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THE MISSISSIPPI FREEDOM DEMOCRATIC PARTr

Background Information for Supportive Campaigns by Campus Groups prepared by STEVE MAX Political Education ProJeSct, .Room 309, 119 Fifth Ave., N.Y.C. 10003 Associated with Students for a Democratic Society THE MISSISSIPPI FREEDOM DEMOCRATIC PARTY: BACKGROUND AND RECENT DEVELOPMENTS by STEVE MAX The Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party was founded April 26, 1964 in order to create an opportunity for meaningful political expres­ sion for the 438,000 adult Negro Mississippians who traditionally have been denied this right. In addition to being a political instrument, the FDP provides a focus for the coordination of civil rights activity in the state and around the country. Although its members do not necessarily think in these "terms, the MFDP is the organization above all others whose work is most directly forcing a realignment within the Democratic Party. All individuals and organizations who understand that when the Negro is not free, then all are in chains; who realize that the present system of discrimi­ nation precludes the abolition of poverty, and who have an interest in the destruction of the Dixiecrat-Republican alliance and the purging of the racists from the Democratic Party are potential allies of the MFDP. BACKGROUND INFORMATION The Mississippi Democratic Party runs the state of Mississippi with an iron hand. It controls the legislative, executive and judicial be nches of the state government. Prior to the November, 1964 elec­ tion all 49 state Senators and all but one of the 122 Representa­ tives were Democrats. Mississippi sent four Democrats and one Goldwater Republican to Congress last November. The Mississippi Democratic Party uses its power to exclude Negroes from the electoral process. Though Negroes represent over k0% of the state population, all voter registrars are white. Today only 28,p00 Negroes are registered in Mississippi as compared with 500,000 whites. This figure represents only 6.7$ of the 435,000 Negroes in Mississippi who are of voting age. While the civil rights movement has made some improvement in Negro registration in many Southern states, in Mississippi, registration dropped by several hundred between 1962 and 1964. The methods used to prevent Negro voting are well known and do not need to be gone into at length. Suffice it to say in the words of Professor Russell H. Barrett of the University of Mississippi: The whole pattern of voting requirements and of the regis­ tration form Is calculated to make the process appear a hopelessly formidable"one. The pattern is supposed to bristle with complexities which culminate in the publica­ tion of the would-be voter's name in the local newspaper for two weeks. A major purpose of all this is to so over­ whelm the voter that he will not have the audacity even to attempt registration. (Mississippi Free Press, 4/18/64) -2- For those who do have the audacity, there is a systematic policy of reprisal, for which no white man has ever been brought to justice-- and little wonder, since sheriffs and judges are elected in the Dem­ ocratic primary and there has not been a Negro office holder in Miss­ issippi since 1892. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) has documented 140 cases of violence and intimidation in Mississippi from 1961 to February 1964, and has published this material in a pamphlet entitled Mississippi. That figure, however, is representative of a much larger pattern of incidents, mostly unreported. Furthermore, It does not in­ clude the violence of the 1964 summer months, which at least, equalled that of the three previous years. We cannot, of course, forget .• Schwerner, Chaney and Goodman, and must remember that their names are known beaause two of them were white and from the north, and not because they were murdered-in Mississippi. Documentation of violence up to the spring of 1963 can be found in the April 4, I963 issue of the Congressional Record. THE ORGANIZATION OF THE MISSISSIPPI .FREEDOM DEMOCRATIC PARTY The Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party was officially established at a meeting In Jackson, Mississippi on April 26, 1964. Two hundred to three hundfed delegates attended the meeting and elected a state ex­ ecutive committee of 12. Because they were barred from the "regular" organization, the Freedom Democrats set up a parallel structure at all levels, including their own system of voter registration. Simplified registration forms and procedures based on those used in several nor­ thern states were adopted. Over the summer of 1964, the MFDP, working with the Council of Feder­ ated Organizations (COFO) staff and local volunteers, "registered" over 50,000 Negroes of voting age. MFDP candidates ran and were de­ feated in the Democratic primary of June 2, 1964. Mrs. Victoria Gray, Mrs. Fannie Lou Hamer, Rev. John Cameron and Mr. James Houston ran in opposition to Senator John Stennis, Rep. Jamie Whitten, Rep. William M. Colmer and Rep. John Bell Williams. Following the primary, these candidates filed the necessary number of signatures to be place on the ballot as independents. This was, however, rejected by the Miss­ issippi State Board of Election. It was at this point that the MFDP reorganized itself to conduct a mock election and to challenge the credentials of the Mississippi Delegation to the Democratic National Convention. During the weeks of July, 1964, precinct meetings were held in 26 Mississippi counties as alternatives tothe "regular" Democratic precinct meetings which barred Negroes. An estimated 3,500 persons attended these meetings. At the end of July, County Conventions were held in 35 counties as part of the policy of structuring the MFDP in a fashion parallel to that of the "regular" Democrats . -3-

Several additional county conventions were held in Jackson, Missis­ sippi when it was judged that it would be too dangerous for some people to hold meetings in their own counties. A total of 282 dele­ gates were elected from the county conventions to a state convention which met in Jackson on August 6th. This FDP state convention elected officers, chose a delegation to the Democratic National Convention, and adopted a platform and principles. At that time they stated: "We deem ourselves part and. parcel of the National Democratic Party and proudly announce our adherence to it. We affirm our belief that the National Democratic Platform of recent years has been a great liberal manifesto dedicated to the best intentions of the people of our Nation of all races, creeds and colors ..."

THE CHALLENGE AT THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION The State Convention of the MFDP sent 68 delegates and alternates to the National Convention of the Democratic Party to challenge the seating of the "regular''' Mississippi delegation. The events of the challenge are widely known and since many of you were there or watched the convention on TV, there is no need for a long exposition of the proceedings. Briefly, the MFDP argued against the seating of the regulars on the following grounds; "The traditional Party has demonstrated Its bad faith by:

# Excluding Negroes (the group most likely to support President Johnson) from registration and from the Party by harrassment and terror. * Repeatedly proclaiming its independence of the National Party. * Opposing the platform and principles of the National party * Spewing hatred upon Presidents Kennedy and Johnson.

* Viciously attacking Negroes and Negro organizations. * Enacting laws to keep the National Party off the ballot. * Recessing their state convention so that they can turn to Goldwater. * Coming here (to the Convention - S .M.) only to keep the Freedom Pm-ty froin being seated. (MFDP brief submitted to cred­ entials sub-committee of the Democratic National Committee page 6l.) -4- The credentials sub-committee of the Democratic National Committee offered as a compromise to seat two leaders of the MFDP delegation, Dr. Aaron Henry and Rev. Ed King, as members-at-large and to establish a committee which would try to have the delegation to the 1968 convention chosen in a non-discriminatory fashion. The compromise was rejected by the MFDP on the grounds that: 1) It was tokenism. 2) The people of Mississippi had chosen 68 representatives and the credentials committee could not simply pick two of them to represent the MFDP. It was felt that to con­ sent to this would be a violation of the trust that the MFDP convention had placed in its delegates . 3) The "regulars" would still be recognized although the MFDP delegates had come specifically to unseat the "regulars" whom they considered unrepresentative and illegally chosen by the Mississippi State Convention. 4) The compromise offered no real precedent for the future. 5) The committee which would try to prevent the choosing of an unrepresentative delegation at the 1968 convention was given no real power. 6) The real purpose of the compromise was to prevent a floor fight and was thus an attempt on the part of Johnson-Humphrey et.al. to avoid an open discussion of that which should have been the real issue at the con­ vention -- racism in the country and in the Democratic Party. The MFDP stated: Finally it must be understood that the FDP delegation did not come to Atlantic City begging for crumbs. They came demanding full rights for themselves and for one million other human beings. They would have accepted any honorable compromise between reasonable men. The test was not whether the FDP could accept "political realism," but rather whether the Convention and the National Democratic Party could accept the challenge presented by the FDP. The Convention and the National Democratic Party failed that test.

(undated MFDP mailing- probably from the end of August, 1964) Prior to the Democratic Convention, resolutions supporting the seating of the MFDP delegation as opposed to the "regulars" were passed by the state Democratic Convention in Michigan, Oregon, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Massachusetts, Colorado. Similar resolutions were passed by the State Committees of New York and California, as well as by the Young Democrat's Club at the University of Virginia. THE FREEDOM ELECTION After being ruled off the ballot as an independent party, the MFDP organized a freedom election in which all citizens who met the l4th Amendment criteria for voting were eligible to participate. Ballots were cast in 53 of the state's 82 counties and were mailed in from counties too dangerous for the MFDP workers to enter. Needless to say, the application of harrassment, terror and violence was continued by the officials of the state of Mississippi through­ out the entire process. Thus, the results of the freedom election have the greatest significance. President Johnson received 63,839 votes in the Freedom Election as opposed to 52,538 votes in the "official" election. Goldwater received 354,459 votes in the "official election." The returns from the elections that the FDP contested are as follows: OFFICE FDP CANDIDATE FDP VOTE NEGROES OVER 21 Rep. 2nd District Fannie Lou Hamer 33,009 159,432 Rep. 4th District Annie Devine 6,001 5°,329 Rep. 5th District Victoria Gray 10,138 50,985 U.S. Senator Aaron Henry 6l,004 422,256 OFFICE REGULAR CANDIDATES REG. VOTE WHITES OVER 21 Rep. 2nd District Rep. Whitten 70,201 147,031 Rep. 4th District Rep. Winstead * 28,057 107,509 Rep. 5th District Rep. Colmer 83,120 193,970 U.S. Senator Senator Stennis 343,364 748,266 * Arthur Winstead lost to Republican Prentiss Walker, 28,057 to 35,277- Figures for Negroes and whites over 21 are based on the i960 census. THE FDP CONGRESSIONAL CHALLENGE The Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party is currently carrying its activity a step further by challenging the seating of the entire Mississippi Delegation to the U.S. House of Representatives, and demanding that MFDP candidates be seated in their place . This is being done on the grounds that the November 1964 election in the state was illegal and unconstitutional and therefore void. THE LEGAL FOUNDATIONS OF THE CHALLENGE: A BRIEF SUMMARY 1. Section 244 of the Mississippi Constitution, which provides for testing an applicant on his understanding of the consti­ tution, is illegal. In 1954, an amendment to the Constitution of Mississippi was passed by referendum of the voters registered at that time. This amend­ ment required that applicants be tested on their understanding of the constitution of the state. The form of the test and the evaluation of the test were left to the individual registrar. In 1954, sixty-three percent of the white persons of voting age were already registered to vote. Only five percent of the eligible Negroes were registered. Since registration is permanent in the state, already enfranchised voters would not have to be retested, and the amendment would thus apply primarily to Negroes. This is discriminatory. This law therefore violates the Fifteenth Amend­ ment to the U.S. Constitution, which provides that "the right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude." Furthermore, the ability of a person to interpret the constitution is a direct function of his education. Mississippi maintains by statute segregated school facilities which are inferior for Negroes. In addition, there is not a reasonable connection between the capacity to interpret the constitution and the capacity to vote. Constitution, 2. Section 3209.6 of the Mississippi/ which formerly provided that voting application forms remain a permanent public record, was amended in i960 to provide that if an appeal from the decision of the registrar was not made in 30 days, then registrars were not required to preserve any records made in connection with the application of any person to vote. This is illegal. The Civil Rights Act of i960 provides that all records relating to registration, payment of poll tax and other matters requisite to voting be preserved and open to the inspection of the Attorney General when such records relate to voting in federal elections. 3. Section 241-A of the Mississippi Constitution, which requires good moral character as a qualification for voting, is illegal.

This section was added to the Constitution of the State in i960 by referendum. Like the provision for the interpretation of the constitution, it was passed by an electorate which was 95^> white and 5^ Negro. Furthermore, the criteria for "good moral character" is undefined. Left entirely to the discretion of the registrar are such questions as: what acts, customs, relationships, ideas, periods of an appli- 7 cants life, what sources of information, etc., shall be con­ sidered in judging "good moral character." 4. The package of voter registration statutes enacted by the ''Mississippi legislature is illegal. This package provides that: a. Applications be filled out without assistance; that all blanks on the form be properly filled out and that the oath and the application form be signed seperately by the applicant. b. Designation of race to be eliminated on county poll books. c. Good moral character (see above) d. The names and addresses of applicants must be published in a newspaper once a week for two weeks. Within 7 days after the end of the second week, any registered voter may challenge the right of the applicant to be registered. The Registrar shall arrange a hearing and shall pass judgement. Appeal may then be made to the county board of election.. If no challenge is made the registrar shall pass on the application within "a reasonable time" to be determined by the registrar. e. In the event that an applicant for registration passes, the registrar shall write the word "passed" on the application, but the applicant is not registered unless he subsequently appears before the registrar and requests to be registered. If the applicant is of good moral character but fails to meet the registration requirements, the registrar shall write the word "failed" on the application, but he shall not state the reason since to do so would be to give assistance to the applicant on future applications. If the applicant meets the requirements but is not of good moral character, the registrar shall state the reasons that the applicant is not of good moral character. This package of legislation has the effect of turning the application form into a hyper-technical examination in which any inconsequential error may disqualify a voter. It places unlimited discretionary power in the hands of the registrar while failing to provide any objective criteria on which the registrar is to base his opinion. The publication of the names of applicants leaves them open to harassment and is a deterrent to applying to vote. These requirements were passed by an all-white legislature but will for already stated reasons be applied primarily to Negroes. 5. Terrorism and violence are part of the symbolic and deliberate disenfranchisement of Negroes in Mississippi. The FDP brief cites 31 cases of the use of violence in Mississippi as a representative example. 6. The purported elections of June 2 and November 3, 1964 are void. These elections violate the I87O compact between the State of Mississippi and the Congress of the United States readmitting Mississippi to representation in Congress after the Civl War. This act of Congress'reads in part as follows: Whereas tie people of Mississippi have framed and adopted a Constitution of State Government which is republican; and whereas the legislature of Mississippi elected under said Constitution has ratified the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amend­ ments to the Constitution of the United States; and whereas the performance of these several acts in good faith as a condition and precedent to the representation of the state in Congress ; therefore: be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, that the said state of Mississippi is entitled to representation in the Congress-, of the United States"

"And provided further that the State . of Mississippi is entitled to representation in the Congress of the United States as one of the states of the Union, upon the following funda­ mental conditions: first, that the constitution of Mississippi shall never be so admitted or changed as to deprive any citizen Or class of citizens of the United States of the right to vote who are entitled to vote by the constitution herein recognized except as a punishment for such crimes as are now felonies at common law, whereof they shall have been duly convicted under laws equally applicable to'all inhabitants of said state: provided that any alteration of said constitution prospective in its effects, may be made in regard to time and place of residence of voters."

The suffrage provisions of the Mississippi constitution which were never to be amended read as follows: "Section 2: All male inhabitants of this state except idiots and insane P.persons and Indians not taxed, citizens of the United States or naturalized, twenty-one years old or upwards, who have resided in this state six months and in the oounty one month next proceeding the day of election at which said inhabitant offers:-to vote and who are duly registered according to the requirements of Section 3 of this article, and who are not disqualified by reason of any crime, are declared to be qualified voters."

7. The purported election violates Article One of the Constitution of the United States, which states in Section 2 that : "the House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several states..." The representatives of Miss­ issippi were clearly not chosen by the people of Mississippi as only five per cent of the Negro electorate is enfranchisedd and Negroes compose 40^ of the p?p ulation of the state. 9

8. The purported election violates the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifthteenth Amendments to the Constitution.

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On the basis of the above legal argument, the MDFP claims that not only is the "official" election in Mississippi void and that those elected in it should be disqualified, but that in fact the MFDP election complies with the provisions of the Constit­ ution of the United States and the compact of 1870 and that the candidates of the MFDP should be seated in place of the "Regular Delegation". THE PROCEDURE OF THE CHALLENGE The challenges to the contested Congressmen were filed in accor­ dance with a formal statute of Congress ...(Title 2, sections 201 to 206, United States Code.) STEP ONE (December 2-January 3): The challenges have been filed with the contested representatives. The "regular" Democrats have 30 days to reply. STEP TWO (December 2-January 3): On the opening day of Congress, a group of Congressmen challenged the right of the contested delegates to their seats. STEP THREE (January 2-February 10): The Mississippi Freedom Democratic party has 40 days to-take their testimony in Miss­ issippi in public hearings. STEP FOUR (February 10-March 20): The challenged Representatives then have 40 days to take their testimony. STEP FIVE (March 20-March 30): The challengers then have 10 days to take rebuttal testimony. The overall evidence is pre­ sented to the Clerk of the House, and then forwarded to the Public Printer. The briefs are then presented to the Subcomm­ ittee on Elections and Privileges . STEP SIX (May 1-July l): The challengers then have 30 days to file their briefs; the challenged have 30 days to reply. STEP SEVEN: At this point all the accumulated evidence, briefs, responses,etc., are handed over to the House Committee on Admin­ istration which will in all prohflbi1ity hand the case over to the Subooimiii t;te

P'HAT COULD HAPPEN IN CONGRESS It is necessary at this point to distinguish between matters such as the challenge which are sent to a House Committee as a matter of statute, those which are refered to a committee by the House itself Business which comes before a committee by virtue of statue is not subject to measures such as the discharge petition or the newly enacted 21-day rule. In other1 words, in the case of the challenge, the committee is left to its own initiative or lack thereof. On the other hand, if in the future, a resolution were to be offered in the House calling for the unseating of the "regular1' Mississippi delegat­ ion or calling for the unseating and the seating of the MFDP in its place, and were that resolution refered to the committ­ ee, it would be subject to the usual measures for bringing a bill out of committee, as would a pro forma resolution made by the committee itself.

liegarding the Subcommittee on Elections and Privileges , there are several possible courses; 1.) The Subcommittee could hold hearings; 2.) The Subcommittee could refuse to act at all; 3.) It is possible that action of the full committee could force the Subcommittee to report, but it is not likely that such action would be taken; 4.) The Subcommittee could report favorably or unfavorably to the whole committee which would then vote to acc­ ept the report; 5.) The Committee could vote to kill the challenge; 6.) The Committee could uphold the challenge and send its report to the Rules Committee; 7.) The Rules Committee could send or be forced to send the challenge to the House for debate and final action Another course of action is open to the challengers and it is likely that this will be used rather than allowing the above process to work itself through. At any point, and independent­ ly of the status of the statuatory challenge, a Member of Con­ gress can (if he is recognized) introduce a resolution calling for the unseating of the Mississippi "regular" delegation or for the seating of MFDP delegates. Such a resolution, as has been mentioned, is at once subject to discharge petition and 21-day rule. This resolution could be based on the evidence collected in Mississippi while the challenge is being invest­ igated, or it could be based on evidence that will come from the Civil eights Commission hearings on voting, which start in February. Such a resolution could be introduced at any time and a discharge petition (requiring 218 signatures) could be started at once. 11

CAMPUS £HOGfjAM TO SUPPORT THE CHALLENGE The challenge provides an excellent opportunity for three kinds of programmed activity; 1.) POLITICAL SUPPORT: Congressmen need to be contacted, written to, pressured, and convinced to support the challenge. The first targets should be those Congressmen who voted to close debate on January 4th, when the question of administering the oath of office to the Mississippi delegation came up on the floor, (see appendix) Special attention should be paid to Congressmen who sit on the House Committee on Administration. Congressmen should be urged to si^n a discharge petition if one is circulated and to uphold the challenge. 2.) Community Support: Students should seek to bring the case of the MFDP before as many community organizations as possible. This includes civil rights groups, PTAs, trades unions, political clubs, church groups,etc. Students can contact these groups and ask to be allowed to address a meeting, or ask to send a letter out in the next membership mailing the group has. P'hile there is no precedent for this suggestion, someone might try to arrange a debate with a local of the American Legion or some such group. The experience would be unique, to say the least. IJherever possible, attempt to get organizations to pass resolut­ ions in favor of the challenge and send these resolutions to your local Congressman and to the entire state Congressional delegation. A petition drive would be a useful technique as it enables you to go door to door explaining the MFDP and giving out a fact sheet or a leaflet. Send the petition to your Congressman and keep a copy for futux'e activity. The MFDP will provide a pe­ tition for national circulation. Send the results of your drive to the MFDP office in Washington and to the SDS office in NYC . Particularly in districts where there is a heavy Negro populat­ ion, the question of the MFDP should be handled in such a way that it can become an issue in the next election. This is best accomplished if it is tied to a local civil rights issue. 3.) CAMPUS EDUCATION: Chapters should start at once to make the MFDP challenge an Issue on campus. The usual means can be cre­ atively employed here. The campus press and other publications can be used, as well as a series of timed letters or articles written to appear once every few weeks. If a debate can be started and carried on in the campus press, all the better. Fund-raising events for the MFDP are necessary and provide an opportunity to publicize the challenge. Where possible, student governments should be urged to adopt resolutions supporting the MFDP. These should be handled in the same way as resolutions by community groups. 12

There will be calls for demonstx^ations and pickets when there is action around the challenge in Congress, and probably sooner if attempts to gather evidence in Mississippi are obstructed. Attention should be paid to gaining the support of campus Young Democrats, in cases where they worked in the Congressman' s campaign and helped him win. Campus religious organizations should be asked to devote part of their services to the MFDP (and part of their collections.) This also applies to churches in the community. Working on the challenge provides an oppor­ tunity to go to those students and organizations who in the past have raised the false arguments of legality, these are the people who say, "l would be with you all the way, but how can you condone trespassing, violation of property rights, sit-ins, unlawful assembly, and deliberate breaking of the lav/." For those who play the legality game, there can be no clearer case of the law being on the side of the MFDP, which has care­ fully documented the fact that violations of the right to vote are not just the acts of individuals but are provided for in the statutes of the state, in violation of the Constitution, the law, and the Compact with the United States.

# APPENDIX The fight against the seating of the Mississippi Congressional Delegation on January 4 took a complex procedural form, when Congressman William F. Ryan (D, N ,Y.), and candidate of the New York Reform Democratic Movement, objected to the adminis­ tration of the oath of office to the Mississippi delegation. As a result, the oath of office was administered to all except the Mississippi delegation. House Leader Carl Albert TD., Okla.) then moved to administer the oath to the Mississ­ ippi delegation.

Mr. Albert yielded for a parliamentary inquiry from Congressman Roosevelt (D., Calif.) who asked the speaker whether the first vote would be on the resolution or on the previous question. He was informed that it would be on the previous question if Mr. Albert so moved. Mr. Roosevelt then asked whether if the motion for the previous question were voted down it would be in order to offer an amendment or substitute which would provide that the five representatives elect from Mississippi not be sworn in at that time but that the matter be referred to the Committee on House Administration. He was told that it would be. t Mr. Albert then called the previous question. The significant vote was over the issue of keeping debate open so that an amendment could be made. A "yes" vote on the motion to end debate was a vote against the MFDP and for the Regular Missis­ sippi delegation. The motion to end debate carried 276-149 against the MFDP challenge.

Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party P.O. Box 1329 1353 "U" St. NW Jackson, Miss. 39203 Washington, D.C. 20009 (601) 352-9788 (202) 332-7732

Political Education Project Students for a Democratic Society Room 309 Room 308 119 Fifth Ave 119 Fifth Ave. NYC, 3, New York NYC, 3, New York GR-3-7274 AL-4-2176

New York Ad Hoc Committee for the MFDP 514 W. 126 St. NYC, 27, New York M0-3-H04 A $btttt0tt To The Honorable. House Office Building Washington, D.C.

We believe that the honor of the House of Representatives of the United States and the integrity of our system of government is deeply compromised by the presence of congressmen from the State of Mississippi who are there by virtue of elections that are conducted in blatant and notorious violation of the requirements of the Constitution of the United States of America.

We, therefore, urge you to do all in your power to support the challenge brought by the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party and vote to unseat the Congressional delegation sent to the US. House of Representatives from the State of Mississippi until such time as a delegation elected in free elections, open to all and conducted in accordance with the Constitution, is sent to the Congress from Mississippi.

Name Address

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Prepared by the Political Education Project, 119 5th Avenue, New York 3, NY., associated with Students for a Democratic Society design and printing by Mark J. Scher # New House party totals:* oo*U r~~~..Ae* 1c* CA«CS

