this study is to investigate the effect of marianismo beliefs on physical activity behaviors among Mexican immigrant women. 2

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

Hispanic Women and Health

According to the 2011 U.S. Census Bureau, there are roughly 52 million Latinos living in the United States (U.S. Department of Health & Services). In 2010, among Latino subgroups,

Mexicans were the largest subgroup making up 63 percent of the Hispanic population (U.S.

Department of Health & Services). Mexican women living in the United States account for a significant portion of the population, making their health an important topic. Research has shown that these women are experiencing many preventable health problems that require further study.

One major health concern for Latina women is cardiovascular disease (CVD). In 2002, cardiovascular disease was declared the leading cause of death for Latina women (U.S.

Department of Health & Services). A review of literature reported that Mexican women are less likely to be knowledgeable about CVD risk factors and less likely to engage in heart healthy related behavior (Juarbe, 1998). Some of the modifiable risk factors for CVD include dietary practices, obesity, and physical inactivity. Obesity, one of the risk factors for CVD is another health concern for Mexican women in the United States. The U.S. Department of Health and &

Services reported in 2010 that 78% of Mexican American women were overweight or obese.

Also, Mexican American women were 40% more likely to be overweight when compared to non-Latino Whites (U.S. Department of Health and & Services, 2010). Obesity is measured with a Body Mass Index (BMI), which shows the weight to height relationship. Women with a BMI of 25 to 29.9 are considered overweight and women with a BMI of 30 or more are considered obese. Being overweight or obese increases the risk of heart disease, high blood pressure, stroke, breathing problems, arthritis, gallbladder disease, sleep apnea, osteoarthritis, some cancers and diabetes (U.S.Department of Health & Services, 2010). Findings from the latest report from the 3

U.S. Department of Health & Services showed that 9.5 percent of Mexican Americans aged 20 and older have diabetes and they are 1.7 times more likely to have diabetes than white

Americans (2010).

Physical activity can reduce the risk and even prevent CVD, obesity, diabetes and other health problems affecting Mexican immigrant women in the United States. Addressing these issues is also crucial to the health and wellbeing of future generations. In 2010, Mexican

American children were 1.6 times more likely to be overweight when compared to non-

Latino white children (U.S. Department of Health & Services). Mexican immigrant women will pass on cultural and health knowledge to their children, which makes them an important population to reach.

Mexican Women and Physical Activity

Physical activity is an integral part of a healthy lifestyle that has been proven to provide cognitive and physical health benefits. Despite these benefits, a literature review reported that

Mexican women were less likely to engage in healthy dietary and physical activity behaviors

(Juarbe, 1998, 2003) – did you want both of these cited here?. The Department of Health &

Services supported this finding and reported that 57.1 % of Latin American women have no leisure-time physical activity (2010). Juarbe et al conducted a study to investigate the physical activity practices, attitudes, beliefs, behaviors, and cardiovascular fitness status of Mexican immigrant women who were married and had at least one child living at home. They found that

94% of the Mexican immigrant women had a positive attitude towards exercise in regards to their health, meaning that they believed that exercise positively influenced their health (2003).

Although almost all participants believed that exercise positively enhanced their health, 78% did not engage in regular sustained physical activity and the majority were not physically fit 4 according to the Three Minute Step Test (Juarbe 2003). One thing this study showed was that in their sample, the women were knowledgeable about the benefits of physical activity including the recommended physical activity frequency and intensity. This finding was significant because it demonstrated that Mexican immigrant women do have knowledge about physical activity and its associated health benefits, but it does not result in a change in physical activity level. The implication is that there are other factors or barriers that need to be taken into account.

Barriers to Physical Activity

A lack of financial resources was reported as a barrier to physical activity (D’Alonzo,

2012). Socioeconomic status is a factor that is believed to be a determinant of health behaviors like physical activity level, but a literature review reported that physical inactivity is particularly common among Latina women regardless of socioeconomic status (D’Alonzo &Fischetti, 2008).

These significant findings also suggest that other factors influence participation in moderate to vigorous physical activity among Latina women. It has also been found that racial and gender based disparities in physical activity begin during the childhood years, supporting the idea that there are cultural beliefs about the role of exercise in a woman’s life that affect participation in physical activity among Latina women (D’Alonzo & Fischetti, 2008). Other barriers to physical activity that have been reported by studies include consecutive pregnancies, negative physiological effects such as tiredness, shortness of breath, and pain (Juarbe, 2003), poor accessibility to exercise facilities, physical safety, physical activity perceptions, and psychosocial factors, such as self-esteem, and self-efficacy. One of the most commonly reported barriers to physical activity for Mexican immigrant women is lack of time due to long hours at work and long hours in the home after work (Juarbe, 1998). After they had finished their day, they felt exhausted and had no desire to exercise. In addition, social support was also commonly reported 5 as a major indicator of physical activity initiation and continuation among Latina women

(D’Alonzo & Fischetti, 2008; Juarbe 2003).

Mexican immigrant women know that physical activity provides them with health benefits, yet many are not implementing this knowledge into their lifestyle. One explanation is that

Mexican immigrant women face the many barriers and obstacles mentioned to participating in physical activity, but research shows that there are still other factors influencing the lives of

Mexican immigrant women like the major transition and acculturation process required after immigrating to the United States.

