JASs forum What is race today? Scientific, legal, and Journal of Anthropological Sciences social appraisals from around the globe Vol. 96 (2018), pp. 247-254 doi 10.4436/JASS.96013

Problematizing miscegenation: the fact/fiction of race in contemporary Brazil

Elena Calvo-González1 & Ricardo Ventura Santos2

1) Departamento de Sociologia and Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Sociais, Universidade Federal da Bahia, Brazil e-mail: [email protected] 2) Escola Nacional de Saúde Pública/ Fundação Oswaldo Cruz and Museu Nacional/ Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro

“Miscegenation is also genocide” popular culture, such as internationally recognised Banner held by protesters during the 2017 Black soap-operas. Conscience March in São Paulo, Brazil. In this “explosion” of race, one thing that has caught our attention is how miscegenation1, while The “World Conference against Racism, still being heralded as a “natural” characteristic Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related of Brazil’s population and history, is becoming Intolerance”, held in 2001 in Durban, South increasingly considered as a “problem.” This can Africa, was a turning point for Brazil. The coun- take the shape of explicit, discursive questioning try’s representatives released during this conference by sectors of organised Black Social Movements, an official recognition of the existence of racism or of State practices that aim to identify the right- within Brazil, and the commitment to implement ful beneficiaries of affirmative action policies. policies for the reduction of racial inequality. As a By analysing how miscegenation is presented result, there has been an explosion of debates in as “a problem”, and how this features centrally the country regarding race. From popular media in how race is enacted locally in contemporary outlets to the intellectual arena, discussions about Brazil, we follow M’Charek’s (2013) argument, racial identity, racial inequality and the realities who stated the need to go beyond the dyad of con- of racism have become progressively more com- sidering race either as a fact to be acknowledged mon in the public and academic spheres. At the or as a fiction to be contested. Instead, we should same time, and while in some other countries the consider it as both, a relational object in which past few decades have witnessed concerted efforts the boundary between what is seen as “biological” to remove race as a category from State use and and “social” is neither stable nor given, extend- institutional contexts, often substituting it with ing beyond the somatic body. Similar arguments the category ethnicity, in Brazil the tendency has regarding race that go beyond the somatic body been the opposite, towards an increasingly explicit were put forward by Oracy Nogueira (1955) in his use of race by the State in public policy. Together classic description of Brazil’s system, according to with this, the process of social mobility and the which an individual’s racial classification is based enhanced purchasing power of its population, on a context-dependent evaluation of the absence particularly the emergence of the so-called lower and presence of phenotypical marks deemed to be middle-classes, has also meant an increase in com- of African, Indigenous or European ancestry, as mercial products explicitly targeted at non-whites, such as “black” beauty products and services, 1 The term miscegenation is commonly used in Brazil with an increased “black” aesthetic being more and as a synonym for admixture and mestizaje, without recognised and incorporated into mainstream any negative connotation.

the JASs is published by the Istituto Italiano di Antropologia www.isita-org.com 248 JASs forum: What is race today? Scientific, legal, and social appraisals from around the globe well as other markers of status, such as character- of attaining a whitened country through succes- istics of clothing, educational level, and manners. sive crosses between European immigrants and This system meant that individuals’ racial classifi- the local, already mixed population. While the cation could change depending on the space and minutiae of these arguments is too extensive for contexts in which they spend their lives. this paper2, what interests us at this particular As we will argue, in the case of contemporary moment in history is this latter “redemptive” view Brazil, part of the issue regarding how miscegena- of admixture and its ties with a wider ideology tion features as “problematic” is closely related to that considered a white(ned) future as the goal establishing which individuals could benefit from which Brazil should aim for. certain affirmative action policies. In this process, This whitening process, which for many dec- while there is a need for removing some of the ades in the late 19th and early 20th centuries had as ambiguities involved in this racial classification its concrete effect the establishment of policies that and defining what would be “verifiable” criteria promoted the arrival of European immigrants into regarding racial classification, there are still con- the country, resurfaces in contemporary perspec- comitant uses of race as both a social construction tives that view miscegenation as a problem. Take and a biological/physical reality. for example the text in the protesters’ banner we referred to at the beginning of this article, with the saying “Miscegenation is also genocide”. As part Miscegenation as a problem: of the discourse of a radical wing of the organ- whitening and its after-effects ised Black Social Movement, this banner did not go unnoticed by the local and national press. The The history of considering miscegenation as use of the word “genocide” is common in activists’ a problem in Brazil can be traced to the late 19th actions to call attention to the high rates of violent and early 20th century. On the eve of the abolition death suffered by non-whites, particularly young of slavery (in 1888), local intellectuals and politi- males. Not so common in public discourse is the cians worried that the soon to be freed ex-slaves direct association between those violent deaths would be a threat to social order, with inborn and miscegenation, an association that in the ban- tendencies towards crime and vagrancy and ner was linguistically achieved by the use of the unsuited to salaried work. In its early years as an adverb “also”. In a country with a long-standing independent Nation (1889), and under the influ- national narrative of being thoroughly admixed, ence of scientific racism, the existing Brazilian where 46.7% of its population identifies itself as population, mostly of African or admixed origin, was seen as inferior to Europeans and as a hin- 2 At the risk of oversimplifying complex historical and drance to Brazil’s imagined future as a civilized, socio-political processes, we could argue that Brazil has European land. Scientific racist ideas were adapted experienced three moments regarding how miscegena- to local conditions, such as the widespread levels tion was considered. From the late nineteenth century of already existing admixture, to produce several until about the early 1930s, influenced by ideologies alternative courses of action for the country. These of racial determinism, it was perceived as something the nation had to overcome through its “whitening”. In ranged from fully substituting the local popula- the 1930s cultural turn, mestizaje became valued to the tion with European immigrants, a position argued point that it was transformed into a national symbol for by writers such as Nina Rodrigues, who con- of major prominence, as featured in Gilberto Freyre’s sidered that miscegenation resulted in the degen- work, in particular in his book Casa-Grande & Senzala. eration of successive generations, given that the Over the last two decades, it was increasingly portrayed worst traits from both progenitors were inherited by black movement activists and intellectuals as sup- porting notions of “racial democracy” that prevailed in by their offspring, to more optimistic views, such the country throughout most of the twentieth century as those espoused by Sílvio Romero and João (for more detailed and nuanced overviews, see Fry, Batista de Lacerda, who considered the possibility 2000; Guimarães, 2012; Maio & Santos, 2010). JASs forum: What is race today? Scientific, legal, and 249 social appraisals from around the globe mixed, choosing in census polls the intermedi- Meanwhile Larkin Nascimento, in response to ate category pardo, and where a third of current Riserio’s reading of Abdias do Nascimento’s work, marital unions are between people who classify argued that the phrase in question referred to the themselves in different census categories (Censo effects that the ideology of whitening had on Black Demográfico de 2010), this equation prompted identity. Using Abdias do Nascimento’s own per- a public outcry and clashes over the legitimacy of sonal and family trajectory, she pointed out how such a statement. One such confrontation took the on-the-ground processes of miscegenation in place in the pages of the Brazilian newspaper, Brazil historically involved a high degree of sym- A Folha de São Paulo, between anthropologist, bolic violence, in the shape of white supremacist António Risério, and Elisa Larkin Nascimento, theories that attempted to annihilate Blackness, as widow of the influential Black intellectual and well as physical violence, such as forced non-con- activist, Abdias do Nascimento, and current direc- sensual unions between non-white women and tor of the Foundation in charge of providing con- white men. Larkin Nascimento reminded read- tinuity to his activism for black people’s rights as ers that the concept of race her late husband used well as managing his archives. was not one that considered it a biological reality, Risério’s comment on the issue, published first, but rather a social construction, which classifies associated the banner with the Black Movements’ individuals based on the evaluation of phenotype. adherence to scientific racism ideas that abhorred As such, considering miscegenation as genocide is inter-racial unions: such unions would inevitably seen by Larkin as being part of a wider contem- lead to the extermination of Blacks. While Risério porary discourse of affirmation of Black identity, acknowledged the existence of racism in Brazil problematizing the notion of miscegenation as a and the dangers of an idealised portrayal of mis- neutral description of its population and history, cegenation as necessarily propitiating harmonious arguing rather for an idea of a construction that race relations, an accusation that is often thrown leads to the suppression of black identity in favour at the work of Gilberto Freyre (1933) for paint- of a whitened version of Brazil. ing a rosy-eyed