Democrats Are Capitalized — / = Freshman

• 7. JAMES A. HALEY LOUISIANA MONTANA ALABAMA • 8. D. R. (Billy) MATTHEWS / «1. W. Jack Edwards III • 1. F. EDWARD HEBERT 1. ARNOLD OLSEN J »2. William L. Dickinson • 9. DON FUQUA • 2. HALE BOGGS • 2. James F. Battin • 3. GEORGE W. ANDREWS • 10. SAM M. GIBBONS • 3. EDWIN E. WILLIS / »4. Glenn Andrews • 11. Edward J. Gurney • 4. JOE D. WAGGONNER, JR. • 5. ARMISTEAD I. SELDEN, JR. • 5. OTTO E. PASSMAN NEBRASKA / «6. John H. Buchanan, Jr. •12. William C. Cramer • 6. JAMES H. MORRISON /• 1. CLAIR A. CALLAN J »7. James D. Martin GEORGIA • 7. T. ASHTON THOMPSON 2. Glenn Cunningham • 8. ROBERT E. JONES • l. G. ELLIOTT HAGAN / .8. SPEEDY O. LONG • 3. David T. Martin / • 2. MATSON O'NEAL / «3. Howard H. Callaway / »4. JAMES A. MacKAY NEVADA ALASKA • 5. CHARLES L. WELTNER MAINE • AL WALTER S. BARING AL RALPH J. RIVERS • 6. JOHN J. FLYNT, JR. 1. Stanley R. Tupper • 7. JOHN W. DAVIS / 2. WILLIAM D. HATHAWAY • 8. J. RUSSELL TUTEN NEW HAMPSHIRE ARIZONA •9. PHIL M. LANDRUM / 1. J. OLIVA HUOT • 1. John J. Rhodes •10. ROBERT G. STEPHENS, JR. MARYLAND 2. James C. Cleveland 2. MORRIS K. UDALL AL CARLTON R. SICKLES 3. GEORGE F. SENNER, JR. • 1. Rogers C. B. Morton NEW JERSEY HAWAII 2. CLARENCE D. LONG • AL SPARK M. MATSUNAGA • 3. EDWARD A. GARMATZ 1. William T. Cahill ARKANSAS AL PATSY MINK *4. GEORGE H. FALLON / 2. THOMAS C. McGRATH, JR. • 1. E. C. GATHINGS /•5. HERVEY G. MACHEN / 3. JAMES J. HOWARD • 2. WILBUR D. MILLS 6. Charles McC. Mathias 4. FRANK THOMPSON, JR. • 3. JAMES W. TRIMBLE • 7. SAMUEL N. FRIEDEL • 5. Peter Frelinghuysen, Jr. • 4. OREN HARRIS IDAHO 6. Florence P. Dwyer • 1. COMPTON I. WHITE, JR. • 7. William B. Widnall / »2. George V. Hansen 8. CHARLES S. JOELSON MASSACHUSETTS • 9. HENRY HELSTOCKI CALIFORNIA 1. Silvio O. Conte 10. PETER W. RODINO, JR. • 1. Don Clausen ILLINOIS 2. EDWARD P. BOLAND 11. JOSEPH G. MINISH • 2. HAROLD T. JOHNSON 1. WILLIAM L. DAWSON 3. PHILIP J. PHILBIN • 12. PAUL J. KREBS • 3. JOHN E. MOSS 2. BARRATT O'HARA 4. HAROLD D. DONOHUE 13. CORNELIUS E. GALLAGHER 4. ROBERT L. LEGGETT 3. WILLIAM T. MURPHY 5. F. Bradford Morse 14. DOMINICK V. DANIELS 5. PHILLIP BURTON • 4. Edward J. Derwinski • 6. William H. Bates 15. EDWARD J. PATTEN, JR. 6. William S. Mailliard 5. JOHN C. KLUCZYNSKI 7. TORBERT H. MacDONALD 7. JEFFERY COHELAN / 6. DAN RONAN 8. THOMAS P. O'NEILL, JR. 8. GEORGE P. MILLER NEW MEXICO W. DONLON EDWARDS / 7. FRANK ANNUNZIO 9. JOHN W. McCORMACK 9. 8. DAN ROSTENKOWSKI • 10. Joseph W. Martin, Jr. • AL THOMAS G. MORRIS • 10. Charles S. Gubser J. Arthur Younger 9. SIDNEY R. YATES 11. JAMES A. BURKE /#AL E. S. (Johnny) WALKER • 11. • 10. Harold R. Collier • 12. Hastings Keith • 12. Bert L. Talcott Charles M. Teague 11. ROMAN C. PUCINSKI NEW YORK • 13. • 12. Robert McClory 14. John F. Baldwin 1. OTIS G. PIKE JOHN J. McFALL • 13. Donald Rumsfeld • 15. /•14. John N. Erlenborn MICHIGAN • 2. James R. Grover, Jr. • 16. B. F. SISK / 1. JOHN J. CONYERS, JR. 3. LESTER L. WOLFF CECIL R. KING •15. Charlotte Reid 4. John W. Wydler « 17. • 16. John B. Anderson ,/ 2. WESTON E. VIVIAN • 18. HARLAN HAGEN / 3. PAUL H. TODD ' 5. HERBERT TENZER CHET HOLIFIELD • 17. Leslie C. Arends 6. Seymour Halpern 19. • 18. Robert H. Michel • 4. Edward Hutchinson • 20. H. Allen Smith • 5. Gerald R. Ford, Jr. • 7. JOSEPH P. ADDABBO AUGUSTUS F. (Gus) HAWKINS / 19. GALE SCHISLER 8. BENJAMIN S. ROSENTHAL 21. • 20. Paul Findley • 6. Charles E. Chamberlain 22. JAMES C. CORMAN / 7. JOHN C. MACKIE • 9. JAMES L. DELANEY Del Clawson •21. KENNETH J. GRAY •10. EMANUEL CELLER • 23. • 22. William L. Springer 8. James Harvey • 24. Glenard P. Lipscomb • 9. Robert P. Griffin • 11. EUGENE J. KEOGH RONALD B. CAMERON 23. GEORGE E. SHIPLEY • 12. EDNA F. KELLY • 25. 24. MELVIN PRICE • 10. Elford A. Cederberg 26. JAMES ROOSEVELT / 11. RAYMOND F. CLEVENGER • 13. ABRAHAM J. MULTER ••27. Edwin Reinecke 12. JAMES G. O'HARA 14. JOHN J. ROONEY 28. Alphonso Bell 13. CHARLES C. DIGGS, JR. • 15. HUGH L. CAREY GEORGE E. BROWN, JR. INDIANA • 16. JOHN M. MURPHY 29. 1. RAY J. MADDEN 14. LUCIEN N. NEDZI 30. EDWARD R. ROYBAL / 15. WILLIAM D. FQRD 17. John V. Lindsay CHARLES H. WILSON • 2. Charles A. Halleck 18. ADAM C. POWELL • 31. 3. JOHN BRADEMAS 16. JOHN D..DINGELL • 32. Craig Hosmer 17. MARTHA W. GRIFFITHS 19. LEONARD FARBSTEIN KENNETH W. DYAL • 4. E. Ross Adair 20. WILLIAM FITTS RYAN / 33. • 5. J. EDWARD ROUSH 18. William S. Broomfield • 34. RICHARD T. HANNA / 19. BILLIE S. FARNUM / 21. JAMES H. SCHEUER • 35. James B. Utt • 6. Richard L. Roudebush 22. JACOB H. GILBERT • 36. Bob Wilson • 7. William G. Bray / 23. JONATHAN B. BINGHAM 37. LIONEL VAN DEERLIN 8. WINFIELD K. DENTON 24. Paul A. Fino /•38. JOHN V. TUNNEY /•9. LEE H. HAMILTON MINNESOTA / 25. RICHARD L. OTTINGER •10. Ralph Harvey • 1. Albert H. Quie 26. Ogden R. Reid / 11. ANDREW JACOBS, JR. • 2. Ancher Nelsen / 27. JOHN G. DOW COLORADO • 3. Clark MacGregor / 28. JOSEPH Y. RESNICK 1. BYRON G. ROGERS IOWA 4. JOSEPH E. KARTH 29. LEO W. O'BRIEN / »2. ROY H. McVICKER 5. DONALD M. FRASER • 30. Carleton J. King / 1. JOHN R. SCHMIDHAUSER 6. ALEC G. OLSON ,» 31. Robert C. McEwen / 3. FRANK E. EVANS /• 2. JOHN C. CULVER • 4. WAYNE N. ASPINALL • 7. Odin Langen • 32. Alexander Pirnie • 3. H. R. Gross 8. JOHN A. BLATNIK • 33. Howard W. Robison /•4. BERT BANDSTRA / 34. JAMES M. HANLEY • 5. NEAL SMITH 35. SAMUEL S. STRATTON CONNECTICUT / 6. STANLEY L. GREIGG MISSISSIPPI 36. Frank J. Horton 1. EMILIO Q. DADDARIO ,/ 7. JOHN R. HANSEN / 37. Barber B. Conable, Jr. 2. WILLIAM ST. ONGE 1. THOMAS G. ABERNETHY 2. JAMIE L. WHITTEN • 38. Charles E. Goodell 3. ROBERT N. GIAIMO RICHARD D. MCCARTHY 4. DONALD J. IRWIN KANSAS 3. JOHN BELL WILLIAMS / 39. / 4. Prentiss Walker /»40. Henry P. Smith III • 5, JOHN S. MONAGAN • 1. Bob Dole 41. THADDEUS J. DULSKI 6. BERNARD P. GRABOWSKI /• 2. Chester L. Mize 5. WILLIAM M. COLMER • 3. Robert F. Ellsworth • 4. Garner E. Shriver NORTH CAROLINA DELAWARE • 5. Joe Skubitz MISSOURI • 1. HERBERT C. BONNER AL HARRIS B. McDOWELL, JR. 1. FRANK M. KARSTEN % 2. L. H. FOUNTAIN • 2. Thomas B. Curtis • 3. DAVID N. HENDERSON KENTUCKY 3. LEONOR KRETZER SULLIVAN • 4. HAROLD D. COOLEY FLORIDA • 1. FRANK A. STUBBLEFIELD • 4. WILLIAM J. RANDALL • 5. RALPH J. SCOTT • 1. ROBERT L. F. SIKES • 2. WILLIAM H. NATCHER 5. RICHARD BOLLING • 6. HORACE R. KORNEGAY • 2. CHARLES E. BENNETT / 3. CHARLES P. FARNSLEY • 6. W. R. HULL, JR. • 7. ALTON LENNON • 3. CLAUDE PEPPER • 4. FRANK CHELF • 7. Durward G. Hall • 8. Charles Raper Jonas • 4. DANTE B. FASCELL /• 5. Tim Lee Carter • 8. RICHARD H. ICHORD • 9. James T. Broyhill •5. A. SYDNEY HERLONG, JR. •6. JOHN C. WATTS /• 9. WILLIAM L. HUNGATE • 10. BASIL L. WHITENBR-: •6. PAUL G. ROGERS • 7. CARL D. PERKINS • 10. PAUL C. JONES • 11. ROY A. TAYLOH vOttinger was not sworn, but announced in favor of the challenge. * Albert Watkins has since become a Republican after being stripped of seniority. NORTH DAKOTA PENNSYLVANIA TENNESSEE VIRGINIA • 1. Mark Andrews 1. WILLIAM A. BARRETT • 1. James H. Quillen • 1. THOMAS N. DOWNING /• 2. ROLLAND REDLIN 2. ROBERT N. C. NIX / • 2. John J. Duncan • 2. PORTER HARDY. JR. 3. JAMES A. BYRNE •3. William E. Brock III /• 3. DAVID E. SATTERFIELD III 4. HERMAN TOLL • 4. JOE L. EVINS • 4*. WATKINS M. ABBITT OHIO 5. WILLIAM J. GREEN III • 5. RICHARD FULTON • 5. WILLIAM M. TUCK ROBERT E. SWEENEY 6. GEORGE M. RHODES / »6. WILLIAM R. ANDERSON • 6. / AL 7. G. Robert Watkins • 7. TOM MURRAY Richard H. Poff V 1- JOHN J. GILLIGAN / • 7. JOHN O. MARSH, JR. Donald D. Clancy 8. Willard S. Curtin • 8. ROBERT A. EVERETT 8. HOWARD W. SMITH • 2. • 9. Paul B. Dague / #9. GEORGE W. GRIDER V 3. RODNEY M. LOVE 9. W. PAT JENNINGS William M. McCuUoch • 10. Joseph M. McDade • 4. 11.- DANIEL J. FLOOD • 10. Joel T. Broyhill • 5. Delbert L. Latta William H. Harsha, Jr. • 12. J. Irving Whalley TEXAS • 6. 13. Richard S. Schweiker • 7. Clarence J. Brown • AL JOE POOL Jackson E. Betts • 14. WILLIAM S. MOORHEAD WASHINGTON » 8. Thomas L. Ashley 15. FRED B. ROONEY • 1. WRIGHT PATMAN • 1. Thomas M. Pelly 9. WALTER H. MOELLER 16. John C. Kunkel • 2. JACK BROOKS /• 2. LLOYD MEEDS • 10. » 3. LINDLEY BECKWORTH • 3. JULIA BUTLER HANSEN ,4 11. J. William Stanton • 17. Herman T. Schneebeli Samuel L. Devine • 18. Robert J. Corbett • 4. RAY ROBERTS • 4. Catherine May • 12. •/» 5. EARLE CABELL /•5. THOMAS S. FOLEY 13. Charles A. Mosher / 19. N. NEIMAN CRALEY, JR. William H. Ayres 20. ELMER J. HOLLAND • 6. OLIN E. TEAGUE / • 6. FLOYD V. HICKS . 14- • 7. JOHN DOWDY • '•7. BROCKMAN ADAMS •15. ROBERT T. SECREST 21. JOHN H. DENT Frank T. Bow • 22. John P. Saylor « 8. ALBERT THOMAS • 16. John M. Ashbrook a 23. Albert W. Johnson • 9. CLARK W. THOMPSON • 17. WAYNE L. HAYS •*24. JOSEPH P. VIGORITO • 10. J. J. (Jake) PICKLE WEST VIRGINIA • 18. MICHAEL J. KIRWAN • 25. FRANK M. CLARK • 11. W. R. POAGE • 1. Arch A. Moore, Jr. • 19. MICHAEL A. FEIGHAN 26. THOMAS E. MORGAN • 12. JAMES C. WRIGHT. JR. • 2. HARLEY O. STAGGERS • 20. CHARLES A. VANIK • 27. James G. Fulton • 13. GRAHAM PURCELL • 3. JOHN M. SLACK. JR. 21. Frances P. Bolton • 14. JOHN YOUNG • 4. KEN HECHLER • 22. William E. Minshall /•15. ELIGIO DE LA GARZA /•S. JAMES KEE • 23. RHODE ISLAND •416. RICHARD C. WHITE • 1. FERN AND J. ST. GERMAIN • 17. OMAR BURLESON • 2. JOHN E. FOGARTY • 18. WALTER ROGERS WISCONSIN OKLAHOMA • 19. GEORGE H. MAHON .' 1. LYNN E. STALBAUM • 1. Page Belcher 20. HENRY B. GONZALEZ 2. ROBERT W. KASTENMEIER • 2. ED EDMONDSON SOUTH CAROLINA • 21. O. C. FISHER • 3. Vernon W. Thomson • 3. CARL ALBERT • 1. L. MENDEL RIVERS • 22. BOB CASEY • 4. CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI •4. TOM STEED • 2. ALBERT W. WATSON 5. HENRY S. REUSS • 5. JOHN J ARM AN • 3. W. J. BRYAN DORN / 6. JOHN A. RACE /• 6. JED JOHNSON, JR. • 4. ROBERT T. ASHMORE UTAH • 7. Melvin R. Laird /» 5. THOMAS S. GETTYS • 1. Laurence J. Burton • 8. John W. Byrnes • 6. JOHN L. MCMILLAN 2. DAVID S. KING • -9.. Glenn R. Davis OREGON • 10. Alvin E. O'Konski • • 1. Wendell Wyatt • 2. AL ULLMAN SOUTH DAKOTA VERMONT 3. EDITH GREEN • 1. Ben Reifel WYOMING 4. ROBERT B. DUNCAN • 2. E. Y. Berry AL Robert T. Stafford • AL TENO RONCALIO

UNITED STATES SENATE BY STATE Democrats — 68 Republicans — 32

ALABAMA INDIANA NEBRASKA RHODE ISLAND LISTER HILL BIRCH BAYH Carl T. Curtis JOHN O. PASTORE JOHN J. SPARKMAN VANCE HARTKE Roman L. Hruska CLAIBORNE PELL ALASKA IOWA NEVADA SOUTH CAROLINA E. L. (Bob) BARTLETT Bourke Hickenlooper ALAN BIBLE OLIN D. JOHNSTON ERNEST GRUENING Jack Miller HOWARD W. CANNON Strom Thurmond ARIZONA KANSAS NEW HAMPSHIRE SOUTH DAKOTA CARL HAYDEN Frank Carlson THOMAS J. McINTYRE GEORGE McGOVERN / Paul J. Fannin James B. Pearson Norris Cotton Karl E. Mundt ARKANSAS KENTUCKY NEW JERSEY TENNESSEE J. W. FULBRIGHT John Sherman Cooper HARRISON WILLIAMS, JR. v ROSS BASS JOHN L. McCLELLAN Thruston B. Morton Clifford P. Case ALBERT GORE CALIFORNIA LOUISIANA NEW MEXICO TEXAS Thomas PL Kuchel ALLEN J. ELLENDER CLINTON P. ANDERSON RALPH W. YARBOROUGH / George Murphy RUSSELL B. LONG • JOSEPH M. MONTOYA John G. Tower COLORADO MAINE NEW YORK UTAH Gordon Allott EDMUND S. MUSKIE • ROBERT F. KENNEDY FRANK E. MOSS Peter H. Dominick Margaret Chase Smith Jacob K. Javits Wallace F. Bennett CONNECTICUT MARYLAND NORTH CAROLINA VERMONT THOMAS J. DODD DANIEL B. BREWSTER SAM J. ERVIN, JR. George D. Aiken ABRAHAM A. RIBICOFF / JOSEPH D. TYDINGS B. EVERETT JORDAN Winston L. Prouty DELAWARI MASSACHUSETTS NORTH DAKOTA VIRGINIA J. Caleb Boggs EDWARD M. KENNEDY QUENTIN N. BURDICK HARRY FLOOD BYRD John J. Williams Leverett Saltonstall Milton R. Young A. WILLIS ROBERTSON FLORIDA . MICHIGAN OHIO WASHINGTON SPESSARD L. HOLLAND PHILIP A. HART FRANK J. LAUSCHE HENRY M. JACKSON GEORGE A. SMATHERS PAT McNAMARA STEPHEN M. YOUNG WARREN G. MAGNUSON GEORGIA MINNESOTA OKLAHOMA WEST VIRGINIA RICHARD B. RUSSELL WALTER MONDALE ,' FRED R. HARRIS ROBERT C. BYRD HERMAN E, TALMADGE EUGENE j. MCCARTHY A. S. MIKE MONRONEY JENNINGS RANDOLPH HAWAII MISSISSIPPI OREGON WISCONSIN DANIEL X. INOUYE JAMES 0. EASTLAND WAYNE MORSE GAYLORD A. NELSON Hiram L. Fong JOHN STENNIS MAURINE B. NEUBERGER WILLIAM W. PROXMIRE IDAHO MISSOURI PENNSYLVANIA WYOMING FRANK CHURCH EDWARD V. LONG JOSEPH S. CLARK GALE W. McGEE Len B, Jordan STUART SYMINGTON Hugh Scott Milward L. Simpson ILLINOIS MONTANA PAUL H. DOUGLAS MIKE MANSFIELD Everett McK. Dirkien LEE METCALF

Democrats Are Capitalized — / - Freshman [ |9(iV, tA. /law^fcK. ]

Report Concerning the Louis Allen Case by Robert Moses: Mississippi Project Director for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee

Daniel Jones is the sheriff of Amite County -- symbol of the law in Mississippi according to the white people, symbol of terror and injustice according to the Negroes. Lewis Allen was born and raised in "Liberty", the county seat, married, raised his family, farmed and worked the timber in the sloping pine forests for a living. He had no trouble with the white people in Liberty until Herbert Lee was murdered on September 30, 1961. He saw Hurst shoot Lee at the cotton gin in Liberty early in the morning on September 30th. Daniel Jones was a deputy sheriff then and when he and the others told Allen to testify that Hurst whot Lee in self defense, Allen rebelled. It was a small rebellion -- he told the lie they coerced him for at the "coronor's jury" and later at the "grand jury", but he never accepted In his mind and spirit that he could tell a lie against Lee, once he was dead. He wasn't deep in civil rights at that time; he hadn't attended the voting meetings, or tried to register. It just went against his grain. So he told what he saw that morning to the civil rights workers, the Department of Justice and the F.B.I.

Account Concerning Arrest and Beating of Louis Allen in July 1962 -- Taken Down from Mrs. Louis Allen by Bob Moses Daniel Jones came up into the yard and Henry (Allen's son) went to the door. He told Henry he wanted to see Louis. He told Louis he was going to arrest him •••- for "interfering" with the law. Louis asked him could he get out on bond. Daniel Jones told him he couldn't. The head sheriff called over the radio hook-up and asked where was Jones. He told him he was at Louis' house. The sheriff asked if he had arrested Louis. He told him yes. Louis asked Daniel Jones could he get his hat. Daniel Jones didn't give an answer,. Henry was standing by the door. Louis looked around and told Henry to bring him his hat and Daniel Jones hit Louis with his flashlight while the side of his face was turned to him and he broke his jaw --• then they carried him on to jail. I (Mrs. Allen) ran out behind them. Henry was driving. I was going after Tommy (another son). Daniel Jones was coming from the jailhouse and I saw him and stopped and asked him if Louis was in jail. He cursed us and told us yes, that's where he was going to stay and asked us where were we going. We told him we were goint to Tommy's. He cursed and told us to get Tommy and get on across the damn river •- if we didn't some of the rest of us would be up there (in jail) too. We got Tommy and came back to the house.

Account Related to Bob Moses by Tommy Louis Allen I went to see E.L. Caston the next morning. I asked him what did they have daddy in jail about. He told me and Henry to get on away from there - if we don't we'll be up there too I went down to Lawyer Joe Garden and asked him to call the sheriff and find out the charges. He called out. They still didn't tell him but told him they would have his trial next day at 11:00. I went to town about time for the trial and they turned him out. Louis told us that they had broken his jaw bone. He had asked them for a doctor, but they wouldn't get him one. Went to see Dr. Jennie Field in Centerville -- white doctor.

Account Concerning Arrest of Louis Allen on Charges of Having a Concealed Weapon and Passing a Bad Check -- Related to Bob Moses by Tommy Allen We were coming up from work about 7:00. The sheriff was at the Hawkins Service Station and Daddy called into the station and told them to put 10 gallons of gas into the truck. After that the sheriff told Daddy to get out, he had a warrant for his arrest. Daddy got out. Daniel Jones searched Daddy and the truck. Found a weapon in the glove compartment -•• that's where he kept it all the time for protection, so he wasn't trying to conceal it. Daneil Jones told Daddy to come on and go with him. They took him to jail and told me to bring the truck on to the house. I brought the truck on to the house. I thought they were going to charge him a little fine for not having a tail light on the trailer and then maybe he'd come on back to the house. The next morning I went up there and talked to Daddy from outside the jail. He told me they hadn't thold him what they had him in jail for. I went back to see the sheriff. The sheriff said they were going to have a preliminary hearing that morning about 10:00 and we would find out then what he was in jail for. I waited around town for the hearing. They wouldn't let me or my brothera Henry or Jerry Norwood into the Soaring. They didn't say anything but to get on back -- and they shut the door. (E.O. Caston was the sheriff then.) They were taking him back to jail and he told me they had him for "concealed weapon." Account Related to Concerning incident August, 1963 Bob Moses by Mas. Allen In August the baby and I were playing and I hit my head. I went to the doctor. When the sheriff saw me he said, "Get yourself together. I want to ask you some questions. The doctor was telling me that Louis did that." (struck Mrs. Allen) The sheriff then asked to talk to Henry in private. (This was one of the "domestic problems, including re­ ported violence" which the sheriff told the press might be a factor in the case after Allen's murder.)

Account Related to Concerning Allen's murder. Bob Moses by Mrs. Allen January 31* 1964 Louis bad been crying all day Friday (the day of obe murder). He had worked for Mr. Jerry Spillman for seven years and went to him to get a recommendation for a job. Mr. Spillman said he might be helping a communist or anything so wouldn't recommend him. That worried Louis a lot.

Account Related to Concerning Allen's murder, Bob Moses by Tommy Allen January 31, 1964 I helped Louis get out some .log s Friday (the day of the murder). He was supposed to have left Saturday for Milwaukee, He had talked to one of the white lawyers, Floyd Wayne Stratton, who said he didn't think he could help him -- they were going to give him from three to five ye ars (on a bad check charge). He was coming from Mr. Loyd King's before he got shot. He went up there to get a recommenda tion for driving a bulldozer for use in Milwaukee construction work. That night he was shot. Information Concerning the Killing of Louis Allen in Liberty, Miss., Amite County, on January 31, 1964

This report is based on information given by a Negro man who lives in Liberty, Mississippi. Right after Hubert Lee was killed, Mr. B. said that Louis Allen came to his home in Liberty and told him that Sam Lester Robert carried him to the courthouse in Liberty. When he got there, there was a room full of white men with guns, and they told him when the trial came up they wanted him to say: "Negro Hubert Lee had a tire tube and was going to hit Mr. Hurse and Mr. Hurse had to shoot him to defend himself." Then he left Amite county and went to Baton Rouge. He came back for trial that Monday. After trial he went to Mr. B.'s house and told him that he was in trouble and wanted to know something to do. Mr. B. said that "he told him to go to McComb and talk with the F.B.I, about what had happened." One month later a white man came to Allen's house and said that he was going to kill him. His daughter ran in the woods where he was working and told him that a man had come to kill him. In July, 1962, Deputy Jones and Marshall Laten Bates ar­ rested Lousi Allen. As they arrested him they hit him with a flashlight and broke his jaw. He went back to Mr. B. and asked for help again. This time Mr. B. told him to go to Jackson to the hospital and from there to call the F.B.I, and tell them his troubles. A month later, he was arrested for a bad check. His trial was supposed to have been on March 1st, 1964, in Jackson. However, Allen had already been warned by the jailer at the time of his arrest on the bad check charge to get out of Liberty by the first of January 1964. Saturday night, January 25, 1964, a week before Louis Allen was killed, Mr, C. noticed Daniel Jones looking closely at Mr. Allen's son's car as it was coming in to Highway 24 in town by the jail. Daniel Jones and a Deputy and one more white man were in +neir car and they watched the Allen car closely. January 28, 1964, Mr. C. saw two white men in the court house. They came from upstairs and went into the sheriff's office with a box no larger than a shoe box. They could have been carrying a pistol and they asked if they could deliver it to someone in the back of the office. The man in the office smiled and said, "Yes." There were some more women and men in the office. One of the women I saw was Mrs. Straden, the edi­ tor of the "News Press" in Liberty. Later that week before he was killed Allen heard a noise on the outside of his house and his dogs were barking and the mules were snorting. He went out to see what was wrong. He had a way of getting out of the house without anyone seeing him. He said later that he saw nothing outside the house. Thursday before Louis was killed he was talking with Mr. D. (A Negro). Mr. Cocham (a white man) drove up while they were talking and Mr. D. jumped into a ditch to keep Mr. Cocham from seeing him talking to Louis Allen. On Saturday before Louis Allen was killed Mr. E. saw two cars park in the road to Louis Allen's house about 10:00 a.m., Friday morning just off the Highway. From their actions they could have been mapping out a way to kill Mr. Allen. On the Saturday night that Louis was killed, there were titfo cars seen following him from Mr. Lloyd King's to his road to go to his house. One was a cream tan Ford 1961 and two men were in it. The other was a black Ford i960 with one man in it. After 9:30 that same night the two cars came from the road up above Mr. Allen's home and went to Liberty and parked in front of the Court House. On February 1, 1964, we received a call from Dr. Aaren Henry saying that Louis Allen had been killed in Liberty. We began calling people in Amite and Pike counties trying to find out if this was true or not. We called Mr. F. in Liberty. He said, "when she was coming from some kind of meeting last night she saw Mr. Allen's truck in front of his house, and they didn't know if he had been killed then or not. But he is dead." She also said that he had been shot in the head three times and was found under his truck. Mrs. Allen reported that "she was home with her three-year- old when she heard three shots, but she didn't leave the house. She said she really didn't think anything about it. Later, after about 15 to 30 minutes, cars began to stop along the Highway and around 1:00 o'clock her son came home and that is when she found out about her husband." The police and the sheriff asked her if she knew who killed her husband. "She told them that she didn't know who did the shooting and didn't know anything about it except that she heard three shots and looked out the window and really didn't think anything about it." Louis Allen had decided to leave Amite County and go where his brother was. He was planning to leave town the morning of February 1, 1964. AMBUSH KILLING OF NEGRO, 44, PUZZLES AMITE OFFICERS By Charles B. Gordon Enterprise-Journal Staff Writer Liberty Whoever gunned Louis Allen to death Friday night mortally frightened him first. The powerful 44-year-old Negro logger was lifting the top loop of a barbed wire fence gap so he could drive his bobtailed log truck into the gravel driveway to his house when he saw or heard his assassin make ready to kill him. Allen hurled his 200 pound frame headlong under the front end of the truck and scrambled as fast as he could. His head was under the driver's seat, headed southward, and his feet were under the front bumper when the first load of buckshot hit him. -TWICE SHOT It hit him at the hairline at the left top corner of the forehead and tore a widening hole to come out through his right cheekbone. The second load of deer shot struck slightly lower on the left side of his face and emerged through the right side Of the neck, some of the shot entering his chest. One or the other of the strong shotgun loads ripped through and blew out the left front tire of the log truck. MYSTERY CASE Sheriff Daniel Jones of Amite County continued his almost uninterrupted investigation into the case Sunday. The tall young sheriff, but a month in office was confronted with one of the hardest to crack of all Amite County cases of many past years. Meanwhile, active and concentrated integration organizations all over the United States were apparently working relentlessly to make a "civil rights" case out of the killing of Allen. As a reporter stood in Highway 24 Sunday and studied the scene of the ambush slaying of the Independent Negro logger. Robert Moses drove a late model car from in front of the Allen home, some 125 yards north of the highway, and headed eastward toward Liberty. MOSES ON HAND (Moses was the mainspring in the McComb racial turmoil of 1961. The New York City Negro, a former teacher in schools of that city, was also Involved in racial events of that time in Liberty. (He has since become perhaps the most widely known of the intergration workers in the state, through activities in Delta localities and only last week in Hattiesburg.) Several other persons, not recognizable in the fast flash of sight, were in the car with Moses. FBI PROBE Meanwhile, C. G. Prospere of Natchez, special agent in charge of the Federal Bureau of investigation's South Mississippi division, and three or four more G-men were in Amite County probing the case for possible civil rights implications. The FBI agents had come in Satturday night in response to complaints to the Justice Department from Mississippi, Milwaukee, Wise, New York City and probably other places, that Allen's killing came because he had been active in Negro voter registration and similar efforts in the locality. But Sheriff Jones and other competent insiders in Amite County are inclined to doubt that the cause of the Negro's death. They are not over­ looking the possibility, but seem to hold troubled Allen may had other problems - such as domestic - that brought about his death. SHERIFF'S STORY Jones told a reporter he was asleep at his house, also on Highway 24 and about halfway from Liberty to Allen's driveway, when Allen's son, Henry, 18, and a nephew, John Westley Horton, 18, awakened him at 12:30 a.m. Saturday to tell him that "something bad was wrong with Louis Allen, at his house. The sheriff found that "something" indeed was wrong. Allen was dead in a three foot smear of blood. The sheriff and Coroner E. D. (Genie) Bellue empaneled an Inquest jury at the scene. Members were Jones, Bellue, Liberty Town Marshal C. L. Bates, recent sheriff E. L. (Brother) Caston, K. L. Gordon, Charles Purvis, Flynn Dixon Jr., B. A. (Sonny) Harvey and Quin Toney. Dr. W. D. Bridges also accompanied the party to the scene. LEFT HOME The coroner's jury found evidence to indicate that Allen had left his house in his truck between 6 and 7 p.m. to go to the house of a white man, Lloyd King north of Liberty on business. Shortly after Allen left home, his son Henry and nephew John Wesley had also departed the tar-papered house to go to Gloster, about eight miles further west on Highway 24. The youths had returned at midnight to find the father's truck in the 30 foot driveway from Highway 24 to the gap in the fence. They moved it so they could drive into the road to the house - and found Louis Allen's shot-torn body underneath. That is when they drove eastward two miles to Sheriff Jones' house. It appeared to the officers that Allen had returned home, halted his fairly new Ford truck, pulled up Its emergency brake, left the engine running and the light on and dismounted to undo the two barbed wire loops that closed the fence. DEATH APPROACHES He had lifted the top loop of the gap when, apparently, he became suddenly, terrifyingly axiare of the approach of doom. He dived under the truck and died there in a crescendo of gunfire.1 His wife told Sheriff Jones that she heard three shots in <* front of the house about 8:35 p.m. Friday. She fixed the time by the fact that what she said was her favorite television program, featuring somebody named Jimmy Newman, had just come on at 8:30, and she was listening to it, or watching it, when she heard the shots. WIFE SAW LIGHTS She went to a front window and could headlights shining near the highway 125 yards away, but did nothing about it. She said she returned to the window several more times before she went to bed and saw the lights each time, but growing dimmer. The lights had gone out with the truck's battery and the engine when her son and the other youth reached the scene. Dr. Bridges' examination at the scene also fixed the time of death at about 8:30 to 9 p.m. Friddy, or somewhat more than three hours before the body was found. TIME PINPOINTED King confirmed that Allen was at his house on business Friday night, leaving about 8:10. Some 20 or 25 minutes would be required to travel the distance tween the two places, Jones said . It is the sheriff's opinion that the Negro's assassin either rose up suddenly from the deep ditch south of the highway or came swiftly over the crest of a hill a few yards east in a ve­ hicle and fired from the highway. In either case, it appeared that Allen knew what he was in for, did not have time to run, and dived under the truck In frantic desperation. Sheriff Jones said that several persons had appeared to tell him that, at one time or another from 9 to midnight Friday, they had passed and had seen the truck with the lights on. NEWS SPREADS By Saturday noon the word of the Negro's death had spread to many areas of the U. S., particularly Jackson - - where Moses' group and other integration organizations are centered for Mississippi; Milwaukee, where a brother of Allen's lives, and New York, where Carl Rachlin an integrationish lawyer, has headquarters. Allen's brother, Morris, told the Milwaukee journal that his brother had once testified against a white man charged with killing another Negro. The brother added that Louis had been subjected to "harassment by the law" since then. Sheriff Jones said Sunday that he believed he was in better position, through having been chief deputy sheriff for the past four years during most of Amite Count's civil rights agitation, to know the leaders among the Negro integrationists than almost any­ body else. NO 'RIGHTS' TROUBLE He added that, to his knowledge, Allen had not been in any position in Integration efforts. The sheriff said, however,' that Allen had been in trouble with the- law many times, mostly on bad checks and concealed weapons. The Negro also recently seemed to have been having domestic problems, including reported violence, the sheriff indicated. Edward Smyth, president of the Milwaukee chapter of the National Assn. for "the Advancement of Colored People, told the Associated Press Saturday he had asked the NAACP's field repres­ entative In Jackson to investigate. WHITE LAWYER HEARD Rachlin, who was chief counsel for the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) when the recent city administration of McComb defeated the organization and secured a federal court injunction against "test rides" to the McComb bus station in 1961, was next heard from. "Louis Allen has just been killed Liberty, Miss.," the white lawyer said in a telegram to U. S. Atty. Gen. Robert F. Kennedy. "Ten others have been wounded since the Herbert Lee killing. Other abuses in Hattiesburg and Canton require im­ mediate presence of federal marshal." Rachlin's telegram did not identify others allegedly sounded. FBI SENT IN In Washinton, the Justice Department said it had asked the FBI to start immediately upon an investigation to determine whether there was basis for federal action. Jones said Sunday he believed the G-men were concentrating upon the question of whether there was a civil rights violation involved in Alien's killing. He emphasized that he did not think the agents were probing the killing, as such, and that he likewise did not believe they would find the Negro-white question a ruling factor. WIFE HURT The sheriff said that Allen's wife was injured on the head several weeks ago to an extent that stiches were required. At the time, he continued she told a physician treating her that she had be struck by her husband. "She says now that she fell and struck her head on a bedpost," Jones added. He said that he had also been told that Friday afternoon, the victim and his wife had a "bitter word battle" on the streets of Liberty. The sheriff said he was told during the inquest Saturday mor­ ning by Henry Crawford Allen, son of the dead man, that "mamma has been expecting this." But, later, when he took a statement from the youth, the latter said the sheriff had misunderstood him. LEE DEATH WITNESS On Sept. 25, 1961, Louis Allen was one of three Negro and two white witnesses to the fatal shooting of Herbert Lee, 52, a Negro farmer of the Fifth District of Amite County, by his neighbor, State Rep, E. H. Hurst, at a liberty cotton gin. A member of a coroner's jury that cleared Hurst the next day says that Allen told the jurors that, following an argument over an old debt owed by Lee to Hurst, the Negro came on the legislator with a tire tool In his hand; was warned by Hurst not to come closer, then was shot by the white man when he continued approaching. But later, when the now familiar civil rights violation hue and cry had been raised in connection with Lee's killing, Allen * changed his story and related a different version to FBI agents, Liberty sources say. Strictly non-documented rumors have been current in and around Liberty since the Lee case of I96I that Allen may have become a "tip-off man" for the Integration-minded Justice Department. Similarly, there was at one time a belief that the logger was one of the spearheads of a reported complaint that "economic pres- ure" was being applied against some Amite County Negroes. OTHER TROUBLES Then, in 1962, Allen was arrested by Amite officers and charged with trespass and interference with officers when he interposed himself in the case of a number of Negro shoplifters held In jail in Liberty after their arrest with a large number of stolen suits and other items of clothing. Last October he gave Sheriff E. L. Caston a bad check for his motor vehicle tags and was bound over to the grand jury that will meet this month in circuit cout, Jones--a deputy at that time --said . In addition, he has an appeal of his conviction and fine of $100 and 10 days in jail on a charge of carrying a concealed weapon from a justice of the peace court coming up in the same term of court, the sheriff said. Over the past several years the Negro had been held on other bad check and similar cases, the officer added. But civil rights affair? Not to his knowledge, Jones daid. The sheriff said even the rumor that Allen changed his Lee killing story in a FBI report was news to him --he did not know if it happened. WEST OF LIBERTY The Allen home is exactly west of the Tanyard Creek bridge on Highway 24 leaving Liberty for Gloster. Allen, his wife, Elizabeth, and their baby Mary Elizabeth, 3, liver there. The two sons, Tommy Louis Allen, 22, and Henry Crawford Allen, 18, and a stepdaughter, Elaine Allen, have liberty addresses but live elsewhere. The funeral was scheduled for 11 a. m. today at the Star Hill Methodist Church. Further Incidents in Southwest Mississippi at Time of Louis Allen Killing and Shortly After

The reason for this rash of incidents is not clear. Some or all of them may be related to the Herbert Lee and Louis Allen killings. Mr. Jack White, 40 years of age, was told by Mr. Daniel Jones and another man named Mr. Travis that he had to leave town also or something just might happen to him. He worked at a Texaco Service Station in Amite County. He had to leave town on the 7th of March. Mr. Cleveland Walker, 65 years old, worked at the Fare Way Grocery Store In Liberty, Amite County. He was told by Daniel Jones that, "I guess it would be better if you leave Amite County." He had to leave the county on the 10th of March. Rev. James Caston, 45 years of age, had to leave town on the 12th of March. He was told that he had to leave by Daniel Jones. He (Daniel Jones) said that there would be more people Involved In activities having to leave the county of Amite and the city of Liberty, Mississippi. At some point during this period they shot at Jack White when he was leaving town so he had to get out of his car and run on foot. Mr. C. said that someone told him in Gloster that his life was threatened, but he hasn't heard anything definite about it yet. He also said that he wasn't going to leave town because he isn't afraid of what they might do to him. "They" wanted to know if he belongs to the NAACP and "all that other stuff that people are getting involved in." Sheriff Daniel Jones went to Parish Hill Baptist church and told them "that they better not have anymore church or any kind of meeting there at night unless they wanted to die." Now they are not having any kind of meeting anywhere in Amite County at night. Mr. F. said "that he saw a white man looking in the church one night when they were having church meeting." M . G. got a letter in the mail saying "So many days for you to leave Liberty." This man had something to do with the beating of Robert P. Moses in Liberty in August, 1961. Rev. Johnson also had to leave Meadville, Mississippi (Franklin County) and they told him that he had better not be caught in Liberty if he wanted to live. Early In 1964 a number of cross burnings were reported in southern Mississippi. Following Is a list indicating where some of these burnings occurred. PIKE COUNTY 1. McComb ... Earl Moses' Shoe Shop, Burglund Super Market, Willy Martin's house, Hill Baptist Church, Enterprise- journal Office, the Emerich home (editor of the McComb Enterprise-Journal). 2. Magnolia ... Cherry Street (at a place where a cafe used to be), pleasant Spring Church (People were having a prayer meeting and looked out the window th see a fuming cross), the Court House in Magnolia, Rose Hill Community Center (owned by Mr. Coney). 3. Summit Lucile's Place (a cafe.), Annie Mae Hughes' home. 4. Beartown ... C.C. Bryant's home (on the northern side), Joe White's home AMITE COUNTY 1. Liberty ... James Caston's home (a Negro about 45 years old -- not a registered voter. His address is P.O. Box 24, Liberty); Mrs. Alma Rogers' home (a Negro about 36 or 37 years old, not a registered voter. She gets her mail at General Delivery, Liberty). 2. Gloster .,. Cleveland Walker home (a Negro about 65 years old. He receives his mail at General Delivery, Gloster); Arthur Powell's home (a Negor, he receives his mail at General Delivery, Gloster).