Acculturation Barriers to Physical Activity

D’Alonzo found that when Latin American women immigrate, they experience acculturation stress, which is the psychological, somatic, and social difficulties that are experienced during the acculturation process (2012). Acculturation refers to the “process of change in cultural patterns when individuals of different cultures come in contact with each other” (Jezzini, 2008, p.3). A recent study on Latina immigrant women investigating the impact of marianismo beliefs on the physical activity behaviors found that the majority of women struggled with the acculturation process (D’Alonzo, 2012).

The large majority of the participants had no contact with English speakers and only a few attended English as a Second Language classes (D’Alonzo, 2012). The language barrier that

Mexican immigrant women experience also added to acculturation stress (D’Alonzo, 2012).

Furthermore, a major concern for some Mexican immigrant women is legal status, which also greatly adds to the stress of acculturation.

Mexican immigrant women also experience a change of pace in their lifestyle reporting that “life is too fast here” (D’Alonzo, 2012). Women were less likely to work outside of the 6 home before immigrating to the United States and the change from being an at-home mother to working mother was a major source of stress for their new life in United States (D’Alonzo,

2012). A review of literature reported that Mexican immigrant women work mainly in the service sector for long hours and receive little pay, making their job a barrier to physical activity (D’Alonzo, 2012). For some Latinas in the study, acculturation meant an increase in physical activity, but education and socioeconomic status could account for this difference

(D’Alonzo, 2012).

Another factor that strongly influences the exercise behaviors of Mexican immigrant women is social support. When women immigrate to the United States, many times they are losing their close family ties that provide social, emotional, and financial support when necessary. D’Alonzo’s study found that before the women immigrated to the United States, they were more physically active because friends and relatives took turns babysitting their children allowing them time for physical activity like walking or biking (D’Alonzo, 2012). Hiring a babysitter in the United States while experiencing financial hardships prevented Mexican immigrant women from engaging in physical activity (D’Alonzo, 2012).

Not only are they losing family and friendship bonds, but they are also learning how to live in an individualistic society, which is difficult because culturally, Mexican immigrant women are accustomed to a collectivist way of life (D’Alonzo, 2012). This means that instead of valuing individual success, autonomy, self-expression, and personal choices, they value subjugation of one’s goals to group goals, interdependence and group success as well as adherence to social norms and respect for elders (D’Alonzo, 2012). Because of the collectivist mindset of Latina women, Latina women report feeling isolated in the United States (D’Alonzo,

2012). It is important to understand their collectivist perspective so that educational outreaches to 7 these women are not imposing the individualism that is valued in the United States, but rather are catering to their strengths. This difference in societal values can make it very difficult for Latina women to reconcile being a good mother and using leisure time for physical activity.

Cultural Beliefs as barriers to Physical Activity: Marianismo

Research in literature reviews suggests that marianismo plays a role in in the adjustment of Latina women in the United States (Jezzini, 2008; Juarbe, 1998). Marianismo refers to the clearly defined gender roles of Latina women that are based on traditional cultural values and those of Catholicism. D’Alonzo found that Latina women consistently prioritized their family’s needs and responsibilities before their own (Castillo et al., 2010; D’Alonzo, 2012). This is one of the hallmarks of marianismo. Marianismo, according to a literature review, “encompasses a sacred duty to family, subordination to men, subservience, selflessness, self-renouncement, and self-sacrifice, chastity before marriage, sexual passivity after marriage, and erotic repression”

(Jezzini et al., p. 3). Researchers of marianismo have stated that marianismo provided women of previous generations with protection in society as a wife and mother in their home country.

Latina women experienced a degree of power and respect within the roles of wife and mother because it ensured them a life that was free from loneliness and want (Jezzini, 2008; D’Alonzo &

Fischetti, 2008).

A good woman or la mujer buena can take an active role in her life, but she is limited to the home and family meaning that her power is defined by the cultural beliefs about womanhood and motherhood (Castillo et al., 2010). A cultural belief women are expected to maintain that stems from a collectivist worldview is familismo, which is defined as “an individual’s strong identification with and attachment to nuclear and extended families” (Castillo et al., 2010, p. 8

164). The way Latina women are expected to manifest familismo is by providing the family with physical and emotional support, bear and raise children, and manage the house work.

Another cultural value that has distinct roles and expectations for Latina women is respeto or respect, and it encompasses “obedience, duty, and deference of an individual’s position within a hierarchical structure” (Castillo et al., 2010, p. 164). This cultural value is maintained to provide the family with a hierarchy that provides them a standard for responding to interpersonal conflict. The rule is that individuals cannot faltarle el respeto or talk back to those higher on the established hierarchical structure (Castillo et al., 2010). This means that

Latinas are expected to maintain the family hierarchy and no faltarle el respeto (not assert herself to her husband). A Latina is also expected to have self-respeto by maintaining sexual purity to preserve family honor. She must stay away from any compromising situations to avoid sexual impurity, making the home a safe place for Latina women.

