Justifying Relations with an Apostate During a Jihād a Salafi-Jihādist Group’S Relations with Turkey in Syria
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Policy Notes for the Trump Notes Administration the Washington Institute for Near East Policy ■ 2018 ■ Pn55
TRANSITION 2017 POLICYPOLICY NOTES FOR THE TRUMP NOTES ADMINISTRATION THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ 2018 ■ PN55 TUNISIAN FOREIGN FIGHTERS IN IRAQ AND SYRIA AARON Y. ZELIN Tunisia should really open its embassy in Raqqa, not Damascus. That’s where its people are. —ABU KHALED, AN ISLAMIC STATE SPY1 THE PAST FEW YEARS have seen rising interest in foreign fighting as a general phenomenon and in fighters joining jihadist groups in particular. Tunisians figure disproportionately among the foreign jihadist cohort, yet their ubiquity is somewhat confounding. Why Tunisians? This study aims to bring clarity to this question by examining Tunisia’s foreign fighter networks mobilized to Syria and Iraq since 2011, when insurgencies shook those two countries amid the broader Arab Spring uprisings. ©2018 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ NO. 30 ■ JANUARY 2017 AARON Y. ZELIN Along with seeking to determine what motivated Evolution of Tunisian Participation these individuals, it endeavors to reconcile estimated in the Iraq Jihad numbers of Tunisians who actually traveled, who were killed in theater, and who returned home. The find- Although the involvement of Tunisians in foreign jihad ings are based on a wide range of sources in multiple campaigns predates the 2003 Iraq war, that conflict languages as well as data sets created by the author inspired a new generation of recruits whose effects since 2011. Another way of framing the discussion will lasted into the aftermath of the Tunisian revolution. center on Tunisians who participated in the jihad fol- These individuals fought in groups such as Abu Musab lowing the 2003 U.S. -
In Their Own Words: Voices of Jihad
THE ARTS This PDF document was made available from www.rand.org as CHILD POLICY a public service of the RAND Corporation. CIVIL JUSTICE EDUCATION Jump down to document ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT 6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit research NATIONAL SECURITY POPULATION AND AGING organization providing objective analysis and PUBLIC SAFETY effective solutions that address the challenges facing SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY the public and private sectors around the world. SUBSTANCE ABUSE TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Support RAND TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE Purchase this document WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Learn more about the RAND Corporation View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND PDFs to a non-RAND Web site is prohibited. RAND PDFs are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND monographs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. in their own words Voices of Jihad compilation and commentary David Aaron Approved for public release; distribution unlimited C O R P O R A T I O N This book results from the RAND Corporation's continuing program of self-initiated research. -
Sunni – Shi`A Relations and the Implications for Belgium and Europe
FEARING A ‘SHIITE OCTOPUS’ SUNNI – SHI`A RELATIONS AND THE IMPLICATIONS FOR BELGIUM AND EUROPE EGMONT PAPER 35 FEARING A ‘SHIITE OCTOPUS’ Sunni – Shi`a relations and the implications for Belgium and Europe JELLE PUELINGS January 2010 The Egmont Papers are published by Academia Press for Egmont – The Royal Institute for International Relations. Founded in 1947 by eminent Belgian political leaders, Egmont is an independent think-tank based in Brussels. Its interdisciplinary research is conducted in a spirit of total academic freedom. A platform of quality information, a forum for debate and analysis, a melting pot of ideas in the field of international politics, Egmont’s ambition – through its publications, seminars and recommendations – is to make a useful contribution to the decision- making process. *** President: Viscount Etienne DAVIGNON Director-General: Marc TRENTESEAU Series Editor: Prof. Dr. Sven BISCOP *** Egmont - The Royal Institute for International Relations Address Naamsestraat / Rue de Namur 69, 1000 Brussels, Belgium Phone 00-32-(0)2.223.41.14 Fax 00-32-(0)2.223.41.16 E-mail [email protected] Website: www.egmontinstitute.be © Academia Press Eekhout 2 9000 Gent Tel. 09/233 80 88 Fax 09/233 14 09 [email protected] www.academiapress.be J. Story-Scientia NV Wetenschappelijke Boekhandel Sint-Kwintensberg 87 B-9000 Gent Tel. 09/225 57 57 Fax 09/233 14 09 [email protected] www.story.be All authors write in a personal capacity. Lay-out: proxess.be ISBN 978 90 382 1538 9 D/2010/4804/17 U 1384 NUR1 754 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the permission of the publishers. -
Who Is Shaker Aamer? Crt Briefing, 9 February 2015
