UNIVERSITÀ DI ROMA « LA SAPIENZA »

DIPARTIMENTO DI SCIENZE STORICHE ARCHEOLOGICHE ANTROPOLOGICHE DELL’ANTICHITÀ SEZIONE VICINO ORIENTE

QUADERNO V

ana turri gimilli

studi dedicati al Padre Werner R. Mayer, S.J.

da amici e allievi

R O M A 2 0 1 0

VICINO ORIENTE – QUADERNO V

ana turri gimilli studi dedicati al Padre Werner R. Mayer, S.J.

da amici e allievi

a cura di M.G. Biga – M. Liverani

ROMA 2010

VICINO ORIENTE Annuario del Dipartimento di Scienze Storiche Archeologiche e Antropologiche dell’Antichità - Sezione Vicino Oriente I-00185 Roma - Via Palestro, 63

Comitato Scientifico : M.G. Amadasi, A. Archi, M. Liverani, P. Matthiae, L. Nigro, F. Pinnock, L. Sist Redazione : L. Romano, G. Ferrero Copertina : Disegno di L. Romano da Or 75 (2006), Tab. XII La foto di Padre Mayer è di Padre F. Brenk

UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI ROMA «L A SAPIENZA »

SOMMARIO

Presentazione 3 M.G. Amadasi Guzzo - Encore hypothèses à Karatepe 7 L. Barbato - , ’id- e gli šībūtu del Paese del Mare 23 M.G. Biga - War and Peace in the Kingdom of (24 th Century B.C.) in the First Years of Vizier Ibbi-zikir under the Reign of the Last King Išar-damu 39 F. D’Agostino - Due nuovi testi dal datati all’epoca più antica di III 59 P. Dardano - La veste della sera: echi di fraseologia indoeuropea in un rituale ittito-luvio 75 G.F. Del Monte - Su alcune tecniche contabili delle amministrazioni di medio-babilonese 85 F. Di Filippo - Two Tablets from the Vicinity of Emar 105 F.M. Fales - The Jealous Superior (ABL 211) and the Term ýābtu in Neo- Assyrian ‘Everyday’ Texts 117 P. Fronzaroli - Les suffixes éblaïtes de la première personne du duel 129 M. Giorgieri - Osservazioni sull’uso di accad. kubbutu e kubburu in EA 20:64-70 137 M. Liverani - The Pharaoh’s Body in the Amarna Letters 147 P. Mander - The Mesopotamian Exorcist and his Ego 177 M. Marazzi - Pratiche ordaliche nell’Anatolia hittita 197 G. Marchesi - The and the Early History of 231 L. Mori - The Gates at Emar. Reconsidering the Use of the Sumerograms KÁ.GAL and KÁ in Tablets found at Meskené Qadime 249 P. Notizia - Ðulibar, Du ðdu ð(u)NI e la frontiera orientale 269 F. Pomponio - Assiriologia e letteratura poliziesca: rapporti tra due nobili avventure intellettuali 293 M. Ramazzotti - Ideografia ed estetica della statuaria Mesopotamica del III millennio a.C. 309 D.F. Rosa - Middle Assyrian gin ā’ū Offerings Lists: Geographical Implications 327 M. Salvini - Contributo alla ricostruzione del monumento epigrafico degli Annali di Sarduri II, re d’ 343

C. Saporetti - Qualche nota dai testi di E šnunna 353 S. Seminara - ‘Uno scriba che non conosca il Sumerico, come potrà tradurre?’ I Proverbi bilingui: fra traduzione e reinterpretazione 369 C. Simonetti - Note in margine ad alienazioni immobiliari d’età paleo- babilonese 375 G. Torri - The Scribal School of the Lower City of Hattu ša and the Beginning of the Career of Anuwanza, Court Dignitary and of Nerik 383 L. Verderame - Un nuovo documento di compravendita neo-sumerico 397 P. Xella - Su alcuni termini fenici concernenti la tessitura (Materiali per il lessico fenicio - IV ) 417

[Quaderni di Vicino Oriente V (2010), pp. 231-248]