Closely related to respeto, is the cultural value of simpatía or empathy, which expects

Latinas to uphold behaviors that promote and display manners and courtesy (Castillo et al.,

2010). Direct arguments are considered rude meaning that an individual will tend not to disagree unless it can be done pleasantly. As a result, individuals tend to conform to a degree and have empathy for the feelings of others. Conflict avoidance for the sake of maintaining a relationship is common because behaviors that are seen as insults are perceived as attacks on a person’s dignity (Castillo et al., 2010). Because of the Latina’s hierarchical position in the family, she is expected to maintain peace in the relationships and be forgiving of others especially when relating to her husband (Castillo et al., 2010). This construct makes it difficult for her to assert herself in a marriage relationship because it can be seen as an act of great disrespect towards her husband if it is perceived as an attack on his dignity. 9

In the United States, researchers have called marianismo the “invisible yoke which binds capable, intelligent, ambitious Latinas to a no-win lifestyle, because marianismo insists that

Latinas live in a world which no longer exists and which perpetuates a value system equating perfection with submission” (Jezzini, 2008, p. 2). This value system has also been contended as the “force which has prevented generations of Latinas to entertain the notion of personal validation” (Jezzini, 2008, p. 2). These statements point to the oppression that some Latina women experienced within the cultural construct of marianismo. Though acculturation and

Westernization may cause changes in gender roles, this construct is very difficult to change because it is deeply imbedded in the consciousness of Latina women.

Chicana Feminist Perspectives on Marianismo: “La Mujer Buena” and “La Mujer Mala”

In order to understand the condition of Mexican immigrant women, it is important to consider their history in Mexico and the United States so that the place they occupy in the U.S. is more apparent. Mexicans and Chicanos share a common history of conquests and colonization: the Spanish conquest of the Aztecs by Hernan Cortez and the Mexican-American War in 1848 in which Mexico lost over 50 percent of its land to Americans. The first conquest involved a woman known as Malinche who took an active role in the conquest of present day Mexico by

Spain. Because she acted as a translator between the Aztecs and the Spanish that eventually led to their conquest, she is known as the ultimate traitor of Mexico. Not only this, but she also bore the children of Hernan Cortes’s soldier, a sexual violation in the eyes of her people (Hurtado,

1998). It is from this betrayal that Mexico came to existence and skepticism about women spread. Malinchismo represents ultimate betrayal culturally and sexually or the complete opposite of Marianismo, which is represented by La Virgen de Guadalupe or the Virgen Mary. 10

These two historical figures are significant and important because they can be used to

“illustrate a possible mapping for what can constitute a feminist consciousness that is specific to the Chicana”( Hurtado, 1998). La Virgen de Guadalupe and Malinche can be used to show the inherent sexism in dichotomizing their womanhood between Malinchismo and Marianismo. In this dichotomy, you’re either la mujer buena (the good woman) or la mujer mala (the bad woman), who is actually not considered a woman at all, depending on how women exercise their sexuality. To be a “good woman” is to remain a virgin until marriage and to invest devotion, loyalty, and nurturance to the family. If you’re not a “good woman” there are consequences as shown by a lived experience of feminist scholar Anzaldua who laments, “Repele, Hable pa’ ‘tras.

Fui muy hocicona. Era indiferente a muchos valores di mi cultura. No me deje de los hombres.

No fui buena ni obediente” (quoted in Hurtado, 1998, p. 142). The translation for this lament is,

“I rebelled, I talked back. I was too big-mouthed. I was indifferent to many cultural values. I didn’t let men do whatever they wanted to me. I wasn’t good, nor obedient.” Because of her rebellion, she was not considered a “real woman.” There is a consequence for open rebellion, but there is also a consequence for compliance if the woman is in an abusive, dysfunctional or violent relationship. Because she cannot faltarle el respeto, she must endure the violence of her husband who has little or no accountability. Sexism may also happen in more discrete ways in which she is not allowed to leave the house if she wants to engage in some form of physical activity.

Sexism is a mindset that has the potential of affecting practically every aspect of a woman’s life, preventing her from reaching her full potential. According to a literature review, marianismo has been found to affect sexual health, domestic violence, and depression in Latina women (Castillo et al., 2010). Sexism among Mexican immigrant families must be understood 11 within the context of American society where they are discriminated against and have been historically marginalized. It is important to understand that Latino men are also experiencing class and racial oppressions. In addition, the family is used as a defense against a hostile, racist society rather than an oppressive institution because for a colonized racial/ethnic people cultural integrity is interwoven with survival (Martinez, 1995). The issue of sexism within the Mexican immigrant community is complicated and intertwined with many oppressive forces, so it cannot simply be reduced to women as the oppressed and men as the oppressors.

CHAPTER THREE :METHODOLOGY

Sampling Method

A snowball sampling method was used to identify eligible participants. The researcher contacted a friend who knew someone involved with a Head Start program that was willing to help with recruitment. The first interviewee then recommended other women in her network that met the study qualifications. Women were also recruited at a Christian Spanish speaking church in Colorado Springs, Colorado.

Participant Qualifications

Mexican immigrant women were the target population and it refers to women who self- identify as Mexican, were born in Mexico, and immigrated to the United States. In addition, further qualifications included being married or living with a partner, having at least one child living at home, being between 18 and 45 years of age, and the date of immigration to the United

States being no more than 10 years ago. The purpose of the age range of 18 to 45 was to examine cultural and gender roles during the child-bearing ages. Time in the United States was kept under 10 years to control for acculturation-related differences.

Research Design and Methods 12

This study was approved by the Colorado College institutional review board before any data collection was initiated. Mexican immigrant women willingly chose to participate in this study and selected an interview date and location. A total of nine interviews were conducted and all except three were done in the home of the participant in Colorado Springs, Colorado at the interviewee’s most convenient time. Of the three interviews not conducted in the home of the participant, one was conducted at a Starbucks and the remaining two were conducted at a

Christian Spanish speaking church.

