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1 to the PRESIDENT of the AZERBAIJAN REPUBLIC Mr
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE AZERBAIJAN REPUBLIC Mr. HEYDAR ALIYEV* Dear Heydar Aliyevich, According to the exchange of views on the issues of strengthening the ceasefire regime, which took place in Baku, I am sending to you, as it was agreed, the proposals of the Minsk Conference co- chairmen. The proposals of the mediator on strengthening the ceasefire in the Nagorno Karabakh conflict On behalf of the Co-chairmanship of the OSCE Minsk Conference (hereinafter – the Mediator), with the purpose of strengthening the ceasefire regime established in the conflict region since May 12, 1994 and creating more favourable conditions for the progress of the peace process, we jointly suggest that the conflicting sides (hereinafter – the Sides) should assume the following obligations: 1. In the event of incidents threatening the ceasefire, to immediately inform the other Side (and in a copy – the Mediator) in written form by facsimile or by the PM line with an exact specification of the place, time and character of the incident and its consequences. The other Side is informed that measures are being taken for non-admission of reciprocal actions which could lead to the aggravation of the incident. Accordingly, the other Side is expected to take appropriate measures immediately. If possible, proposals about taking urgent measures to overcome this incident as quickly as possible and restore the status quo ante are also reported. 2. Upon receiving such a notification from the other Side, to immediately check the facts and give a written response not later than within 6 hours (in a copy – to the Mediator). -
Nationalist Rhetoric and Public Legitimacy in Ilham Aliyev’S Azerbaijan
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Carolina Digital Repository NATIONALIST RHETORIC AND PUBLIC LEGITIMACY IN ILHAM ALIYEV’S AZERBAIJAN Benjamin Midas A thesis submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of the Arts in the Global Studies department in the College of Arts and Sciences. Chapel Hill 2016 Approved by: Erica Johnson Michael Morgan Chad Bryant © 2016 Benjamin Midas ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Benjamin Midas: Nationalist Rhetoric and Public Legitimacy in Ilham Aliyev’s Azerbaijan (Under the Direction of Erica Johnson) This thesis explores the question of why nondemocratic leaders use nationalist rhetoric in ways very similar to democratic leaders through a case study of Azerbaijan. I argue that Azerbaijan’s president Ilham Aliyev uses nationalist rhetoric in order to build public legitimacy for his regime. Despite not needing to build a base of support for legitimate elections, Aliyev needs to legitimate his regime in the eyes of his citizens. To do so he uses nationalist themes in his speeches that resonate with Azerbaijani population to develop popular support. These themes come from applying theories of nationalism to the context of Azerbaijan. I will show the nationalist themes Aliyev utilizes in his speeches and how the use of those themes changes in response to events in Azerbaijan. Aliyev modulates his nationalist rhetoric in response to events in predictable ways, which shows how he manipulates nationalist themes to generate support. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………1 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW………………………………………………………...11 CHAPTER 3: CASE STUDY……………………………………………………………………28 CHAPTER 4: CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………..47 REFERENCES……………………………………………………………………......................50 iv INTRODUCTION Azerbaijan is a small country in the southern Caucasus ruled by President Ilham Aliyev. -
HEYDER ALIYEV CENTRE, Azerbaijan Zaha Hadid Architects Background in 2013, the Heydar Aliyev Center Opened to the Public in Baku, the Capital of Azerbaijan