THE SUMERIAN KING LIST AND THE EARLY

Gianni Marchesi - Bologna ∗

Of course, there is no such thing as a Sumerian king list. The text usually referred to as the Sumerian King List (hereafter SKL) is a composition half- way between a literary text and a list proper, which deals with the history of kingship in from the beginning of time to the early centuries of the second millennium BC1. In fact, the native original of this composition was simply, after its first word, nam-, ‘Kingship’ 2. ki nam-lugal an-ta e 11 -da- / kiši lugal-àm / kiši -a ÆIŠ.ÙR-e / mu 600×3+60×6 ì-na, ‘When kingship came down from , (the city of) Kiš was sovereign; in Kiš, Æušur exercised (kingship) for 2,160 years’. So begins the oldest extant manuscript of SKL, which dates to the time of Sulgi(r) (= ‘Šulgi’)3. Later compilers might have felt uncomfortable with

∗ The present paper originates from my PhD dissertation at Harvard University. I have greatly benefited from the help of several people. Piotr Steinkeller, my advisor at Harvard, put his photos of the Ur III version of the Sumerian King List at my disposal; Andrew George generously shared with his unpublished copies of MS 3175 and MS 3429 (two new manuscripts of the Sumerian King List in the Schøyen Collection); Jacob Klein kindly sent me his copy and transliteration of the exemplar in the Brockmon Collection before its publication; Yoram Cohen, Jeremiah Peterson and Aage Westenholz provided photographs of other manuscripts. I am most grateful to all of them. My thanks are due to Glenn Magid for revising my English. This study was made possible by a research grant from the Department of of the University of Bologna. 1 Cf. most recently Glassner 2004, 55-70. The editio princeps is still that by Jacobsen (1939). The most complete manuscript of SKL – W(eld-)B(lundell) (1923.)444 (= OECT 2, pls. I-IV) – has been re-edited by Glassner (2004, 117-127). An electronic transliteration and translation of a composite text, based on Old Babylonian sources, is also available on the website of the Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian (ETCSL 2.1.1). For an Ur III forerunner, which differs in many respects from the various Old Babylonian recensions, see Steinkeller 2003 (also cf. the remarks by Glassner 2005b). In the references to SKL, the line numbering of the ETCSL online version is followed here (unless reference is made to a specific manuscript). 2 See Kramer 1961, 171 line 25, 174 ad loc. 3 See Steinkeller 2003.

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such an incipit, and with the prominence accorded to Kiš. They provided a new beginning to the composition by devising a prior descent of kingship in the Sumerian city of (g). A pre-existing separate tradition concerning kings who reigned before the Flood supplied them with the raw material for reconstructing an era of sovereigns with millennium-long reigns 4. According to the redacted tradition, the Deluge came and swept everything away, putting an end to this primordial age. Kingship came down from heaven again. The northern (and non-Sumerian) city of Kiš was selected this time. In the original version, however, it is likely that Kiš was recorded as the first seat of kingship. In that city a certain Æušur (‘Tree-Trunk’?) reigned for hundreds and hundreds of years 5. There follows an enumeration of similarly long-lived kings of Kiš with their respective regnal years 6, until the city was defeated and kingship was transferred to , or rather to E ƒana(k), the sacred precinct of Uruk – the city of Uruk proper having not yet been founded. Various kings succeeded one another in E ƒana(k)/Uruk in the exercise of kingship. Then Uruk was defeated and kingship moved to another city. The same story is repeated many times; according to SKL, kingship continued to shift from one city to another. In this narrative framework, all the rulers who allegedly held sovereignty over the whole of