BRITAIN’S LAST GUANTÁNAMO DETAINEE: WHO IS SHAKER AAMER? CRT BRIEFING, 9 FEBRUARY 2015 INTRODUCTION It is UK government policy that Shaker Aamer, the last remaining British resident detained at Guantánamo Bay, be returned. In December 2014, newspaper stories emerged suggesting that this could soon be the case.1 At a meeting in Washington, DC, a month later, President Obama told Prime Minister David Cameron that the US would “prioritise” the case.2 Aamer, who was born in Saudi Arabia, was captured in Afghanistan in November 2001; he was sent to Guantánamo Bay in February 2002. The US government believes him to be a weapons-trained al- Qaeda fighter; Aamer’s supporters claim that he was in Afghanistan to carry out voluntary work for an Islamic charity.3 Aamer is thought to have been cleared for transfer to Saudi Arabia in June 2007 (although, as late as November 2007, Department of Defense documentation recommended that he continue to be 1 ‘Guantanamo to free last UK inmate’, The Sunday Times, 28 December 2014, available at: http://www.thesundaytimes.co.uk/sto/news/uk_news/National/article1500831.ece?CMP=OTH-gnws-standard-2014_12_27, last visited: 29 January 2015; see also: ‘Last British inmate at Guantanamo set to be freed in the new year in fresh push by Obama to empty prison’, Daily Mail, 28 December 2014, available at: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2888964/Last-British- inmate-Guantanamo-set-freed-new-year-fresh-push-Obama-prison.html, last visited: 29 January 2015. 2 ‘Barack Obama to “prioritise” case of Guantánamo detainee Shaker Aamer’, The Guardian, 16 January 2015, available at: http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/jan/16/shaker-aamer-guantanamo-bay-prioritise-obama-case, last visited: 29 January 2015. -
INTRODUCTION Shaykh Muḥammad Ibn ʿabd Al-Wahhāb Was Born in 1703 in the Village of Al-ʿuyayna in the Remote Region of Najd
CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION Shaykh Muḥammad ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb was born in 1703 in the village of al-ʿUyayna in the remote region of Najd on the Arabian Peninsula. Coming from a lineage of Islamic jurists and trained within the same discipline, his life took a decisive turn in 1739 when he embarked on an extensive campaign of reforming the religious practices of his contemporaries. As captured in his seminal treatise, Kitāb al-Tawḥid (The Book of God’s Unity), the core point in Ibnʿ Abd al-Wahhāb’s teaching was the return to a total and exclusive worship of God alone. Embedded in this was the rejection of veneration at physical sites such as shrines or graves and other practices generally considered as bidaʿ (innovations). The alliance formed between him and the tribal leader Muḥammad ibn Saʿūd in 1744 provided Ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb with the necessary political backing and was the starting point for the political and ideological unification of the Arabian Peninsula. The area was, however, haunted by internal strife and by repeated conflicts with the Ottoman (Egyptian) forces during the larger part of the 19th century, and it was not until 1932 that a lasting polity was established—the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. This political entity became pivotal for the dissemination of religious teachings that would later have a deep impact on numerous localities. Whereas I will return to the issue of Salafism more in detail in the next chapter, some remarks on my understanding and usage of the term are in order. The word itself is derived from the Arabical-salaf al-sāliḥ ̣, “the pious ancestors”,1 and refers to a theological trait within Islam emerging during the Abbasid Caliphate. -
Violent Jihad in the Netherlands
Violent Jihad in the Netherlands Current trends in the Islamist terrorist threat Violent Jihad in the Netherlands Current trends in the Islamist terrorist threat 2 Contents Foreword 5 Introduction 7 The murder of Theo van Gogh: consequences and effects 7 General trends in the development of jihadism 9 Framework of terms and definitions 10 1 From exogenous threat to home-grown terrorism 13 1.1 What is a jihadist network? 13 1.2 Historical development of network formation 15 1.2.1 The traditional phase: migration of jihadists 15 1.2.2 The proliferation phase: recruitment 16 1.2.3 The ‘home-grown’ phase: radicalisation and jihadisation 17 1.3 Three types of jihadist networks 17 2 Decentralisation and local implantation of international jihad19 2.1Al-Qaeda: from ‘network of gynetworks’ 19 to trademark and ideolo 2.2 Ideology of global violent jihad 21 2.3 Decentralisation of international jihad 22 2.4 Local implantation of international jihad 26 3 Radicalisation and the emergence of local networks 29 3.1Radicalisation, recruitment and jihadisation 29 3.2 The religious context of radicalisation 30 3.3 The socio-political context of radicalisation 33 3.4 The cultural and socio-psychological context of radicalisation 35 3.5 Emergence of local autonomous cells and networks 37 3.6 Backgrounds and functioning of local autonomous networks 38 3.7 The significance of the Hofstad network 39 4 Virtualisation of jihad 43 4.1The Internet as a propulsion of the jihad movement 43 4.2 Al-Qaeda as a virtual database (top-down) 44 4.3 The virtual umma (grass -
2. JIHADI-SALAFI REBELLION and the CRISIS of AUTHORITY Haim Malka