Report by a White SNCC Worker Concerning Louis Allen Case At the time of Allen's arrest in Liberty in Novembe r, 1963, on the charge of passing a bad check and having a concea led weapon, I called Negro residents in Amite County in an a ttempt to get details concerning the case. It was impossible t o get information. The local Negroes recognized from my voice that I was white, and would not even acknowledge that they kn ew Allen. Between March 15 and 20 of this year (1964) I talke d with a Negro in Liberty who has been in touch with the movement . I asked him to bring some people to Jackson for a film to be made by National Education Television. I wanted him to bring any local people who would be willing to discuss the situati on in Amite County. He said that Negroes are afraid to leave the county, because white people become suspicious of anyone who leaves the county, even for an afternoon, I /96S3 TAPES FROM FREEDOM SCHOOL WORKSHOP March 27—April 7 TYPE OF DISC. CODE # MEETING DAT"? SUBJECT LEADER MB-H General Disc. 3-29-65 Local pi'ojects Grady Little 2 and problems Joe Harris 3- Randy Battle 4- Franklin 5 Franklin G Interview 3-29-35 Viet'Nara Mrs. Lnwrence 7- General Disc. local projects 11 and problems 12 13 14 15 16 Disc. to 3-30-65 FDP to Folk Music Sterling Brown 17 Speaker Bik Music 13 19 Louis Armstrong 20 Chicago Jazz 21 Poetry 22 23 24 Jazz 25 26 27 Speaker & 3-31-65 African Trip Bob Parris 28 Disc. Africa 29 P. Hall 30 31 32 Activity Folk Dancing B. Parris 33 34 35 In terv iew 4-1- 65 Chris Walker 36 Interviews ft Singing 37 Questions Freedom School Linda Jenkins 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 Disc. About caring 47 Speaker ft Disc. Music Alan Ribback 48 49 Music to Preaching A. Ribback-Mayes 50 Disc. 4-2-65 Federal Programs J. Morris 51 52 53 54 TYPE OF DISC. CODE # MEETING DATE SUBJECT LEADER MB-H Interview Ideas Mrs.Lawrence 55 Disc. 4-3-65 Edye Lane 56 57 Speaker & Disc. FDP Jack Minnis 58 59 80 61 Activity Freedom Songs 62 63 64 Disc. 4-4-65 Politics ft CR 65 66 67 Interview Ideas Mrs. Lawrence 68 Listening OAAU Malcolm 69 70 71 72 Disc. 4-5-65 Freedom Schools Mary Varela 73 74 75 Interview 4—6-65 S.W. Georgia, Alabama, 76 Panola Co. Lois Chinnery 77 Education, what kind ? 78 79 Evening Disc. 80 81 -0- ft CL(FaeJi£c<5?*c

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k)oOOr^V><^V Va.V^Wt, l/ol. 3T V^VJ ^u. D^vV^v^U EDITCR'S NOTE A-0

THE BLACK NARATGR poem by le Graham •...... ,..,, A-2

STATEMENT BY SENATOR J.W. FULBRKHT (from Arkansas) 1

TO THE NEGRCES CF DALLAS COUNTY (Speech) 2

NEW SCHOOL CF AFRO-AMERICAN THOUCHT 3

BUILDING UP IN THAILAND 6 (from Cong. Record/Cct. 3, 1966 JUST ABOUT EQUAL

Fiction by Fay D. Bellamy lU

JUSTICE IN THE COIRTS 20

ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY

AMENDMENTS CF 1966 (from Cor^. Record/Sefct* 29, 1966 21

CAMBODIA ASSAILS U.S. IN ASSEMBLY 37

tiHITE POWER

BY Ethel Mi nor of SNCC Communications 37

NEWS 07 THE WEEK Uo

YOU KNOW poem by Ray Duren. U2 MADAM CHIANG KAI-SiEK'S STATUS IN UiS. QUESTIONED U2 (from Cong. Record/Oct. 3, 1966)

NEW LEFT/from Corg. Record/Oct. 7, 1966 uh

NASHVILLE FIELD REPCRT by Porter Stewart 52

INNER CITY CRGANIZIN3 COMMITTEE 53

A MODERN TOM SPEAKS OR Roy Wilkins at his best 5U TO SAMMY YOUNGE by Fay Bellamy (poem) 55 COCA-COLA REPCRT by Jack Minni s/SNCC Research 56 THE UNTOUCHED BLACKS/poem by Joyce Lrfcjsafc&i 60 EDITOR'S NOTE We should all be arare that this country is making a last ditch stand to protect his "inhumanity to man". He (white men) has reached the point where he is showing a real fear of the Black Renassiance and its influence on both black and white organizations, the length and bredth of this land. At this time, the dirtiest word that can be attached to a civil rights or peace group is the word "Communist" or "Anarchist", We are blamed for many things. It does not matter if we took part or not in those issues we are blamed for, but certain persons are attempting to make scapegoats out of us. We should all take note of the various things being said about the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the Students for a Democratic Society and other groups. We should analyze why they're being said. This country can no longer tolerate us. As usual in the United States, when blssek people become too strong, there is always an attempt to exile, jail or kill him. Every black leader who became a leader of the black masses with an international perspective, has either been physically destroyed, exiled or harrassed throughout his lifetime. Remember: Marcus Garveys He was first put in jail and later deported. W.E.B. DuBois: Found he could not have freedom of movement or thought within the U.S. and decided to go to Ghana. Malcolm X: Murdered Paul Robeson: forced into "voluntary exile". Robeson was not permitted, by the racists of this country" to sing. Because of his blackness and obvious pride in being proud of it, life became unbearable for him. Throughout the world, he was exalted for his fantastic voice, but not in the United States Robert Williams: Framed and went into forced exile. Black Soldiers: After World War II when black troops returned to this country, many of them were lynched or murdered in other ways. These were black people who had Editors Note: - 2 broken out of the racist confines of the U.S. They had traveled to many countries, lived with and been accepted as men by the peoples there. Tteey could no longer be satisfied with life as it existed than and now in the United States. We should take note that the ever increasing pressure now being applied to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee began after our statement against the War in Vietnam. Adam Clayton Powell: Even though his committee on Education and Labor was the best and most active committee in Congress and the strongest, the government thought he had too much power. Therefore, the Committee was torn asunder to break his power. Notwithstanding the fact that many of us in the movement may have serious doubts about Powell, it would still be acknowledged that the committee »es attacked not because Powell was too strongj but that he was a black strong man. I feel it is important that we in the movement should never fall into the pattern of looking at situations as all-black or all-white, except when it is just that.

A-l The Black Narrator/by le gtaham (At a Symposium for Afrh-Americahs)

1 White poems are daggers guns. cops. piercing hearts in weird design. Ofays beating niggers to their knees. Coloured girls with wigs passing & cutting Afro's mind. Or black poems judged by whitey's standards. 11:U5 & still no ring (eastern standard time, owned by grey cats on mainline U.S.A.) These poems are such things.pointed.like twist drills parting tools. I know the creator (in classroom faces, human relationship meetings, morning greetings as a habit.a state of mind after a workshop on blackism)

Black poems are beautiful Egyptian princesses.afro-americans.John o. killens.ossie davis.leroi jones.mal colm x shabazz.robert wi Hi ams, lumunba.A poem for woolly-haired brothers.natural-haired sisters.Bimbos, boots & woogies.Or nappy-headed youngsters Cause they want what i want:blood from revolutions.A fast boat to Africa,ghana the cameroons uganda & nigeria... Here in america i want black thoughts, informs of con crete skies tumbling down on dingy ofays.on negro middleclass heads (koriked-haired hipsters.wig-wearing whores. sophisticated teachers, inspiring professors ...schooled in propaganda) Crush their minds & lives thoughts. Talk to them in Chinese Vietnamese or black language Fuck their minds up.cross-cut & rip-saw their ideas.in ugly design9improper balance.Yeah, using black primitive standards. A-2 WE ARE APPARENTLY TRYING, SINGLE HANDEDLY, BY EXECUTIVE FIAT, TO CHANGE THE FACE CF ASIAT WE ARE TAKING ON THE ROLE NOT ONLY CF POLICEMAN BUT ALSO CF PROVIDER FCR ALL THE NON-COMMUNISr COUNTRIES THERE. EVEN IF WE COULD AFFCRD TO ASSUME THIS BlRDEN—AND I QIESTION WETHER WE CAN—IS OIR OBJECTIVE REALISTIC?

WE—A WHITE WESTERN COUNTRY—ARE TRYING TO REFORM AN ORIENTAL CULTURE IN OUR MAGE, IGNCRIN3 THE WARNING Q? THE PCET LAUREATE CF AN OLDER IMPERIALISM, Rudyard Kipling, WO WROTE:

The end of the fight is a tombstone white with the name of the late deceased, And the epitaph drear: "A fool lies here who tried to hustle the East."

IN A CELEBRATED COMMENTARY IN 1899 ON THE UNITED STATES AM) THE JHILIPPINES, KIPLING ALSO WROTE:

Take up the White Man's burden— And reap his old reward: The blame of those ye better, The hate of those ye guard—

STRONG AND VIABLE SOCIETIES MUST BE HOMEGROWN PRODUCTS. THEY CANNOT BE TRANSPLANTED. WE CAN HELP PREPARE THE SOIL, WE CAN HELP PROTECT THE SEEDS FROM BEING TRAMPLED UNDERFOOT, BUT WHAT GROWS MUST BE SUITED TO THE LAN) AM) CULTIVATED BY THOSE WHO TEND IT.

by Senator J. W.FULBRIGHT FROM Arkansas

Editors Note: I would suggest that you read the article on Thailand. It should prove to be very interesting. ,-yr

TO THE :NEGR,C£Sr; OF DALLAS COUNTY

Here^are a;>few facts:

THERE WAS A MEETING- SUNDAY NIGHT OCTOBER 16, 1966 AT BROWN'S CHAPEL

WHICH- AS WE ALL KNOW IS HEADQUATERS FOR THE MOVEMENT IN DALLAS COUNTY.

THE WORD 'Movement'I I'M BEGINNING TO WONDER IF OUR PEOPLE HAVE FOR­

GOTTEN WHAT THE WORD REALLY MEANS. I WAS LISTENING TO THE REV. F. D.

REESE AM) REV. P. L. LEWIS AT THIS MEETING. REV. REESE SAID HOW MUCH

"PROGRESS HAS BEEN MADE SINCE THE MOVEMENT BEGAN. a gr IN HIS STATEMENT HE SAID THAT HE DID .NOT WANT A BLACK GOVERNMENT

OR AN ALL WHITE GOVERNMENT, BUT HE WANTED TO SEE A BLACK AH) WHITE

.GOVERNMENT IN OFFICE. THIS WAS IN REFERENCE TO HIS SAYING HE HAD NOT

•auSOLD OUT TO THE POWER STRUCTURE AS TT IS.

NOW I WANT YOU NEGRO PEOPLE TO STOP AND THINK FOR. JUST A MINUTE

•g-r.tR TWO. IF THIS IS TRUE, THEN WHY IS THE DALLAS COUNTY VOTERS LEAGUE,

DCVL, ASKING PEOPLE TO VOTE STRAIGHT DEMOCRATIC TICKET ON NOVEMBER 8th, aaiaA TICKET WHICH HAS ALL WHITE PEOPLE RUNNING ON IT. .

BLACK PEOPLE CF DALLAS COUNTY, I SHOULD LIKE YOU TO TAKE A REAL

GOOD LOOK AT THE REV. P. L. LEWIS. HE MADE A STATEMENT IN AN ATTEMPT

TO MAKE BLACK PEOPLE LAUGH AT ONE ANOTHER. IN HIS STATEMENT HE SAID

THAT YOUR SKIN.3S BLACK, -TOUR"'NOSE ^IS WIDE,' AND. YOUR'LIPS ARE THICK -'•'• •' •'•< '-Oi' ' ' 03.. •'.

AND YOUR HAIR IS KINKY. HE WENT ON To'SAY THAT YOU DON'T HAVE THE

SENSE TO BE IN POLITICS BECAUSE YOU ARE DUMB AM) "I'M SMART BECAUSE

" I DEAL WITH THE PEOPLE DOWNTOWN', meaning hisself. HE ALSO NEEDS

A FEW FACTS ABOUT 1EGR0 HISTORY. MAYBE HE DIDN'T LEARN THAT IN SCHOOL,

BUT THE FACT IS THAT THE BUCK MAN HAS MADE HIS MARK IN HISTORY SUBE

THE BEGINNING CF RECORDED HISTORY. REV. LEWIS WENT ON TO SAY, "WE ARE-jREfflTpAT THE PQOTIN "' - - HISTORY WHEN ABE LINCOLN WAS ALIVE AND WHEN NEGROES WENT INTO POLITICAL OFFICES AM) THE WHITE FOLKS.FOUM) OUT THEY DIDN'T HAVE ENOUGH SENSE ,13-uiHD '"P"': ' - •-- A •••'•'' TO BE IN POLITICS.^ AND,THEY PUT THEM,OUT. .0

1 . •••-'- '•"•• *• -'*•-• PEOPLE, THE HISTORY I LEARNED ABOUT NEGRO POLITICIANS DIDN'T READ -JTVJ "::: ' LIKE THAT. I MAKE REFERENCE TO MEGRCES- LIKE HENRY H.. GCRNET WHO WAS rx • ' ' A *' "• .: . ; w- RECORDER CF DEEDS IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA AM) P.B.S. PINCHBACK WHO SERVED AS STATE SEN&TCR AND LATER LT. GOVERNOR CF LOUISIANA. THERE WERE MANY OTHERS LIKE HIRAM REVELS,- ROBERT SMALLS, EDWARD BROOKE AM) WILLIAM HOOTIE. • ug . .go' Tf" a" '•';--<•• ' *•' • I THINK REV. LEWIS NEEDS SOMEONE TO TEACH HIM THE TRUE FACTS^'

CF HISTORY. I DON'T BELIEVE THE MAN IS THAT DUMB, BUT IS TKYIMS'TO

LEAD OUR PEOPLE BACK INTO SLAVERY FROM- WHICH THEY 'CAME. THIS MAN

WILL BE WEARIN3 NICE CLOTHES AND DRIVIN3 A FINE.CAR AND EATING STEAK ,'PKP' 'O' ' "V' ' " ••:•-•-..• ON NOVEMBER 9th. ... ,. - • - air :

CANDIDATES. j I P> , • ;-, v$% :,; -g '-g;; 0 :-"' (Speech made at a meeting inDallas County j Alabama by aSNCC worker).

i: •" "' ••'•' - -

" ' **********************

THE NEW' SCHOOL OF AFRO-AMERICAN THOUCHT

, P ? Identity is the subject"of creation. Only a black, manwho krows. his blackness and - is proudvfr "Ztrk ":y- r•''• S' of his blackness can create for himself and others...... •.-,-,•.• i aglfg. "•"• PPa./l' -""-"PPHT One believes "or has- beelt .taught .to believe, that ..the black man has ho culture-i-no art, no sensitive, or. soulful oasis in his history of -which he can be proud. Today, too many people believe that their black brothers and sisters have no culture, and that Africa is still all jungle and it's people savages.

To help disspell this myth, in September 196.5,. the Cardozo Area Arts Committee, Irfc. — a broadly based community organization—was formed to bridge the gap .between the, . artist and community.

The Cardozo Area Arts Committee, Inc. has now a base of operation, The New School For Afro-Americah thought. The purpose of this schoolywhieh was founded by the committee is to create ari awareness Tand identity in, black people through the Arts' ahdvHumanities-. 'It desires to implant in ..the commu­ nity respect, knowledge and love in ourselves as people. And it is imperative that our creative energies be recognized and appreciated if we are ever to grow to love and understand ourselves and others.

Along with creating awareness, the New School For Afro-American Thought will instruct and educate the community—especially the youth—in art, dance, drama, history, literature and music. The school will encourage people in the community who have talent and/or interest in these areas, to share them with his brothers and sisterWThe New'School-For Afro-American a Thought desires to make the community more ware of the artist of the past and present, aftd to create and stimulate towards creation, those of the future. u • a - * ,;>g

The school will provide the people of the community with a home base of operation. A place inhere the artist and sculpture can work; where musicians, dramatists and all-people can hold meetings, workshops, leetitres,-etc. It will be. a place for all people can hold meetings, workshops, lectures, etc, : It will fee a placegf or all people in the community to gather and-express ideas, opinions and our growing consciousness of our community and the world we are involved in today.

It's most "souful" purpose will be accomplished if it can bring all black people it touches to the point of realizing—"Yes, you are black and beautifulj you? are beautiful" because you are blackj"

For further information, write to Cardozo Area Arts Committee "•'••" ! * 2208 lUth St. N.W.; •-.,, . Washington, D. C.

###############'# BUILDING UP IN THAILAND

Mr. FULBRIGHT, J.W. from Arkansas. importance to warrant congressional Mr. President, since the officialsg'>g considerationiand approval... On Jan. of our Government who are responsible'' : 1, 1965, there were 23,000 American " for our policies in Asia, and more .' military men in South Viet Nam. On specif ically Thailand, decline to June 1, 1966, there were 25,000 in testify in public session before the Thailand, and I gather that there Committee on Foreign Relations, I are now more than 30,000 there. We believe it is my duty as Chairman are building up in Thailand—building, of that coratiittee to make a brief barracks, air bases, ports and suppljy; statement on the subject. When I depots, i . ".' say "decline," I speak from personal knowledge, because I personally What are the reasons for this new * invited members of the Department military involvement in Southeast of State—specifically, the Secretary Asia? What is the legal basis and of State—to come and testify inpub- the political Justification? Are lic.fsssion, and my cordial Invitation we trying to apply the lessons wasodeclined. .,-.,, p ' .' learned in Vietnamjare we falling into the same errorsjor are the two I believe it is my' duty simply situations not analogous? We are because it seems to me that the building up tn Thailand, but do we people of my country are"entitled know what is building up in Thailand?- to know to what extend: their Sons and their fortunes are being committed For answers, Americans must turn, in Thailand. paradoxically, to the press, for a curtain of official secrecy surrounds I believe this enormous expenditure our activities in Thailand, We have of our resource^ in Thailand should, been told- from time to time, by offi­ at the very least, be the: Stibject of cials, to be skeptical of press re­ discussion and serious consideration ports from Vietnam but how we are by the Congress* especially by the given no alternative but to rely on Senate, before*Qie cdmmitment is the press for our information about final; and|complete. It seems to me Thailand, because the officials are ;-p that members.of the Senate, who share reluctant to speak. insthe responsibility for Government pplicies,,should at least know what From the press we learn that most of Pthose policies involve. It is not the 30,000 men we have in Thailand solely because I disapprove of our are in the Air Force. They fly a policy of enlargement of the war in majority—some reports say as much Southeast Asia that I believe it is as SOrfcefecent—of the bombing and myrduty to present, publicly In one ^ecbhnaissance missions that are statement the inf ormatiOn which has flown over North Vietnam and north­ come to my attention about Thailand. ern Laosvfrom a half dozen American- D-:U, • • a- A •*••; p built air bases in Thailand—which Regardless of my views, I believe the are legally Thai bases and fly the expenditure of billions of public Thai flag. We are building a giant funds, and the exposure of American sea and air base complex at Sattahip lives to.destruction 12,000 miles which will have runways long enough away in Asia, is a matter of sufficient to accommodate JB-52 bombers and which si? Thailand-2

Is cpsting hundreds, of-mil lions of Wheh""asked about the exact nature c dollarsr--eith0r one hundred; mi Hi on of''our commitment" to. Thai land, Po or more than; five hundred million, Mr,''Bundy replied: .v; ••••J-. depending^ on which paper one reads. We are also .training and equipping . "Well, we have a treaty o: the Thai Armed Forces to fight Commu­ relati onship with Thai 1 and, nist insurgents In the Jtortheast, al­ '6f course, in that they are though We are'j.^.reportedly,-not partici­ a member of SEATO treaty, pating directly in the fighting. On ^the Southeast Asia Treaty ... . this point, there is a conflict in the "Organization, so that we have stories reported by the press. a fully complete treaty rela­ tionship there. Now that • Officially^as-I say, we have been ? - - applies to action in accordance told nothing-.about all this—unless, ' with our constitutional process that is, Ttfe;happen to see Mr. William Ses in the event of ^external ^ Bundy, the.Assistant Secretary of State aggression and for consultation for Far Eastern Affairs, on television in the event of subversion. Wiat early in September. It is rather yduhave now is some kind of— curious that he went on "Meet the Press" well,, a real threat of insur- ?. in September,- but has declined to gency, particularly in the-^ appear in open session before the northeast area of Thailand,: Committee on Foreign Relations, Obviously, we have not sent 25,000 In the first official statement that or 30,000 men and hundreds of planes some of the thousands of young Ameri­ to Thailand, and obviously we are cans on the streets of Thai villages not building multi-mi Hi on—dollar f are not soldiers on leave, from Vietnam bases capable of handling the. largest or tourist, Mr, Bundy told us that strategic bombers we have, in order there were-"about 25,000" American to meet'a threat arising,from "hun­ servicemeiThin Thai land .He also told dreds", of insurgents. The Thais, us that there was a real .threat of themselves should be able to handle a insurgency, particularly in the north­ military threat of such dimensions. east area of Thailand" but that it was Thailand's Armed Forces total 130,000 "on a very limited- scale—a scale on men-an Army of about 85,000, a Navy the Vietnamese benchmark would be of 25,000, and an Air Force of 20,000 perhaps on.the level of 1959 or I960 and their defense budget for 1965-66 rather than,any of the later periods— was oyer 90 million dollars. in numbers involved it is probably only i n the hundreds." H e • add ed that It is quite clear that we are using.,, Thailand as abase from which to ' The Thai are absolutely launch air attacks against North deterpgi-ned to deal#fith Vietnam. To justify what we are J^hiSr'themselyes.% ,t>ur doing by referring to the insurgency ^role is tosupply them a-I-P. in the northeast and tying this , ; with equipment and to ' threat of insurgency tpf paragraph ^.assist them in training 2 of article IV in the SEATO treaty, ,. as they may desire, i;P,- :;ar; the paragraph relating to the threat of subversion, is specious at best. Thai land-3

Mr. Bundy could have said that we were sentence: acting in Thailand under Paragraph 1 of artltr&uIV which ,refers to "aggres­ It (the stationing of United sion by means -o^'.^medroat^gelf'in^the^ .States forces in Thailand) is treaty area,'* But in that case> 'he hereby announced, to the people of A-Au would have had.to address himself to A. Thailand i^j^0he'r^uest th^ they the requirements that'action taken , " cooperate^fully with the government • -> * under this paragraph be ih accord with in the firmeditermlhation to ^otedt J. >" the "constitutional processes'?, of the and maintain^the friedom, integi^ty^^^t*: party acting and that the measures independence and sovereignty of the -' -o' taken "be immediately reported to rthe P. Thai ration. Security Council of the United ifetibos.'P '• .P- a- P o^t a? • I will return to this subject of '*, If it was, Judicious to make such an "constitutional procesSes"'in a few official statement then, why is it moments., p x -o &9§AAt-^ undesirable toTdo so now? I wish til at I knew.'^e answer to this Hence, directly from the press and question*, Perhaps a part of the Inferentially fr'om what Mr« Bundy explanation" lies in/the Thai Foreign has said on television,rone is lead Minister's reported statement at the inevitably to the coralusion that we United--Nations, a few days ago that are building :tg>; in Thailand primarily Thailand had. not asked for American a compile of air bass^ for: use ihpthe forces to be stationed there and war'"*iAilVietnam--and Apparently secon­ could, if necesiaryj ;do without them. darily a supporting," or if necessary The Thais, the"Fdreign Minister said alternative, military supply and grarhically^;"are not hanging onto ,r logistics baseVarWfe are also helping your G,I's,by their^shirt-tails." A the Thai with equipment and training ;-'W " :•- . • "' Prc-- to control their insurgent"problem, Another element that^may explain— ao'-g but it,Is^not because of the Insurgency 1 Thai, reluctance to discuss, the .T?. f that tie have 30,000 troopsi therei We subject;of "U,;"SS'smiIItary a^tivities^u* ar!3, I? gather, again fromt the press, in Thaiiai^'is *he fact that therThai,I;" .precluded from saying all this because governemeht may*- feel that^tb-e Thai" ->~~ the Thai government, has asl^ed us to people wo\jld react: adversely andgthat;,;, remain silent, and we have- agreed. Thailandts "political- stability Would IA be affect||^-ForeThailandis not '"wiy'i's the Thai government so- insis­ the politi|reSly progressivecountry tent onthis' point? After all-in; so many say i*j%^iolnSladt^ift nevgr. x1962,- we sent %000. troops to 0M land has been.. *"Uhti4; the ,early^l930*Sy:^ 'when a Laotian Commisnist armyn^ared c ; Thai:la^^th eh*'known.as;' SI am^^iad the Thai border..., At that time,^js^ate- .iheen-fr^^c^iiuries, a -relatively ?&gaic|h ments were issuedrby Pres> Ken^dy^; monarchy/ yiif 1932 y a grdup'^fc^buns and by the Thai government, and tj^e 0.wf iij^y. o¥f iaer# and civil. servants United NationSoSec^etary general was ;, seized p^erPand: inducedv.tne; Klng^t|) informed of"theasetion inw^iti|®A promulgate the first. Thai5 col%titu-r -4f:n fact, the Th^a^overrpent 'a^a^ently tion.i^A,,legislature «ras established, *f£elt it important, to informa^he Thai •whose members werecapppinted not peogie, ajfor the-Thai stateraent,i^sued elected, but it gained" littleuof; the ion-$^,i;j>, 1962, included theofpllowing 'power^at had been lost by the-King.