picture of master slave relations, What was at stake in these two readings of he nevertheless considered the sentence in the the same banner is the degree to which it referred banner as a good example of how the Black Social merely to miscegenation as a social construction Movement was throwing out the baby with the or whether it also mobilized certain ideas about bathwater. By lumping together all individuals biological admixture. As we will point out in the who recognised themselves as admixed as anni- next section, these two ways of understanding mis- hilated, either in the metaphorical sense through cegenation, as a socially constructed phenomenon their embracing a racial identity other than black- based on the evaluation of external phenotype ness, or in the literal interpretation of having and/or as a biological reality, also feature centrally their blackness wiped out by the presence of non- in one of the other contexts in which miscegena- black genes, Black social movements ignore not tion appears as a problem in contemporary Brazil: only the history of individuals who self-identified the implementation and control of who should with intermediate categories beyond a position of benefit from affirmative action policies. submission to whites, but also the historical pro- cesses through which Brazil’s population became admixed not only as a result of violence and rape. Fraud and affirmative action Citing Abdias do Nascimento’s work as one of the policies: race as a social fact, race inspirations behind the banner’s message, Risério as biological fiction? brought attention to the fact that miscegenation is a fait accompli in Brazilian everyday life, both in Affirmative action policies targeting the terms of genetic admixture as well as ideologically, reduction of racial inequalities started to be in terms of social relations. implemented in Brazil in 2002, when several

www.isita-org.com 250 JASs forum: What is race today? Scientific, legal, and social appraisals from around the globe universities established entry quotas for blacks for adopted self-identification as the main criteria to higher education entry exams. A well-established be applied, some institutions attempted to create demand of organised Black Social movements, the third-party verification procedures. implementation of quotas was justified in order to The University of Brasilia, for example, estab- redress the unequal access to Brazil’s public higher lished a commission that evaluated candidates’ education system, with more self-classified white photos in order to decide who had the right to students gaining access than their fair share from compete for a place within the places reserved for the general population. This situation, deemed to blacks (Maio & Santos, 2005). However, after a be a consequence of previous unequal access to few controversial outcomes, such as an episode in quality primary and secondary education, resulted which a pair of identical twins found themselves in a homogenized student body and less economic in the incongruent situation of having one of opportunities for non-whites, given that a uni- their statuses as black confirmed while the other versity diploma was essential for access to better was denied the right to benefit from affirmative paid jobs. These initial actions regarding univer- action, it seemed that in the mid to late-2010s, sity entrance exams were progressively widened to the issue had been settled: most, if not all institu- include programmes and policies aimed at reduc- tions had adopted self-identification of would-be ing disparities in health outcomes, in the field that students as black or brown, following census cat- came to be known as Black Population Health egories, as the way in which potential beneficiar- (Creary, 2018; Maio & Santos, 2010). ies of these measures can be identified. Over time, racial quotas for university As the system expanded throughout the entrance exams, after the Supreme Court ruling country and beyond university undergraduate in favour of their constitutionality in 2012, were courses, a series of allegations of fraud appeared on extended by law to be implemented in all public national media, identifying candidates accused universities, and were progressively broadened of being whites who self-identified as brown to to encompass not only undergraduate but also benefit from these policies. Adding to this, there post-graduate courses, as well as in federal pub- was growing pressure from within sectors of the lic service selection procedures in 2014. Initially, organised Black Social Movementmeant, to the quotas were reserved for individuals self-iden- point that the once unthinkable idea of establish- tified as Negro, a term that would include not ing nationwide “verification committees” became only those who identified themselves with the a reality. In 2016, the Federal Government pub- census category black (preto), but also those self- lished guidelines for the creation of such com- identified with the intermediate census category missions at every institution. These commissions brown (pardo). Over time, the targeted groups would verify a candidates’ self-declared race, with were broadened to include individuals coming each institution making sure that the criteria from indigenous groups and quilombo runaway being applied was clearly established in the pub- slave communities. lic call for employment. The issue at stake was While several questions