2. JIHADI-SALAFI REBELLION AND THE CRISIS OF AUTHORITY Haim Malka ihadi-salafists are in open rebellion. The sheer audacity of the JSeptember 11, 2001 attacks, combined with Osama bin Laden’s charisma and financial resources, established al Qaeda as the leader of jihad for a decade. Yet, the Arab uprisings of 2011 and the civil war in Syria shifted the ground dramatically. More ambi- tious jihadi-salafists have challenged al Qaeda’s leadership and approach to jihad, creating deep divisions. For the foreseeable future, this crisis will intensify, and al Qaeda and its chief com- petitor, the Islamic State, will continue to jockey for position. In late 2010, the self-immolation of a despairing Tunisian street vendor inspired millions of Arabs to rise up against authoritarian governments. In a matter of weeks, seemingly impregnable Arab regimes started to shake, and a single man had sparked what decades of attacks by Islamists, including jihadi-salafi groups, had not: the overthrow of an authoritarian government. In the wake of this change, a new generation of jihadi-salafists saw unprecedented opportunities to promote their own methods, priorities, and strategy of jihad. Jihadi-salafists had very little to do with the Arab uprisings themselves, though they quickly realized the importance of capitalizing on new regional dynamics. The fall of authoritarian rulers in Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt created contested political and security environments. New governments released thou- 9 10 Jon B. Alterman sands of jailed jihadi-salafi leaders and activists. This move not only bolstered the ranks of jihadi-salafi groups, but also provided unprecedented space for them to operate locally with minimal constraints. -
Variations Within the Salafi Movement
Variations within the Salafi Movement: Introduction My name is Jonathan Brown and I'm a professor of Islamic history at Georgetown University. I study Islamic law and Islamic intellectual history. By now, you've learned quite a bit about Islam. And you've probably heard a lot of foreign terms and confusing words. Sunni Islam, Shiite Islam, Sharia law. What exactly is Salafi Islam, or, as I'm going to call it, Salafism. Salafism is a brand of Sunni Islam. It's not a political movement or a institution. It's an approach to religion. It's an attitude. Actually, in Christianity there's a very good analogy, namely the difference between Catholicism and Protestant Christianity. In Catholicism, it's the church that defines Christianity. For 2000 years, the Church has interpreted the Bible, adjusted the teachings of Christianity according to time and place, added to them, taken away. And in Catholicism, it's the church the decides what Christianity means. Protestantism, on the other hand, decided that at some point, the church had gone wrong, incorporating elements into Christianity that were inappropriate or going astray at certain points. Protestantism wanted to go back to the scripture, back to the Bible. It wanted to go back to the sources. In Islam, Salafism is like Protestantism, and mainstream Sunni Islam is like Catholicism. Salafis believe that in the 1400 years since the Prophet Muhammad began the religion of Islam, mainstream Sunnis had gone astray, incorporating foreign beliefs, and corrupt practices into their religion. And Salafis call Muslims to go back to the original scriptures of Islam, to the Qur'an, the main revelation of Muhammad, and to the specific teachings of Muhammad. -
Should We Be Scared of All Salafists in Europe? a Dutch Case Study by Ineke Roex
PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 8, Issue 3 Should we be Scared of all Salafists in Europe? A Dutch Case Study by Ineke Roex Abstract European governments consider the Salafi movement to be primarily a security threat. Yet developments in the Dutch Salafi movement reveal that quietist and political Salafists distance themselves from coercion and violence in the European context and also respect democratic authority. The movement manifests itself in very different ways worldwide. A more nuanced and contextual approach is necessary in order to assess and interpret potential threats. The peaceful branch of the movement should be understood as orthodox in nature, with the accompanying social and societal problems, but not by definition as a threat to the democratic rule of law. Keywords: Salafism, The Netherlands, Jihadism Introduction The Salafi movement is an orthodox Sunni Islamic movement. Like the Muslim Brotherhood, it has been rooting itself in Europe since the 1980s, due to the arrival of Islamic activists from the Middle East [1]. In the past decade, the movement has gained notoriety for acts of violence that are attributable to jihadist Salafism, a violent offshoot of the movement. Filmmaker Theo van Gogh was murdered in the Netherlands in 2004, and there were bombings in London (2005) and Madrid (2007) by Islamists. More recently, in 2012 and 2013, jihadists operating as individuals or in groups have carried out acts of violence in Belgium, France and England [2]. As a result, the Salafi movement as a whole is viewed as a security threat [3]. In this article, it will be shown that important sections of the Salafi movement distance themselves from violent extremism. -