.rif 'T.O MAA" ^

•~t Thailand-U if;; Power was instead generally exercised . blame for the dissaffection that exists by a shifting oligarchy in the Council in the country and particularly in the- of Ministers or.Cabinet, composed pri­ northeast area, The northeast region a-, marily of leaders of cliques in the, , . has long-beenga:problem- for Thai au-•""*!? Army, the police-"and the civil servTee* thorities. Geographically remote from Bangkok, it has been ignored by the a • In the !26^tears' after, the coup of 1932, capital. Economically backward its there were.''2§ separate coups and the . inhabitants have a lower standard of constitution^ of 1932-a modest constitu­ living than their fellow Thais. A tion at beet, tfaa "inoperative for much large number of the inhabitants of . of this time, including the year$ of P the region are culturally Laotian, World War II whan Si am, a reluctant and some 50,000 Vietnamese refugees if not unwilling ally of Japan, 3was of the Frenchf-Indo-Chinese war also under a dictatorship. live there. Terrorism began in 1961* and has increased since then. Six In 1958, Field Marshal Sarit. Thanarat, persons were killed in 196U, thirty commander of the Thai Armed .forties, in 1965, ajxi there have been over seized power. He .abrogated the. Consti- 70 political,murders this year. tutio.p, dissolved the National,Assembly Estimates::.©f the number of guerrillas and the Council of Ministers, banned.all range froja tfc§ hundreds to more than •, a political parties except his own "Revo- 3,000, The formation of a Thai patri­ lutiohaly Party", and proclaimed riartial otic front torlead a war of liberation law. In early 1959 an interim, consti­ i n Th ai 1 and was- annouged i n Peki ng tution was promulgated and a Constituent last year. Southern Thai land has Assembly appointed more than threes,l{g also been plagued by increased Commu­ quarters of its members from the 6. nist-lead terrorism involving some . military^profession, to draft a hew con­ experienced guerrillas, from the : stitution and to serve as a interim Malayan insurgency, although this legislature. The Constituent Assembly Seems to be a less difficult problem has yet.to recommend a constitution.'^' mainly because there is no contiguous and''no parliamentary elections h&vre territory under,^the Communist control. taken place since 1957. The present prime minister of Thailand, General Is the insurgency in the northeast Thanom Kittikachorn became premier . similar to that, in Vietnam in the early In 1963 following the. death of Sarit, stages? The few public statements who died an astonishingiy wealthy man. issued by our government officials The popular and dedicated King of indicate t^hat they believe it is. Some Thailand, exerts a beneficial-though reporter also see a parallel. Others, apparently limited-influence on policy.. howeveji,, do- not. . They suggest that the.thfeatfis being exxaggerated and In sum, as one expert oh .Thai land, has misrepresented by Thai officials in written: the hope of obtaining more American aidrand rbettr coneliriing sm or, jre;qni float ion, but can capitalize that "ihe fhai government has largely " only on the resentment of the people itself—and not external forces—to in the northeast toward the Thai Thailand - 5 Government—resentment arising from the Thais do not wish us to do so. the Government's.'neglect and abuse We are weakening our democratic of the region. As former Ambassador " processes, either because our troops to Thailand, Kenneth T. Young, now are in Thailand on shaky legal and president pf theALsia Society, wrote political grounds or because of the recently of the situation in the north­ Thai government's political vulnera­ east: ..; , bility or perhaps because of both reasons. The key to Thailand's lasting .,.", safety lies ih, a better revolu­ As for the role of Congress with tion to f i"11 .the rural vacuum. respect to the build-up in Thailand, This, means .creating a whole new E. S. Corwin, in his distinguished national identity in two direc­ book, oh the Presidency, asked this tions. Only,a self-restrained question on the relationship between c ivi li aa,. and j& %i tary of fie i aldom the Executive and Legislative branches: knot*ing hawrtq, .gain, the respect ;g and trust, of the rural people . ;'. ; 3iall it be the relationship of can win them over. And only ag cooperation between constitutio­ self-propelled rural people nally equal partners, or shall it feeling their own strike and be the relatiohship of principal welcoming: outside, aide, in and instrumentj a relationship d £yel op ing. and prbt ec tf ng'. thei r resting on jointly held convictions homes, temples, rice fields, schc- as to what the interests of the olsgand villages cap.' repel; Commu­ U. S, require, or on the calcula­ nist, agent^ and insurgents;. tion that when Cohgress ;is presented. with a sufficiently imperative f,a|tu Testifying before Congress in 1951 on accompli it can be counted on to President .Truman's decision to deploy come to heel? four Army divisions to Europe, the then Secretary of Defense, Gen. Geoi Our involvement in Thailand may prove.... C. Marshall said: to be just such an "imperative fait accompli." :At?a time when:the U. S. My opinion In the matter is is building a vast sea:and air complex that Congress is certainly in Thailand, when more than 25,000 of entitled to know what we are our forces are stationed there, and planning and as Senator Smith when these bases are being used by our (of New Jersey) very plainly forces in an undeclared - war in which pointed out, what we. do has to we are principal combatant,.|he-Senate have the support Of the people. is asked only to give its- advice and consent tol a double taxation' treaty How times have changed,. Apparently, with Thailand' and to another treaty we no longer believe that "what we concerning commerce and navigation. do has to have the support of the This is hardly a "relationship of people." cooperation between constitutionally equal partners." It is quite the ' The people obviously cannot support reverse. Congress is in danger Of a course of action of which they are bee omi ng' th e " i nstrument"' of the kept in ignorance or confusion. I President and is becoming so easily deplore our decision not to discuss and compliantly-if not enthusiastic­ what we are doing in Thailand, because ally. We are building up in Thailand,

10 Thailand -6

We are moving in men and planes and In,a,celebrated commentary..in 1899 steel and cement. We are .moving in on' the United States and the Phi li- ; American dollars—over U33 million ppines, Kipling also wrote: in economic aid in fiscal years 19U6 through 1965 and somewhat over 60 ...^take up the White Man's burden— million in fiscal year 1966 j Ul5 And reap his old reward:" million Ih military aid through 196^,g The blame of those ye better,. . when thefigures began to be class!- g The hate of those ye guard— fied and I suppose about !|0 million more a year since thenj hundreds of The resentment of client states toward millions-in construction costs in the those ph whom they have become depen­ past,:few yeai^s—Certainly-Well over a 1 dent is.as insidious.and inevitable billion' in allT- - Andthe end 'is appa-* in the 2Gth century as it was in rently not in sight. In the joint the 19th. Never colonized, tradi­ communique issued on February 15, 1966, tionally suspicious of foreigners, at the conclusion of talks between the Thais surely do not rejoice in Vice-President Humphrey and the Prime being militarily dependent on the Minister of Thailand, the Vice Presi­ United States, as the Thai Foreign dent emphasized the determination of Minister's statement at the United the' "United States to provide all Nations shows. Because of the necessary assistance to enable Thailand resentment and xenophobia that even and the other countries of Southeast benign foreign .intervention brings, Asia, threatened by Communist aggression massive infusions of men and money to defend themselves and to achieve in me^r well hinder the. Thais from. peace their just? economic ax& social developing, rather than help them aims. A.V.. ' Al '" to develop a sound political environ­ ment in which insurgency cannot We are apparently trying, single- ' flourish. .The strong and viable handedly, by executive fiat, to society must be home grown products. change the face of Asia. We are They;cannot be transplanted. . We can taking on the role hot only of help prepare the soil, we can help policeman, but? also of; provider for protect the seeds from being trampled all the non-Communist countries t p' underfoot, but what grows must be there. Even if we could afford tb suited to the.land and cultivated assume this burden—and1 I question by those who tend .it. - • . whether we- can—is our objective ' realistic? We—awhite, Western Mr. President, I ask .unanimous consent country—are trying to reform an to have printed 1^": the, Record the Oriental culture in our image, article entitled ^.FULBRIGHT CHIDED ignoring the warning of the poet BY'THAI OFFICIAL," written by Seth laureate of an older imperialism, S. King and published in, the New ,r Rudyard,Kipling, who wrote:' • York Times op, September 2ti, 1966.. '

"The erti of the fight is a tombstone There being no objection, the, article white V 'Po . '' " A was ordered to be printed in the with the"name of the late deceased, record.,, as.follows:. ..- ... ._,....-. ,,.,--• And the epitaph drear:'"A fool lies Ol- R here who tried to hustle the-East." I'­ ;OD

ll Thai land FULBRIGHT CHIDED BY THAI OFFICIAL—THANAT Says People Resent Challenge tq,,U»S. . Policy (by Seth S. King)

United Nations, N.Y., September 23.*-Thanat Khoman,., Thai land's Foreign Minister, said today that his country bitterly resented Senator J. W. Fulbright's effort to challenge the Johnson Administration on its policy in Thailand.

"We resent being used as a club for striking-at fthe President over his policies in Vietnam," Mr. Thanat declared. Senator Fulbright, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, said Tuesday that he would press for a public hearing on American activities* in Thailand.

He said he was "very'dubious," about the long-range objectives there and wanted to pursue the question of? whether the United .States was getting involved '.'in another Vietnam." "' -*'-''

In an interview, at the United Nations where he is ..attending the General Assembly, Mr. Thanat said Thailand had not appealed for the stationing of American forces there and could, if necessary, do without 'mem.

"If Senator Fulbright does hot want them there, let him si^ait a move to bring them home. We are not hanging on to your G. I.'s by their shirttails," Mr. Thanat declared.

Earlier this week, Senator Fulbright's committee held closed hearings on Thailand and subjected William P. Bundy, Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, to a four-hour questioning.

"We would rather go down fighting Communism by ourselves than be a pawn for Senator Fulbright," the usually placid Thai Foreign Minister asserted, "We are not the 5lst state,"

Thailand is a member of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization. In the last five years a number of large Anerican bases have been built in that Country,

For nearly two years, the major effort of the Air Force against targets in North Vietnam has been mounted from Thailand, However, neither the United States nor Thailand has publicly acknowledged this. Planes from American bases in Thailand have also been used constantly against the Ho Chi Minh Trail in Laos and against pro-Communist Pathet Lao forces there.

12 Thailand - 8

Thirty-Five Thousand Americans In Thailand

After Tuesday's hearings committee "members "disclosed thatAmerican military forces based in Thailand now totaled nearly 35,000 men. This was three times their strength in December, 1965. The Democratid'Senator.from.Arkansas said he was not disturbed by the Admini^tr"atlefi"'s "^lpst-rajnge policies" in using Thai bases P. but-by the^Administration's longr-range objectives i'n Thailand and the rest of Southeast Asia." '•

"The 'Thai 'people are getting fedTup-.with,reding the criticisms and insinuations about all this," Mr., Thanat said. "They say let the Americans take their soldiers home if this is the way they feel."

The Thai Foreign Minister- said-Communist efforts to subvert Northeast Thailand were at a lower scale now than earlier this year.

"But this iM something they turnron and off like a thermostat," he said. "We'are moving against this and can handle it. It is not o. •. something that will get out of hand without American help." A •• I (From the Congressional Record/October 3, 1966) iP ntc"x"" " " -" -in ,! " " " ," " ''• " • a" '•>-!<•:•'• A ', ~ ' •"' '' < .-',.'

•14-,

"f,<"

'J,r r W. ' . :!.) - •-,-,- *C! -' : p 20: • : -..-, rj-

;C| 4,- 1 13 - •' "5 XI li "'fA "JUST ABOUT EQUAL" BY Fay D. Bellamy

"Look Vic, the times comes for us to move. We either get the show on the road or call it quits."

"Man, I'm ready. You know I stay read. Let's get Randy and Chuck together sto we can finish mapping out our plans."

Vic settled his back against the wall and from his position on the floor, watched Ted pick up the jphone. He was nervous and a little excited, but there was no fear. He and the others had been working on their plan for the past ten months and the time had come to execute those plans,

Ted finished his calls and smiled at Vic; "They'll be over in about 15 minutes."

Neither of them was much for wasting words. They settled back to listen to the mystical and exciting sounds of John Coltrane and Archie Shepp.

"That Coltrane and Shepp by themselves is a gas, but the two of them together,, wow," Ted stated.

"You laid the shit on the line man."

"Those are some together cats." They continued talking in low voices until there was a knock at the door. Chuck was the first one to arrive. He walked into the room and squatted on his heels. His only greeting was a nod of the head. There was no need for questions or small talkj he knew what was up. The months before were nervous one, secret meetings, plans and many angry thoughts.

Tonight...he was calm. Randy never knocked, but walked into Vic's apartment as if it were his own personal property.

"Hey Baby."

"What's happening Randy." There was general greetings and each one knew this was not a bullshit night. In each ones mind was the clear winter night.

lit of last January 23rd. It was a night neither of them would ever forget, not in this lifetime nor the next, if there was such a thing. That was the night they went to a party at Jennifer's house. That was one groovy party. That chick had more booze than five alcoholics could drin in five weeks. Talk about a hell- raising night, that was it. Then it ended as all good things usually do. Vic wondered why it was always the good things in life that ended so suddenly while the painful things stay in your mind and eat into the brain. It was as if pain was a parasite and needed the human brain to exist on. "Hell, that life I quess," Vic thought to himself. His mind went back to that night in '6<6. Randy had his fathers' car and Chuck had his old mans' station wagon. Benny was with them that night. First their dates had been dropped off and they now were on their way home. Benny was the thinker of the group. He liked to take long walks and do stupid things like sitting under a tree and watching the clouds take different shapes or some simple shit like that. This night he wanted to get out a few blocks from his house and walk the short distance home. The two cars pulled over to the side of the highway and Ben get out of the station wagon.

"I'll see you cats late tomorrow. Be damned if my mother thinks I'm going to get up early and go to church in the morning. I'm sleeping late," They pulled off in a great farewell of comradeship* blowing horns, shouting and waving, "Try not to run into no crackers baby. You know how they like to fuck with a cat when they catch one of us alo ," Randy yelled out of the window, Benny waved and began his trek home, past the little stores and on up the street to the restaurant on the corner where he made his turn. His house was only six blocks from the corner. "I've got to go to the John", he said out loud, talking to hisself. "This is just as good a place as any", and he walked into the restaurant, into a nightmare hte would never awaken from. Chuck got the news first, A black cat who worked in the filling station down the street from the restaurant knew most of the young guys in the area.

15 He went to Chuck's house and sew only one light, on. He wsrib around to the side window and knocked. Chuck rai.aed the window and stuck his head out,

"What's up baby?" thinking it was one of his friends. The man identified hisself.

"Man they done shot Benny,"

Chucks* knees began to shake and for a moment he felt he was going to faint. That time had ceased to exist,

'^hey shot him for nothing. He wanted to use the John and they killed him. In the head man. He was trying to run away, but they shot him in the head," He went on, talking as if he were delirious. Chuck wouldn't, couldn't speak. Something had happened to his voice. Why couldn't he talkj

"He's dead...»..Blood,.,Everywhere you look, nothing but blood,"

Chuck climbed out of the window so he wouldn't wake his folks. He had finally gotten hold of hisself.

"Calm down man." I never could remember this cats name, he thought to hisself, "Come on and go with me, I have to get the guys together,"

They got in the station wagon and drove off. Chuck's mind was in a whirl, "I have to be calm. Have to find out what happened,"

He went to each house and finally they were all together a ain. The cat from the filling station began to explain what had happened. "It was like this man, -ou know that restaurant on the corner of Tulsa and Euclid St, well Benny went in there. He came out running and this cracker that owns the joint was behind him. He had a his hand and was aiming it at Benny. Man, there washt no place to run to. Ain't nothing on that street 'cepting that little alley and the Greyhoud Bus Station," "Get to the point man," Ted shouted,

"Okay baby. Okay."

"Well Benny ran a little ways and stopped. He and this cracker was arguing about his wanting to use the John. Then Benny ran into a Greyhound bus parted at the station. It was full of people and they could see som bad was happening. Well, that bus

16 made driver made him get off and the bus drove off. Now he couldn?t even hide behind the bus. That cracker raised his gun and took aim, Benny turned to run again and was shot in the back of the head."

Chuck turned the ignition on and headed for Tulsa and Euclid. They let the man from the gasoline station off on the side of the road. Then he burned rubber taking off again. They arrived at the same time the police got there. There was no sign of Benny,

Could that man have lied? No I Nobody could lie about a thing like that,

Where's Benny?

Ted walked up to the sheriff. "Where's Benny?"

"I don't know what you're talking about. Who the hell is Benny?"

"You'll knot; soon enough man. Just wait."

If any fear had ever existed in Ted, about white folks, it had now disappeared. When he was told a brother was laying dead, shot in the head for want of a piss in the John; for wanting to piss the way civilized folk say you're supposed to piss, no, there was no longer any fear.

Randy had walked across the street to a little alleyway where the man said Benny was shot. It was dark in the alley, with only the reflection of the street lights on Euclid and the ones shining from the restaurant which was situated almost directly across the street. He walked on a little ways,

"Benny." "I've found him. Ch dear God I I've found him,"

"Benny, Benny,....it's me baby." Vic and the others ran across the street and stopped. A puddle of blood had formed next to Benny's head and was overflowing; running in a dark trickle into the street, making its way to the gutter.

"BE N N Y No I Hell no! It was a night none of them would ever forget. The next weeks were nonexistent. The only thing that was real was the pain they felt. They had been children togehter. Their mothers were best friends. They had fought each other and passed

17 through all the changes of boys becoming men, together A brother hsd been murdered. Not because he was wrong or right about anything, Not because he had done harm or killed.

Because he was blackl Black. They knew each other and they would know this cracker. They knew he wouldn't be punished for his crime. Not by the courts, the so-called law of the land. They would have to be the executioners.

The cracker had been released today. It seemed as if Benny had been killed today, although it was ten months later. It was autumn and the summer was trying to fade, but hadn't been too successful. That cracker was out there, breathing in this beautiful night air. He would go home and fuck his wife or play with his kids. Those dirty sons-of-bitches had freed him.

Benny would never know what it could be like to play with his sons. Oh yeah, they had big plans for him. For weeks they had watched his house and family. His name was John Wilks and he along with his wife and two boys, lived on the outskirts of town. It was decided from the beginning that they would not physically harm Wilks, but he would pay. He had to pay.

They would begin tomorrow.

"RULEVILLE JOURNAL" Circulation: 2000 November 20, 1966 Little David Wilks, 5 years David is survived by his mother old, son of Mr. John Wi Iks, and father, ir. and Mrs. John was found drowned in an old Wilks and a brother, Qrville, 8. well in" front of his parents home. David was just big Mrs# wilks had to be put under enough to climb on the well sedation by Dr. Grant. and must have fallen in. Mrs, Wilks says she was "visiting relatives a little ways down the road." Mr. Wilks was at work.

18 "RULEVILLE JOURNAL" Circulation: 2000 April 25, 196f

Orville Wilks, 8, was found Mr. and Mrs, Wilks were taken to with a broken neck in the the hospital under sedation. Mr. woods, about half a mile Wilks was mumbling Incoherently from his home. He is the about someone murdering his sons. brother of David, 5 who When our reporter asked the she­ drowned last November 20th, riff about this he stated, "Mr. His mother said she had given Wilks is understandably overwrought him some rope with which to with grief, but there were no signs make a swing out of. of foul play near either child at the time of their unfortunate Sheriff Rodman says, "it deaths. I can fully comprehend appears David caught his Mr, Wilks sorrow and my heart goes foot in the rope and while out to him, attempting to untangle his foot, he became more Mr. and Mrs. John Wilks are the entangled and fell from only surviving relatives, of the tree. little Orville.

"RULEVILLE JOURNAL" Circulation: 2000 May 3, 1967

We wish to express our Your friends and neighbors are sympathy to firs. John Wilks in sympathy with you Mrs. Wilks whose sons were lost to her and hope and pray Mr. Wilks gets in tragic accidents at the well soon. tender ages of 5 and 8, and whose husband hss had a All those wishing to send get nervous breakdown. well cards to Mr. Wilks may mail them to the: State Mental Clinic Rt. 3 Box 99 Tuscaloosa, Alabama

"Hey Randy, how's life treating you?" "Man, here today, gone tomorrow, that's what I always say. I was just thinking Randy; three to one makes it 'just about equal' don't it.

"Yeah man, just about equal."

19 JUSTICE IN THE COURTS by ATOrpiois/Attprney-A&L^aw An honest appraisal of Black People's efforts to achieve equality by court order prrlegal decision forecloses a continued effort in that direction. VTg- ;v :r •••• , . ,, Historically, American Law is based Upon the law of England .at. the time of the revolution. At that time, the rights of English citizens we^e extensive and the concept of personal dignity was well developed, albeit limited in practice to a- certain class. It was because the American Colonials were denied these rights that they revolted. With the success of the revolution, the rights of the Englishmen were incorporated intpvAmerican Law. Thereafter,, the American courts were quite ready to preserve and protect;those rights for the benefits of fcitizens. (Actually, the rights of Englishmen were for the benefit of the propertied class. The expenses and delays of the system made them seldom available to the poor.) The American system tended to expand the availability of legal remedies to :;r,thj§ ..working .class jthough this was "a long slow process attended Aby ~ some violence^' These developments were, of course, just between,white -., people.. When the Black Man become a paper citizen-by reason of the constitutional amendments, a new problem was encountered. As Black Men became skilled in the law, they demanded the ancient v.i i?i.9h.ts of JSnglish men for Black People. To accord Black People . ^fgJ^e'^S'^e-'-nlsiwIc^nfii^te of. white people would place an impossible 'burden on a social system completel^ras 1st ing character. Therefore, the law developed Its Black-side whose P dpptrine. may be summarized as, "Any nigger getting out-of handA; "is" guilty,.,," ••> 'Ci-'V.. a. :—•'-.-. .... N

*•*•. - - '•••>.. • .•.-»•' -•-•. ,y,t,, This is still the prevailing doctrine~in American Law.-^n-r J,.."addition, the tendency of American Law to recognize class i/?ac^idns and Interests was reversed. This effeCtivelyIblunted "mass movements Of undesirable character, :-;,; ...... , In this era, the annual expenditure of" organizations 'seeking.legal remedies exceeds twp million dollars. The results .', of this .expenditure have been-of np effect in extending the rights of whites to the mass of. Blacks, Their situation ..has not changed since 1900, Perhaps, an equal effort in the direction' of politics or economics may have produced some long tejmi^enefit. In summary, we must recognize that the ley wi M always reflect the society in which it exists. A racisTTocTety musluuseTtb^e' law," jaSSigrth^^'-^ol'sTjo- perpetuate .itself. They are intertwined in a : : Gordiah"Knbt. AAA '-yA%A'l " I: "' " -aPa;.aa: . A' *' •'-.- ' a i •• '.-J ••. " •'••• :' , .--• -, ' ,.

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20 ,r ,n *?V'A\<

CONGRESSIONAL RECORD i HOUSE -;. g.. 5 • • , .,\ •: • - "''V September 29, 1966 ,., ia. (Discussion around House Resolution 15111.);.,

, . . T> }A smT - 'ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY - • - A A ?.- V '••*• b.vA^' ..,,,;. -Ay . AMENDMENTS 0FJI966 . ' \n . .-.,- a Note''jrrojji Editor: (there were &0 pages, of discussion around various amendments, on the poverty program. I have abridged those 80 pages in ah effort to make .it more interesting to ,y0u.) •'•>• 'MR.pQUIE of ' • •" • .'.%. ••Mr.:. Chairman, I off er an amendment. ; g. .The-Clerk read as follows:* f j,.,, .tupp '" ^(2) The Director; shall .not approve a community action program, xdiich is conducted," administered, or coordinated by a• - boa^d.jp'n;which representatives of the poor do" not Comprise at least oner-thi^ of .the membership.. ; - , v Py"(3) The representatives of the poor shall, be selected by the residents In areas of concentration:of poverty,provision shall be made for selection of representatives of such poor \through a process,- such ^neighborhood meetings, in which the poor partici­ pate tp-the greatest possible degree." ;.j (Mr. Quie asked and was given permission to :reVise and extend his : re'm^tks*)a: • •'•''• . aou -a (T-: g- ',-P •"•' P Mr. OjUIE. Mr. Chairman, we haVe! now moved into title II, community action. If there is any amend merit the community actioh'title needs it isp^is amendment, ,-,..'" Mr. Chairman, this provided;that every community actloh- board must have representatives ;of"the poor. .., -. ; r a This: shocks tiany people^"Mien, one says that representatives of the poor should be on a community action board, because, as said- by many, if the poor were able to govern a community action board? .'- : they would pot.;be'-'podt|» - A? 5r $ A-.\..A ; PP . g '.V- >•_•, •• "'a ' In the^hearingsvisre have held arid the visitations w© have ' had to ^communities and. .center cities. I have talked with, many poor people who are articulate tand able and could effectively, serve on a board. .A :-:A*< ••:--"' "" ...-.-,*» •:-••/; .• ;-"..,- ,- go •• . . But what t&is amendment 'says is "representatives" of the -•'•" -j^o^^l^^a^^^lP'?^^;:5ie^-^e /^^'2wiiEA."'vi^d be represented by someone xorho is not, poor, that would-be their judgment, but let us make certain5 they can make the judgment and that at least one-third of the people on the community action board have been selected by the poor to speak for them.

21 They must have a voice i^ they are to effectively bring themselves out of poverty. As. I have said many times before, we have seen this type of Initiative work in Federal programs. *'";fhe cooperative, extension program is one. The ASCS in the agricultu* ral area is another, in which the people themselves who are to be benefited serve on the board, . - 0 Thererare a numbed of: cities In the country wheire this does not occur j but there are other places where it does, fe can see successful ventures where the poor are involved. Many people in OEO believe in this philosophy, but what has happened is that many of them do not, and the politicalp power of - some, jnayors in some cities prevents'-"the effective^Thvol- emehty o^P the,poor from occurring, Mr. FRELIMHUYSEN, I thank the gentleman, and I want, to say that I contemplated offering an amendment similar 'to. the one •whichp®'. ^.0-.was just differed. , As Chairman of the Republican Task Force on voa ""Economic Opportunity, I might add we did look into the question of what is good about community action programs and why certain*, ones have gone wrong. In every case I think there has been an •• Pu indication as to where there have been problems, such as in Philadelphia and Chicago, that there has not been sufficient involvement of the poor," This, amendment would certainly be a step in the right direction to ."secure that involvement.,-,

BecauseTthea.cOmmittee.dId not do so theRepublican Task Force on /Economic Opportunity, of which I am chairman, did, hold a series of meetings in some pfjoqr cities, ^.Specifically, we visited Philadelphia, Chicago,, -San Diego, and Jjakersfield, .."", California, Because our time and fundsrwere limited.we directed our attention primarily to the effectiveness of the community •rjo- actiph program in these communities. We did sto fpr a number of reasons, but primarily because the community action program and its requirement for "maximum feasible participation" of the poor is the only really novel'aspect of the poverty program, , I would like to share with^you some 'of our findings-. A^c^' In Philadelphia and in Chicago, 'we .found .ta^^ge^uipe particlpa-3- "''^ tion by the poor in theacoimunity.;actipn--^tc^rams,..was nonexistent. A.. Although the structure of the programs inrthese two cities is vastly-different, the endaresult is the same, the'poverty program has been subverted to the political ends of the city political • ,(a_;a:- machine. One witness in Fhila,, an elected representative of the; . --j+as't poor, said: "We were elected as stooges;PThe program is con- •',~.-yiacfir. trolled from city hall."u To '-make sure that the selected repre- P\-,£troris sentatives of the pooraint^Phila, did not get any ideas about ..,. ,r-iq their role,-- th}e "ppvertgea^rogram placed 118 of the lUU elected representatlvisjp plus%dl^ of their- relatives, on the poverty payroll or in other city government jobs. One witness -. declared _P s ^j^noo that those running the Philadelphia_ppy«trty program to huiid a "T "third force" for Mayor Tate's reelection campaign.

22 In Chicago, where, of course, the Daley machine is much more sojftj^i^sbed than its counterpart ips ^xiladj^lphjia,, 130 effort ; : has been; mate "tea. create ev€*L'f|^' ~f^a8esi£^-. m"a^i^P|^t^t^pj^ -P^p ;N of the £a|br.» ^The city administrati-pn is in firm ^control., • As one " P witncs^^&ited out, ".Neighborhood council members are; appointed J from the toptand are geventually removed at the •whim of-taqmin.istra- p.f tors. Majority decisions of the council have/been overruled byj|e j Center's director." ~rIn-BOth Phi la. and Chicago great care has., been^taken ,to see to it that .the neighborhood copnoiIs have-no funds* a^^.. A •' •[ decision has been made, as another witness put It, to control rather than to liberate the people in .the poverty areas- "•'-'•- In Bakersfield, whHe there is maximum participation,Pg of the poor, there is virtually no participation by the rest of "r'.';' the community. As a result, community acceptance of the program has become"an "issue on the fall ballot. • pr- A universal complaint at all, of- our-hearings waS'^he^ihefflciency of CEO machinery in approving programs. One .witness in Philadelphia, declared! that CEO "sits on proposal for ap agonizingly long time —» it's like' dropping a rose petal infeO; the Grand Canyon.ari& waiting for the echo." ^'Reports of waiting as long as lS^pont&is for approval of programs were common in Philadelphia, Chicago,. San^iego,' and "!6|kers-» field. One witness in San Diego pointed -out ttxatPprojects muSt.^eg/*.! 7 approved at local, regional, arid national iejVfis/*but'because..:Pf the ' turnover of personnel evaluating the project ife is difficult to learn the status of a project application^.. |Aawitness in Bakersf ield put it" more strongly when he ;said it was impossible to learn the dis­ position made of an application on the-,regional and national level, g •'"' ' ... ;. • . - U ;., . ,i rtT .'A: .• • A- ' • .. 4 ,.' .' !" " There were complaints, t^o% alrxi^th^ appXic^ioa fortes.—"' their length and complexity. As a witness pointed put, on1 the „ one hand we insist that the poor must participate.in the. programs but, on the other hand, we forcePthem to find some PhfD. to write, up their programs in the appropriate jiargon. The end result is thatPorlginators.rofthe program do not-recognize their offspring and. Indeed*Pafter it has/ gone through the bureaucratic mill the offspring has become a changeling. -;P Complaints were also registered that CEO sets up too .many, cor&rd'ls arid minute criteria that make it difficult at best to carry out therprogrm on a local level. This is partiaularly true of the prepackaged programs Such as Upward Bound and Headstart.. Many.wlt-g nesses called for greater flexibility so that such programs can be ' tailored to local needs. -PGenerally speaking, witnesses had faith in the communityA„ action concept and want to see the program continued as it iswithott restricting funds; for programs gin specific categories. The categorical approach that is in such disrepute in our public assistance.,progrSra^ should "hot nowabe imposed on,%e poverty program as seems"to'b^^he? plan tihderPthe: bill we, are.fiow^Ojnsidering. .; ~°. s '• up -.•V^u.aa. o-oiicola^u A ;%'""l&Pra x*& iti-AAC . 23 These are some of our findings. I hope that next year th; e committee will abandon the notion that all wisdom resides in Washing- ton and will hold hearings in the field. As the gentleman from New York indicated emphatically yesterday such hearings are necessary, particularly in his own city of New York. I am sorry Republicans have not been there yet and I hope Democrats will join us in these efforts after the election. The Committee has a real responsibility. If they face up to that responsibility they will leam first hand, as the Republican Task Force on Economic Opportunity did, of the hopes people have for the poverty program and their genuine desire to make this program work. They will learn that the people on the frontline of the war have a lagge contribution to make in the success or failure of this venture,"

MR, POWELL, Mr, Chairman and my colleagues, I want first to pay tri­ bute to the gentleman from Minnesota's labors in this field. He has been, since the inception of this act, struggling to try to make the Office of Economic Opportunity live up to the intent of Congress. On December 23, 196U, I first criticized the poverty program for its absence of poor people on antipoverty committees. Nothing happened. On April 11, 1965, I again made a public criticism of the lack of representation of the poor in the anti-poverty programs. Finally I was able to sit down with Mr. Shriver and he sent me a latter, which I hold in my hand, dated May 12, 1965, in which he said that the poor shall not participate where there are "other compelling reasons for their not participating."

Mr. Chairman, I sent that letter back to him.

And finally, on May 12, I received from Mr. Shriver word to the effect that they were going to see that the intent of Congress was carried out.

Mr, Chairman, while it is not incorporated in any written memorandum, Mr, Shriver, over a year ago, in the presence of witnesses in my office, said he believed that the percentage should be one- third. I said, "Fine."

Mr. Chairman, that commitment is not being carried out.

We stand today on the verge of a very bad situation in the Bedford-Stuyvesant area of Brooklyn.

Mr, Chairman, Representative CAREY, our colleague who serves on this committee, from the great State of New York ~ talked to the Members of this body yesterday about the fact that there were $$ people on the board in the poverty area of Bedford-6ttyvesant in Brooklyn, but that only 2 were representatives of the poor.

Mr. Chairman, that representa a violation of the act, it representa a vioStion of the intent of Congress, and I believe that this is the strongest point which we are going to be able to make in the entire restructuring of this bill,

Mr, Chairman, I would like to see a unanimous vote in favor of the amendment which has been offered by the gentleman from Minnesota."

2U Mr* RYAN. Mr. Chairman, I believe it has" been-made perfectly clear, not only during the past year, but before, that there is a heed for this kind of directive to the Office of Economic Opportunity, so that there will be a more meaningful involvement of the poor in the develop­ ment and administration of local community action programs and on the -/5 community action boards, Mr* Chairman, if poor people are going to be able to help shape their own destiny, then it is essential that there by true repre­ sentation and the maximum feasible use of elections to select such representatives to serve on policymaking boards or other bodies. ^e'Corfci an opportunity for people to work together to identify common interests and to articulate their needs. If the poverty of power is to be overcome, indigenous leader­ ship must be encouraged to emerge. That is why we wrote into the :a Economic Opportunity Act in 196?*, when we first passed it, that a community action program; is one "which is developed, conducted, and administered with the maxinmn feasible participation of residents of the areas and members of the groups served."

r MR.-HAYS.. f Mr. Chairman, I did not intend to get into this debate, but sometimes my pragmatism causes me to get involved in some of , these idealistic ideas. . . I have no objection to the poor being involved in this. But, on a.practical basis, an amendment of this kind, it seems to p; me, would be just as logical.as passing a law saying that one-third , of all the defeated candidates for Congress ought to be seated in - the House. Or every time a business starts up there ought to be P. .-v at least one-third of the board of directors people who have gone bankrupt. / ;*P' ' */; '•' '"'•"- : Now, a lot of these people that you are going to involve in this have been failures all their" lives and they, do not know how to-make, anything run right. If your idea is to put them on here- to ..-?.. get them involved and teach them something, that is one thing; but just coming in with an amendment saying you have to have a certain percentage of those who have never been successful in anything to run this program really does not make'much sense. You might find yau;p will have more headaches when you get through than you had when you ' got started."