At the interview location, the participant was given a consent form translated in Spanish. If the participant had difficulty reading the consent form, it was read aloud to her completely. After consent was given, the participant received two short surveys that were also translated in

Spanish: a demographic survey and a short acculturation scale survey. The demographic survey asked questions regarding age, marital status, number of children, length of time spent in the

United States, annual family income, education level, and religion. The short acculturation scale was also given to participants before the interview. A score of 1 to 5 on a Likert scale was given for each cultural question by each participant. The acculturation scale asked questions regarding preferences about their preferred language when speaking and thinking, preferred language of media, and their preferred cultural social interactions. A score of 1 represented a preference of speaking only in Spanish, listening and watching media only in Spanish, and relating to only

Hispanics indicating a low acculturation level. A score of 5 represents a preference of speaking

English, listening and watching media only in English, and relating only to non-Hispanic

Americans indicating a high acculturation level.

Interviews and Definitions/ACSM Physical Activity Level Guidelines 13

This study used interviews to collect qualitative data with a voice recorder. To make sure that there was a clear understanding of the difference between physical activity and exercise, a definition of physical activity was given before they were asked questions. Physical activity was defined as any bodily movement produced by skeletal muscles that results in an expenditure of energy. This means that this can include occupational physical activity or activity performed at the participant’s work.

Physical activity is performed throughout the day, but in order for it to promote health, according the American College of Sports Medicine (ACSM), the recommended physical activity for adults is moderate to vigorous activity for 30 minutes every day, which includes brisk walking that noticeably accelerates the heart rate (Haskell et al., 2007). Activities that can count towards the 30 minutes include gardening with a shovel or carpentry for bouts of 10 minutes or more (Haskell et al., 2007). After they were given the definition and there was a clear understanding, participants were asked open-ended questions about any differences between their life in Mexico and their current life in the United States, their physical activities, their role and responsibilities as mother, wife and woman as well as barriers and facilitators to physical activity. After the interviews were collected, pseudonyms were given to each participant.

The Researcher

The researcher was a first-generation Mexican American Colorado College student with fluency in both English and Spanish. Both of the researcher’s parents are immigrants from

Zacatecas, Mexico and she was raised according to traditional Mexican cultural beliefs. The interviews were conducted in Spanish and translated back to English by the researcher. She has participated extensively in athletics at the high school and college level and is currently a 14 personal trainer. As a personal trainer, she used her knowledge to estimate the level of physical activity performed by the participants and if they met the standards of the ACSM.

Theoretical Framework

This study was conducted using a Chicana feminist perspective because it addresses the multidimensional influences on a Mexican immigrant woman’s life by taking into account the intersectionality of race, class, gender, and culture. Chicana feminism developed within the

Chicano movement in the 1970’s as a result of their marginalization within the movement. Early

Chicana feminists fought for social equality in American, but also raised consciousness about cultural beliefs that marginalized and oppressed Hispanic women. A leading voice in Chicana feminism said,

“The aggregate cultural values we [Chicanas] share can also work to our benefit if we

choose to scrutinize our cultural traditions, isolate the positive attributes and interpret

them for the benefit of women… We as women also have the right to interpret and define

the philosophical and religious traditions beneficial to us within our culture, and which

we have inherited as our tradition” (quoted in Garcia, 1989, p.224 ).

A critical Chicana feminist perspective within the health promotion field can empower those most marginalized by valuing not just what is considered objective raw data, but also what is subjective lived experience (Thomas, 1995). Women’s experiences can be validated and power dimensions are examined closely through the lens of Chicana feminism. A feminist perspective within the health promotion field can also raise consciousness and promote justice for Mexican immigrant women by questioning oppressing cultural constructs while at the same time, value differences. A Chicana feminist analysis would incorporate culturally specific ideologies like marianismo that influence every aspect of a Mexican immigrant’s life, including 15 health. Chicana feminism also recognizes and is sensitive to the fact that Chicano men are also subject to oppressive forces in the United States.

CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS AND ANALYSIS

Participant Demographic Data

All of the participant ages ranged from 19 to 45 with an average age of 35 years. All of the women except one married Mexican men and lived with their spouse. One participant’s first marriage was with a Mexican man, but currently was married to a Caucasian man and also lived with him. The number of children ranged from 1 to 4 with an average of 2 children. The time of residency in the United States ranged from 1 year to 10 years with an average of 8 years lived in the United States. The annual family income for the 8 out of 9 participants that reported ranged from 7,900 to 84,000 dollars and the average annual family income from this data was 35,000 dollars per year. According to the Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment, based on the 2013 poverty guidelines of Colorado three of the participants were beneath poverty level and one was at poverty level. Of the 9 Participants, 5 worked and among them, all of the participants worked 40 hours except 1 who worked 5 hours. The remaining 4 participants were homemakers. When asked about their education level, 3 participants reported having a college degree from a Mexican or American university, 1 participant reported having completed 2 years of American college course work, 1 participant completed high school in the United States, 1 participant completed high school in Mexico, 2 participants had some high school education in

Mexico, and 1 participant had a middle school level education in Mexico. Participants were also asked about their religious preferences and of the 9 participants, 4 self-reported as Catholic, 3 as