I Am a Salafi : a Study of the Actual and Imagined Identities of Salafis
The Hashemite Kingdom Jordan The Deposit Number at The National Library (2014/5/2464) 251.541 Mohammad Abu Rumman I Am A Salafi A Study of The Actual And Imagined Identities of Salafis / by Mohammad Abu Rumman Amman:Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2014 Deposit No.:2014/5/2464 Descriptors://Islamic Groups//Islamic Movement Published in 2014 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Jordan & Iraq FES Jordan & Iraq P.O. Box 941876 Amman 11194 Jordan Email: [email protected] Website: www.fes-jordan.org Not for sale © FES Jordan & Iraq All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted, reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means without prior written permission from the publishers. The views and opinions expressed in this publication are solely those of the original author. They do not necessarily represent those of the Friedrich-Ebert Stiftung or the editor. Translation: Dr. Hassan Barari Editing: Amy Henderson Cover: YADONIA Group Printing: Economic Printing Press ISBN: 978-9957-484-41-5 2nd Edition 2017 2 I AM A SALAFI A Study of the Actual and Imagined Identities of Salafis by Mohammad Abu Rumman 3 4 Dedication To my parents Hoping that this modest endeavor will be a reward for your efforts and dedication 5 Table of Contents DEDICATION ........................................................................................................ 5 FOREWORD .......................................................................................................... 8 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................ -
How Should Muslims Think About Apostasy Today?
2 | The Issue of Apostasy in Islam Author Biography Dr. Jonathan Brown is Director of Research at Yaqeen Institute, and an Associate Professor and Chair of Islamic Civilization at Georgetown University. Disclaimer: The views, opinions, findings, and conclusions expressed in these papers and articles are strictly those of the authors. Furthermore, Yaqeen does not endorse any of the personal views of the authors on any platform. Our team is diverse on all fronts, allowing for constant, enriching dialogue that helps us produce high-quality research. Copyright © 2017. Yaqeen Institute for Islamic Research 3 | The Issue of Apostasy in Islam The Shari’ah consists of some laws that remain the same regardless of changing circumstances and others that change with them. Most of the Shari’ah is up to individual Muslims to follow in their own lives. Some are for judges to implement in courts. Finally, the third set of laws is for the ruler or political authority to implement based on the best interests of society. The Shari’ah ruling on Muslims who decide to leave Islam belongs to this third group. Implemented in the past to protect the integrity of the Muslim community, today this important goal can best be reached by Muslim governments using their right to set punishments for apostasy aside. One of the most common accusations leveled against Islam involves the freedom of religion. The problem, according to critics: Islam doesn’t have any. This criticism might strike some as odd since it has been well established that both the religion of Islam and Islamic civilization have shown a level of religious tolerance that would make modern Americans blush. -
Apostasy and the Notion of Religious Freedom in Islam Sherazad Hamit Macalester College
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by DigitalCommons@Macalester College Macalester Islam Journal Volume 1 Spring 2006 Article 4 Issue 2 10-11-2006 Apostasy and the Notion of Religious Freedom in Islam Sherazad Hamit Macalester College Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/islam Recommended Citation Hamit, Sherazad (2006) "Apostasy and the Notion of Religious Freedom in Islam," Macalester Islam Journal: Vol. 1: Iss. 2, Article 4. Available at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/islam/vol1/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Religious Studies Department at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Macalester Islam Journal by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Hamit: Apostasy and the Notion of Religious Freedom in Islam Macalester Islam Journal Fall 2006 page 31 ______________________________________________________ Apostasy and the Notion of Religious Freedom in Islam Sherazad Hamit ‘07 This paper will argue that the Afghan Government’s sentencing to death of native Abdul Rahman as an apostate goes against Qur’anic decrees on apostasy and is therefore un-Islamic, given the context of the apostate in question. Published by DigitalCommons@Macalester College, 2006 1 Macalester Islam Journal, Vol. 1 [2006], Iss. 2, Art. 4 Macalester Islam Journal Fall 2006 page 32 ______________________________________________________ Apostasy and the Notion of Religious Freedom in Islam Sherazad Hamit ‘07 The question of whether or not Islam allows for freedom of worship has once again resurfaced as a topic of contention, this time in relation to the Afghan government sentencing of native Abdul Rahman to death as an apostate because of his conversion to Christianity sixteen years ago.