MR.- GOQDELL. Mr. Chairtia n, I rise in support of the amendment. - P Mr. Chairman, the gentleman who-propeded, me stated rather forcefully a viewpoint that I. think is/largely held by a great many people who do not fully understand the concept of involving the poor in .helping themselves* This is not a concept that the poor will run a program themselves or that they know more than the welfare people do or the sociologists or piher administrators. That is the key.to siarcess in this program. 25 It offers the poor influence over the type of program that will be put into effect supposedly to benefit them. It gives them some voice in setting priorities. If the planners decide that they want toumove into a certairi stun area and 'do "something about a, '.^ recreational park.and the people there" feel that-they would mughp^p1"' *,- rather havw the money spent on getting rid of rats- or the garbage AA ftV; or whatever else it is, they will speak up and they will have somep: ? -'T influence. They will have votes*. They are not just an advisory committee somewhere that is ignored. - "i- .Unfortunately, on our committee when we adopted.the original poverty program, we.had sptee discussion about this.general language requiring..maximum.participation of the residents of an area to be served and did nothing to clarify it. TO:

ao .0 Some, of..us raised the question that this was ambiguous and would Cause problems. It has caused problems,-all over this country. In the community action boards there has been almost continuous con-; troversy. How many do you have to have? What.is raaximun feasible ''[ . participation?.. In Chicago they Said that the maximum feasible partidi-g pation of ,me poor means that We* will hire as-many of the poor as we n can as community representatives, and they do not have a single repre­ sentative of the poor on the Chidagb Community Action Board,. selected by th poor. Mayor Daley, takes the view of participation of the poor that he can select some, people who* are poor^Who will speak supposedly for the poor residents. Of course, they are accountable not to' the poor residents of the area, but to Mayor Daley, or the other individual/ who has appointed him,. As a result, you have none of this ferment. ; You have none of this involvement in the Chicago program. We have had such uneven administration in this program by .Mr. ..airiver that we have some areas that have been denied funds because they do not have'" ' enough involvement of the poor, while Chicago goes right on without .' a single true,representative of the poor. This is just intolerable, f' We should have set this standard originally* We have the same kind of lack of fuller involvement in Los Angeles, Cleveland, Memphis;" San Antonio, St. Louis, Atlanta, Albany, Mobile, Oakland, Chicago, as I have mentioned. Baltimore>g¥eWark, and I could go. on, as I am sure the chairman would agree x#ith me. '/• ,..;-&. . .„.

It,is timePthat we laid out clearly in the^ statute what we mean, I am, very franks/to say that a good proportion-of, my colleagues on the other side pf the aisle who are "on our committee have opposed this concept. They h|ye been afraid of the concept. They have said "Let us not have poor people Involved here On community action boards,," I am delighted that we have reached the stage now where we can,have, an agreement and insist that they have, at least one-thire representa-* tion of the poor." *' • "A. ...

MR. SISK.- I would like, to ask me gentleman a few questions about this business of the poor. Lord knows, •rioPpolitician is, crazy enough to oppose the poor. .,We a.ll talkSaSout the poor. Frankly,, some of us f '' still claim to be''poor. I would ~l!ke to have from the gentleman his ; interpretation of What'the poor are. • We have had; some problems on the community actiPh program with" reference to the preservatives of the poor. What does the gentleman define a repres;e%tative of the poor to .be??.'. ' a- '--'a' ,26:,. V ••; -... ., • > • '-. . • , ...... U. ' . • „™"5

• fiJ'JOf. , :,-.-• ,D MR. QUIE. Hie gentleman has put his finger on one of the most difficult problems we have, and that is understanding who is poor. As I mentioned in my Opening remarks, when the debate began, so far-we see the economic figure of $3,000 or therabouts used for a family of four, but my amend­ ment does not require anybody to take a pauper's oath or come in and declare he is poor to serve on a community action board.

What my amendment does, on number three, if there is a con­ centration of poverty in the city — everybody recognizes that all large cities have such areas — everyone in such an area would be . • able to take part in an election-process or a neighborhood meeting,..-, if they wanted to use that method, because practically everybody in./" such a community is poor. The amendment would require, however, an emphasis on"participation by the people who are poor. In determining who the poor are in a rural area^ people pretty well know who they are, and they would be invited into a neighborhood meeting,"

MR, SISK, If I could cite the gentleman an illustration, we have a couple of areas in my district where we have had fights develop over who was going to-be on the commission and so on. What brought about some of this was the fact that certain represetatives of 0E0 claim that to qualify as poor the representative had to have an income below $3,000 in order'to serve.' Does the gentleman interpret this to mean . anything like that?"

MR. QUIE. No. What I am talking about in my amendment — and I hope .,. everyone will understand mat ~ there are representatives of the poor in a city. If in a certain area, there might be an attorney , living, and the people who arepoor wanted him to be a representa­ tive, he, himself, would not be poor, but he could be a represen­ tative of the poor, if they selected him,"

MR, SISK, All right, I am inclined to go along with theinterpr.e- - tation of the gentleman. Unfortunately, we have had some people ... out running around and setting up regulations and trying to tell •' peoplehow to organize these boards who do not agree with the in-. terpretation of the gentleman, I want to see representatives of the people from areas that have these problems serve on these-boards. I mink this is excellent. When we go into a community and they have a problem and they select people, I do not wish to see some arbitrary figure set, and say that the representative himself, must have earned less than a stipulated amount.

I should merely like to make it clear that we are not here setting up some specific line — whether it be $3,000 or $2,000 or $U,000 — to say that an individualj to serve on a commission, shall have an income level below that if he is going to represent the poor,"

"I believe the gentleman said that was; not his intent,'.'. ,- :A< Mr, Powell of New York: Mr. Chairman, let us consider the District- of Columbia antipoverty program. The District of Columbia United *"P Planning Organization has 96 people in the poverty program mat earn mora than a million dollar's involved, because some of .them earn more than $10,000,

This program is One of me worst in the country. Its super- grades total more than a million dollars.

I do not know why we should have to wait for the Appropriations Committee,' We did not wait for"the Appropriations Committee or the Committee on Post Office arid Civil Service when we just adopted the Green-Erlenborn amendment; which was adopted by a vote of 2 to 1. ,. labelieve this*is not retribution, at least not pri my.part, because I have been in me forefront of this fight from the very beginning. The U5 amendments to this act are constructive, from our side of the aisle, to make it a better act. One of them was- the limitation on salaries, I believe this is a. step forward,

•-•• Even if this is defeated-—-and I hope it will not be—at least I believe it will serve notice that steps should be taken to see that the money is not squandered on supergrade salaries. This is a program for the poor, and 1 out of U5 Is getting a supergrade salary, Mr, Broyhill of Virginia: Mr, Chairman, I offer an amendment,. The Clerk read as follows: ".. .; -, • Amendment offered by Mr, Broyhrll of Virginia: ".•''. "Title XII~General Provisions" "Sec, 1201, Na part of the funds authorized to.be appropriated by this Act to carry out the provisions of the Economic Opportu­ nity Act of 196U shall be used to provide payments, assistance, or services, in any form, with respect to any individual.who^

"(1) incites, promotes, encourages, or carries on,,or facilitates the incitement, promotion, encouragement, or carrying"On of, a riot or other civil disturbance in violation of Federal, State, or local laws designed to preserve the peace of the community concerned or to protect the persons or property of residents of such community; or . ;;,. .,

"(2) assists, encourages, or instructs any person to commit or perform any act'specified in paragraph (l),"

Mr, Broyhill of Virginia.' Mr. Chairman, the purpose of my amendment is to prohibit the payment of Federal funds under this act to any individual who incites, promotes, encourages, or carries on, or facilitates the incitement, promotion, encouragement, or carrying

28 on, of a riot or other civil disturbance in violation of Federal, State, or local laws designed to preserve the peace of the community or to protect the persons or property of residents therein. ..Such prohibition would also extend to persons who assist, encourage, instruct any other ' person to commit or perform such acts.

No government can survive,. Mr, Chairman, if it finances its own destruction.

Lawful protest, Mr. Chairman, strengthens us; lawlessness destroys "' us.

If we aid those seeking to riot, finance those intent on destroying law and order, by providing them with funds from the very government which they are bent on destroying, we are fueling the fires of that n destruction. -

Lawful conduct is the cornerstone of our Constitutional.privileges. - T a f ~, Officials of most duly established governing bodies, in their paths of office, swear to protect and defend the Constitution of the U. S, ' and the local governments they serve. u Unlawful conduct, the denying of the use of public .property whether it is "a street or a place of business, a home or a church is a direct violation of constituional rights and a stepping stone . to anarchy. p • r

We cannot tolerate this and remain free, and for this reason I urge the speedy adoption of mis amendment. > ,- Federal employees, and those paid by Federal funds, should not only obey the law, they should set an example for others to follow in obeying mem. Unfortunately our streets are all t°° often filled these days and nights with individuals who are paid by Federal funds in one form or another.

This amendment, Mr. Chairman, will relieve them of the burden of rioting or the burden of violating their sworn obligations to up­ hold me law. Either all of us must obey me law or none of us. Mr, Chairman, as most of my colleagues know, a so-called action group based in Montgomery County, Maryland, known as ACCESS—Action Coordinating Committee To End Segregation in the Suburbs—has gained wide publicity in recent weeks by walking the circumferential high­ way protesting alleged discrimination in housing in Maryland and Virginia and has~~just"announced its intention to spend 3 days over a weekend walking some lU miles through my congressional district. Ali of us pray, Mr, Chairman, mat no difficulty-will erupt during this 3-day and 2-night march, but experience in Chicago and else­ where has shown that the danger does exist.

29 For the past few weeks, ACCESS has Chosen to protest against the Buckingham Apt." Development in Arlington, Va. But the Buck­ ingham Apartment development has certainly not been the only victim of the actions of this group, (wners of almost every business establishment located within close proximity of the i y Buckingham Apartments have suffered severe business losses because the protesters, not restricting themselves to picketing the actual Buckingham rental office, have consistently refused to walk in,areas where they will not prevent persons from enter­ ing other shops and businesses in the area. Arlington.police, responding to appeals from businessmen in the vicinityi asked the leaders of ACCESS to discuss what the problem was with them. I am told mat in response to a request to the cochairman of ACCESS, on Mr. Wm. N. Hobbs, that they refrain from interfering a>f with the businesses having no connection with the controversy, £ri Mr. Hobbs pointed his finer at a high ranking police officer and I quote: ."/_/ We intend to disrupt me Arlington businesses '/; and the community as much as we can •"««• and the//

pollpe department will protect us. 01 Mr, Wm, N, Hobbs is an administrative assistant, working in the Public Information Office of the United Planning Office Ip-Wash., D. C, at a salary of $7,770. He is also cochairman of ACCESS, -a Also at the meeting with Arlington officials at which this threat was made, was Mr. John Robinson, the local project leader who acts as a community organizer for the Arlington division of UPO, at a salary of $5,582. Also present was Mr. Alan McSurely, whose present title at UPO is that of training officer, but who was formerly director Of suburban projects, and ,Mr. Robinson's supervisor, at a salary of $12,600. Mr. Buchanan. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the Broyhill amendment and congratulate-.the gentleman for offering it. There is certainly evidence which indicates the need for such a pro­ hibition in the record of the 0E0 to date. ;.;;,, The Office of Economic Opportunity may, in fact, have some secrets which it would rather not revaal to the white light of . public inspection. There are, indeed, some strange soldiers in the ranks of the battalions charged with the banishment of poverty. ThereP'is mounting evidence of involvement of extremists and subvervsive elements in the ant {poverty program, using tax money granted by the CEO for the eradication of poverty to achieve their own ends and advance their own philosophy.

30 It is no secret, however, mat the Communist Party plans to infiltrate the poverty program's administrative groups, Listen to Henry Mnston, a Communist spokesman , who outlined such strategy in a recent statement. He said:

Today, the Economic Opportunity Act contains a section (Title II) which calls for "maximun feasible participation" of the poor themselves in the fight against poverty. It has already become the basis for organizing struggles in the slums and ghetto communities, and it offers the point of departure for helping to rally the rank-and-file millions into a powerful mass movement which can in turn serve to strengthen the role of me trade union movement in the country.

The communists, by injecting themselves into me three major disruptive areas of the American scene today—the anti-Vietnam demonstrations, civil rights, and economic welfare struggles- have developed a coalition with which this Congress needs to be vitally concerned. The same Henry Winston who spoke of communistic exploitation of the poor in the previous quote admits: The merger of the three major currents of struggle— for peace, civil rights, and economic welfare—can develop into a mightly antinnonopoly coalition. The Communist Party, despite all difficulties, has been a part of these struggles. It has contributed much to their advance and can help even more to advance this process of development in the future,

Mr. Chairman, I am not contending mat the war on poverty has been captured by Communist or leftwing extremists. But this does appear to be the goal of me extremists in much the same fashion as the Communists tried—unsuccessfully—to take control of the labor union movement a generation ago. Most of the people engaged in the war on poverty are stable and dedicated Americans, I am sure. It is, I believe, their aim to uplift the Nation's poor, not exploit them. But, Nation's Business magazine observes that even though the 0E0 has now forbidden me hiring of employees suspected of disloyalty to the United States "the order did not require the firing of radicals now on me payroll."

Consider such instances in me San Francisco Bay area alone:

San Francisco: John Ross, a member of an official advisory board in the city poverty program was found to be a member of the Progressive Labor Party which the F. B, I, calls a communist group with allegiance to Red China.

Berkeley: Howard Harawitz, a member of the anti-poverty board, admitted he was a former member of the W.E.B, DuBoix Club which has been declared by both me F.B.I, and the Justice Department as subversive. Commenting on the

31 fact that he resigned from the DuBois Club only because he left college, Harawitz stated, "I don't have any basic disagreement with them" (the DuBois ClubsT. "^

Berkeley:' A work study grant for "Turn Toward Peace" subsidizes and array of groups opposing U.S. Vietnam policy. - The Executive Committee of TTP includes leaders of the '- Students for a Democratic Society, a top official of which '• n a>- traveled to Hanoi with left-leaning Yale Professor Staughton aaon'-. Lynd, and Hubert Aptheker, top marxist theoretician in the .-*:i~ 'U.S. TTP brought to the University of California's Berkeley Campus Bayard Rustin, leftist civil rights leader and execu- -- tive director of the War Registers League, for a program " : -v on civil disobedience.

Berkeley: Another work-study grant by the OEO subsidizes students working at a private school run/by one BettyHalpern, who refused €6 tell the House Committee.ori Un-American Activities in i960 whether she was or had been a communist. Washington^ D. C.: A Nation's Business investigation of the anti-poverty program in our capital,disclosed the presence on the payroll of a number of extremists of the political ' - left with backgrounds in highly militant civil rights orga­ nizations, in ultra-left labor groups and in movements g opposing the Administration's Vietnam policy. Some of the anti-poverty workers openly admitted they were Socialists, and mouthed the familiar repeated talks about shaking the" power structure. After some racial unrest, in the Burry Farms area, the frenzied crowd shouted, "We're going to blow this town wide open."

This past-spring the OEO finally ordered:^ .

Manifestation of disloyalty to the United States, membership" in subversive organizations, or a lack of sympathy with the objectives of the CEO (are) inconsisterit with employment in a community action program.

But, what about me Neighborhood Youth Corps and work-study , grants? Why not apply the same order to these facets of the Eco­ nomic Opportunity Act? Furthermore, the order is not retroactive and does not cover community action people already hired. That is like saying "if you already have Gusiiall, the head of the " Communist Party U.S.A., On the payroll, it is all right. Just do- not hire any more like him."

Mike Davidow wrote in the Worker last year as follows: .Stop, the escalating war in Vietnam which threatens to put an end to the war on poverty. Compel the Johnson Administra­ tion to catch up with its "evangelical rhetoric: by shifting billions from its $56 billion military budget to fight a real war on poverty. 32 Discussing the maneuver by Communists to plan and administer :a local anti-poverty projects, the Worker iri a front'page editorial ar. stated: ; - '• •

It was because of the protests by the Negro people that Congress was forced to insert provisions in the anti-poverty law that would Pa keep the political machines out. and enlist the. poverty victims' .i themselves to the "maximun feasible"'degree in planning and adminis—P tering the local anti-poverty projects. A-J. Among these "poverty victims" "who would administer local anti- . poverty projects, according to,the Worker,' are the Uptown Community.. Union of JOIN—Jobs or Income Now—and the Westside 'W.-E.B. DuBois '* Freedom Center, both of Chicago.

The reputation of both, these prganizatiphs is* well known ' since the Justice Department-has required the W.E.S, DuBois Club i~. of America to register as a Communist-front orgariization and JOIN ft: is the child ofStudents for a Democratic Society. The New York project known as Mobilization for:Youth—MFY-- :P is yet another example of the taxpayer-financed haven for extremists: and subversives. •; The project predates the. off icial war On poverty ;r by some 3 years. It was launched, by the late Pre'siderit Kennedy as^I the "pilot project for me war„, on poverty." MFY was enthusiastically described as "the most advanced program yet devised to combat juve-.c nile deliquency on a broad spale." The_ project began with an original sum ofamore than $12 million—$8 million from Washington, $2.8 million from-.New York City, apd $2 million from the Ford' " - a Foundation, " ~rA

In July 196U, 1 month before the Economic Opportunity Act was passed, President Johnson gave'MFY another Federal Grant of $1.5 million.

Then in the fall of 196U, the.. New. York" Dai ly News charged that more than 37 MFY employees had subversive or. Communist back-'' grounds. The administrator resigned, having misappropriated $23,000 worth-ef agency funds, and it was learned that agency facilities had been used to foment, school boycotts, rent strikes and social" disorders. ,, p

Later investigations by city, State, and Federal "officials—.-. including the FBI—substantiated the earlier charge mat there had ' been "wholesale penetration" of the MFY by Communists and other aa- subversives. According to Human Events, the following identified Communists were officially connected with MFY:

Mrs. Esther Gollobin, an identified^member of the Communist a, Party, member of MFY Board off&lreCtprs. : •••* roi- Calvin Hicks: Communist Party member, Fair Play for Cuba, ...and Executive Secretary for the Monroe, N.C., Defense Committee, a cited Communist front. Marc Schleifers Editor of Robert F. Williams' book, Negroes . With Guns, associated with the pro-Peking Progressive Labor ;; **' movement, •,-,..-,•• Leroy McRae: member of me Socialist Workers Party, ^ Mrs,. Constance Bart: a member of the Communist Party's A Committee in New York, By way of further incrimination, one of MFY's consultants proved to be none other man Jesse Gray, an identified Communist agent, who served the agency as a "rent strike expert consultant," Yet, despite the evidence against MFY, in July of 1965 the Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee quietly approved a grant of $6,5 million to WY and other community action projects," Ample evidence is also available to prove beyond any reasonable doubt that poverty funds are being used to finance violence and racial agitation, Mr, Speaker. . . In 1965 the Office of Economic Opportunity gave Harlem Youth itfA* Opportunities Unlimited Associated Community Teams — HARYOU-ACT — $1)0,000 to be used by the Harlem Black Arts Repertory Theater School. This tax-supported school is coached by the violence-preaching Negro playwright, Leroi Jones, who says: , . ., I don't see anything wrong with hating white people. Harlem must be taken from the beast and gain its sovereignty as a black nation. Leroi. Jones once wrote: The force we want is of 20 million spooks" (Negroes) storming America with furious cries and unstoppable weapons. We want actual explosions and actual brutality, ., ,.,, .. Last March, 50 New York policemen raided me headquarters of the Black Arts Repertory Theater, founded as a community action program, at 109 West. 130th Street in Harlem and discovered a rifle, range, an arsenal of dealy weapons, a pipe bomh, sharpened meathooks, pistols, knives, clubs, and a cache of ammunition. HARYOU-ACT has also given rise to a group known as the Five Percenters. They get their name from their belief that only 5 percent of the Negro race fully understands and supports their campaign for violent revolutionary change in our society. These p; Five Percenters, expertly trained in judo and karate, have terror­ ized large sections of Harlem boasting that they receive funds fro HARYOU-ACT by blackmail and threatening to bring riots to me streets of New York unless they are paid off in antipoverty money.

3U It should be noted that.the "Summary Report of the Investigative Task Force of the CEO Ad'Hoc subcommittee on the War on Poverty" makes the following reference to Haryou-ACT: a 'The HARYOU-ACT program is a unique operation in that it Is autonomous and. ..acts/independently of any other program in the area. Since the field visits to HARYOU-ACT by members of the Staff, charges of financial irregularities have been levelled against the agency. These charges are under investigation by the U.S. Department of Justice and the Off ice of me District Attorney of New York county. Therefore,, further investigation by the Task Force, have been post­ poned, pending the outcome of the above-mentioned investigations.* Even in my own State of Alabama, there is evidence that a $2kl>60ii Federal OEO grant in Lowndes County was about to go to a division of the Black Panther Party known as the Lowndes County Christian Movement fbir Human Rights and headed by R.L. Strickland, one of the Black Panther leaders. Stpkely Carmichael, that recent.familiar riot fomentor, originated me Black Panthers before taking over the; top job in the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee. The CEO grant is presently under suspension pending,an investigation into the charges. This instance and similar ones could be avoided by more thorough investigation. Hugh Merrill, Birmingham News staff writer, writes that the Washington CEO officials did, call the Atlanta off ice asking that the LoWndes County request for funds be investigated. ,. > However, said Merrill: -ua - '... all Wash!ngton wanted to know was whether Lowndes County needed money, how many mi grant workers there were In the county, arid what the area's population is.*!'..• It is strange that no request was made mat the sponsoring organ­ ization be checked out as to possible political affiliations, or who functions as its leaders. The time for thorough investigation to be made into political affiliations and background of leadership is before, not after, the grant has been approved, P" Such evidence!,as that submitted herewith makes it imperative for mePto ask a thorough review and vigorous screening of present grantess and all future applicants and organizations to determine their loyalty to the United States of America and their sympathy with the intent of the program to alleviate poverty. 3^ Loose administration of the program has apparently permitted outright subversive elements to use tax money to exploit the poor and to achieve their own political, economic, and social ends. Reforma­ tion of the war on poverty is long overdue. ...We can ill afford the underwriting with our tax dollars of any pro-Commanist or racial agitating group which purports to he fighting v a war on poverty when all the while it may be fightin America, exploiting deserving poor, and misusing the very freedom for which our country " stands...... ' K .. IV •".-•'

A\ ._-. * •& * # •% * -55- •& #• *.

"CAMBODIA ASSAILS U.S, IN ASSEMBLY" ' October 18, 1966 Mi—1 ,n •..• •••«•• .in-' inm .i^—wflw—11 w •—.uminn mi m m - 'Wi mw n »« . •/'. !*'."'

•"fr -•' <-' *-• -' •.„.->•• t\' ' ; -'..<'• • - , - ""Following is an excerpt from a Statement by Huot Sambath, Cambodia's chief delegate to the United Nations in a speech attacking the United States* "invasion",; of South Vietnam as more ferocious than any, colonial oto conquest of the'past century. "-

'"In strongly worder criticism of United States racial attitudes, Mr, -'"Sambath said American Negroes were 'fighting'for their dignity and "•'"'for their fundamental rights which are denied them.' • "He then questioned whether the United States would ever commit : against the people of the white race 'atrocities such as those of '^ which it is guilty every day in Vietnam.' "Mr. Sambath declared that a 'very special*-account of the war. had been presented by the United States together with a proposed plan for peace. He then said: -....-

"'"'We, the Cambodians, are better placed than anyone else to denounce before the representatives of the wholeworld, crimes mat are the shame of all civilized countries. The only"people responsible for P the martyrdom of the .Vietnamese people are "/those of/the United States, * who will have to answer to history for their actions,' "Mr, Sambath protested that the United States was talking of peace plans but was demanding the right to maintain a regime of its choice in Saigon. He called, the recent elections for a constitution- drafting assembly in Vietnam 'a farce*."

(From the New York/Times, 10/18/66, p. 13)

'' ' '•••'•" -5J- •* •* # -55- #• •* •£ •& *- •& ;

Following is a copy of the article which SNX Communications submitted for a Guest Editorial in RAMPARTS magazine: September 10, I966, written by Ethel Minor. fl' ' A , ,_/, .,. -.miTE POWER '"';! "; The White Power Structure of American has finally removed me curtains of deception and hypocrisy which it has used me past hOO years to deceive and exploit black people. White power has shed the masquerade of democracy and freedom in the "land of the free and home of the brave," and made it clear that any real efforts of theblack . .people to control their own destiny'and obtain those basic human rights 37 of freedom, justice, self-preservation, and self-defense will be .resisted by the white majority — w;ith force, if necessary. To tell it like it is, "Mr. Charley^;in effect, has come out and said: ,H:Nlgger, this is a white country, we own it, control it, and if you try to change it, we will cut you down by any means necessary." A most blatant example of this unmasking and display of white power can be seen in the reaction, of the white establishment and their emissaries to the increasing militancy of-the Student Non­ violent Coordinating Committee. Organized in I960, SNCC's philosophy was then one of making the "American Dream" a reality for all through the use of non-violent direct action tactics, j a r

Throughout five years of freedom rides, sit-ins, boycotts^-marches, voter registration drives, special educational projects, and grass roots political projects (MFDP, Black Panther Parties, etc.),'our .staff and field workers were.committed to a policy^of tactical non­ violence, whether or not the Individual could acceptit philosophically. Although the southern governors, senators and local politicians made no attempt to hide their scorn and hatred for what they termed "an invasion" by "outside agitators," their northern counterparts seemed to have praise for the young students who lived-through me hall of countless beatings, jailings, and a constant reigri of terror. The so-called white liberals of the North responded by pouring thousands of dollars into "me .movement." After every church bombing, after every reported incident of brutality against civil rights workers, after every murder (especially if the victim was white) more liberal white consciences would be stirred, and a little more financial support would flow in. Even the federal government posed as a friend of the "Negro Revolution." As long as.SNCC operated In-the south, where no one could deny there existed a rigid, brutal system of degrading and dehumanizing the black man and woman, and as long as SNCC remained non-violent in the face Of brutally violent oppression, the white liberal, northern friend, and black bourgeosie contributed enough to £eep us going,' But men something happened.

In the-'summer of 196U, a revolt of black people exploded in Harlem and other northern city ghettoes, followed by me now famous white revolt in the summer of 1965. An analysis of the causes and grievances behind those revolts made it crystal clear that the "racial problem" was not confined to me rural south, that racism was not an isolated phenomenon peculiar to the south; it was, rather, a national policy of the United. States -*- anintegral part of what is known as "the." system'." '•"'•' ;7;:/ //.;'. AA-AT. • '•••••• -.;,;., .-u ••>-. . - •••••

In consideration of the fact that we live in a racist country, mat conditions under which black people live (norm and south) have not improved, in spite of the past decade of civil rights activity and civil-rights bills, SNCC has been forced, during the past few years, to re-Shape its thinking about the real nature of the problem, facing us, and to develop a philosophy for implementing programs which will deal effectively and realistically with our dilemma. Sirce we have been powerless, in me past, to control our destiny and make effective changes in American society, we can only conclude that black A 38 people must strive for some power a- Or to state it simply — Black Power — i-jhich raians that we black folk would then be able to move from a position of strength and power*, ',.,,./-.

But this jsimpie little phrase seems to have upset;.an awful lot of our former•'»white liberal friends" and "supporters," making one' question whether or not they were ever our friends,and Supporters. It is perfectly clear mat throughout its history, this country has developed a"thorough understanding (or Mis-understanding of the aaurl use of power}. Power as accepted is thoroughly white.. .We can only conclude mat the reaction to SNCC, is a reaction to Black-*& '-afr-r ,a-)Vf organized Black Power. . ;

xao

• •• • -T rvjO Ir':';gO ...

39 M!WS_C^JPTB WEEK

Guatemala: Wiry, blue-eyed Luis Aug lis to Turcios Lima was not quite

19 years old when he joined a group of fellow officers in the Guatemalan

Army in a barracksPrevolt .-against a corrupt government in- i960. The

coup fizzled, but young Lieutenant Turcios never, stopped rebelling. By

last week, when he wagikilled in an auto crash outside Guatemala City, P- P. •••• o ; :'T •%•$)'- "'' , . a*'-r - • -a ;, ; " " A. Turcios was the hottest? Latin American guerrilla chief .since Fidel

Castro. From the Guatemalan capital, Newsweek's chief Latin American

correspondent Milan J. Kubic cabled this report:

A child of Guatamala's tiny middle class, Luis Turcios first wanted to become a priest, then an army colonel and finally me leader

of a civil war to turn his country into another Cuba. After the abor­

tive barracks revolt six years ago, he fled to the mountains and

helped another young officer, Lt. Marco Antonio Yon Sosa, found a

guerrilla band called M-13. In April 1965, he left the Trotskyite

Yon Sosa to set up his own Armed Forces of the Rebellion (FAR), the

armed sector of Guatemala's Communist Labor Party. At me same time,

a high-ranking party member named Claudio Cesar Montes left his law

studies to become Turcios* chief aide.

Kidnapings: Hidden away in the heavily forested Sierra de las Minas

of eastern Guatemala, Turcios's small band of twenty rapidly grew to

200 regulars plus an additional 800 "weekend warriors," many of them

university students. Led by a cadre of Cuban-trained revolutionaries,

FAR at first tested its mettle by ambushing aurny patrols and raiding small towns. Then beginning last winter FAR shocked the country by

I4O kidnaping a number of. prominent people in. the streets of Guatemala

City, The ransoms netted $^25,000 and FAR picked up thousands more in

"protections payments" from terrified businessmen...

,Turcios used his ill-gotten gains to smuggle in more weapons and pay his soldiers up to $5 a day .(compared with, Guatemalan Army pay of $.10 a month) and to play; the role of modern Robin Hood, robbing the rich to help the illiterate Indian c.ampesinos.

To Turcios, the election of a moderate law professor Julio

Cesar Mendez Montenegro as President of Guatemala did not change the situation at all. When the well-meaning Mendez offered' an amnesty upon his inaugusation last July 1, Turcios rejected it. "Our objective-is to take power," he declared. The new President then turned to his security forces, only to find them virtually useless. Nearly hOO-of a the Guatemalan Army's 1,000 officers are chair-bound colonels, sdmeaof them illiterate. The result was a military stalemate.

Executions: Meantime, with every day that passed, Turcios grew bolder.

He frequented Guatemala City dives and his picture was taken with a girl friend on a capital street. His...men-collected.eighteen new cars from frightened auto dealers as a "contribution to the cause" and also

"executed" four members of a right-wing political party.

At that,, the coffee growers, bankers and businessmen who. run Guatemala decided to fight back. Led by Mario Sandoval Alarcon, a pistol-packing landowner, they organized two terrorist groups supporting

Turcios, compiled a list of 880"FAR members and threatened their rela*» tives- and friends. "All we are doing is. what the_ Bible s!ugggsts—~taking

111 an eye for an eye," Sandoval says.

