Traditions of Sucker Exploitation in the Pit River System: an Ajumawi Example
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UC Merced Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Title Traditions of Sucker Exploitation in the Pit River System: An Ajumawi Example Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8k53r4nn Journal Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology, 12(1) ISSN 0191-3557 Author Evans, Nancy H Publication Date 1990-07-01 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 12, No. 1, pp. 48-59 (1990). Traditions of Sucker Exploitation in the Pit River System: An Ajumawi Example NANCY H. EVANS, California Dept. of Parks and Recreation, P. O. Box 942896, Sacramento, CA 94296. X HE avowed significance of riverine-focused AJumawf cultural adaptations in northeastern California Territory ----\ notwithstanding, little is understood regarding the use of specific fish species, the variability Terrllory in harvest strategies, or the relative dietary Y Redd ... V-^ values of the resources. Recent ethnographic o research on traditional sucker fishing practices 0 100 mi. among the Ajumawi division of the Pit River Indians provides a specific illustration of a -J. I, ° 100 km 1 significant resource used in prehistoric times 'O V • Sac/amenlo ^ • and continuing through historical accommoda tion to the middle of the twentieth century. The perpetuation of sucker use survives to the I \ present and is attributed in part to historical Fig. 1. Pit River Indian territory. residence patterns and continuous availability, but also to the dietary significance of this tributary to the Pit River. Ajumawi foraging traditional resource. territory (sensu Binford 1980) extended well to the north across the vast lava fields (Fig. AJUMAWI LAND USE: 1848-1950 1). Winter villages were clustered tightly The Ajumawi, whose name means "river along the banks of the Pit River and scattered people" (Olmsted and Stewart 1978), are one about the edges of Fall and Tule rivers, in of eleven bands constituting small territorial Little Hot Springs Valley, and along the shore divisions along the Pit River and its tributaries of Big Lake (also known as Tule Lake) in northeastern California (Fig. 1). Two (Kniffen 1928:map 2; Voegelin 1974; Gas- closely related Palaihnihan (Hokan stock) saway 1977). languages distinguished the nine bands of White settlement of Fall River Valley Achumawi-language speakers and two foUowed quickly upon the opening of Lassen's Atsugewi-speaking bands (Olmsted 1954, 1848 and Noble's 1852 emigrant trails to 1966). Recognized today as the Pit River California, both of which coursed along the Indians, they have shared a similar cultural Pit River through Ajumawi territory (Hoover and settlement orientation to the multiplicity et al. 1966). When Fort Crook was estab of resources along the Pit River, its lished near present Fall River Mills in 1857, tributaries, and adjacent land forms (Voegelin ensuring the settlers protection from the 1974; Garth 1978; Olmsted and Stewart 1978). Indians, the valley rapidly developed agricul The Ajumawi band occupied Fall River tural, lumbering, and commercial activities Valley, a lush well-watered vaUey replete with (F. CaUison 1965:39; M. CaUison 1965:67). ponds, marshes, and numerous streams The most favorable lands for agriculture were TRADITIONS OF SUCKER EXPLOITATION 49 located adjacent to Fall and Pit rivers, on the had no able-bodied wage earner (Gillahan and south and west sides of the valley (F. CaUison Shaffer 1921). 1965:39), so that by the early 1880s, the Budy (1990) identified several allotment Ajumawi were restricted from many of their clusters (i.e., groups of from 2 to 27 different, primary winter village sites. Further, this but contiguous, aUotment parcels) in Ajumawi displacement limited their access to important territory originally listed in the 1880s and fisheries on Fall and Pit rivers while wheat 1890s. These clusters were located in the lava fields supplanted oak groves and epos (Peri- at the head of Fall River, north of Eastman deridia sp.) root meadows in the valley proper. Lake, on both sides of the Little Tule River, In the period between 1860 and 1880, the north and east of Big Lake, and on the slopes Ajumawi maintained residence at several of Saddle and Soldier mountains (Fig. 2). traditional village sites at the periphery of the Many allotments remain in Ajumawi owner valley on lands unsuitable for agriculture. ship today, notably those located in the lava Settlers' accounts describe large "rancherias" to the north and adjacent to important sucker immediately north of the lava beds (Lorenzen fisheries. Continued Indian residence through 1965:48) and in the vicinity of Big Lake (Tule the early historical period to this day is one Lake) including its eastern side and in the reason that sucker fishing traditions have marshy area to the south (Kniffen 1928:321; persisted. M. CaUison 1965:68; Gassaway 1977:5). Fishing traditions also have persisted These accounts further attest to the continued because of