HEYDER ALIYEV CENTRE, Azerbaijan Zaha Hadid Architects Background In 2013, the Heydar Aliyev Center opened to the public in Baku, the capital of Azerbaijan. The cultural center, designed by Zaha Hadid, has become the primary building for the nation's cultural programs, aspiring instead to express the sensibilities of Azeri culture and the optimism of a nation that looks to the future. This report presents a case study of the project. It will include the background information, a synopsis of the architect's mastery of structural design. Also, some special elements of this building will be discussed in detail. And the structural design of the whole complex will be reviewed through diagrams and the simplified computer-based structural analysis. The Heydar Aliyev Center Since 1991, Azerbaijan has been working on modernizing and developing Baku’s infrastructure and architecture in order to depart from its legacy of normative Soviet Modernism. The center is named for Heydar Aliyev, the leader of Soviet-era Azerbaijan from 1969 to 1982, and President of Azerbaijan from October 1993 to October 2003. The project is located in the center of the city. And it played an extremely important role in the development of the city. It breaks from the rigid and often monumental Soviet architecture that is so prevalent in Baku. More importantly, it is a symbol of democratic philosophy thought. Under the influence of the new Azerbaijan party and the Soviet Socialist Republic of Azerbaijan leader’s political and economic reform, the center was also designed to show the potential of the country’s future cultural development, to encourage people to study the history, language, culture, national creed and spiritual values of their own country. -
Azerbaijan: Recent Developments and U.S
Azerbaijan: Recent Developments and U.S. Interests Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs February 22, 2013 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov 97-522 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Azerbaijan: Recent Developments and U.S. Interests Summary Azerbaijan is an important power in the South Caucasus by reason of its geographic location and ample energy resources, but it faces challenges to its stability, including the unresolved separatist conflict involving Nagorno Karabakh (NK). Azerbaijan enjoyed a brief period of independence in 1918-1920, after the collapse of the Tsarist Russian Empire. However, it was re-conquered by Red Army forces and thereafter incorporated into the Soviet Union. It re-gained independence when the Soviet Union collapsed at the end of 1991. Upon independence, Azerbaijan continued to be ruled for a while by its Soviet-era leader, but in May 1992 he was overthrown and Popular Front head Abulfaz Elchibey was soon elected president. Military setbacks in suppressing separatism in the breakaway NK region contributed to Elchibey’s rise to power, and in turn to his downfall just over a year later, when he was replaced by Heydar Aliyev, the leader of Azerbaijan’s Nakhichevan region and a former communist party head of Azerbaijan. In July 1994, a ceasefire agreement was signed in the NK conflict. Heydar Aliyev served until October 2003, when under worsening health he stepped down. His son Ilkham Aliyev was elected president a few days later. According to the Obama Administration, U.S. assistance for Azerbaijan aims to develop democratic institutions and civil society, support the growth of the non-oil sectors of the economy, strengthen the interoperability of the armed forces with NATO, increase maritime border security, and bolster the country’s ability to combat terrorism, corruption, narcotics trafficking, and other transnational crime. -
European Stability Initiative the Country Haydar Aliyev Built
European Stability Initiative The country Haydar Aliyev built June 2011 Soviet Azerbaijan Soviet Baku, year unknown. Photo: DerWolF / Wikipedia After the dissolution of the Russian empire in 1917 and during the ensuing civil war Azerbaijan became an independent state the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (ADR). Throughout its brief existence from 1918 to 1920, the young state found itself at war with neighbouring Armenia and under assault. In 1920, the Bolsheviks took control in Azerbaijan. The Soviet Union was created in 1922. Initially part of the so-called "Transcaucasian Federation" within the Soviet Union, Azerbaijan gained the status of a full-right Union republic in 1936. Soviet rule in Azerbaijan lasted for nearly seven decades until, on 30 August 1991, Azerbaijan declared independence from the crumbling Soviet Union, following the example of several other Soviet republics. Azerbaijanis' identity has long been complex. In Tsarist Russia, Muslim inhabitants of the Caucasus were often referred to as 'Tatars' or simply 'Muslims'. By the end of the 19th century a growing number of Azerbaijanis defined themselves as 'Turks' or 'Azerbaijani Turks.' Although their language is very similar to Anatolian Turkish, Azerbaijanis have never lived under Ottoman rule. Unlike the majority of (Sunni) Turks, most practice Shia Islam, something they share with more than twenty million ethnic Azeris living south of the Araks river in the northwest of Iran. In 1916 62 percent of Muslims in Azerbaijan were Shiite and 38 percent were Sunni. In the 1920's the Soviet authorities pursued a policy of korenizatsiya, or nativization. It consisted of promoting natives to positions of responsibility in the government and the communist party and instituting the equality of Russian and local languages in the public sphere. -