and criticisms were to differentiate lighter brown individuals from raised during the period prior to the implemen- whites who attempt to cheat the system for their tation of these measures, we will focus on one of own benefit, declaring themselves to be brown the issues raised: in a country with a long history when they were socially recognised as whites. of fluid, situational and ambiguous racial classi- Within this context of needing to verify a ficatory practices, where intermediate racial cat- candidates’ racial self-declaration, the following egories are part and parcel of the everyday real- criteria were published in a 2016 offer of public ity of race, what criteria could be established to service employment in the Instituto Federal do determine who could be considered black? What Pará (IFPA), a higher education institution in was the most adequate way to identify potential the North of Brazil. As established by the already beneficiaries? While the majority of institutions existing government guidelines, candidates were JASs forum: What is race today? Scientific, legal, and 251 social appraisals from around the globe to be assessed by members of a commission, and avoid candidates “frauding” the system, these classified according to their skin tone and other commissions had to classify individuals based on facial and bodily characteristics. A points system the evaluation of their external phenotype, with classified these elements, with skin overruling the the argument that only those candidates who rest: if a candidate was considered by the three were recognised by others as black could legiti- members of the commission to have brown or mately self-classify as such3. In some cases, along black skin, there was no need to meet any of the with the more general appearance of candidates, other criteria. If the candidate’s skin colour was for those with an intermediate phenotype, whose deemed to be white by some members of the classification within the brown group is not con- commission, then the candidate’s other features sidered to be clear to the commission members, were to be determined and classified with a yes/ they are requested to narrate episodes in which no answer: they were discriminated against due to their racial status. The credibility of such episodes “platyrrhine nose, dolicocelic (sic) skull then becomes the basis for their acceptance or (<74.9, with 4/5 width-length relation), jaw rejection as beneficiaries of the quota system. prognathism, thick lips, oblique and white Based on arguments that the procedures would teeth, purple mouth soft tissues, narrow be imprecise, subjective, and vague, candidates forehead, tight curly hair, scarce facial hair, who had their self-identification as non-whites and pronounced zygomatic arches” denied by such commissions contested their exclu- sion from the quota system in court. Some candi- Each of these criteria, when deemed to be dates even obtain reports from medical doctors, present in a candidate’s appearance by the evalu- such as dermatologists or plastic surgeons, to cer- ating commission, received 12.5 points, with tify that their skin colour and appearance is indeed a candidate gaining their right to benefit from compatible with their self-declaration as brown. quotas with a score of 62.5 points. The idea There are also instances in which geneticists and behind this points system is that while skin col- anthropologists have been called upon to provide our overrules the other criteria, there should be reports that could confirm a candidate’s identity as a significant presence of what was thought to be non-white. Given anthropologists’ key role in legal markers of non-whiteness. Five out of ten crite- processes of land demarcation for indigenous and ria met meant that the person with a light skin runaway slave communities, it is understandable colour had an appearance sufficiently admixed to that candidates attempt to obtain such reports for be socially recognised as non-white and benefit their own legal procedures. Some judges themselves from quotas. This classificatory table, neverthe- consider that an anthropological report could help less, ended up not being applied, after it became escape the subjectivity of how to classify a candi- publicised and criticised in local and national date within a certain racial group4. media for being too closely related to how sci- entific racism classified subjects. As in the case 3 We have no time in this essay to develop the argument, with most other commissions established across but it is important to mention that, while defended by the country, what was evaluated was a candidate’s segments of social movements, the existence of “race general appearance, without in fact any explicit classification boards” generates discomfort for many detailed description of which criteria were being scholars as well as some social movement activists. In particular, some similarities are evident between their applied to reject or accept a given candidate. classification procedures and those used during the Alongside this experience of the IFPA, a strongest moments of scientific racism (Bailey & Peria, growing number of universities in Brazil estab- 2010; Lehmann, 2016) . lished “race classification boards”. With broad 4 https://g1.globo.com/distrito-federal/noticia/candi- support from the Black Movement, who are data-do-df-ganha-na-justica-o-direito-de-se-dizer-par- behind the push to establish stricter criteria to da-em-concurso-publico.ghtml