4 Cf. Jacobsen 1939, 55-68; Finkelstein 1963; Hallo 1963; idem 1970, 61-66; Civil 1969a, 139; Lambert - Millard 1969, 15-18; Glassner 2004, 56-58, 108-109; Friberg 2007, 236- 241; Peterson 2008. It is also possible, however, that the addition of the antediluvian section to SKL was not motivated by any particular political or ideological bias, but rather by the desire of some ancient scholar to combine and reconcile different traditions. 5 For Æušur, see also Frayne - George 1990. Note the variant lú-ÆIŠ.ÙR-ra in MS 3175 rev. i 9 ′ (collation courtesy of Andrew George). 6 There is some uncertainty concerning the of the immediate successors of Æušur. The of the second king of Kiš is variously written ku -la -zi -na -be -el (BT 14 i 6 [Klein 2008, 89]; PBS 13, 2 i 3 ′), kul -la -zi -na -bé -el (MS 3175 rev. i 11 ′), gul -la -zi !{-an }- na -‹be ›-el (OECT 2, pl. I: WB 444 i 46; cf. Civil 1969b), […]-na -i-be <-el > (Scheil 1934, 160 frag. A i ′ 4′) and ‘ ‹x(-x)-la ?›-na -bi -ir ’ (Steinkeller 2003, 269 i 5). The first four spellings are undoubtedly writings of the name Kullassina(i)bêl, ‘He-Rules-over-All-of- Them’ (cf. Hallo 1963, 52). This name is the re-interpretation of a corrupted original name, which I would reconstruct as [ ku -u]l-‹la ›-na -bi -ir (cf. photo in Steinkeller 2003, 289; the identification of the second sign as UL is also supported by a collation by Renee Kovacs), i.e. , /kulla-nawir/, ‘Kulla-Is-Shining’ (cf. ibidem , 277 ad loc. ). As regards the name of the third king of Kiš, previously read ‘Nangišlišma’ (Jacobsen 1939, 78 note 44; Hallo 1963, 53), the unpublished manuscript MS 3175 rev. i 13 ′ gives it as na -an -zi -iz - - dar -ku . The same spelling probably also occurs in BT 14 i 8 (collated from a cast in the University Museum; cf. Klein 2008, 89). Other sources bear the variants [ n]a-‹zíl ›-zíl -tar - ku -um (Steinkeller 2003, 269 i 7; cf. photo, ibidem , p. 289), na -an -iz -li -‹dar ›-ku (PBS 13, 2; collated) and […]-li -tar -ku (Scheil 1934, 160 frag. A i ′ 6′).

232 The Sumerian King List and the Early History of Mesopotamia

Babylonia are listed one after the other uninterruptedly, except for one break – a time of political confusion and anarchy, during which it was not clear who the king was 7. Apart from this, SKL provides us with an unbroken sequence of kings who exercised kingship. Some of them ruled for hundreds, or even thousands, of years; others ruled for more ‘human’ periods of time. Legendary kings of the distant past are followed by kings known from historical sources. Some manuscripts add short biographical notes about particularly remarkable figures. Thus, for instance, we are told that certain personages, before becoming king, were either a shepherd, a fisherman, a smith, a fuller, a boatman, a leatherworker, a low-ranking , etc .8. Even a female tavern-keeper seems to have exercised kingship, and not for a short time 9. Other notes refer to ‘historical’ events, such as a successful military raid or the foundation of a city 10 . Elements from anecdotal literature and fragments of historical traditions found their way into SKL 11 . Some quite obscure and legends, probably transmitted only orally, are also alluded to 12 . SKL, therefore, is not simply a list of kings and : it is a complex and composite literary work with a long redactional history. The most ancient source is from Ur III, but we have several clues to the existence of an earlier version dating back to the Sargonic period 13 , and possibly written in the 14 . Clearly SKL underwent a number of changes over the course of time. Some of these changes were accidental, due simply to errors and lack of accuracy in the transmission process. Others were the result of deliberate manipulations or the interpolations of other textual sources 15 . Although the circumstances under which SKL was created are still unknown, it is probable that SKL originally served to legitimize, in some

7 SKL 284-289. Cf. Steinkeller 2003, 272 iv 26 ′ - v 4 ′, 275, 280 ad iv 29 ′. 8 Cf. Jacobsen 1939, 142-143; Vincente 1995, 259-260. 9 See Appendix below. 10 See ibidem . 11 Cf. Jacobsen 1939, 142-147; Wilcke 1988, 122-126. 12 Such as a lost about animal kings (cf. Wilcke 1989, 567); the story of the first king of Uruk, Meski ƒaæ-the-Mighty, who ‘entered the see and went up to the mountain ranges’ (see Appendix below); the legend of the birth of Gilgameš (see ibidem ). 13 Cf. Wilcke 2001, 108-115; Steinkeller 2003, 281-283; Glassner 2004, 95-96; idem 2005a. 14 Traces of an older (?) Akkadian version of SKL or at least evidence that it originated in an Akkadian-speaking milieu are found in the oldest preserved manuscript: cf. Steinkeller 2003, 272 iv 26 ′-29 ′, 279 ad iv 26 ′-27 ′, 280 ad iv 29 ′. 15 Cf. Steinkeller 2003, 283-286.