Heydar Aliyev and National-Spiritual Values
1 2 ADIL ABDULLAH AL-FALAH _____________________________________________________ HEYDAR ALIYEV AND NATIONAL-SPIRITUAL VALUES BAKU - GISMET - 2007 3 4 BBK 4.3. F-43 Scientific Editor: Sheikh-ul-lslam Allahshukur Pashazadeh, Chairman of the Caucasian Muslims Board, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor Reviewers: Vasim Mammadaliyev, Member of the National Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan, Fuad Gasimzadeh, Member of the National Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan, Academician Bakir Nabiyev, Member of the National Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan, Academician Anar Iskanderov, Head of Chair, Baku State University, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor Design: Mubariz Khalilov F-43 Adil Abdullah Al-Falah. HEYDAR ALIYEV AND NATIONAL-SPIRITUAL VALUES. Baku, Gismet, 2007, 108 p. (illus.) 0403000000 F ©Gismet, 2007 M − 085 − 51− 07 ISBN10 9952-8082-2-4 ISBN13 978-9952-8082-2-3 5 Many-sided political, social and diplomatic activity of the crelator of the modern history of Azerbaijan and the politician of worldwide scale Heydar Aliyev has been a subject of research, both within the country and abroad; ever-living in reminiscences of those who had once been fortunate enough to meet this genius. In this respect, worthy mentioning of a staunch friend of Azerbaijan, First Deputy Minister of Kuwait for Islam and Vakfs, Chairman of the Asian Muslims Committee, Dr. Adil Al-Falah. First-hand acquaintance with his work devoted to Heydar Aliyev makes it possible to infer that Dr. A. Al-Falah not only kept up with our nationwide leader but also thrashed out works, declarations, statements and speecb.es of Heydar Aliyev. Contributing to the importance of the present work is its having been written in Arabic and thus available to broader circles of multi-million Arab readers and public opinion to familiarize themselves with titanic activity of Heydar Aliyev. -
In the Shadow of Revolution: a Decade of Authoritarian Hardening in Azerbaijan*
In the Shadow of Revolution: A Decade of Authoritarian Hardening in Azerbaijan* Cory Welt George Washington University [email protected] July 2014 WORKING PAPER * For citation as a working paper. 1 Over the last ten years, Azerbaijan’s ranking on the “democracy index” of the U.S.-based nongovernmental organization Freedom House has reflected the country’s slide from a “semi- consolidated” authoritarian regime to a “consolidated” authoritarian one.1 This change in regime type has not come suddenly. It has been the result of a gradual hardening of authoritarian governance since 2003, the year Ilham Aliyev became president. It might be difficult at first to grasp the significance of this shift in classification. Azerbaijan was hardly democratic under President Aliyev’s father, Heydar Aliyev, from 1993 to 2003. During the senior Aliyev’s rule, however, the regime allowed at least some freedom to civil society and media. Since then, the regime has become increasingly authoritarian across all indicators, but the collapse of space for nongovernmental forces to engage freely in the public sphere has been especially pronounced. Azerbaijan’s slide into consolidated authoritarianism has coincided with a decade of regime change from below in Azerbaijan’s two neighborhoods of post-Soviet Eurasia and the Middle East. From the color revolutions of 2003-2005 to the Arab Spring of 2010-2011 and Ukraine’s EuroMaidan of 2013-2014, the Azerbaijani government repeatedly has witnessed the fall of less consolidated authoritarian governments all around it. While it is difficult to determine precisely how much the power of these examples has contributed to Azerbaijan’s authoritarian hardening, a few connections are clear. -
Heydar Aliyev: Relevance of Heritage in the Modern Context for the 90Th Anniversary of the Soviet Politician and Statesman of International Scope