the dietary value of this resource use of native resources such as tule, fish, during the difficult period of economic waterfowl, and roots taken with traditional transition. The previously abundant and procurement methods. storable resources, particularly acorn and Historic Indian residence patterns are salmon, generally were unavailable to the further reinforced by the locations of Indian Ajumawi in any large or predictable quantities land aUotment applications filed under the after the 1880s. The primary oak groves, Indian Land Patents Act of July 4, 1884 (Budy located in areas considered essential for 1990). The 1884 Act permitted Indians to file agricultural development, were the first areas for up to 160 acres of land, this being held in to be settled (M. CaUison 1965). Further, the trust for 25 years, after which the applicant total array of potential foods was reduced: (or his heirs) could apply for fee patent. The grass seeds were given up to grazing livestock, intent of the legislation appears to have been roots were plowed into wheat fields, marsh to make farmers of the Indians and to plants and waterfowl were depleted by engender a sense of private land ownership; drainage canals, and salmon were reduced by however, since good agricultural land already non-Indian economic development. was in the hands of white settlers, California Salmon once migrated up the Pit River as Indians filed mostly on agriculturally marginal, far as Pit River FaUs, a 65-foot scarp a few heavily timbered, or arid desert parcels mUes south of the confluence of the FaU and (Kelsey 1906:132-133). By the 1920s, some Pit rivers. Ajumawi access to salmon was Ajumawi were employed in wage labor as limited to this important location on the Pit sheep shearers, hay stackers, and harvesters, River where large weirs were constructed and more labored in highway construction and across the river below the faUs (Kniffen at the Pacific Gas and Electric plants, but 1928:319; Voegehn 1942:173). most work was intermittent and many families The salmon yield throughout the Sacra- 50 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY U D I I Attolrticnl Land ^^ Fi:h liap Ajcas McAnhui • Fig. 2. Ajumawi allotments and fish trap areas. Allotments after Budy (1990). mento River system began to decline soon tric facility at the Pit River FaUs in 1922, the after non-Indian settlement. Probably Ajumawi salmon fishery had severely dimin beginning as early as 1860, salmon fisheries ished. By 1945, when Shasta Dam was were affected by stream pollution from the completed, salmon had disappeared from the many lumber mills on tributaries to the Pit Pit River system. River (cf. Gassaway 1977). Artificial salmon Apart from large mammals, for which no propagation for national distribution began at data are recorded, the only reliable, seasonaUy a federal fishery at Baird in 1872, and briefly abundant, highly nutritious, and storable at Hat Creek, but soon was discontinued. It faunal resource available to the Ajumawi then resumed in 1888 for local distribution in throughout the historical period was the an attempt to enhance the salmon fishery Sacramento sucker (Catostomus occidentalis). (Clark 1929). The twenty canneries on the In fact, Sacramento suckers were important Sacramento River and in the San Francisco fare in the Ajumawi diet between 1900 and Bay area were discontinued by 1919, further 1950, and may have been critical to the health evidence that the salmon were rapidly of the people (GUlahan and Shaffer 1921). By disappearing. By 1929, Clark (1929) estimat the early 1950s, most of the elders who ed that 80% of the salmon spawning grounds previously had organized the communal had been cut off by power and irrigation dams fishing had become infirm or died, although in the Sacramento-San Joaquin river systems. individuals continued to fish for suckers. With the construction of the Pit 1 hydroelec TRADITIONS OF SUCKER EXPLOITATION 51 spawning impulse appears to be triggered by SUCKER HABITAT AND BEHAVIOR a sudden warming of flowing water (Moyle Sacramento suckers are distributed widely 1976:215). In Ajumawi territory, spawning throughout the Sacramento-San Joaquin River suckers appear to be attracted to the many system, and they are one of the most common springs emerging from the lava scarp and species in the Pit River system. Suckers are forming the headwaters of FaU and Tule most abundant in clear, cool streams, although rivers. This may account in part for the adults prefer large bodies of water such as striking number of stone fish traps located in lakes and reservoirs (Moyle and Daniels this area (M. CaUison 1965; Evans 1987; 1982). Commonly, suckers occur together with Dreyer 1988). Sacramento squawfish (Ptychocheilus grandis), Sucker spawning generaUy occurs between called "pike" by early ethnographers, hard late February and June in the Sacramento head {Mylopliarodon conoceplialus), speckled River system (Moyle 1976). Observations at dace (Rhinichthys osculus), and Pit sculpin Thomes Creek (Tehama County) were (Cottus pitensis).