Christian, and 1 had no religious association.. 16

Acculturation

Lifestyle Differences

The participants were asked if they noticed any differences between their life in the

United States and life in Mexico. Out of the 6 participants that answered this question, 4 of the participants stated that their immigration to the United States negatively affected their physical activity level. All 4 participants reported greater levels of physical activity in Mexico than in the

United States, which was also reported in D’Alonzo’s study ( 2012). Another finding that supports D’Alonzo’s study results is that women commonly reported riding bicycles and dancing as physical activity before the women immigrated to the United States (2012). One woman reported, “My metabolism here is slower because life here is slower. There is less physical activity here than in Mexico.” Another participant believes that she would have maintained a more active lifestyle had she stayed in Mexico. “When I arrived to the United States, I was an adolescent girl. I think that if I had stayed in Mexico, I would have been more active. I was taking dance classes.” For these women, their daily life included significant amounts of physical activity because their main mode of transportation was walking.

In Mexico, I would walk a lot. Over there, you don’t really have cars so you walk everywhere.

You just walk so much more. I would go to buy tortillas and I would be walking or biking and

here you have to use a car. Here, a car is more of a necessity than it is a luxury. In Mexico, you

go shopping and you carry the bags. I think I was more active in Mexico than I am here.

Responses from 4 of the 6 demonstrate that their physical activity level changed with immigration. Not only this, but also that these women were accustomed to having physical activity as a part of their daily life. It is a significant change in lifestyle to have to incorporate something that the women never had to think about because it was a part of their everyday life 17 before their immigration to the United States. This lifestyle difference makes it difficult for women during the acculturation process to add leisure-time physical activity to their new life in the United States.

Short Acculturation Scale Survey Data Results

Even though the women had a new life in the United States, they still thought, spoke, read, and wrote in Spanish. They crossed the U.S.-Mexico border physically, but mentally and ideologically they are still Mexican women as demonstrated by the short acculturation scale survey in which a Likert scale was used with a 1 showing a low acculturation level and a 5 showing a high acculturation level. An average score was calculated for each participant and the scores ranged from 1.25 to 2.33. The average score from this survey for all participants was 1.93 indicating a preference of speaking and thinking more in Spanish than English, listening and watching media more in Spanish than in English, and relating to more Latinos than non-Latino

Americans indicating a low acculturation level for the sample. Therefore, it is important to recognize that these women have a Mexican rather than American mentality and beliefs.

Furthermore, acculturation stress is also amplified by the the significance of the language barrier, which is illustrated by one participant that shared,

It’s just that people exclude themselves here. I saw people playing soccer, football, or

cheerleading and it’s not that I didn’t know how to get involved. I excluded myself

because I was too embarrassed to ask. In Mexico, it’s your language so you’re more free

to ask and join. Here, I felt anxious and embarrassed about asking. I excluded myself

because of the language. 18

Even though people were friendly, she still didn’t feel comfortable getting involved in her desired physical activity showing that she still felt the presence of a border between her and her new American life upon first arriving. She had internalized herself as the “Other” or as not

American meaning that she did not belong to this country. Othering, the process of distinguishing between admittance and segregation, in the United States has been used to demarcate between inclusion and exclusion. In the case for Mexican immigrants, they have become the “Other” or the excluded inferior that is subject to racial discrimination and marginalization. The Othering process due to language differences directly affects physical activity level as this woman directly links language as a barrier to participation in physical activity that she wanted to engage in. She did not feel free to participate in her desired physical activity because English was not her language (D’Alonzo, 2012).

The language is not the only barrier that Mexican immigrant women experience upon immigrating to the United States. There are deeply rooted ideologies and cultural beliefs that

Mexican immigrant women are bringing with them to the United States that hinder these women from engaging in physical activity. Considering that the U.S. Department of Health and &

Services reported in 2010 that 78% of Mexican American women were overweight or obese, if women wanted to engage in physical activity for health reasons, specific cultural beliefs might pose as barriers to their attempt to engage in physical activity. One of these is marianismo.

Marianismo: Womanhood in Mexican Culture as a Barrier to Physical Activity

Participants were also asked to answer questions aimed at addressing cultural values regarding the roles and responsibilities of motherhood, wifehood, and womanhood. The aim was to investigate the effect of marianismo on physical activity for Mexican immigrant women and 19 how they perceived marianismo’s effect on their physical activity behaviors. Despite socioeconomic level and other important factors, marianismo beliefs consistently were reported as barriers to physical activity within their roles of mother and wife.

Motherhood

When the women were asked if they felt they had any responsibilities as a mother, they all responded similarly saying, “I don’t have some responsibilities, I have many, many, many!”

The participants felt that as a mother, they were primarily responsible for the children.

For me, to be a mom is a great commitment and one of the greatest responsibilities of my life

because my children are under my responsibility. Because my husband spends his time working,

it’s practically the mom’s responsibility to be watchful, to instill into them moral principles, and

many cultural values. To teach them about the love of God…

In addition to being the primary nurturer of the children and spiritual guide in teaching them morals, women also felt that it was their responsibility to facilitate and assist in providing financially for the child’s education, be an authority figure, and protect them from the dangers of the world. The participant also made a clear distinction between the male and female gender roles. She is the marianista in charge of the nurturance of her family and her husband is primarily responsible for financial provision.