When Turcios was killed last week, some rebels blamed Sandoval's terrorists, but a lone survivor, identified only as "Tita," insisted that the "auto accident" was just that. Despite a chill . rain, some $1,500 mourners attended Turcios's funeral iri Guatemala City. FAR's only reaction to his death was to appoint"his second in command, 25-year-old Cesar Montes, as the new guerrilla chief and to announce that me fight wlllogouon;";: a ~ ';a a > ...

YOU KNOW. JOE/Ray Durem You know, Joe, it's a funny thing, Joel You worried most of your life about me, -t ., ,-g.••„.-. , Always afraid I'd get a job with you, Always scared I might get served with .you, v;?a ;» , • . . . Paralyzed I'dgwanria love'your sister, or that she might lovemei, P .--. ... Didn't want me :to eatwith you, ,. / ...... scared I might sit with you, ""'"•'•""f but with that Atom Bomb, 3oe$,-g ,,,. .., • •.-...,. looks like I'm gonna die with youl Don't seem right, does it, Joe? ;—": .'r • Ought to have a separate bomb for coloredI What do you think, is it too late ~' ' - '"' :A.A'% to make that A-bomb segregate?^. One little change would suit me fine: just add a big 'White Only* 'si gri.'' ;": • o -a-, a -,..

' ' •:'::r 'i'-;-•-"-'..Po'.oo'' ; . •. .- -.-•;-,; r.r r.;. ,-, • • .. -.-.-,...... CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE - October 3, 1966...... Mad am Chiang Kai-Shek's Status Iri/United.-States Questioned.. ...?;;,,: . ,. ~*~.,,. MR. FULmiGHT CF?ARANSAS: Mr, President, before I make a few remarks, I ask unanimous consent to insert in the Record an article entitled' "Madam Chiang; Urges United States to Halt Mao," . There being no objection, the article was ordered to be : prlhtDd i n. the Record as follows: u. .. . ,.., .,,-,.- • i n , MADAM CHIANG URGES UNITED- STATES TO HALT MAO ' '- ' ''-'•'- ''' •• . -••:•: uu -)-iu ; iihGbln,Nebr.—-^Madame Chiang Kai-shek Thursday described America's foreign policy as projecting "an image of fear"5 'ard called upon the••'- •• -' U2 United States to use its power to overthrow Red China.

•"' The 70-year-dld-wife'"of Nationalist Chiriar'^?Reader* said this-'is the only way to stop'the •military expansion of Fpeo! China . ///. under.Premier Mab"Tse-tungV" :.'p ; ' : ap "*'/-/ ' p. ;' A-.

"United States foreign policy conveys to "neutrals, skeptics and fence-sitters as well as to the Chinese Communists animate of. fear through uSing what might be" described as timidity .and techniques,,, of 'push, pull, Click, hdlick' iridealing; with the Communists," Madame Chiang said in an address at/Nebraska WeSleyari University.

"There are two solutions to the problems facing Russia and me United States as well as Southeast Asia and ourselves: Bash in the door with overwhelrairig force so/'that all the rottenness will fall out of its own accord, or use the proper key and unlock the door that will be the3beginning of the end for the 'inquisitorial Maoist orgies," / "' P

Madame Chiang was here to accept an honorary, doctor of humane letter^ degree at i convocation at Nebraska Wesieyan, She is making a 1-year tour of the Uhited States. . • A .' An unexpected protext walkout by a group of ,/Wesleyan . professors and stcrierits failed "tP materialize. A spokesman for the //' Methodist Church-spdriaored college explained that attendance at;the convocation was not compulsory. (end of article.) *

Mr, "Fulbright. This is an article'reporting upon a speech/hy Madam Chiang Kai-shek in Lincoln, "Nebi*;, calling upon me UniTed States to use its power to overthrow Red China, • •' >' :'/." . ' " " "... '-"'AA '• • , .'; ' P • \\! ' - • ,:'' '' ' n •; Mr. President, it seems most unusual to mb—in fact, I do not know of any precedent—for* the wife of a head of st^tg of an important ally of this country to come, to this country for'a year, as the article indicates,' seeking to influence directly.a major, foreign policy of this country. '. -p5 ,

I do ndt know what kind of visa Madam Chiang Kai-shek carries, i do not'know under what'auSpices she comes, or whether the State Department requested her to come to help support its policies,^ I think.it is very .interesting, I would like the State w. Department* to inform the public .and the Senate the 'precise/status of'"- this very well known woman, whopis the wife of the chief,of state nrc of one of our allies, and under what auspices she has come tp seek to influence our foreign'policy.

U3 THE NEW LEFT

Mr, DCDDiuoMr.r President, a new phenomenon has arisen on the American politicalascene and it is one which can no longer be ignored. No longer an we say that The New Left is simply a vociferous, activist minority,., tithing to be truly concerned about, something which will fade away if we only pretend it does not exist, "The New-Left" may be a vociferots activist minority. But such , minorities often influence events in a manner far out of proportion to their numbers. .Revolutions are not made by disorganized majorities, but by tightly organized and committed minorities. We forget mis lesson of history at our peril. "The New Left", has in recent months made a. formal entrance pn the., American political scene. The New Left, candidates have challenged the seats held by incumbent Congressmen in many states. Dorothy Kealy, a well-known West Coast Communist leader, polled more than 80,000 votes in Los Angeles and Herbert Aptheker, leading Communist theoretician, is running on a "peace and freedom" ticket for a congressional seat in New York City. The "New Left" with which we .., are faced is many things. In order to place it in a proper perspec­ tive it is essential that we understand its real nature. A signifi­ cant aid in understanding it is an article by Dr. Milorad M. Drachkovitch, entitled "The New Left in the Uhited States" j a critical appraisal, which appears in the Spring 1966 issue of Western Politica^ published at t Stanford University. One thing the New Left has proved to be is the possessor of a moral double standaird. Dr. Drachkovitch states: , ..,.." ...by espousirej the cause of Vietcong, they put them­ selves criticaly on.the side, as Albert Camus used to -say, of the "priviledged executioners." They were ready to advance to excuse all the excesses of the revolutionary fury ("nuns will be raped and, bureaucrats will be disembowled", said Carl Oglesby in bis Washington, speech, and absolved these atrocities as a "letting loose1 of outrageous pent up sometimes oyer centurles"), reserving tnoral opprobrium exclusively for the American side in the war.. ;.. ,(..,.. AAA'. A .A Another Important factor about the "New Left" is its willingness l \ to work with Communist and to accept Coranunists as members of Its orgar nizatlons. The original Port Huron Statement of the Students for a Democratic Society, for example, opposed communism. It said mat- As democrats we are In basic opposition to the Communist system. The Soviet Union as a system, rests on me total suppression of organized opposition, as well as a vision of the future in the name of which much human life has been sacrificed and numerous small and large denials of human dignity rationalized. - But the 1965 Annual convention of the Students for a Democratic Society struck this antitotalitarian clause from its constitution* A policy of "non-exclusion" took its place, and full fledged cooperation with Communists became possible*

David'McReynolds, himself a radical, has expressed his view of the "New Left" In these terms:

. ."The New Left" is nihilist, anti-American, courageous, anti-political, anti^ideological, oriented to spontaneity '.given to substituting"' moral cliches for political analysis, deeply moral and, yet, capable of profound unconscious dishonesty.

Dr. Drachkovitch does not underestimate the morality and virtue of many of the young people who participate in the various "new left" movements. Their rebellion, however, seems to-be a rebellion "without a cause," They know that they want to change American society, but they do not know what they want.to establish in its place. In this respect, the Communists stand ready with an answer. Dr. Drachkovitch conclues his unusually thoughtful analysis as follows:

A full spectrum of organized left-wing movements—from . social democrats to "Maoists" is busy today trying to channel into politically and organizationally much -more . precise frameworks the energies of the elusive "new left". .;/. It would be futile to indulge in political forecasts. Shall we have, "in a year or two, everywhere" a new and powerful Communist Party, heraled by the new draft-program of the CPUSA; shall a revigorated social democratic move- ./. ment emerge; shall trie"Maoists" capture the imagination a of the young insurgents; can the current fragmentation of leftist groups continue indefinitely? Only the future will tell. I wish to share;this article with my colleagues and ask unanimous consent for its insertion in the Record at this point. There being;no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Record as follows: THE .NEW LEFT IN THE UNITED STATES: A CRITICAL APPRAISAL (by Milorad M. Drachkovitch)

"Much of left-wing thought is a" kind of playing with fire by people who don't even know that-fire is hot,"

''* -; o ..... George Orwell, "There are unhappy signs of a new populism of the left in which the old Narodnik illusions about the peasants are being applied to students and the poor." Alasdair Maclntyre, 1 ^ These last few years we have been witnessing a"new phenomenon in American .political"-"and intellectual life; P' which is usually termed the "nexj radicalism^'-or the - "• emergence of a "New Lefty" and which, curiously enough, resembles the populist movement among the Russian . ..Valienated*! yputh In the second part,of the last century. " ' '^T In theal8^0's and '70's, many among--the educated people- • > >1P " in .Russia, belonging to the socially privile'dged classes, ' 'went to the people with consuming fervor and expectation that by making, the peasants conscious of their abject material arid moral situation, not only the; feudal structure ouP ' ' bf Russian Tsarist autocracy would break,,-but a new, qua­ litatively superior, cqmmunalist society-would emerge. TodEy* in America, on a much smaller scale but probably /with, no less intensity, hundreds of American students P-"; belonging by their-social background to the prlvile.dg.ed.. a-"-strata of society, go "to the people"-—the most economi­ cally backward Negro regions of the south,,,or. the slum a. areas elsewhere in the nation. • Their ideals to organize 0 the-poor and underpriviledged, to arouse/their social •• consciousness, to build-together with them the rudiments , - , of, a counter-society which by'its justice and democracy- *"""1. will challenge the established order,/uljt'imately destroy it and replace it by a morally and socially superior . : community. P : ; v, f .a •;.

Nineteenth century-Russian with its prohibition of all ,.: public organization and public life and twentieth v] century America with its freedoms of asseteblage, speech,- organization, .and dissent, are, of course, hardly conpa-P,, rab.le entitiesarid0the parallelism between the; two populisms outlinedCln the preceding-paragraphs should not be pushed too fir. The critical point, however, is that • a siziable part of the politically most engaged American-;, feel today "alienated" from society and are rebelling . P P against the "system" or the "Establishment" in all its" basic institutional forms: political, educational, : cultural.:-Moreover, the revolt of young American'?populists is characteristically spreading: .from the "closed: society" in Mississippi it engulfed the most open campus in Calif.; from the- limited field of Civil rights in one part of the country, it passed to assail the basic tenets of the': country's foreign policy and then, with a sort of self- righteous- fury, ended by attacking, or more correctly indicting the very foundations of American society.

- 'OV-- It should bePimmediately added that-the old, the convenr.^ tional revolutionary force in this country, the organized_,, .- t - 'I 0 . and disciplined Communist movement, co'ntrlbutedPlittle to the emergence of the:Vnew radicalism".rather becoming in the process a"sort of "fellow traveller." 5%". «

U6 It still tries, as will be seen later, not so much to capture me movement as to channel it in a direction which at a later stage should allow the party to assume leadership. In fact the ideological founding father of the new radicalism, the late C„ Wright Mills, professor of Sociology at Columbia University, was a non-communist (though a vigorous anti-anti-communist) as is its most popular antl-establishmentari.an,today, the crypto-Anarchist writer Paul Goodman. Moreover whlle" We 'Communists are essentiality, political revolutionaries and ideological monochordists, me new radicals are, or pretend to be, .'• more versatile and protean: their "revolution" is much broader, for me concept of liberation is both social" and individual, their claims for freedom are unlimited (the conce.pt of unrestrained sexual freedom or sexual "rights"gluing one of the fundamental tenents of their faith), their methods of raising Cain and their cursing of the social status quo particularly shrill. It is little wonder, then, that the new radicals are often more vituperative than the Communists, and than in many instances the Communists, appear tactically moderate in comparison with these, obstreperous newcomes"in*left politics. One can say.that for many riew radicals the Communists are old hat sort of ideological squares,--dull, and by their orthodoxy an inverted picture "of the a ,- a burgeois world. ' .-v; ...... ,r .,

MULTIPLE ASPECTS CFTHE "NEW LEFT" • ' The very character of the "New Left" is "elusive" as wasuo 'a: obvious to any attentive listener at a conference on newouurPs radicalism; organized recently at Stanford -University. ~"-f ao For the analytical purposes of this article;" the" -phenome- ;.--,' non of the "New Left" will be illustrated by referring,' o a to its two most prominent and militant organizations: the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Cotmiiittee (SNCC) and the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). The first group has distingushed itself/by its struggle for multiple Negro emancipation in the South; the other has been most involved in "community" work in the slums and elsewhere in the country. Both groups, however, share a global interest i'ti' all the problems of the day, both nationally and Internationally. It should be immediately added that since both of these" - orgariizatlons are not "monolithic" in the Communist- a sense of me term, and since—particularly in the - SDS—there are members: .and groups with sharply diver- P a a gent views on many questions, the analysis that follows P cannot and does not pretend to cover all these shades : -P of opinion. The attention, therefore, will be centered' either on the official pronouncements of the organization, "•--. or on the statements and attitudes of its most prominent leaders. a'p- '*; ;'* '-/'

a- " , P -.' hlA In a similar vein, me purpose of this article is not top. probe the motives, personal or social, which have prompted,, the participants in these organizations to committ them­ selves to the work they are doing. A high degree.of • idealism and a-strong motivation characterize the new American radicals; without these qualities, they would, not have

A SOCIAL; ORDER TO BE' DESTROYED , The first official statement of the SDS, drafted by Thomas Hayden, founder of SDS, arjd. adopted at me founding convention, of, the movement in Port Huron, ., / Michigan, in June 1962, singled Out two elements that ,; had prompted a new generation of American students to pass "from silence to activism," One was "the permeating and victimizing fact of human degradation, symbolized by me Southern struggle against racial bigotry"; the other, the contradiction existing h&tween the official peaceful intentions of me United States and "the economic and military investments in the.Jfold War status quo," The discovery, then, of the "hypocrisy of American ideals" came as a determinant of political alienationin a society found morally reprehensive, - - •. - -...,'-'".../

This critical mood became in subsequent years increasingly morose and the dissatisfaction with the societal ordfer and values more pronounced. The rebellion at Berkeley in the Fall;pfl96hwas its most spectacular expression. A year later; on November 27, 1965,; before tens of thousands.of peace marchers in Washington," D. C,,*'Cajrl Oglesby made an impassioned speech linking casually ''our anti-Communist

h8 corporate liberalism" and its guilty prosecution of the war in Vietnam. The speech, which a reporter called "the a electric moment of the - afternoon" and an American "Maoist" 'publication chose for special reprinting,"-epitomized the •uentire phenomenon of the now head-on, frantic "insurgency" (TomHayden's word) of the new radicals against the American "system". The domestic struggle £>r liberation in the South arid the struggle against the American efforts to -defend freedom in Vietnam and throughout Southeast Asia, were fused into one whole; the common roots of injustice iri the South and "imperialism" in Asia were to be found • a: in the American economic and' political establishment; nthe Cold War villain, not only in the present phase, but even from the outset, was the U. S, mllItary»corporate order. • a~ -u: ..';-'

The war in'Vietnam became Indeed the catalyst of emotions arid militancy of the "New Left.*'- In distinction^"however, from the usual critics of the Johnson Administration's policy, who argued for its change from the standpoints "of realism, anti-globalism, neo-isolatioriism, pacifism, o international morality, and so on, but who were aware of the ferocity and the Communist-dominated character of Vietcorig, and behind them the threat of Maoist China, the •riew radicals chose to see in the Vietcbng the bearers of an authentic revolution. Moreover, by espousing the" cause of Cietcong, they put themselves uncritically on the side, as Albert Camus used tP say, of the "priviledged executioners." They were ready In advance to excuse all the excesses of the revolutionary fury ("nuns will be raped and bureaucrats will be'disembowled," said Carl Oglesbyinhis Washington speech,' and absolved these atrocities as a "letting loose of outrageious pent up ; sdmetimes over centuries"),''-reserving moral opprobrium exclusively for the American side-in the war. In the same vein, in the statement'on Vietnam, made on January 6, 1966, SNCC found no difference "iri"'the death of civil rights workers in the South and "the" murder ofpeopie/in Vietnam," and indicted in strongest p©s§ibie:"terms the U. S. policy: "...our country's cry of 'preserve freedom in the world* is a hypocritical-j-'mask behind which it squashed liberation movements'.!which are not bound and refuse to be bound by the expediency of the United States cold war policy, "Likewise, in his Vietnam Day speech on the Berkeley campus', on May 21, 1965, Mario Savio saw in the Vietnam's Nationil Liberation Front a counterpart to the Berkeley "Free/Speech Movement, while •Yale professor Stanton Lynd chose of all" places, Hanoi u^where he went illegally, earlier in January of this year, ; in the company of Thomas Hayden and Herbert Aptheker^ : ;':1 chief theoretician of the United States Communist Party) to denounce U. S. barbarous aggression in Vietnam,"

Ii9 AW ...... ; .-.--a g .AMERICAN. UTOPIA ..

. ,f The picture that emerges here is not only ideologically and c . politically confused, but the authoritative, speakers of ...../" the "movement" aT#,; extremely vagye and less than sanguine concerning theirPchances of success.

The Port Huron Statement, to start with one of the „../ earliest declarations, hailed a new concept of "partici- /: patory democracy" had pledged for the SDS a,struggle to "replace power rooted in possession, privilege,, or cir­ cumstance, by power and uniqueness rooted in love, reflec­ tiveness, reason.,/ and creativity." One does not have to ... be a "new radical" to subscribe to the nobility of such a Vision. But it is hardly enough to serve as,..a guide to concrete political, and still less, revolutionary action. Aware of .the necessity to give to the. Movement A AI a firmer programmatic..as weli as sociological base and 1'/.. a more, effective organizational strategy, the leaders of the SNCC and SDS, have been busy/trying to find new concepts and,build.new vehicles, pf change. One expression of these preoccupations was the creation of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic ...farty, which iby its,challenge to the // regular Democratic/'Parity delegation from Mississippi at .the 196U Democratic Convention, acquired national promi­ nence. The election/of a SN3C field secretary, Julian BOnd, to the Georgia^ State Legislature in June, 1965 was another examplegend.,attempt to build pew political bodies r, and to elevt non-conventional political figures in oppo­ sition to all the existing channels of"power, aS well as to the organizations devoted to changing the status quo step by step. These.include the Older predominantly Negro civil rights movements. National Association fof the Advancement of Colored People —NAACP, Congress Of.Racial Equality—CORE,'"e'Cc.-.i—indeed all the organizations which started the civil rights movement and have won the. only -.real victories that have been won, gathered the only real mass force, and awakened the conscience of America on .the.race question, . . ,' ....

An article entitled "The New Lcft'P published in the December, 1965 issue of the theoretical Jpurnal of the Party, Political Affairs, formulated the preceding poihtsPwith remarkable clarity and frankness. "America ,Is being set on fife. by its younger .generation," exults the first sentence of the article. "All over,:the nation, young people are on/the move, in the/forefront of the progressive struggles of our time,. -The militancy and struggle/have captured the imagination of the country,, and their activities, are the catalyst which will help liberate the immense forces for social.changes that lie.bubbling so.very close to the surface. A, .A.'. A- P AAA. P -

50 These Americans are, in every sense of me word^ the heroes of today; it is impossible to begin an article about them without a tribute and a salute. Generally speaking, they are called the "New- Left." After analyzing the composition and fluidity of the "New Left" the artivle examines the basic views of the SNCC and SDS, the rejection of compromises and coalitions with mainstream political " forces, and the concept of counter-community. Sympathetic to the motives behind these attitudes and ideas, the article frowns on the "New Left's" "distrust of all leaders of any kind, and rejection of any organization that is structured in any way," It obviously dissaproves the trend within the "New Left" which it calls "a kind of personal, existentialist, socialism," and is not happy about another "special kind of romantic and emotional black nationalism" prominent In "New Left" thinking. In me classical tradition of Lenin's 1920 arguments against the "Left-wing Communist," those phrasemongers who did not grasp the essence of effective political warfare, the article reproaches the "New Left" for being reluctant to cooperate with;-the older civil rights groups, for withdrawing from the political life of the country> and for drawing abstractly the conclusion that all leadership is manipulative, and mat any organization is in itself a negative thing.

The main theoretical, Marxist, critical point of the article is that the "New Left/'- being primarily a movement of middle class stu­ dents and intellectuals, is unable to gra^p the question of class, oanda therefore does not realize mat it is the working class, the wage- learners, which-is.ua growing and the mpsi-revolutlonary class in the United Spates. a -zA: y- I u, gig, ,_. - ;..•.„..,...... - My^Oiply predic-tipp is that the present "rebellion without a cause" of-the New Left will necessarily assume, in the near future, much more defined political conturs, for better or for worse, -u -Finally, we at the universities, where the "New Left" was born,m • professors as well as students, will continue to face the raetamor- j phoses and the challenge of, the. '.'alienated" in our midst. The minor!tj' of activists who have lost faith in the .'substance and form of our society and even civilization itself, aj^. forcing the rest of us—to our benefit—to rexamine the values of that society and civilization, values many of us take for granted. It is to be hoped that the challen­ ge of those who aspire to destroy this society will provoke an adequate response: the building of a coalition of people who, despite their variegated philosophical, social, and political beliefs, are ready to stand up and be counted In defense of an order and a civilization which, imperfect and in need of reform as they are, nevertheless represent the highest achievement of free men in history. This article is a modest contribution to this new commitment of the intel­ lectuals.

(Reprint from Congressional Record/ October 7, 1966-by Mr. Dodd of Connecticut)

51 . mppVJPDP-REPCRTs by .. _ J : ,-r.r-,o- ... P ...,"•'.."'. ' Porter Stewart/Direct or? of- Nashville's : AAAAA^A.AAA,':''A:!'. '" SNCC Chapter'. ;: ',.; ... . o, We.have managed thrptgh personal funds to establish the residence of our.headquarters at 10th and Herman Street for -the month of October, However, to function properly and to carry out the aims'of SNCC, we will need certain essentials ast ... -. ,, ".,"./ .... *'.....:•.. •-.- .:.- j-;" • i. Telephone ; ':,-' '::"":- pa:"' Pa: :- 2. Lights and heat/' oo -.A . :"r 3, Transportation'""-. ',///..- ...... PP./ However, we.know that some of these essentials can be elimi- . nated by. asking for donations throughout the community. .

r We have established two chapters"in Nashville, with coalition-of A&I and Flsk's students. On Statejts campus, I we have Bob Butler as Chairman "and Fisk's campus, we have Roland Scott as Chairman. Fortunately, we have Mr, John. 0, Killens and Mr, Samuel WinbUsh as ouroadvisors. a -,: •.,, -oo you might ask where do I come in. My primary aim was ato organize the, 10th ./and Herman Street Community. However,, students frpm.both campuses became interested in the work, or-organizati-on that I am a part of.' So, therefore, we established a SNCC chapter on both campuses and as a whole, ,-. the 10m and Herman Street community is the central loca- ;. tion. : • V

Henceforth, we will state our .plans. The plans are- to '"A. 4r. work work with me deprived areas of Nashville. Soae of . ,-/ the at&BS are In bad condition and we hope to be able to Sec tire better living conditions for people living mere. We would also like to mention that these homes aren't ,.,„ equipped with inside bathrooms or drinking water. So, ~ therefore^ this makes the living condition unsafe, unsani­ tary and against the law as stated under the Board of ',--,.-..,.,'. Health-Code.,.., Since we have been worthing in the community, we have found that some people fare contented'and some discontented. Therefore, we have takenHh^^ositi on of trying to get the/ backing from the;discoxfeijMedi people and then move forward, to the contented ones./,"// .-,• .-•-.'..

52 NaahVlllo-2

We have also-been able: to-, interest some fellows from the deprived community to--do-..volunteer work with us.

As for'now, we have given ypu all the information that we have at the present time. We are in dire need of transportation. In our next report, we intend to have more information about Nashvi lie, Te nnessee.

If yoli have any suggestions as to how we may further cooperateuandocarry out the objectives of our organization in its present state> please don't hesitate to offer them.

# § # # # -#...# ########

REPCRT FROM "INNER CITY ORGANIZING COMMITTEE": 5

Dear Brothers:

The following is a copy of a wire that we sent to Floyd McKissick and Stokely Carmichael. .We urge you to • take a similar position and to encourage others in your community to do so and to let us know what actions you and other organizations in your community take. It is important that black militants keep in close contact with one another during this crisis. •?e>' Floyd McKissick..., Stokely Carmichael CORE SNCC 38 Park Row 360 Nelson St., S.W. New York, New York Atlanta, Georgia 30313 Roy Wilkins' nationally-syndicated colum which appeared in the Detroit News of October "8 is in fact the de­ finitive statement of the anti-Negro position which is now ; being hammered out by the bourgeois Negro leadership coalition: to undermine the solidarity of black people and to repudiate the philosophy of Black Power. Wilkins* characterzation of a Negro rioters as "ignorant children" and "little monsters", -• his support of the organized society which has oppressed usau. for UOO years, and his reference to U00 years of oppressibriPri z and discrimination as "tired defensiveness" invite and " ap :o encourage the white backlash which is just white folks acting naturally. These Negro leaders are now leaning over so far backwards that they are making statements more anti-Negro than those spewing out of the mouths of Southern Congressmen, This kind of leadershipPIsPmore dangerous to •' black people than lone Negroes striking"' out for freedom" on •' ghetto streets,

53 Inner City Report-2

',.-;-. We arePlOO^ in s'upport of Black Power as defined by Stokely-Carmichael and SNCC and Floyd McKissick and CORE, and the action taken by these other national organizations in no wise influences our continuing support of/the philosophy, of Black-Poweri - "••'' A" • Inner City Organizing Committee Albert B.Cleage Jr., Chairman Van Cockrei, Vice-Chairman ;.^.Poa:u-; - oa o '-:g5gop 7625 Llnwood Ave., 'A ' ."-• -A'h- -.••••*..-• :'o - Detroit, Michigan U8206 " (Below is a copy of the article which appeared in Roy Wilkin's recent nationally-syndicated column. Editor.)

ROY WILKINS.SAYS (or "A Modern Tom Speaks) NEGRO RIOTERS ARE 'IGNORANT CHILDREN' Very soon the Negro must ! as do children, that if they come to the moment of truth - stamp their feet and scream on the riots that have dis- "" ' long enough, the world will graced him in the summer of change, . 1966. The great inarticulate " body of Negro life that does " Monsters and'. Saviors not believe in riots has got to speak out because it is being hurt - J Well, the.world will change, badly. " A- "' / / just as it changes for all little monsters:it will cease to baby The rampaging kids'have them and will allow the inexorable had their day's and nights, • "'•:> forces that are called into being They have thrown bricks, by such conduct to function against tossed their Molotov fire- g'f; the youngsters and their ethnic bombs and pbsisdofbr TV"cstoeras-'•^"•••'. with the loot they have stolerirp" ; r from stores they or their "g '.The curbstone saviors have had roving companions have wrecked.; :-/ their.,day, The* namecallers with They have no shame." They have'- ' 'the pat answers and the sweeping no knowledge-: of/their rece and ; invective have strutted and..spouted. its history, or,^of organized"/1/ The, black pseudo-intellectuals have society and its-processes:rOf-"- advanced their tortured'theses. government, .:;/'-. 'AAAPA- The rabble-rousing speakers and They are ignorant children •"' '•'•-'" the inciters to conflict and destru­ operating ingrown-upland p ., ction have fired, up and sent their in the only w^y children Can ? gangs forth to bri.ng" back nothing operate*—loudly, obscenely; / / except the, mounting/contempt and and destructively. They think the-firming anti-Negro determination of the majority. 5U The chickens are beginning to next step to Condoning such crimi­ come home to rcost. A racist wins nality against whites is, bf course, the nomination for governor in Md. condoni ng cri ml nali ty, peri od. A gruesome' murder "Of" a girl in Ill­ inois strengthens the determination'' Instant Equality o/voters to "get at" the "criminal element." A San Francisco riot It has been indicated plainly inclines voters to a candidate for that the young hoodlums will not governor who is the darling of the heed the usual leaders and spokes­ rightists who want to clamp down men. They have been deluded into on the whole civil rights drive, a belief that insolent demand, backed by violence, will bring mem instant Lester Maddox, the man who drove equality, ; Ifegroes from his Atlanta restaurant with ax handles and a gun, has won The millions of .striving law-abiding the Democratic nomination for gover­ Negroes whose achievements and entire nor of'Georgia! "Southerners have just futures are endangered must sped?.. persuaded the Seriate to adopt regula­ It is not fair that all Negroes tions which will permit hospital should be condemned and restricted segregation while'the institutions because of the acts of a few. But receive federal funds. such is the fact in this transition time. No Cliches, Please Let us not hear, for this period, And there is merit in the conten­ the t^ed'defensiveness about frustra­ tion that our solid Negro society tion, 'discrimination and exploitation. should separate itself from the mob. These things are there and they should More importantly—quite apart from not be there. Every legitimate device present pressures—it should do this and pressure should be employed to is to make plain its ability to remove them. function maturely in any organized society, whatever its color. But is rioting the way? A quick outbreak in anger and passion one can understand, But vio1e nc e,,ni ght . after night in city after City, smacks of being a way of life in TO SAMMY YOuTBE/by Fay Bellamy which no one can have pride except the braggarts. Another brother has died In my agony I cry The ominous tone of these outbreaks .... ,f eel pain is in the thread of resistance to ar­ want, to]kill. rest which runs through many of them. If Negro lawbreakers caught in the \ _What Stops,Mel ast, or suspects, are not to be pur­ sued, questioned or detained by the police, then we have anarchy. The

^ CCCAggOU REPCRT: BY Jack Mlanis ~ *" "*"""" SNCC Research Department

FIRST THEFACT$:/' " ';**? "'•/' Pa- ..u"-o, The Coca-Cola Company is an Atlanta based corporation which manufactures the syrup which is then sold, to various Coca-Cola ' bottling companies around the country. The bottling companies are usually owned locally and operate under various kinds of franchise agreements with- the company for the bottling and sale of Coca-Cola, Fanta, Sprite arid Tab. The company sells to jobbers who in turn sell it to soda fountains, cup machine operators, etc. The company owns as subsidiaries, bottling companies in various places, but it does not own the Coca-Cola Bottling Company of New York. (More on mat below)

The Coca-Cola,Company also produces and sells Minute-Maid Frozen Citrus Juices, Snow Crop, Tip Top, and Hi~C juicesj Maryland Club, Butter-Nut, Fleetwood and Admiration Coffees5 and Duncan Tea.

Sales of "the juices' and coffees are made through brokers to inde­ pendent wholesale distributors, chain stores, and other direct-, buying customers. The Woodruff family (G. W. and Robert W.) of Atlanta are principal stockholders in the Coca Cola Company. They also own one of me largest plantations in Baker^County, Georgia. In 1963, a Justice Department lawyer came down here to try to reason with the sheriff and registrars of Baker County about registering Negroes. The lawyer said that one of> the first stops he made when he hit Georgia, was the off ice of Robert W/. WPodruff. He-asked Woodruff to' use his influence as one -of .Rajier County's principal land-owners to , secure some kind of agreement about Negro registration with the Baker County authorities. Woodruff, according to me lawyer, flatly refused to intervene in anyway.