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While the example of the IFPA’s detailed self-declaration lead to establishing objective racial criteria could be said to be an isolated epi- criteria for racial adscription. This is particularly sode, there is an aspect behind its publication the case given that most quotas established by that also forms a strategy used by candidates in law have to do with access to public services and court and often accepted by judges: the idea that job selection procedures. When combined with there is a certain, measurable and objective way some of the principles behind public service, to assess whether an individual can be consid- such as impersonality, and clarity, this resulted ered non-white or not, and that imprecise cri- in examples of clear biological criteria for racial teria have no room in public selection processes classification which surreptitiously resurfaced. where transparency and impersonality are central The drive toward judicial procedures initiated values. In the case of the IFPA table, the criteria by activists to combat fraud, and continued by resembled scientific racism manuals that classi- candidates in their ensuing actions for a judicial fied human bodies in terms of measurable and resolution to the rejection of their case, for those quantifiable characteristics, such as skull ratios, rejected by the established commissions, has led and jaw shape that are not necessarily part of the to an about face in a short period of time regard- repertoire used to determine someone’s position ing how the Brazilian Supreme Court considers in the everyday social construction of race. Other the issue. While in 2012, during the Supreme criteria present in the table, such as oblique and Court ruling on the Constitutionality of univer- white teeth, or purple soft tissues of the mouth, sity entrance quotas, one judge argued that self- while generally associated with African ancestry, declaration should be sufficient and that it would are hardly elements that in everyday life, and by be hard to justify the existence of a “racial court”, themselves, would place individuals in a given five years later in their 2017 ruling on the consti- category. Rather, they are factors that confirm a tutionality of quotas in public service job offers, more general reading of a person’s appearance, the final text considered the use of subsidiary cri- rather than determining it, as is the case with skin teria for third-party classification, in addition to colour or even hair. The case of hair is interest- self-classification, to be legitimate. ing for its centrality in pushing someone towards being classified as non-white. This is particularly so given how hair appears together with ideas Concluding remarks: Brazil as a about general beauty and particularly feminine diverse nation, or miscegenation not beauty, which are, in themselves, strongly racial- just as a problem ised. Hair is seen as a strong marker of non-Euro- pean identity, and in some cases overrules skin “The world’s largest variety of hair types colour. The presence of tight curly hair, deemed can be found in Brazil. We tested over 10 to be a marker of African ancestry, can shift a thousand Brazilian women and found 8 person’s social classification from white, particu- different existing hair types. That is a portrait larly in middle and upper-middle class spheres, of miscegenation. Brazil is a global cosmetics and move them to the non-white category. This lab. When we talk about skin colours, there particular combination even receives a specific are around 66 different types worldwide. We term in some regions of the country: sarará. found 55 of these in Brazil. In India, we found Most of the activists and intellectuals who 41, in Spain, 25. Brazil is very rich in diversity” argued for the establishing of mechanisms to curb fraudulent self-descriptions would never Laurent Attal, L’oreal Executive Vice- claim that race is a biological reality, but rather, President for Research and Innovation, on a socially constructed phenomenon located in the occasion of the inauguration in 2017 of the reading of an individual’s external pheno- the research centre the company set up in Rio type. However, the need to verify someone’s de Janeiro. JASs forum: What is race today? Scientific, legal, and 253 social appraisals from around the globe

While we saw that in contemporary Brazil, The representation of the country as a haven miscegenation can be seen as a “problem” that for genetic diversity, resulting from its popula- requires either intervention in terms of identity tion history, is not necessarily denied by activists (a discourse exemplified by the “miscegenation that argue for the public use of the racial category is also genocide” banner), or a practical ques- “Black” as inclusive of those who self-declare tion in terms of classificatory criteria and pro- themselves as mixed. However, while this narra- cedures to circumvent the ambiguity resulting tive about admixture is not denied, it is also not from intermediate racial categories in Brazil, central in their view of how the Nation should this story is only one of the many dimensions construct its future history. of the ongoing narrative about racial identity Timid initiatives from the field of social in the country. In fact, the view that consid- activism, such as the group Nação Mestiça- ers miscegenation