Although several mothers reported being happy and satisfied with motherhood, the results of this study indicate that the women’s roles and responsibilities as a mother negatively affected the physical activity level for the majority of the women (6 out of 9). Marianismo beliefs evidently and consistently acted as barriers not just to physical activity, but also in caring for themselves in their daily lives as one expressed, “Yes, my role as mother does affect my 20 physical activity level because sometimes I’m tired. I don’t have time for me because I get so busy with house work, my job, my child, and I don’t think about me. Even when it comes to buying things. If I want to buy shoes, I can’t buy shoes for myself. I must buy shoes for my child first. It’s always my child before me.”

All 6 women shared this sentiment because culturally, to be la mujer buena by adhering to marianismo, means to consistently prioritize their family’s needs and responsibilities before their own (D’Alonzo, 2012). To fail to do this is to risk being la mujer mala who is considered not to be a woman at all. In light of the good woman-bad woman dichotomy, these women have no room to deviate from what is valued: subservience, selflessness, and self-renouncement. One woman directly said, “My children are first and then I worry about myself. I know that my family comes before exercise.” The marianismo belief is so deeply embedded into the consciousness of these women that thinking about their needs is not even an option because she knows that she must value the needs of her family more than her own. Within the context of marianismo, if she were to use her leisure time for physical activity, the majority of the women would experience tension and guilt about not taking care of her family during that time making it difficult for her to engage in physical activity (D’Alonzo, 2012). The Mexican immigrant women from a very young age were socialized to think this way. As one participant was reflecting on her upbringing and the advice her mother gave her, she shared, “They don’t mention that (physical activity). We learn about feeding our children well, taking care of the house work, managing the home, but never do they tell you to take care of yourself, to do exercise.” Part of coming of age and growing up in Mexican culture is learning how to take care of children and house work, but self-care is not cultural knowledge that is passed down from generation to generation making it difficult for these women to engage in physical activity 21 behaviors (D’Alonzo, 2012). Another difficulty women experience is the loss of her close family ties that once supported her in many ways including free child care that allowed her to have leisure time and engage in physical activity in Mexico like walking and biking (D’Alonzo,

2012). Financial hardships made it difficult for some Mexican immigrant women to hire a babysitter making social support an important factor that sometimes determined physical activity behaviors (D’Alonzo & Fischetti, 2008).

Wifehood

Mexican immigrant women in the sample reported their roles and responsibilities as wives including: respecting her husband, taking care of him, supporting him, being attentive to him, and cooking for him. They also felt that they were responsible for the happiness and well- being of their family, taking care of the house work, and being a role model for her children. All of these are in compliance with her responsibilities according to marianismo. My study results indicated that 4 out of the 7 women that reported clear answers believed that their marriage was a positive influence on their physical activity level. For these 4 women, their husbands’ support helped them overcome the multitude of barriers including marianismo that could prevent and hinder their ability to engage in healthy physical activity behaviors. One woman reported, “My marriage is a positive influence on my exercise. He says, I’ll do this and you can go exercise. He motivates me and keeps me active… He’ll play soccer and then he’ll tell me it’s my turn to exercise. Some days I motivate him to go exercise.” This is an example of the husband providing his wife the support she needs to engage in physical activity. Her husband was willing to engage in activities that were traditionally reserved for the wife. “He is not the typical macho

Mexicano… We do 50-50 in the home. If I have to work late, I don’t worry about the children. I 22 know that he will feed them and take care of them.” The majority of the women that met the

ACSM standards for physical activity reported having a supportive husband.

Not all women had a supportive husband and in the sample 3 out of 7 women reported their marriage as a negative influence on their physical activity as one woman states, “I set out and get his clothes ready and cook for him so I do think it affects my physical activity level because sometimes I need help and the men don’t help.”

These 3 women similarly responded that they were overwhelmed with their responsibilities as mother and wife. Without any help from the families they left behind in

Mexico, the women were left to take care everyone and everything revolving around the family and home before their own needs. The impositions of marianismo in the circumstance of not having a supportive husband willing to negotiate and alter gender roles, marianismo in the context of marriage was a barrier to physical activity. One woman expresses this feeling, “Yes, it

(marriage) does affect my physical activity level because like I said I have so many things to do that you put that to the side as if it wasn’t important”

Womanhood

When the women were asked if they felt they had any responsibilities as a woman, most of the participants asked me to clarify this question because they were unsure of what it meant.

After clarifying the question by drawing a comparison to a previous question regarding motherhood, the majority (5 out of 9) responded that they did have responsibilities as a woman, but they related them to their health so that they could take care of their family. For example one woman said, “I should be well emotionally and physically. As a woman, I am the heart of the family.” For most of the participants, being a woman meant being healthy so that they could 23 invest enough emotional and physical energy to their family. This demonstrated that these women have beliefs rooted in marianisimo because to be a woman for them meant self-sacrifice and a sacred duty to their family to the point that they could not separate being a woman from being a wife and mother ( Jezzini et al, 2008). Their identity is inseparable from their roles as mother and wife and all of the responsibilities that accompany them. One participant did not know if she had any responsibilities as a woman and stated,

You know, I don’t know…When you’re single, you concern yourself with your beauty, but when

you’re married everything changes… For example, now I don’t even cut my hair and do self-care

things like that. There’s no time for that. I think that I’m failing in that.