The Coca-Cola Company is me operating company which produces the items described above, Coca-Cola International Corporation is a holding company'which owns, (at March 1, 1965): u •O ' . ;T 6,529,680 shares of stock in the Coca-Cola Company, " -

This was 22,89# of the voting stock of the Coca-Cola Company and thus, apparent voting controls . ;

Robert W, Woodruff is the son of Emily and Ernest Woodruff. The ,lD-" ,/;. Emily arri Earnest Woodruff Foundation (which is exempt from Fed­ eral Income Tax) owned, in I960: ao;

21,811 shares in Coca-Cola International Corp. This was 15.21$ a r,- of me voting shares and doubtless constitutes voting control of the holding company which, of course, as above, controls the 56 Coca - Cola: -2

operating"cbnipShyi Dlvideridsppaid by the Coca«?Cola International/ Corp. on the stock owned by the Woodruff Foundation are, of course, exempt from Federal Income Tax* These dividends.amount to between one and;two million per year. Present market value of me stock is nearly $U5 million. Coca-Cola Company has "plants and other important units" in Durban, Johannesburg and Pretoria, South Africa. It! is,very likely that the bottling and distribution of the beverages "In South Africa are done by South African firms, though I have no proof of this at this time. Robert W. Woodruff is a member of the Directors Advisory Council of Morgan Guaranty Trust Company of New York. This is the princi­ pal Morgan Commercial Bank. According, to |i. Nkrumah in "Neo-Cplo- 'riialism" the/Morgan Interests ape closely associated with Anglo- American Corp., Newmont Mining Corp., Engelhard Industries arid other financial mining groups exploiting South African mineral resources. - •-. .

I'm inclined to think a Successful effort to irhibit the:.salens of Coca-Cola beverages would require a communications program of considerable magnitude; If it were undertaken with the general consuming public as the target. There might-be more subtle ways of getting at the matter. It is doubtful that consumers are as - attached to the coffees and the citrus juices as they are to the beverage, thus a campaign to inhibit the sales of the juices and the coffees might be easier, particularly since they, are ^handlad by independent wholesalers, who also handle many other products. ••"/ Too, a general campaign against soda fountains, drug stores, etc. which dispense Coca-Cola at me fountain might be given some thought. If people like those at Mt. Sinai, who control whether '*.-.- or not machines can be put on premises could be gotten to in sufficient numbers, the results would be serious — dividend -., wise. /'/.'•-' '"" ... The Coca-Cola Bottling Company of New York, Inc. distributes and sells bottled Coca--Cola under, exclusive franchise..with fbca-Cola Company," in New York City, Buffalo, Trenton, Newark, Jersey City, Newburgh, Poughkeppsie and Bridgeport. It also bottles and distributes, Hires Root Beer in Metropolitan New York and in New .... Jersey except Asbury Park and: Trenton areas. Also, they produce*--'- - Veep soft drink, "Tab'1 low calorie soft drink and orange soda. /,. Stock of Coca-Cola Bottling Company of New York,,Inc. is sold on ,,,-., the New York Stock Exchange, of course, so is the, stock of Coca- .A- Cola Company: Apparently stock of Coca-Cola International Oprp.\u is not sold on the Exchange. Action against the Exchange-and • AA against the Bottling Company might be productive—more so than similar action against the Coca-Cola Company, 57 Coca-Cola -3

The annual stockholders meeting of the Bottling Company„1S ilsually held ^.,l^5^^;*"".^Uli^^^1^e^«'VJfe^"" The Directors of Coca-Cola Bottling Company of "N,ew York ares

James T. Murray - Chairman of the Board and President of the .'SO Company. Murray is a member of the law firm, of Hayward, Jones, Nutt and Company. His office is listed, as the same address as the Bottling Company. Murray is President arid Treasurer, of the Murray-MacDoriald Foundation, Inc., which is ideated at U25 E. '.,/ 3hth Street, New York, It has assets of $1,230,110*. It lists T its purpose as "Grants, primarily for Religion (Roman Catholic), especially for Welfare Programs, Home Missions and Programs Abroad." /'/ a . .,'•': a

Murray is~'also Chairman of the" Charles E. .Culpepper Foundation, Inc. of the same address as above." It lists its purpose as "Grants to Hospitals, Educational Institutions and for Sbftplarships.": Its assets are $1,799,6145. Murray himself is listed as the-donor to the Murray-MacDonald Foundation and Charles E. Culpepper (Deceased) is listed as the donor to the Culpepper Foundation.' Burkett Miller whose address 1st 627 W. Brown Road, Lookout Mt., Tennessee is a member of the Chattanooga law firm of Miller, Martin, Hitching, Tipton and • Lenihan," The firm is counsel for a number of large corporations including General Electric, Con­ tainer Corporation of America, The Equitable Life Assurance Society, ebc«- The /flir'm is:also counsellor the Krystal resta- rant chain which permitted the Klan to hold off would-be sit- inners at its-Marietta Street location in Atlanta in 1963-. "Miller sits on the boards of Directors, of Volunteer State Life Insurance Co., American National Bank" and Trust Co. (assets: $126,957,1400) in which he owns 5,250 shares of stock (3% of shares ^outstanding); Miller is head pf Tonya Memorial Foundation to which he is, also principal donor. It has assets of $325,103; It lists its purpose as "primarily local giving." '/*.. o ' --1 .a..,-, • . . Thomas G. Anderson who lives1 at 6 Clendale Road, Harrison, New • York,- 1 s a -vi.ee-President of Chemical Bank^New York Trust Co., 1 E. U2nd St., New York ,.,, " Ay" 'AA'AA^ Frank M. Folsom lives at U80 Park Avenue, New York. Folsom is Chairman of the Executive Committee of Radio Corporation of America. He is also a Director of the following Corporation:

JohrrP. Maguire Company National Broadcasting/Corp. Miir-Ipool Corporation Crown Cork & Seal.Company S. H. Kress Company *". Schenley Industries, Inc. General' Cable Co£p_. " . . '"*-'• .."'''"./"'.'" 58 c

Folsom is a trustee of the Samuel He Kress Foundation which in I960 owned kl»9%_ of -the bu^stahdlng'Shaafes^f.fS. H, Kress and Co. In 1963, Genesco Ihc.'bdugntup' 9h$ bf-Pthe -outstahding: Shares of S^HKJU . Kress and Co., in a shape-purchase deal involving1 '$27 'per share of Kress stock. :-~ <*; --.-.• < / / -: % -""! •''" •A:-;. .r . A • '• • Therefore, presumably, now the Samuel H;. Kress Foundation mm^m : somewhere around $25,000,000 of Genesqo. stock. . Gerie^6o is'one .-~ y.v of the largest retail and manufacturing operatloris In the world. It deals in shoes, apparel, notions, etc.,-and operates several hundere retail stores in this country and abroad. It'recently acquired a carpet mill in Greenville, Mississippi. The Kress Foundation listed assets of $28,000,000 in 1962. Its 'purpose is listed as "To promote^the Moral, •-Physical >and. Metal Well-Beirg and Progress of the Human Race."-' Recent grants have/ been chiefly _,x, in the fields' of the fine arts, education and health, 'particularly rid Medical Education and Hospitals, u a " Folsom is a trustee of the National Jewish Hospital (Denver), The Catholic Charities of New York, The National Catholic Community Service, St. Mary of me Woods College, Rosembnt College and a member of the Advisory Council on Science and Engineering of the University of Notre Dame. ">*'• He was the Pope's permanent representative to the International Agency for Atomic Energy in 1957.' */•*' • 'u:-o :,, o.- John Francis Power resides at 580 Park Avenue, New/ York. He is a partner in F-as.tman:Dillion, Union Securities & Co., The Invest- 00' ment Banking House which handles financing for the Bottling Co. Power is a Director of the Mission Development Company. Thati is a holding company through which J. Paul Getty (reputedly me world's richest man) controls the Tidewater Oil Company. Power is also a Director of the Consolidated Cigar Corp. which includes Dutch Masters, El Producto, Lovera, Headline, La Palina, Harvester, and Muriel Cigars; and the North Penn Gas Co. which distributes natural gas at retail in 52 communities in Northwestern Pennsyl­ vania.

George L. Morrison of New Port, Rhode Island is also a Director of"the~General Coal Storage Co, and the Baltimore and Eastern Railroad, a subsidiary of me Pennsylvania RR, Morrison is a trustee of the Drexel Institute of Technology,

Other directors on whom we have no information at this time are: E, P. Lewis J. T, Leftwich and B, V, Underwood.

59 THE UNTOUCHED BLACito

/The untouched blacks a"retho'se black brothers0 arid sisters •who feel they have inade it into the "Great Society" or the "/iccepfed". They have a house, cars, money to waste and talks about " the other people (poor blacks). ••///; They are the lost sheep, /They are not a part of this or that. There objective is to please the white man become white talk White. / , •

They are the first to sit at a newly integrated lunch counter, They are the first to take the newly integrated jobs, "/They are the first to go to the newly integrated school. They are the first to run the newly integrated White House Conference v "••*

g To talk about "Freedom". - A'- btopi "What have you done to drink from the Freedom Cup, my brother. You are a "disgrace to the black people, -- Samuel Young, ... Chaney, Goodman, Schwerner, etc, _u/ You don't even know them. aa

•Come put/of there. You cannot represent me either. Black man.

7-3-66 J, Brown

60 r [m/ fWk eg]

This Is a report submitted to the Mississippi Advisory Committee to the United States Commission, on Civil Rights at a meeting held March 18, I96I4.. It is filed on behalf of the state's 950,000 Negroes. It is written from the view point of those who are workers for the end of racial discrimination and segre­ gation in Mississippi, for the encouragement of the excerclse by Negroes in Mississippi, Cf their right to vote and' to reg­ ister to vote, and for the exccrcisc and preservation of civil rights generally in Mississippi, whether such persons are paid or not paid to act as such workers.

The purpose of this report is: l) To.'indicate to the Advisory Committee, (a) that there is a need for greater public awareness in regard to denial of civil rights and civil liberties for Negroes and for persons who are working to end. -racial discrimination In Mississippi, and (b) that the Advisory Committee could fulfil a vital need by issuing frequently reports, for nationwide distribution, informing the nation at large of these denials.

2. To submit to the Advisory Committee material which will give it a substantial basis for petitioning the U..S. Commission on Civil Rights to hold hearings.in Mississippi, and

3. To indicate to the Advisory Committee the overwhelming need for greater federal government activity in Mississippi, If the rights and lives of Negroes are to be insured.

This report has been prepared by:

The COUNCIL CF FEDERATED ORGANIZATIONS (COFO) 1017 Lynch Street Jackson, Mississippi

COFO Publicotion #10 labor donated THE MANIA FOR INTIMIDATING

Southwestern Mississippi:

Acts of intimidation take many forms: For example, the coming of the New Year marked the reorganization of the Klu -Klux Klan in Southwestern Mississippi; in addition, Negroes have been beaten, shot, and murdered and noassailants have as yet been discovered or brought to justice.

McComb On the evening of January 9, 1964 there were several instances of shooting in the McComb area. The places shot into included:

H.C. Wells' Grocery (hole in window) Carter's Shoe Shop (hole in window) Mrs. Alyene Quinn's home in Summit, Also: Mr. Isadore Carter's home was shot into on Wednesday evening (January 8, 1961+) (two large holes in a picture window.) Speculations about the cause, or the occasion, of the shootings conclude that the general program of voter registration had disturbed the unruly white population. The immediate occasion was apparently the televised addresses of President Johnson (State of 'the Union Speech) and Charles Evers, Mississippi Field Secretary for the NAACP which were televised Into the area on Wednesday evening. Mr. Evers was speaking in rebuttal of Jackson: Mayor Allen Thompson's earlier speech about consumer's boycott In Jackson. The purpose of the shooting was apparently to discourage Negro people from paying poll taxes and registering. About fifty or sixty have tried since November.

Mr. Carter, whose home and shoe shop were fired into, reported that the sheriff (Pike County sheriff Warren) came Into his business Friday morning (January 10) and said that he had caught' fmr white men; but would not give their names. Mr. H.C. Wells, whose grocery store was shot into said, that he saw a white Corvair go by at the time cf the shooting, and it was going so fast that he was unable to tell anything more.

Notes on conversation with H.C. Wells:

"Shooting happened about 5>il5> P.M. heard no sound from the car, a white Corvair--it was travelling fast...my store front, glass window, fell in, sending glass fragments as far as five feet. The shot came from the back of the car going uphill." When asked.' as to why "-.one would want to shoot up his place of business, Mr. Wells said that he believed that "someone just wanted something to do and shooting up a colored neigh­ borhood was something to do." Natchez

On February 18, 19 61+ Archie Curtis of Natchez received a phone call at 12:1+5 A.M. He was told to go out to Palestine Road and go "two miles past the black top" where "a man with a lantern will be waiting to show you the way to Henry Goodman's house." (He was told that Mrs. Goodman had had a heart attack and needed an ambalance)

Curtis went out to Palestine Road as requested, accompanied by Willie Jackson After going two miles past the black top, they did not see anyone with a light. Curtis blew his horn. A car pulled up behind the ambulance. Two white men got out of the left side and two white men got out cf the right side. All four had white hoods over their heads. One had a gun in his hand. Curtis and Jackson were told to get out of the am­ bulance. Curtis told them to go away because he had no time for foolishness. Curtis told them'he was looking for a Mr. Goodman. One of the four white men said, "I'm Henry Goodman. I am the one who called you for an ambulance--and damn"it , I want you to get cut." Another of the four men walked over to the driver' s s.ldo of* +-.Vv» iroVn'^i o <^i-»oj ooteu oui-na, wiixjp. pointing a gun aC him. ""didn'tf you hear him say get cut?" Curtis turned to get out --they caught his hand and hit his hand pit.. om-tis got out of the ambulance, he was told to take 0-P-P ixis glasses. Curtis was slow getting them off; one of the men grabbed them and threw them away. Next Curtis and Jackson were blindfolded and carried to the white men's car, pushed in the car. Both Curtis and Jackson were put in the front of the car and driven down to a field called Duck Pond. They were told to get out of the car In Duck Pond, which they did; they were told to remove their clothes. The'y refused. After being hit "two or three times," they dropped their pants. Curtiss was told to hand over his NAACp card. Curtis replied by saying he didn't have a. NAACP card. He was told "yes, you have and that damn West has a NAACP card too." Curtis said "I don't think West has one" Curtis and Jackson were told to lie on their stomachs and then they were beaten. One of the four men suggested killing them--but another s-°id no "lets just leave them here." Curtis and Jackson went to a freinds' house and got a ride into town.

In General There have been at least five Negroes murdered in Southwestern Mississippi since the year's (1964) beginning. None of them have been solved and all seem to have racial avertanes:

Lewis Allen was killed on February 1, 1961+. He was shot In the face wi*bh a shot gun at night as he departed from his motor vehicle.

Three people were found dead in their automobile. Carbon Monoxided to death, however, they also had bullet holes in them. A Mr. Walker was also found dead in Southwestern Mississippi, an obvious murder, the case still remains ^unsolved."

There have been a countless number of cross burnings in Amite, Walthall and Pike counties. Many feel this is the result of the re-emergence of the KLU KLUX ELAN in Southwestern Mississippi. In Franklin County barricades have been put in the middle of the street and Negroes have not been permitted to pass.

JACKSON MISSISSIPPI: Intimidation takes a different form, in sophisticated metro­ politan Jackson. In Jackson the city's mayor is largely the Intimidating force and he does It underthe pretext of waging a war against those who he prefers to refer to as "agitators from outside."

What is causing apprhension in the minds of civil rights workers presently in the state is that during the summer of 1961+ hundreds of college students are planning to come to Mississippi and most will probably pass through Jackson. The mayor seems to manifest the attitude of a mayor whose city is about to be in­ vaded by an alien armored division whose purpose is total destructic rather than college students who have a. desire to work on voter registration, educational, and re-training programs. His words • -3 follows: ""We're ready for them. ..We've got the stuff... I'm going to use every force necessary to keep them from getting out of hand. I don't want to do it. My purpose is to maintain law and order in this city. Anything they bring in we can handle." The mayor will no doublt be able to handle everything that is brought in, seeing as he has prepared for a small war and tho only thing those students who do come to Mississippi will be bringing with them are knowledge and skills, that they desire to impart to unskilled, unoducoted, poverty stricken Negroes.

Mayor Thompson can rely on a strong police force-city policemen, city employees who can be pressed Into duty as officers, sheriff's deputies and a cordon of state highway patrolmen.

The pride of his force is a special riot control car known locally as "Thompson's Tank'.' It can carry 10 policemen and two drivers" into a crowd--shot gouns br'is^tlir/* ov& of" "Sun 'PtPrtsy ' t-o'a'r .gas "and other weapons inside.

Jackson has 1+00 policemen mostly tough young recruits who have joined the force in the last year or so, and is adding 35 morei Last year Mayor Thompson bought 200 shot guns. Fifty more are ordered. Shotguns loaded with bu.cksb.ot are mounted on motorcycle officers' vehicles and carried in patrol cars. Riot helmets and gas masks have been acquired for every officer, Two city trucks have been equipped with searchlights and con­ verted into troop carriers. Three flat-bed trailer trucks are now wire-enclosed paddy wagons for hauling away demonstrators in wholesale lots. And the Mayor delightedly declares, "there's no way for them to win" he has reference to the summer "invaders."

THE FREEDOM VOTE From the "freedom vote" campaign which was held during October and November of 1963 ample evidence is offered to substantiate the assertion that any person who is engaged in any activity, regardless of how harmless it seems on the surface, that attempts to organize Negroes politically,runs the risk of being im­ prisoned on even killed. « POLICE BRUT/LITY

Negroes who are arrested whether civil rights workers or not are vulnerable to acts of police brutality. /t times however, it becomes naked and open as incidents last summer (1963) indicated. The following was reported in Newsweek Magazine, June 2l+, 1965. It is in reference to Jackson city policemen during a demon­ stration by Negroes: "Once more, police started making arrests. From porches along Rose street, spectators took up the chant: Freedom! Freedom; Freedom! Police ordered them to keep quiet, then charged the porches, kicking up swirls of dust in the yards, dragging Negroes to the ground, choking and clubbing them wi th billies. This is my house! one woman screamed from her door­ way, but police dragged her out and beat her. Two cops seized John Salter, a white Tougaloo Christian College sociologist who h/5d been slugged during a sit-in three weeks earlier. "Here he is, here he' is," one shouted. A third cop clubbed Salter on the head and knocked him sprawling, blood running into the dust." The New York Times carried a front page article on June ll+, 1963 whose lead re-d: JACKSON NEGROES CLUBBED AS POLICE QUELL MARCHES. From the June ll+, 1963 editor of the New Orleans Tia^es-Picayune: "A fifteen year old Negro girl was 'hit" with a police club when she started to cry "they got my brother." "An officer surged into the house when the girl went down and a relative of hers, Mrs. Margaret Ann Porter, pulled her in­ side the front door." '.'...... One. of those on the perch was Rev. Edwin King, white Metiiodist Chaplin at Tougaloo College. One officer cursed him when he asked police if they would call an ambulance for the Negro woman owner of the house who had fainted because of hysteria." ACTS OF INTIMIDTION

The instances of police brutality and acts of intimidation occur in ah atmosphere of official condonence. An examination of a few acts passed this year (1961+) by the state Legislature will attest to the fact that the Negro can obtain no redress from state officials. UMMARY OF EVENTS, October 22 through October 28 Between October 22 and October 25, 22 election workers were arrested in Indianola for distributing leaflets without a permit. (Four SNCC workers were arrested, convicted, and appealed on the same charge in September of 1962. The charges were dropped and the bond returned when the Justice Department intervened; there was a consent agreement that no more arrests would be made under the ordinance.) The 22 were sentenced to $25 fines and 30 days in jail (suspendable upon payment of fines). I. In Clarksdale on October 24 ^ after attending a meeting in the home of the candidate for governor, the chairman of the Campaign Advisory Committee and 2 Yale students were arrested while crossing the street from their parked car to enter the hotel where they had planned to spend the night. They were charged with violating a curfew and put in-jail. The next day another Yale student was arrested and charged with distributing leaflets without a permit. He has been fined $50. Yesterday, four Yale students were stopped by police and told they could not stay in the Negro section of town. Either you stay In the white section or get out," they were told. The students spent the night in two Negro homes, and today one was arrested. The other was taken by police from Henry Headquarters and told the police would no longer "protect" him from the wrath of the Negro community. The Chief of Police predicted that the student would be "stabbed in the back". This conversation occurred while the student was In the back seat of a police car and with guns displayed eonapicuously. • CI. A Yale student and 2 SNCC workers arrived in Yazoo City at 4:00 PM, October 23. At 4:30 PM the police phoned the office where they were meeting with local Negro leaders. Presently it was "suggestedTl that they let the police escort them out of the city to "protect them from injury. Otherwise, the Negro leaders warned, there was no telling what might happen to them. A rally scheduled for Yazoo City for the following evening was subsequently cancelled after similar warnings. :V. The mayor of Columbus refused requests for permits to distribute leaflets for Aaron Henry because it would "cause racial disturbance." Requests for permission to use a sound truck in Columbus were also denied. Distribution of Mississippi. Free Press has been prohibited. Similar rernaais of poi-tnits for the distribution of pro-Henry material have been reported from many places throughout Mississippi. 7. Two white Methodist ministers were arrested in Jackson on Sunday, October 27, after they had attempted to enter the Capitol Street Methodist Church with a Negro student. There have been approximately 15 convictions in Jackson in the last 2 weeks for similar activity. The standard punishment for attempting to attend church services in an integrated group is 1 year in jail and $1,000 fine. t 11. It is commonplace for campaign workers throughout Mississippi, with the exception of the city of Greenville, to be taken into custody on a variety of traffic charges. (On one occasion the candidate for Lt. Gov. was fined for four separate traffic "violations" while in Jacksoi for an afternoon.) Perhaps the most difficult of these to cope with is "suspicion of auto theft," a charge which has been levelled even at people driving their own cars and carrying the registration papers on their person. Persons driving cars owned by relatives or borrowed from friends have found themselves detained for long periods, and have had their cars impounded for long periods by the police. CI. In Jackson it is the habit of the police to apprehend campaign workers especially en route to and from campaign offices during the evening hours. The custom to date seems to be to trail cars, quiz drivers and passengers and search interiors. Every third or fourth such incident ends with driver and passengers being taken to the police station for "questioning". These procedures produce a substantial number of traffic fines. "I. In Hattiesburg, the chief of police has announced that any white "agitators" found in the city limits will be sentenced to 6 months in jail and a $500 fine. Four Yale students who had arrived there at 1:0( A.M. on October 28 were taken from their beds to the police station for "questioning at 8:00 A.M. They were released after 3 hours, and after the intervention of an FBI agent had obtained the release of one of the four who did not have h4s draft with him. Subsequently, however, a Yale divinity student was picked up on "suspicion of auto theft" and convicted of "Interfering with a police officer" after he had asked if the police, who were searching his car, had a warrant to do so. There were 3 other arrests in Hattiesburg yesterday, including that of a cafe owner who had served a meal to two Yale students. She is out on $100 bond on charges of "illegal possession of alcohol," but before "finding" the half-pint of whiskey which formed the basis of the arrest, the police had searched" the premises in such a fashion that the garbage had been dumped all over the floor, along with a considerable part of the food in stock. / The daughter of SCLC fl<=ld secretary in Ruleville was arrested for "shoplifting" while shopping yoaterday. In Greenwood today a white lady who has been working in the campaign was arrested on a number of traffic charges and is now in jail on $1000 bond.

• During the last two days we have received a suoceBoion 0f calls rescinding permission to use church and store facilitieb for meetings or balloting. Many of these calls have included bitter or pa-fchetic descriptions of threats. . Last week a white worker in the Literacy Project at Tougaloo College was arrested while driving back to the college, charged with "obstructing the flow of traffic," grilled by detectives for half an hour ("What are you doing here?" "Who are you sleeping with?" etc.) and fined. Such Interrogations by officials occurs constantly, often without any charges being lodged either before or after Interrogation. / Responsible, persons, including some senior members of the journalistic corps and the Chaplain of. a Negro college near Jackson, have what they consider inuunu-uverubie evidence that their phones are tapped. There is also, some evidence of -b tampering; witn mail a<§-cti'c»#e»

November 1. Bruce Payne of Oakland, California, a 21-year-old University of California graduate now studying political science at Yale University, was forced out of a "Freedom Vote" Votemobile in Port Gibson, and beaten by four men. He and the two Freedom Vote workers accompanying him were followed by the four men all the way from Natchez, 42 miles away. They had been organizing polling places for the Freedom Vote election which takes place November 2, 3> and 4. Payne and the two other workers were warned to stay out of Natchez.

November 2. (Event occurred app. 11:45 a.m.) George Greene, a 20-year-old SNCC worker from Greenwood, Miss, was driving a Votemobile with Bruce Payne on the way from Natchez to Fayette, a distance of 23 miles, to work with balloting for the Freedom Vote campaign. The balloting takes place on November 2, 3, and 4. Three miles out of Nfctchez, Greene realized that they were being followed by two of the four men who had beaten Payne the day before. During the 25 ensuing minutes, Greene tried to evade or lose the pursuing car by turning around, and out-racing it, but the top speed -of 105 m.p.h. on the 1§63 Chevrolet was no match for the 1964 Impala driven by the prusuers. Finally the workers were forced off the road against a bridge and one of the men walked up to Greene, pulled out a pistol and told him to get out. Greene, whose door was locked and window rolled up, shifted into low, swerved sharply,, and escaped back on to the highway. As the car Prees Release on Natchez, page 2 left, the assailant shot three times at the left rear tire, hoping, it is believed, to disable the vehicle in order that the two workers could be forced Into the Impala anti taken somewhere more isolated than the highway. With a slow leak in the tire, Greene once again tried to lose his pursuers, going through three red lights, crossing d»uble lines and driving in oncoming traffic lanes. Finally he managed to get three cars ahead of the Impala and turned out of sight on to a backwotds road where the tire was changed. Payne and Greene then proceeded to Jackson to report the inci­ dent to the highway patrol, Department of Justice, Henry head­ quarters and the press. Payne stated that about all that saved the two workers was Greene's excellent driving. (Greene had raced in high school.)

Freedom Vote for Governor Headquarters 1072 Lynch St. Jackson, Miss, .tel: 948-0690 SUMMARY OF EVENTS IN YAZOO CITY, OCTOBER 24-PRESENT (NOVEMBER 10), 1963

OCTOBER 24. Three campaign workers, accompanied by local ministers, visited the office of a local Negro citizen. While they visited him, he was telephoned by the police and intimidated. A scheduled campaign rally was thereupon cancelled. (See Nelson Soltman statement of Oct.24)

OCTOBER 30, NOVEMBER 1, 2, 3. George Raymond, campaign worker and CORE Task Force worker, returned to work in Yazoo City. Each day he was followed by police everywhere he went. His campaigning was generally unsuccessful. On Sunday, Nov. 3, he was followed into a Negro church, where the police, spoke against him to the oongretation.

NOVEMBER 4. Several campaign workers (George Raymond,Lenore Thurman, Bob Gore, Claude Weaver, Jesse Morris and Doris Erskine) accompanied by an NBC camera crew came to Yazoo 8ity to solicit votes. There were several Incidents of minor harassment, e...g.. the police would not allow a sign to be posted on the trunk of the campaign car, forcing the cam­ paign workorB to stand on the sidewalk holding the sign; Police Officer Moody, according to George Raymond, wcote "aggitators" (sic) indelibly across Raymond's driver's license. Lenore Thurman was arrested when, police alleged, she handed a ballot to a man In public. George Raymond later, at the trial, testified that he had given the man the ballot, but the judge did not believe him.

NOVEMBER 7. Lenore Thurman, George Raymond, George Greene, Jesse Morris and Claude Weaver came back to Yazoo City for Miss Thurman's trial. She was convicted of distributing literature without a permit; the case is being appealed. After the trial, George Raymond went to a Negro restaurant to make a phone call; as he entered, he was kicked and curse Events in Yazoo City, page 2

by a police officer he believes to be Assistant Captain Otis. When the others in the group joined Raymond at the restaurant, they left to return to Jackson, followed by the police escort. Just Inside the city limits of Flora, Miss, (in Madison County), the car was stopped and Raymond was arrested by a highway patrolman and Yazoo City police. He was arrested for reckless driving (the charge was discovered the next day by Jesse Harris, who went up to bail him out), handcuffed so tightly that the circulation was cut off In Ms hands, kicked while entering and leaving the car, and cuffed around in front of the police station as he was being led to his cell, in Yazoo City. Back on the highway, the others in the group were ordered out of the car. The police asked who in the group had a driver's license. When George Greer. s.aid that he had, they arrested him also, taking him into custody on an unspecified charge (later revealed as "disobeying an officer"). None oi the others would volunteer the information that he or she had a driver' s.- license, so the police sent them walking along the highway after dark. The police called a wrecker to take the car back to Yazoo City, where it is still Impounded.

NOVEMBER 8. Jesse Harris, Claude Weaver, Carl Arnold, and Jesse Morris arrived in Yazoo City to pay fines or post bond for the two who had beej arrested. George Raymond was released, on an appearance bond of $250, but the police refused to release George Greene, claiming that he had been arrested in Madison County, not Yazoo County. As of Sunday, November 10, negotiations to secure his release have been fruitless.

Freedom Vote Headquarters 1017 Lynch Street, Jackson, Mississippi tel: 352-9605 Freedom Vote for Governor 1072 Lynch St. Jackson, Miss, tel: 948-0690 Events of November 1 and 2, general November 2, i960—Henry Headquarters in Jackson Campaign workers in Belzoni, Leland, Tupelo and other communities heported incidents of arrest, detention and questioning all day.