to be what we could call an Movimento Pardo-Mestiço Brasileiro (Mixed “asset”, or a key characteristic that can be seen Nation: Brazilian Brown-Mestizo Movement), if not in positive terms, at least in neutral ones, founded in the northern State of Amazonas, has also returned in recent years, or rather, had have attempted to embrace such admixed iden- never left the public sphere. This view has also tity openly and advocate for its enduring central- resurfaced in areas that focus on genetic and ity in how the Nation should represent itself and biological variety, re-emphasizing a long-estab- how they should feature in the country’s future. lished view of the country as a unique case in The key issue in this process of rethinking and terms of its genetic and physical diversity (Wade re-enacting what miscegenation entails is how et al., 2014). The cosmetics industry is one that the different ‘biological’ and ‘social’ elements was quick to latch onto the view of Brazil as a that compose race appear and reappear both miscegenated nation and to take advantage of in explicit and implicit ways, in the intersection this, both in terms of research, as we can see in between ideas about bodily and biological diver- the quote of L’oreal’s vice-president for research sity, in the readings of individual bodies’ racial and innovation. It also markets its products for identity, and in Brazil’s national history and nar- consumers of such products, employing a wider ratives regarding Nation. variety of models with different skin tones and While there is a multiplicity of discourses hair textures, or in the use of slogans such as and ways of considering race in contemporary “developed specifically for Brazilian skin”, Brazil, we should also be aware of how these par- which paradoxically turns this diversity into a tial visions of what race “is”, when put together, single model that would represent the “ideal” constitute a broader picture in which certain Brazilian as admixed, an expression often used ideas become, over time, more prominent than when referring to the “beauty” of the Brazilian others. We are acutely aware that this “explosion” woman, accompanied by a photo of any famous of race and the ways in which miscegenation is actress that, in general, has an intermediate either seen as a “problem” or an “asset” is a pro- skin colour and hair texture. This vision of the cess that is rapidly unfolding as we write. At the genetic potential of Brazil as a result of its his- same time, and although one could point to an torical admixture processes is also found in bio- emerging, more “restricted” way of considering medicine, for example in the expectations that race, in which the State engages with racial classi- international bone marrow donor registries have fication and a certain criteria to define what race of the Brazilian registry undergoing a process of is, we should also pay attention to ways in which expansion. Given the high level of admixture race was conceived in the past. The recurrence found in the Brazilian population, this may help of 19th century criteria for classifying bodies, or identify rarer alleles that could enable recipients how mid-20th century ideas about Brazil being with these allele combinations to find a match- “the” land of admixture still appear in contem- ing donor. porary discourses, reminds us that when it comes

www.isita-org.com 254 JASs forum: What is race today? Scientific, legal, and social appraisals from around the globe to ideas about race, one set of ideas is not inte- Lehmann D. 2016. The Politics of nam- grally substituted by other. Rather, before our ing: Affirmative Action in Brazilian Higher very eyes, a complex process of sedimentation in Education. In D. Lehmann (ed): The Crisis of which new (or not so new) narratives and prac- Multiculturalism in Latin America, pp. 179- tices about race overlap and/or intermingle with 221. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. those of old “strata” is unfolding, at times erupt- Maio M.C. & Santos R.V. (eds) 2010. Raça ing like a powerful volcano that spills over into como Questão: História, Ciência e Identidades no multiple dimensions of contemporary life. Brasil. Editora Fiocruz, Rio de Janeiro. M’Charek A. 2013. Beyond fact or fiction: On the materiality of race in practice. Cult. Anthropol., References 28: 420-442. Nogueira O. 1955. Preconceito racial de marca e Bailey S.R & Peria M. 2010. Racial quotas and preconceito racial de origem (Sugestão de um the culture war in Brazilian Academia. Sociol. quadro de referência para a interpretação do ma- Compass., 4: 592-604. terial sobre relações raciais no Brasil). Anais do Creary M.S. 2018. Biocultural citizenship and XXXI Congresso Internacional dos Americanistas. embodying exceptionalism: Biopolitics for Editora Anhembi, São Paulo. sickle cell disease in Brazil. Soc. Sci. Med., 199: Telles E. 2004. Race in Another America: The 123-131. Significance of Skin Color in Brazil. Princeton Fry P. 2000. Politics, nationality, and the mean- University Press, Princeton. ings of “race” in Brazil.” Daedalus 129: 83-118. Wade P., Beltrán C.L., Restrepo E. & Santos Guimarães A.S.A. 2012. Colour and race in R.V. (eds) 2014. Mestizo genomics: race mix- Brazil: From whitening to the search for Afro- ture, nation, and science in Latin America. Duke Descent. Proc. Br. Acad., 179: 17-34. University Press, Durham.

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