This was the dominant narrative among the 5 out of 9 women. They felt overwhelmed by the amount of responsibilities and daily demands placed upon them as mothers and wives.

The fact that these women had difficulty understanding the interview question illuminates the degree to which they disregard themselves in order to be la mujer buena. The oppressive and clearly defined good woman-bad woman dichotomy does not give these women the option of addressing their needs because they must put the family’s needs first. Taking care of so many needs without addressing their needs can be an overwhelming experience as one woman reflects on all of her roles, “...So many things… Sometimes I ask myself at what point did I have so many roles and responsibilities? Mom, wife, daughter, sister, aunt, teacher, friend… And I just say, Oh Lord! What do I do with so many? I get overwhelmed.” The constricting cultural belief of marianismo affected the physical activity behaviors of this sample of Mexican immigrant women. Despite the barriers that marianismo along with the many other factors affecting physical activity level like acculturation, some women still engaged in physical activity level. 24

How did these women overcome the obstacles to engage in physical activity that met the standards of the ACSM?

Physical Activity Overview: Why did Some Women Engage and Others did Not?

Occupational Physical Activity

Setting aside cultural beliefs for moment, many researchers have claimed that Mexican immigrant women are not living active lifestyles. This study disagrees with that finding because taking into account that some of the Mexican immigrant women worked full-time jobs in the service sector cleaning 20 hotel rooms daily at a three-story hotel without an elevator, women were performing the recommended amount of physical activity according to the ACSM guidelines. My study revealed that when occupational physical activity was considered and taken into account, the majority of women (5 out of 9) were performing physical activity that met the standards of the ACSM, which is a significant finding and addresses the importance of methodological procedures. If physical activity is measured according to the American idea of physical activity such as going to the gym, their results will not accurately portray the physical activity level of Mexican immigrant women if they work long hours doing physically demanding work. The American idea of exercise may also not apply to some of these women because some neither have the financial means nor the leisure time to engage in this kind of physical activity.

They may be adequately meeting the ACSM standards for physical activity within their job in the service sector instead.

What is important beyond occupational circumstances in answering the question of why some Mexican immigrant women engaged in physical activity and why others did not lies in the ideologies and cultural beliefs of the husband. In my study, the consistent factor reported by the 25 women that participated in physical activity was having a supportive husband that did not interfere with her life. Of the 5 participants that engaged in consistent physical activity, 4 of them made it clear that her husband was atypical and did not interfere with her life. For example, one of these participants said, “I don’t think that my marriage affects my physical activity level because I have a husband that gives me my space and respects what I do.” Another participant said, “Yes, it’s a positive influence because my (American) husband is calm, not jealous, and he has a different mentality. As a wife, I won the lottery because my marriage doesn’t interfere at all…”

As an immigrant woman who has lost her close family ties and social support, her husband is the main source of support in her new life in the United States. Culturally and especially in this circumstance, she will look to him as her main source of authority. If she wants to engage in physical activity and her husband does not give her permission to engage, she cannot defy his authority openly without risking consequences, the severity depending on her husband. If she is suffering from abuse because of her desire to engage in physical activity and wants to seek help about it, she can’t speak English. Not only that, but if the woman is undocumented, she is not protected under the law. She could speak to other Mexican immigrant women if culturally that was allowed. To say anything negative about her husband is considered an act of great disrespect and one that could also have severe consequences. The severity of the consequences could even prevent physical activity from being an option in her life. In addition, because of the historical and current hostility towards Mexican immigrants in the United States, the family is seen as an institution of safety against the racial discrimination and marginalization experienced while living in the United States. The hostile environment makes cultural integrity through the family a critical strategy for survival for these women. The family being a Mexican 26 immigrant’s refuge could elicit an even greater level of dependency on her husband, which was found in D’Alonzo’s study (D’Alonzo).

If Mexican immigrant women want to engage in physical activity behaviors and the husband refuses to give her the permission she needs, it comes down to her ability and willingness to either leave the husband or engage in acts of dissent. The participant that was married to an American man stated,

“I’ve always had a strong personality and I’ve always been an independent woman. The typical

Mexican woman normally is very submissive and subservient in the presence of a man. I am not

that way. I’ve always been rebellious and for that reason my first marriage didn’t last very long.

My second husband, my American husband is very calm and doesn’t interfere.”

Echoing the life of Anzaldua who also rebelled and refused to comply with cultural beliefs, this participant’s story clearly demonstrated the narrowness and challenges women experience if they do not comply with the marianismo beliefs. By leaving her Mexican husband and marrying an

American man, she has now experienced freedom from being under the dominance of her first husband. It took her challenging her beliefs and risking being seen as la mujer mala to overcome the barrier of having a dominating husband.