Great people Aleksandr KA RA VAYEV Political scientist, deputy director of the Center for Post-Soviet Space at the Research Analytical Center of Moscow State University Heydar Aliyev: Relevance of heritage in the modern context For the 90th anniversary of the Soviet politician and statesman of international scope MANY OLD PEOPLE 25 YEARS AGO AND TODAY SEE A CHANCE TO MODERNIZE THE FADING POWER OF THE USSR IN THE NAME OF HEYDAR ALIYEV. IT IS NECESSARY TO STATE THE FACT – MANY PERCEIVE ALIYEV IN RUSSIA AND IN THE FORMER SOVIET UNION THROUGH A PRISM OF PERSONAL DRAMA: AFTER ALL, THE COLLAPSE OF THE COUNTRY AFFECTED MANY FAMILIES, WHILE ALIYEV COULD GUARANTEE REFORMATION OF THE SOVIET UNION. ACCORDING TO THE RECOLLECTIONS OF SENIOR SOVIET OFFICIALS, HE WAS THE SUBJECT OF A NUMBER OF SCENARIOS FOR THE MODERNIZATION AND PRESERVA- TION OF THE UNION, WHICH COULD HAVE BEEN REALIZED, HAD THE REIGN OF YURIY ANDROPOV LASTED LONGER. THIS ARTICLE IS LARGELY DEDICATED TO THIS LOST OPPORTUNITY. liyev left his mark at two lev- are diffi cult to falsify as it happened large enterprises in the CIS, the larg- els: at the information level, in the cases where the events of the est Soviet railway BAM - a lot was built Ai.e. he left his image in the past were relegated from us at too with his direct participation or through memory of people working with him, great a distance. This is the source of initiatives personally approved by him. and at the physical level, in particular, attention to the fi gure of our hero: he At the same time, we must the fruits of his work. -
Russia's Foreign Policy Toward the Caspian Basin
Back Yard Politics: Russia’s Foreign Policy Toward the Caspian Basin BRENT GRIFFITH ince the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Caspian Sea region has Semerged as one of the twenty-first century’s last untapped oil supplies.1 Two nations in particular, Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan, possess the majority of the Caspian Basin’s oil reserves. Approximately 40 billion barrels of oil has been dis- covered under areas of the Caspian seabed that border Azerbaijan and Kaza- khstan, and Western oil companies estimate that as much as 100 to 200 billion barrels may exist.2 By comparison, Kuwait’s proven reserves are 97 billion bar- rels, and few oil experts believe that Kuwait’s unproven reserves could rival those of the Caspian Sea.3 Many economists believe that the high concentration of oil reserves in and around the Caspian Sea has the potential of replacing Alaska’s northern fields and Europe’s North Sea oil reserves when those resources are depleted.4 The Caspian oil resources are of both regional and international significance. On one hand, the Caspian oil resources are important to Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Russia. To Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, the oil resources are the keys to eco- nomic growth, self-sufficiency, and independence from Russia. And to Russia, the region and its oil reserves are tied to Russia’s national security interests. On the other hand, the Caspian Basin is of international significance because it rep- resents one of the world’s last remaining untapped oil supplies. Access to and control over oil resources have emerged as an area of contention and friction between Russia and the newly independent Caspian republics. -
Mountainous Karabakh: Conflict Resolution Through Power
Mountainous Karabakh: Conflict Resolution through Power- sharing and Regional Integration Tabib Huseynov* * Tabib Huseynov is a graduate of Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His areas of research interest are ethno-territorial conflicts, multiple approaches to conflict resolution and multi-ethnic governance. He has published articles in the Stradigma journal (Turkey), The Activist (Hungary), Echo and Azeri Voice (Azerbaijan). He can be reached at [email protected]. Abstract This article examines the Karabakh conflict - one of the most protracted, violent and complicated ethno-territorial conflicts in the post-communist space. It addresses the major obstacles the parties facing towards settlement, and suggests a way to solve the conflict. One of the practical findings is that the Karabakh conflict cannot be solved exclusively on an intra-state level and requires a combination of intra-state measures with inter-state and supra-state measures. Thus, the article advocates a three-step approach to resolution of the conflict – introducing fundamental principles of a solution, which would reduce uncertainty and provide a ‘road map’; creating a dual power-sharing arrangement, which would be based on equal relationships between Azeris and Armenians at both sub- state (Mountainous Karabakh) and national (Azerbaijan) levels; and combining this power-sharing arrangement with regional and EU integration. Introduction The Armenian-Azeri ethnic and territorial conflict over Mountainous Karabakh, or simply, the Karabakh conflict, is the longest running ethno-territorial conflict in the post- communist area. It represents a very interesting case to students of conflict and conflict resolution due to the complexities of history, ethnic identities and nationalism, as well as the presence of the whole gamut of questions, which the field of conflict resolution is dealing with. -
Reconsidering Azerbaijan's Foreign Policy on the 25Th Anniversary of Restored Independence
Reconsidering Azerbaijan’s Foreign Policy on the 25th Anniversary of Restored Independence Arastu HABİBBEYLİ* Abstract Key Words 2016 marked the 25th anniversary of the Azerbaijan, Independence, Energy Security, restoration of Azerbaijan’s state independence. Balanced and Multi-Vector Foreign Policy, Able to reinstate independence twice in the Transportation Corridor. past century- in 1918 and 1991- Azerbaijan carries on its ancient and prolific tradition of Introduction statehood. This also means twice ridding itself th of occupation in a single century and makes By the late 20 century, a new world state sovereignty the greatest accomplishment order had emerged in the aftermath of and asset for the country. Throughout a the Warsaw Pact’s dissolution and the 25 year journey under such complicated collapse of the Soviet Union. Regarding circumstances, Azerbaijan has gone from its significance, that phase can only being a country with a stagnant economy be compared to the new political to becoming the leader nation in the South Caucasus. This nation has become a reliable system that followed the Treaty of energy security partner, and has evolved from Westphalia. Changes transpiring in being a recipient of international aid to a the dawn of the 1990s predetermined donor country. Initially, an average member the establishment of the new world of the international community, Azerbaijan order. Geopolitical perturbations eventually reached the level of non-permanent accompanied the transition from member of the UN Security Council (2012- a bipolar to a unipolar world. The 2013). This article reviews the evolution of the foreign policy of the Republic of Azerbaijan unification of Germany, the breakup over the last 25 years. -
Third Powers in Europe's East
CHAILLOT PAPER Nº 144 — March 2018 Third powers in Europe’s east EDITED BY Nicu Popescu and Stanislav Secrieru WITH CONTRIBUTIONS BY Ozlem Demirtas-Bagdonas, Thomas S. Eder, Arzu Geybulla, Richard Giragosian, Julia Lisiecka, Michal Makocki, Anaïs Marin, Vadim Pistrinciuc, Hanna Shelest, Ariane Tabatabai and Ekaterine Zguladze Chaillot Papers European Union Institute for Security Studies 100, avenue de Suffren 75015 Paris http://www.iss.europa.eu Director: Gustav Lindstrom © EU Institute for Security Studies, 2018. Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, save where otherwise stated. print ISBN 978-92-9198-640-8 online ISBN 978-92-9198-641-5 ISSN 1017-7566 ISSN 1683-4917 QN-AA-18-001-EN-C QN-AA-18-001-EN-N DOI:10.2815/380336 DOI:10.2815/641868 Published by the EU Institute for Security Studies and printed in Luxembourg by Imprimerie Centrale. Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2018. THIRD POWERS IN EUROPE’S EAST Edited by Nicu Popescu and Stanislav Secrieru with contributions by Ozlem Demirtas-Bagdonas, Thomas S. Eder, Arzu Geybulla, Richard Giragosian, Julia Lisiecka, Michal Makocki, Anaïs Marin, Vadim Pistrinciuc, Hanna Shelest, Ariane Tabatabai and Ekaterine Zguladze CHAILLOT PAPERS March 2018 144 Disclaimer The views expressed in the various contributions to this Chaillot Paper are solely those of the respective authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute or of the European Union. European Union Institute for Security Studies Paris Director: Gustav Lindstrom © EU Institute for Security Studies, 2018. Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, save where otherwise stated. Contents Introduction: What are third powers up to in Europe’s East? 5 Nicu Popescu and Stanislav Secrieru The supply side: third powers’ approaches to the EU’s eastern neighbourhood Chinese approaches to the eastern neighbourhood 13 1 Thomas S.