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manner, the domination of the kings of over the whole of Babylonia. In point of fact, SKL anachronistically and fictionally projects the political situation of the Sargonic period – when the entire land of and Akkad was for the first time unified – into the distant past. At any one time, SKL argues, there was only one legitimate seat of kingship and only one legitimate king, whose authority extended over the entire country. So it has been from time immemorial. Such is the leitmotif of SKL. Of course, the political reality of the region before the advent of the Akkadian was actually quite different. Early Dynastic Babylonia was subdivided into several territorial political entities – the so-called city-states – each with its own political leader, whether he was styled , lugal or ‘énsi’ 16 . However, historic reality is not what SKL is concerned with. Once it became a traditional authoritative text, it is likely that SKL was utilized again and again by later Babylonian sovereigns, or by political circles close to them, for their own ideological and political purposes 17 . Finally, the addition of biographical notes to SKL might reflect a genuine interest in history and indicate, moreover, that a shift was underway in the very uses of the King List from the primarily political/ideological to the historiographical 18 . Therefore, SKL is a document of exceptional interest: it provides us with a unique reconstruction of the history of early Babylonia by the Babylonians themselves. The absence of any theological speculation in SKL is also noteworthy, and unique in . No deity plays a role in the numerous dynastic changes that are related in SKL: kingship is transferred from city to city as a consequence of military events only 19 . The sole divine entity in SKL is kingship itself, which, by virtue of its descending from heaven, was conceptualized as a divine institution. On the other hand, the history told by SKL is largely fictional and mythical in character. Though acknowledging this fact, scholars in the past have relied heavily on SKL data for reconstructing the dynasties and chronology of third millennium Mesopotamia 20 . The most strenuous

16 Cf. Marchesi 2006b, 220-229. 17 Cf. Jacobsen 1939, 137-141; Kraus 1952, 46-49; Michalowski 1983; Wilcke 1989; idem 2001, 100-116; Vincente 1995, 267-268; Steinkeller 2003, 283-286; Glassner 2004, 96- 110. Such ‘political’ uses are, however, denied by Westenholz (1999, 27), who remarks that ‘none of the kings who supposedly commissioned the work ever referred to it, however obliquely, in justification of their rule’ (cf. also Steiner 1992). 18 Cf. Steinkeller 2003, 286. Such notes are totally absent in the Ur III version of SKL. 19 Cf. Cooper 1983, 29. 20 See, for example, most recently Frayne 2008, 5-6, 18, 35-36, 38, 50-53, 295, 297, 377- 378, 410.