The participants that were not consistently active and met the requirements for physical activity to promote health by the ACSM did not report any husband interference. My position as a young, single researcher may have prevented the women from expressing any dominating and possessive behaviors because it would be a falta de respeto, which would go against marianismo ideology. However, one participant who was a Zumba instructor for Mexican immigrant women gained trust with other Mexican immigrant women and shared with me some of their struggles in 27 participating in the Zumba class. Even though none of the participants openly admitted to experiencing husband interference, the Zumba instructor confirmed that husband interference was a problem in the Hispanic community. The participants silence about this matter was very telling because it went along with their worldview. The wives who had supportive husbands realized and even stated that their husbands were not the common experience among this population. This means that there is a possibility that some of the participants in the study experienced husband interference in some way. The Zumba instructor reported the reality of some of their Zumba students,

”In order for some women to receive permission to attend the Zumba class, they have to take their

children with them and some women can only attend the class if they are accompanied by a

family member. Sometimes women have to lie or confront their husband in order to attend the

class… I have women in my class now that have been beaten for attending my class. They are

victims of domestic violence. It’s not that the husbands really believe that the women will be

promiscuous; it’s more ignorance than anything. It’s ignorance among Mexican men that doesn’t

allow women to involve themselves in anything. The husband says no you can’t go because I

don’t feel like letting you go and you have to obey me. It’s about power. All of the women except

one that had this problem have been able to continue taking the class.

The Zumba instructor’s account demonstrated real experiences that some Mexican immigrant women face in order to pursue healthy physical activity behaviors like being beaten.

Some women challenged cultural beliefs by confronting their husband while others engaged in acts of dissent like lying. What is also interesting about this statement is that all but one woman who had a dominating husband were able to challenge cultural beliefs and continue attending the

Zumba class. This possibly provides researchers an avenue through which to reach this population of women. The Zumba class provided the women with the self-confidence necessary 28 to challenge oppressive beliefs. Though dominating and oppressive behaviors by the husbands are not excusable, it is important to understand that they also are experiencing oppressive forces.

CHAPTER FIVE: IMPLICATIONS

According to statistics, Mexican immigrant women’s health is disproportionately suffering from preventable diseases making it a feminist issue. This study contributes a missing component to the conversation about Mexican immigrant women’s health specifically in regards to barriers to their physical activity behaviors. Incorporating physical activity to promote health in their daily lives has the potential to reduce and prevent many of the diseases that these women are experiencing. Previous studies have investigated and found that socioeconomic and environmental factors affect physical activity behaviors, but there is a scarcity of research detailing the specific cultural beliefs and their relationship to the women’s physical activity behaviors. This study details the specific cultural beliefs that are affecting the physical activity behaviors of Mexican immigrant women allowing for a greater understanding of the situation and difficulties of these women in promoting their own health. By investigating marianismo beliefs surrounding womanhood and its effect on their physical activity behaviors, this study opens avenues through which Latino community-based organizations can provide culturally sensitive programs addressing the specific needs of Mexican immigrant women.

Taking into account the significant amount of physical activity Mexican immigrant women perform working in the service sector demonstrated that these women in reality are performing adequate amounts of physical activity. Further research investigating more precisely the amount of physical activity performed by these women could provide researchers with a more accurate estimation of the physical activity level among Mexican immigrant women. Not 29 only this, but if Mexican immigrant women are already performing adequate amounts of physical activity at work, what are other ways that these women’s health can be improved?

Mexican immigrant women are one of the most oppressed and marginalized populations in the United States today. Therefore, finding ways to empower these women is an important topic of research that warrants further research as well. This study found that a Zumba class had the ability to help these women build self-esteem and enough self-confidence to go against cultural beliefs like having respeto for her husband by not confronting him. Because some women enjoyed attending the Zumba class, in order to continue the class, some women had to confront their husbands. Dance is a culturally appropriate form of physical activity for Mexican immigrant women and could be a way to help these women to acculturate and maintain their health. The social atmosphere in a Zumba class could also allow for social relationships to form providing the women with the social support that they lost upon immigrating to the United

States.

Zumba class was also described by the Zumba instructor as a form of therapy and a time to “just be women,” which is incredibly significant considering the fact that most of these women because of cultural beliefs related to marianismo do not have the opportunity to “just be women.” Their identity is predominately found within their roles as wife and mother. Further research can be done to provide a more detailed analysis on the effect of the Zumba class on the overall health of Mexican immigrant women.

Because the cultural beliefs of the husband are also a significant influence to the physical activity behaviors of Mexican immigrant women, another area of important research is 30 investigating the acculturation process and the difficulties experienced by Mexican immigrant men and how they affect their relationship with their wife.

CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION

The physical activity behaviors of the Mexican immigrant women in this study mentioned many factors and barriers affecting their physical activity level like acculturation factors such as adjustment to a new lifestyle and the language barrier, but the significant finding was that marianismo beliefs negatively affected their physical activity level especially within their roles as mothers and wives. Because marianismo requires women to put their family’s needs above their own, they felt overwhelmed and obligated to meet everyone’s needs except their own. In Mexican culture, to deviate from this self-sacrificing mother figure was to lose their status as la mujer buena and be la mujer mala, who is actually not considered a woman at all.

Among the women that did perform physical activity that met the ACSM requirements, all except one woman reported having a supportive husband indicating that spousal support for these women is crucial in overcoming the marianismo barrier to physical activity. Spousal support was the consistent factor between the women who performed adequate amounts of physical activity and those who did not. One participant who helped Mexican immigrant women participate in her Zumba class, gave real accounts of some her students and confirmed that husband interference is a problem within the Latino community, further showing that spousal support is a key factor for this population of women.

Another significant finding was that when occupational physical activity was taken into account, the majority of the women performed physical activity that met the physical activity 31 requirements to promote health of the ACSM. This result shows the significance of methodological procedures in measuring the physical activity level of women in this population

32

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