November 1, i960—Tate County Hugh Smith, a senior philosophy student at Stanford University, resident of Menlo Park, California, was shot at three times while in his car in Tate County, Miss. Earlier in the day Smith had delivered a carload of Rust College (in Holly Springs), Negro Freedom Vote Campaign workers to Tate County, near Senatobia. When he returned, at about 1:00 p.m., to pick them up,he was recognized by a group of people at a market. Two shots were fired over his head, and one into the dirt as he drove away. vout; ior rx'eeuom Headquarters AAR«N HENRY for Governor 1072 Lynch Street, Room 10 Jackson, Mississippi 39203 pENTS IN MISSISSIPPI NOVEMBER 1 and 2:

November 1—JACKSON—Nicolas Bosanquet, British subject and Yale Universit student, and Robert Honeysucker, Negro senior at Tougaloo College (Negro) here, were arrested while attempting to enter a London Royal Philharmonic Symphony concert at a Jackson public auditorium. While they hdd bought tickets on public sale, they were told that only Jackson Music Association members were being admitted. The next day they were released on $500 bond each. They are to appear for trial Monday, November 4 on charges of disturbing the peace. November 1—NATCHEZ—Bruce Payne, Oakland, Calif.,Yale University under­ graduate student, was forced out of a "Freedom Vote-mobile" and beaten by four white men here. The four followed Pgryne and two other "Freedom Vote" workers from Port Gibson where the beating occured, for 42 miles to Natche They were warned to stay out of Natchez. November 1—TATE COUNTY--Hugh Smith, Menlo Park, Calif., Stanford Universi student, was shot at three times in his car here. Recognized by onlookers: after an earlier trip to deliver "Freedom Vote" workers, two shots were fired over his head and one into the ground as he drove ^way. November 2—JACKSON—Four SNCC workers were stopped by three Rankin County patrol cars and told to leave the airport. They went there to pick up rented cars and see Bob Moses, Campaign Manager for the "Freedom Vote drive, off to Memphis. Moses was questioned and released, the other four were told to leave or go to jail, despite their Insistence that car renta] papers were being delivered to them. The four included Charlie Cobb, Springfield, Mass.; Langston Mitchell, New Orleans, La.; Jesse Harris, Jackson, Miss., and Ivanhoe Donaldson of New York City. .lLQYember__2—JACKSON--David Dennis, CORE Field Secretary here and Michael Sayer, SNCC worker of Atlanta, were Btoppeu vy iii^oiH. police and inter­ rogated whilo ^ringing car rental papers to SNCC workers at trie *»4jes»m*fe . Telling them "The Feudal sovernment doesn't have jurisdiction over this airport," the patrolmen threatened the two with jail and charges of trespa Meanwhile, four SNCC workers were forced to kepp their hands on their car for more than an hour during interrogation by police. One officer twice 'rapped Ivanhoe Donaldson on the knuckles. The officer also placed his pistol at Donaldson's head and threatened to kill him. All were finally released after threats. November 2—NATCHEZ--George Greene, SNCC worker from Greenwood, Miss., and Bruce Payne were on the way from Natchez to Fayette to work with their "Freedom Votemobile." Near Natchez the four men who beat Payne the day before were observed following. Greene tried to"out-race them unsuccess­ fully and was forced off the road where Greene was ordered out of the car at pistol point. Swiftly moving the car onto the highway, Greene escaped only after the car was shot at three times. One bullet entered the rear, ,one grazed the side; the other htt the left rear tire causing a slow leak. Skillfully manipulating through traffic, Greene managed to enter a side street unnoticed and fixed the tire. "Pvents in Miss., cont. . / 2

November 2—JACKSON—Jesse Davis, SNCC worker from here was canvassing for "'Freedom Votes" on a corner near a cafe when a policeman told him he was blocking traffic and subject to arrest and then left. Several minutes lat he returned with an additional policeman who said Davis was under arrest, charged with snatching a purse. He was placed in the patrol car, told he was being taken to be identified by the woman whose purse was alledgedly stolen. Instead, he was taken to a white residential district and put out of the car. After a 3-block walk, Davis noticed the policeman gathering a crowd of white men around him, apparently attempting to create a hostile mob. A Negro motorist came by and fortunately offered him a life to town. November 2—JACKSON—Fred Goff, white Stanford University (Calif.) student was ordered out of a Negro cafe by police. They told him "It's okay to bi a coke in a negger cafe but not to sit in one. If you want to live with niggers, do it outside of Mississippi." November 2—MORTtN—Two female CORE workers, Lenora Thurmond and Doris Erskine, were canvassing for votes in the unofficial "Freedom Vote" campa here when they were ordered out of town by local police. November 2—YAZOO CITY—George Raymond, Tehodus Hewitt and John Lee Watt, CORE and SNCC workers planning to canvass for votes here were tailed by police officers each place they went. This made their work impossible an they left town with police following for some distance. November 2—ROSEDALE—John Lewis, Chairman of SNCC, Bruce Gordon and Lawrc DiBivort were canvassing here When police stopped them and escorted them c of town. They left here for Cleveland, Miss, where they were stopped by police and told not to be in town after sundown. Theyvere escorted by pol bo Mound Bayou, Miss, where they contacted a.local vote worker and returnc :o Cleveland unmolested.. HDvember 2--BF.L7.«ffiE --Willie Shaw was arrested for "parking too close to a fire hydrant" during his canvassing for "Freedom Votes." His bond was sei at $100 and released. November 2--JACKSON--A "Freedom Vote" worker here canvassing at a footbal] game at the Jackson State College (Negro) was told by police to either stc his activities and sit down or be arrested. Ioyember_2--GREENWOOD--Five "Freedom Vote" workers were arrested here tod: by local police. Jane Sternbridge, Dorothy Higgins, Dick Fry, Willie Earl James and Frank Hirsch had set up a sidewalk voting booth to collect ballc When they began singing Freedom Songs to attract attention to the booth, police ordered them to move on because they were on private property and disturbing the peace. Fry told the officer they were on public property, whereon the five were arrested for blocking the sidewalk and for refusing to obey an officer. Their bond was set at $100 each and they are now in „ Events in Miss., cont. . / 3

November 2—PICAYUNE—-—Three Hattiesburg Negroes and two white Yale University students were canvassing for "Freedom Votes" at a federal housing project here. When they left the housing development, police were waiting for them. The five were taken to the police station for two hours of interrogation. When they returned to their car in the court house parking lot they found it difficult to start. It was discovered Phat there was water in the gas tank. The car was pushed to the nearest service station where work was done to rectify the damage. November 2--GENERAL MISSISSIPPI--Campaign workers in the unofficial oalloting listing Aaron Henry, Negro pharmacist as candidate for Governor oiBrMississippi and the Rev. Edwin King, a white Methodist minister as qandidate for Lieutenant Governor, reported incidents of arrest, detention harrassment and questioning throughout the day and night. Communities reporting such incidents included Belzoni, Leland, Tupelo, Hattiesburg, and many others. - 30 - Freedom Vote for Governor 1072 Lynch St., Jacks»n Miss. tel: 948-0690 Statement on Events in Jackson, Miss. — November 1 and 2, 1963

November 1. Nicolas Bosanquet, Claire Fellow at Yale University, graduate of Cambridge University in England, and a British subject, along with Robert Honeysucker, a Negro senior music major at Tougaloo College, Tougaloo, Miss, were arrested when they attempted to enter a public auditorimm In Jackson to hear a concert given by the Royal Philharmonic Orchestra of London, England. They were told that the concert performance was open only to members of the Jackstn M'asic Association: The two had bought tickets on public sale. The next day, November 2, the two were released on $500 f bond apiece. They are to appear for trial on Monday,, on charges of disturbing the peace. November 2. (app. 12:30 a.m.) While driving to the airport to pick up some rented cars and to see Bob Moses, Campaign manager for the Freedom Vote Campaign, off to Memphis, Tenn., four SNCC workers were stopped by Rankin County police in three patrol cars. After questioning .and releasing Moses, the police told"the four Negro campaign workers to leave. The four were: Charlie Cobb of Springfield, Mass., Langaton Mitchell of New Orleans, La., Jesse Harris of Jackson, Miss., and Ivanhoe •onaldson of New York. When the SNCC workers told the police that they were waiting for some rental papers that had been left i. in Jackson (necessary to rent the cars), the police told them they could either go to jail or leave. Jackson Press Release, page 2 David Dennis, 23-year-old CORE Field Secretary in Jackson, and Michael Sayer, a 22-year-old SNCC worker were bringing the papers out to the airport. They were stopped by the airport police, interrogated for about 20 minutes and threatened with 72 hours in the Brandon jail with charges of trespassing. "The federal government doesn't have any jurisdiction over this air­ port," the police said. On the way back to Jackson, lennis and Sayer spotted the other four SNCC wotekers in a Billups gas station. Cobb and Mitchell and Harris were being forced by police to stand outside the car with th&ir hands on the car for 1 hour and 15 minutes while the' police interrogated, harassed and threatened Ivanhoe Donaldson. Donaldson was asked if whites were better than Negroes, and when he replied "no", the, inter­ rogating officer took out his pistol and rapped him on the knuckles with the butt of the gun. On answering another question, he was again rapped. Finally the officer placed the muzzle of the pistol against Donaldson's temple, cocked it, and said, "Nigger, I think I'm going to kill you right now." At this point another officer interrupted and said "No, you can't kill than nigger now; it's not time." The four were finally released after threats and "warnings."

Returning from Memphis at 4:30 a.m. Bob Moses attempted to call campaign headquarters on four different pay telephones, hearing in the background all four times: "you'd better not call that number again." His return to town was otherwise without incident. Anti-Negro laws which are undeniably unconstitutional have been passed this year. Some instances of the legislatures activities this year are:

JANUARY 15, 1961+... House adopted and sent to the Senate a resolution memorializing Congress to defeat the pending civil rights bill. Rep. C.C. Bullock of Harrison County offered the resolution and said members of the Congress were "bombarded by the insistent voice of the minority" and the state should make its feelings known. The resolution was requested by Ross Barnett in his farewell address. The resolution said: "The passage of this bill further invading the rights of the'states to govern themselves and solve their own problems would do irreparable damage to the already critical race relations, would widen the breech already brought about by efforts to force a social merger of incompatible elements of society, and would give untold Impetus to the strife and turmoil that has torn our nation asunder,.," The resolution was passed unanimously, JANUARY 22, 1964.... Senators approved a bill by Senator Ed Henry of Canton which would allow Madison County to increase its county patrolmen from one to three in the face of expected racial troubles there. The Senate went into a committee of the whole gave a swift approval to the bill presented by Senator Henry which would permit Madison County to increase its county patrol force from one to three men. Henry said that the new patrolmen would be deputed and used to help control expected racial demonstrations in Canton, Mississippi, where Negro intergration leaders recently called for a boycott of white merchants, JANUARY 23, 1964.... Senate gave final approval to House resolution memorializing Congress to defeat the pending civil rights legislation. FEBRUARY 6, 1964 Senators arguer over whether cities should be allowed to im­ pose stiffer penalties on persons who violate their ordinances. Senator Bill Caraway of Leland, had the measure tabled when controversy arose in order to give senators time to prepare amendments. The bill would allow increasing maximum fines from $100.00 to $300 and jail sentences ftfom 30 to 90 days. Caraway said the present limits have "proven inadequate in the difficul­ ties we have had over the state," An apparent reference to racial demonstrations. He said the present system is especially in effective when judges are dealing with repeat offenders. Several senators questioned him about the right to a trial by jury with the stiffer penalties. Caraway said the cities would object to jury trials in city court because of increased ex­ penses. "They could get a jury trial by appealing to county court," he said. As more amendments were suggested, Caraway moved to lay the bill on the table subject to call. FEBRUARY 12, 1964.... The Mississippi Senate rammed through a bill Wednesday, 4-44 making it unlawful for any persons to willfully or maliciously distribute literature calling for trade boycotts.

i Senator Ed. Henry of Canton and others offered the measure with Henry terming it the offspring of meeting with four attorney generals and the judiciary committee. Henry's area of Canton has been hit by civil rights groups calling on Negroes to boycott merchants and businessmen that do not afford Negroes equal opportunity of service, and em­ ployment . Senator W.V. Jones of Waynesboro said he felt the bill was unconstitutional on its face and termed it a "with burning bill." Jones said the bill was an infringement on a person's right to freedom of speech. He said, "we can't be putting a bill on the books which will be knocked out on constitutional grounds." Jones said he was a segregationist, but the boycott bill was, "ambiguous and should not be passed." It was sent to the senate.

FEBRUARY 2$, 1964... Senator Edwin Pittman cf Hattiesburg told his upper house colle- quos Tuesday they should demand investigation of the presence of five Negroes last x^eek at a University of1 Mississippi program. "I hope to find out why the five people were admitted," Pittman said. * He later said he might introduce a resolution calling an in­ vestigation or question University officials when they appear with money requests for the next biennium before the Appropiations Committee. The senate adjourned until after hearing a report from the Muni­ cipalities Committee recommending passage of a bill to give cities the right to enforce any needed police regulations "to restrain movements of individuals under certain circumstances." Backers of the proposal said it would permit enforcement of curfews in racilly troubled times. FEBRUARY 27, 1964.... The Mississippi House of Representatives approved a Senate bill fixing heavy penalties against persons who print or circulate, willfully or maliciously literature designed to interfere with free trade. It passed 74-32 but not before it became involved in a heated debate over proposed amendments to excuse labor jn prisvn-rcr •IwflT maro tha*if six months in the county iail or fining not more than $£00.00 Or both. Rep. Joe Moss of Hinds County introduced bills Thursday to permit state Penitentiary facilities to be used for municipal prisoners. The two-package bill by Moss and other members of the Hinds County delegation came amid reports that civil rights groups would step up activities in Mississippi. MARCH 4, 1964 1 Rep. Thompson of Clay, had SBl£45>> a measure making it unlawful to print literature for boycotts, called up and a motion to reconsider it tabled. The act now goes to the governor for his signature. MARCH 11, 1964.... A bill authored by Rep. Buck Meek of Webster County was approved by the House 72 to 37. Under the bill pa rents of illegitimate children on second offense may be sterilized in liew of prison. In calling up this bill Meek cited that there were 8,647 Ulegtima • noR-white births. The bill was held for reconsideration. A resolution introduced Wednesday in the senate commended Dr. William D. McCain president of the University of Southern Mississippi for upholding the established regulations of the University. McCain Monday, for the fifth time, refused to allow John Frazier a Negro, to enroll at the Hattisburg institution on the grounds that he had failed to submit his application on time. f_F,-U Hi>^ rA^rtA 11 ]

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee

8 1/2 Raymond Street Atlanta, Georgia

me conference started approximately 7:15 p.m. Friday evening in Wilcox annex of Tuskegee Institute. Some 85 students were present, with representation of the following colleges: Tuskegee Inst., Talladega College, Selma CoSege, Alabama State College, Miles Colli Daniel Payne College, and Stillman College and also Sncc staff tion from Hollysprlngs, Miss., Southwest, Ga., and The theme for the conference was How Equality Lovers Participate. The meeting first started off with Freedom songs led by Len trilliam Porter and Wiiliw Peacock. This spiritemirlted SessSessioj n went on for about 40 minutes and seemingly proved to be very fruitful. After the period of singing, George Ware gave the opening address. This young man is a graduate student at Tuskegee Inst, and is President of the Tuskegee Institute Advancement League, (TIAL), which is seemingly the radical or somewhat the more active group of Tuskegee Institute in relation to the Civil Eights movement and also social advancement of students of Tuskegee Inst. George Ware spoke to the facts of what the role of college students in Alabama are also what this particular conference must achieve in order to change the social and economic disenfranchisement of Negroes in the State of Alabama. He stated that, "this conference is the Spring Board for further advancement of students and for Alabama's success toward Freedom". And that iccess will come about and that TIAL is prepared for a radical not only in the State of Alabama and the Nation but also a change in the Megro Bducational Institutions of

It was quite obvious the words Mr. Ware spoke had support of those attending the meeting at that time and that the freedom spirit

iSkSS' lfWS» SMNSPW • effective in his abilities to relate the lyrics of his songs to the movement. Within his songs there was and educational period taking place. He also left challenging ideas la the minds of people from his songs and thusly brought out some of the shyness of people that were present at that time and they too began to express themselves in whatever musical abilities they had. After Lea Chanler finished, Jim Foreman (Executive Sec, for Sncc), was then introduced in the most eloquent way. Jim to explain the purpose of the Conference it could be summed In few words; The conference geared to re-establish a student base the South to develop leadership and more leadership among Negro students and to bring about Megro student in Alabama and all the Nation. He then went on to summarize each days events of the protests in Montgomery starting from Friday Mar. 19, back to Sunday Mar. 14, he gave his summary backwards in which he intended to do. He also explain in the time of his summarising the incidents in Montgomery the many implications of what took place and also hid ideas of what this meant in relation to the local community, the laws of the State and also the laws of the country and what the pro and corns were in the past few days. Jim also made it quite plain to the students that people have a right to picket the State Capitol and that since this right has been denied to the Negro people that we must continue to protest for that right which is protesting for the right to protest la Alabama. Jim further made mention that we are concern with the legacy of 63 years and that however, we must move now. Also he made mention of more history of the Negro in our institutions and that we must get it some how, Jim then gave a brief synopsis of Negro history in Mississippi and how it effected white man and his reactions that brought the Negro back into a more modern slavery. I must agree, that Jim speech was very good and that the students got a whole lot out of the information he presented to them. After the speaking sessions a panel of six persons were brought forth, three college students and the three main participants of that evening of which I just gave a brief report on. Before the discussions took place we had a 10 minute break, it was then a few minutes before 11 o'clock p.m. In some few minutes we started again with the meeting, however; prior to the discussion, we acquired the energy to sing and march around inside the building singing freedom songs. When we finished singing it was then 11:25 p.m. and then proceeded with the panel discussions. I do not have a record of the questions asked however; I can describe in general what some of the questions were. Talladega students wanted to know how they could get a better news media on event of Alabama that were not close to the college. They wanted to know more about the movement in Montgomery and about Sncc. This question was quickly solved by Jim Foreman by letting them know that the Southern Campus Coordinator would have more materials coming into the schools in Alabama. Also students directed questions on what they must do in order to break down the Administrations discipline on participation in the civil rights movement. Also Jim brought up the question of what is the x*sponslblllty of a student to himself when he is admitted to college on the bases that he is the responsibility of the school and that he then is hindered in making decisions for himself and for the governing of his life? This question was answered in many different ways, but I'll sum it up in saying that the general feeling was that students must start asserting individuality and to push for more academic and social freedom and let the administration know that students are ready for a change, also to let the parents who tend to cuddle there sons and daughters to much, that it is time for them to sake decisions for themselves before they get caught up in the hard Society* One young man also made the statement that this movement should not just stop after our college days but that it should continue in our lives and professions and this was taken in by a lot of people.

-2- fe closed the meeting for the night 'by singing We Shall for some 15 minutes and it was then much after 12 o'clock. This phase of the meeting was lovely, I don't feel as though it could nave boon any bettor any where for the first night.

3/20/65

The Mooting was open by the William Porter with some

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l*SO,^*iS»^#^BMS» *•».-^y mMnm Wg^OO* <0wO0*f W^M ^SOOl^pw WOO> WP S^iWf V ^POg *,*iig W ~#t wf TW^OOP 4Mb that the white nan van swing Its education&l institutions to bo satisfied with a good Job a nice homo and a big ear and not began to deal with what they should do in relation to organising their own schools nod then going into the felt that by one going Intinto the community and taking others into too communities it would then enhance the possibilities of bringing about organisation In the schools if MM! when students began to see what the real life was outside the college community. Others felt that they should go into the communities and try to got people to really was and how to use it for the bettorment of the Negro people, Others brought up the question on the voting ago and they felt that should start voting at IS years of ago, seeing how they are eligible to bo drafted into the Army. Some students felt that and that this should bo through out institutional however; this Idea was in the greatest of the minority and the basic feeling was that wo moot educate people to what too vote Io, however there was definite way It should be la relation to the discussion. Toe discussion then drifted into the difference In the educational institution in the North and the South, After long discussion It was felt that Northern Schools were superior to Son thorn Schools and that this was an intentional act on the part of our American Society (Government) to make sure it stay this way In order that the Negro stays in his place. After vent to work shops on the following topics: 1, WHO HAS POWER IN THIS COUNTRY? 2. HOW CAM BECOME ^lALIFIBO: 3, HOW TO HANDLE ADMINISTRATIVE AMD PARENTAL OPPOSITION TO STUDENT PARTICIPATION IN THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT" 4. METHODS OF ORGANIZ­ ING A STUDENT CIVIL RIGHTS GROUP ON A COLLEGE CAMPUS? 5. WHAT CAM STUDENTS DO IN ALABAMA IN THE WEEKS TO COME? 6. METHODS OF DIRECT ACTION HOW EFFECTIVE ARE IfQHVlGLlSiT METHODS? 7, WHAT IS LEADERSHIP? 8. WHT MOST THERE BE CONFLICTS BETWEEN CIVIL RIGHTS This part of the conference I cannot report on due to the fact there was no reports given on each workshop that evening of So I will report on the evening session,

3/20/65 This portion of the session proved to bo very educational and iIt wowaos a hooteheated session, not a session of fighting verbally but a session of argumentiv© rebuttals that cause people to think. Duo to thio good period of educational exchange it was very hard to keep detail facto. Briefly I will describe thio period of the is the voting bill of Alabama* The tone of the mooting was sot siWOk^s* SOJKP w.iio sww 9- TSOIOO* W.IWMBWSJO"* opnPisa OBPIP WW*,SF Wr se«s>***•* ae^P •»*c*o**o we jjswsfo^s tw^^^^S he challenge students in what they had learned about the Americai system and to a groat extent made them see it had taught nothing but to be a good nigger and yon will make it la the white man's society. It also, In discussion brought out to students as they began to wrestle with the question of education that they had really learned nothing but how to be puppets to the system and how America had boon living a lie in relation to what a true Democracy really io and that if the Negro is going to live a*

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After the discussion wo then went to a nn4 to our surprise 'too students who Osl

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Sunday Morning 3/21/65

This portion of too conference was opened by the Mr* Mall and the purpose for the morning meeting WOflW ^0*P ':jjygnOwpWMM^rO'-gb%Fae4Mi*™* «OT*W Wf^Sl*lHg> # Oe*MBF *WP w^O*WF**4g ** feawgPg* w*'***' "^r jL»#»M(P%* OwJk 4* WM" 'SSf long period of discussion to establish a time in April to remoet in a smaller group to discuss a State Student Union of m&to Collegeswmp, HoweverMmwfwtf; the»«wByyr di****d* decidvmrmmvume t*>»o* sewmmmt am communicatiovnmmumu*mim n group wOO^ST iPWw W^P WfS%^Sgij^ wSS^I* OFO^•'OMO*'^p jjjp WS O- 'O mmm$-'.0 m/nwp%ti> m*

i, Ala. i Inst. Ann Anthony/ Box 46

Miles College

riliiaoo/ Footor Hall

Stiilomn College Add/Winsborough Hall

Walter Phillips 6415 Washington Blvd.

1804 Green St. State * Carry Huntsville, Ala. Alabama A & M

The evening seeoloa eon bo considered ao an inspirational and a good closing exercise for our conference which

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OFOPSO 0* SpTaO W'^*F VSOMtOa OOSlF^iF?*a w 'SW1 OSW OP^OSFS ••OO'fS WF-aesOi'ai w#*«fcpp ™S' OFOSMW *)fegP and that only dedicated students with love for their brothers wiWi g|ffiJiiS*«iiOlFW WO lpgg^S*gg* W OFOF* w4wflg- .0 V 'JlpxellO** WO|F*IPW*"F F*j|#j!r wH'**;g#%•» w*»# **F*T» **W W**FOr'Sa to getting every student and teacher involved in this movemont and made It a point that oven though they don't know it that they are already involved. She said, "We moot open avenues of expressions so people will know and act*. She further otatod, "I plead for these United States of America and our Educational Institutions to listen to the Tooth"* Mrs. Reeves wont on to dooorib© too Aooricaa system as a Jungle to the Negro and that she wo can reinterpret the "bring in its true meaning* We of expression for nan hao short out the- resources of the World for the hungry. She then emphasis the following

Wmip PM ApjptiEp' jf. jjj^mWmtipmm W*S*»* %*0^*f A$mgJ%mm -wpwOS^riipT l#.*m A Vgf OWPW W^HPW Vwa^rpg. i*S*#g iipWfg'IpiMaVp O^jAf if America io going to bo better, emphasis the new creativity and that- students must look deep Inside ourselves and the wi to release this creativity io by honesty.,,.not Montgomery and too clans room together. Also the Off1log o student will bring to too movement the deoension of too rational in which yon are trying to do. These and many other thoughts Mrs. ''O*'S T*"^»"w|i FJSTWWONO- WWBT SSWO^O' 0^n•OiOWWSmr, * ^F^W' WOSOWOO ^WF***'^^PSWOOOO ^JFOOO* SMSO'^iy wOwOitH||ffit W#4Mi'%Faa two songe,**..No Mans Land io an Island and Wo Shall Overcome, along with a prayer by the Rev,

I feel that the conference was very.effective to the students and to the staff and that it hwas open op now avenues of thought and creativity to mo In relation to bringing Negro students out of their llthurgy. This can prove to bo very fruitful if Sncc hao a effective pa thio summer for colleges and for following year, I feel that i in the next two months plans should bo made for a oc In the Sooth of all previous conference participants that means all the Southern Stateo. This also the role of the Negro and the role of a Nogro in the present system of the South and to dlsouus what they moot do to change this corrupted system, it will for this movement.

„7*, October 196*4. FRIENDS OF SNCC groups and key fund-raisino contacts

New York City Boston

New York SNCC Office Dottie Zellner 100 Fifth Avenue #803 Boston Friends of SNCC New York, New York 1555 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, Mass, Marion Barry, Director _(617) UN8-0939; UN8-7503 Carita Bernsohn, Special Fund raising Dottie Zellner -(617) 868-8965 YU9-1313 (212) Pam £ merson (617) 625-6768 N.Y. Friends of SNCC Abbie Hoffman (Worcester Friends Steering Committee: 65 Hadwen of SNCC) Worcester, Mass Mike Standard (617) 7514-0769 306 West 1+th St. New York, New York Pennsylvania

Elizabeth Sutherland Hilda Wilson 21 East 92nd St. Philadelphia SNCC office New York 28, New York 5922 Lansdowne Avenue Philadelphia, Pa. Joanne Grant (215) TR7-63I4.9 (office) 392 Central Park West GR7-8314-5 (home) New York, New York Naomi Bernstein Bob Gottlieb 63IO Wissahickon Avenue 630 Fifth Avenue Philadelphia I4.I4, Pa. New York, New York (215) GE8-2891| Julia Prettyman b Clarence Harris 209 W. 97th treet 167 W. Greenwood New York, New York Lansdowne, Pa. (215) CL9-I4.6I4.5 (home) Up-State New York 969-I4.22I4. (office) Rebecca Poller Clare Thomson Capitol District Friends of SNCC King of Prussia Friends of SNCC lli+8 Rugby Road 537 Bob White Terrace Schenectady, New York Wayne, Pa. (518) EX3-1902 Illinois Woody ^erry Up-State New York Regional office Chicago Friends of SNCC 15 Col lege Street 765 E. Oakwood Blvd. #212-3 Hami Hon, New York Chicago ^, Illinois (315) 82i|-2393 (312)'268-5077; 268-5888 Fannie Rushing: (312) FA1+-5323 New Jersey Jimmy Bolton: (312)

Lucia Hatch Sylvia Fischer Princeton Freedom Center 1316 E. Mad is on Wark 170 Wothspoon Street Chicago, Illinois Princeton, New Jersey (312) LI8-6I4.77 (609) 921-28114 (Home) 9214.-2966 (office) Rudy Frank Central Illinois Friends of SNCC Washington, D.C. 801 So. Wright Street Champaign, Illinois Jim Monsonis, director (217) 3l4l4-l|87l+ (office) Washington SNCC office 332-1907 (home) 107 Rhode Island Avenue, NW Washington, D.C. Mrs. Lucy Montgomery (202) 387-7l±i45 (office) 875 Bridlewood" 1+62-7800 XI4.13 (home) Northbrook, Illinois Connecticut (312) CR2-2288

Naomi Lane Dick Phil lips OS tu Jwowe Halnaill Student Nonviolent Freedom Committee 888 Asylum Avenue 136-6 Southern Hills West Hartford, Conne cticut Carbondale, Illinois (618) l|57-2639 page 2 Friends of SNCC and key fund raising contacts, October 1961+

Baltimore, Md. Iowa Grenville Whitman Baltimore Friends of SNCC Diane DuVaul 3506 Cottage Avenue 111 1/2 S. Dubuque Baltimore, Maryland Iowa City, Iowa (319) 338-5062 Ohio Minnesota Roger Abramson Neil Eklund 3969 Rose hi 11 Avenue Minneapolis Friends of SNCC Cincinnati, Ohio 327 3rd Avenue, SE (513) 221-101+9 Minneapolis, Minnesota Cincinnati Friends of SNCC (612) 333-3706 Westminister Foundation 2699 Clifton Avenue Paul Muller Cincinnati 20, Ohio Minnesota Task Force 1+501+ Drew Avenue So. (612) 927-9306 Don Madison 11+86 Atcheson Columbus 3, Ohio Missour i (611+) 258-7586 Joyce Ladner David Lewis St. Louis Friends of SNCC Proiort ^82i+ Cabanne #1 So. Friends of the Mississippi nj° St. Louis 12, Missouri 206 Oakhill Drive Oxford, Ohio Indiana (513) 523-5876 Leo Reese Ken Chamoney 1836-50 Broadway Gary, Indiana 1+61+07 Box 273i *t. 1 Ye 11 ov; Springs, Ohio C-H-a. .ctlcut (add.)

Bob Stripel Marianne Janowitz/New flaven Friends Friends of Mississippi Project 1+1 Barrett St. of SNCC 212 Warfield Hall Hamden, Connecticut Miami University II linois (add.) Oxford, Ohio (513) 523-2161 x 862 Fred Glick 523-5533 (home) North Shore Friends of SNCC 212 Heather land Michigan Wilmette, Illinois Detroit SNCC office Up-State NY (add.) 5705 Woodward Avenue Detroit 2, Michigan Bob Reed (313) 875-73l4i4 106 Parse lis Avenue Rochester, New York Martha Kocel: (313) 883-2162 (716) HU2-01+32 Dorothy Dewberry: DU3-5715 Colorado Wisconsin Jan Phillips, Secy Denver Friends Alicia Kaplow 2390 Birch st. of S NCC Madison Friends of SNCC Denver, Colorado 615 Howard Street (303) 377-7308 Madison, Wisconsin (608) 255-U72 Russ Williams, Ch. Denver Friends of SNCC Mrs. Donald Oleson 912 Galapago 2728 No. Prospect Avenue Denver, Colorado Milwaukee 11, Wis. (1+11+) 962-261+3 Washington Keren Stockham Seattle Friends of SNCC 371+1+ Brooklyn Ave, NE Seattle 5, Washington (206) ME3-1688 page 3 Friends of SNCC and key fund raising contacts, October 1961+

Or e g on California, con't

Rev. Ralph Moore Mrs. Joseph Moore Portland Friends of SNCC Marin Friends of SNCC 1+635 NE Ninth Avenue 11+ LaVerne Portland, Oregon Mill Vailey, California (503) 287-1335 (home) (1+15) DU8-3618 AT2-2776 (church) Mrs. Nellie Gillis Jere Perr y Marin Friends of SNCC Portland Friends of SNCC 323 Melrose Ave. 6207 NE 15th Street Mill Valley, California Portland, Oregon Bay Area Friends of SNCC Cal i fornia 581+ Page Street San Francisco, ^alif. Chuck Irby (1+15) MA6-5129 Sacramento Friends of SNCC 1956 Grand Avenue Mike Miller: (1+15) AT2-6867 (home) Sacramento, Calif. (916) 922-6003 East Bay SNCC office 5929 Grove Street Marilyn Ginn Oakland, California Bakersfield Friends of SNCC (1+15) OL 5-951+5 2600 Courto Street Bakersficld, Calif. Gail Brown: (1+15) TH5-2000 (home) (8o5) 323-8702 Lucy Halpern George Ballis 2620 Dana Street Fresno Friends of SNCC Berkeley 1+, Cal if. 1+79 No. Fresno (1+15) THl-601+9 Fresno, California (219) 268-7778 (home) Mrs. Naomi Lauter AD3-6271+ (paper) 23 Prrsidio Terrace San Francisco, Calif. Mike O'Gorman (SF Friends of SNCC, Secy) Mt. Diablo Friends of SNCC 590 Sunshine Dr. Dot We Her Concord, Cal if. Santa Clara Valley Friends of SNCC 21+6 Eastside Rogre Barkley San Jose 27, calif. San Diego Friends of SNCC (1+08) 251-6372 91+35 St. Andrews Drive Santee, California (711+) 1+1+8-5273 Jimmy Garrett Los Angeles Friends of SNCC 8501 So. San Pedro Los Angeles 3, Calif. (213) 753-7617 750-9239 Fred litis Davis Friends of SNCC 8l5 E. 8th Street Davis, California (916) SK 3-14892 Rev. Robert Senghas Davis Friends of SNCC 827 Linden Lane Davis, California (916) SK3-1+892

Floyd Maxwell Riverside Friends of SNCC 5813 Walter Avenue Riverside, California