234 The Sumerian King List and the Early History of Mesopotamia

defender of the historical value of the information that SKL provides was its editor, 21 . Jacobsen was of the opinion that, even though the arrangement of SKL and the succession of the various dynasties is ‘a later construction of no significance’, the actual materials from which it was built up ( i.e. , names of kings, reign lengths, etc .) represent ‘a historical source of high value, from which only some exaggerated reigns occurring with the earliest rulers should be segregated’22 . Jacobsen’s belief in the general historical veracity of SKL led him to arbitrarily emend the text or restore broken portions of it with the names of kings known from historical sources 23 , and to suggest unlikely ad hoc readings for some of the royal names in SKL in order to approximate the names of known historical sovereigns. So, for instance, Jacobsen reconstructed the badly preserved name of the penultimate king of the i- ni -ib Second Dynasty of Kiš in WB 444 iv 31 as ‘ enbi -eš 4-‹tár ›’ and identified 24 it with en -bí -aš 11 -dar (= ‚Inbi ‚aštar) , the name of the Pre-Sargonic king of Kiš who was defeated and taken prisoner by Enšagkušu ƒanak, king of Uruk 25 . However, WB 444 iv 31 actually reads i-bi -‹x.x.x › and an unpublished duplicate has i-bí -.Z[U] (= Ibbisuy –n/Ibbisîn) instead 26 . As Jacobsen had done, so did other scholars. Geller wanted to recognize the names of NI-zi and Śaƒūmum – respectively a ‘king’ (LUGAL) and a ‘lord’ (EN) of Mari who are known from the Ebla archives – in the section of SKL that deals with a Pre-Sargonic dynasty of Mari 27 . Accordingly, he read ‘‹ná ›-zi ’ and ‘[s]a-ƒu-me ’ in two manuscripts of SKL (PBS 13, 1 v 12 and WB 444 v 29, respectively). However, the former reading, though possible epigraphically, is unlikely 28 , and the latter is incorrect 29 . Equally ? ? unlikely is Klein’s tentative restoration ‘lugal-ki-‹ni ›-š[è -du 7-du 7]’ (one of the various spelling of the name of a well-known Early Dynastic king of

21 Cf. Jacobsen 1939, 165-190. 22 Ibidem , 167. Also cf. Klein 1991, 127 note 20. 23 See Jacobsen 1939, 92-95 iii 41 a -41 c, 100-101 iv 47 a - v 7. 24 Ibidem , 96 with note 159, and 169. 25 Cf. Steible 1982, 293-294 Enšak. 1; Frayne 2008, 430 E1.14.17.1. 26 MS 3429 ii 6 ′. 27 Geller 1987, 144-145. 28 Cf. Michalowski 1992, 248; Vincente 1995, 258 ad ii 25 ′. 29 ? ? WB 444 v 29 (OECT 2, pl. III) reads: [li -im ]-er gudu 4 mu 10×3 ì-ak (collated from photograph; cf. Vincente 1995, 242 ii 28 ′; and ibidem , 258-260).

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Uruk) in BT 14 v 8 ′30 : the preserved traces of the sign after KI rules out the possibility that this was NI, and there are no traces of ŠÈ 31 . Very few of the Pre-Sargonic royal names mentioned in SKL are actually attested in sources from the Early Dynastic period. In fact, are only seven that do 32 :

Enmeparagêsi aka Meparagêsi of Kiš 33 SKL 83 Pabilgames (‘Gilgameš’) of Uruk 34 SKL 112 Mes ƒanepadda of Ur SKL 135 Meski ƒaænuna(k) aka Mesnuneki ƒaæ of Ur 35 SKL 137 aka Elili of Ur 36 SKL 141

30 Klein 2008, 83. 31 Cf. Klein 2008, 89 (copy) and 91 (photo). Another manuscript of SKL, Ni. 9712b (Kramer 1976, pl. 125), reads, at this point, lugal-uraš-e (col. iii ′ 4′). 32 Note: 1) the identification of Nanne (SKL 193) with Aya ƒanepadda, king of Ur (cf. Gadd 1925, 25-26; Jacobsen 1939, 93 note 145), has no real grounds; 2) the alleged inscriptions of two kings of Akšak - Uædalulu (SKL 234) and Ur ƒur (SKL 235) - which were reported to have been found at ‚Umar, ancient Seleucia (Waterman apud Barton 1928, 18; Waterman 1931, 6), turned out to not exist (see Barnett 1963, 19 note 90); 3) the attribution of a mace-head inscription from Ur to king ‘Anbu/Ansud/Ilšu/Ilum-pû’ of Mari (SKL 211; cf. Burrows 1934, 322; Jacobsen 1939, 103 with note 189; Sollberger - Kupper 1971, 88 note 1 to IG1a; Kupper 1976-80; Steible 1982, 286 AnUr 13; Cooper 1986, 86 1.1; Vincente 1995, 257 ad ii 24 ′; Frayne 2008, 300-301 E1.10.1.2) is incorrect: the inscription in question, in fact, reads: dutu / ŠEŠ. ‹KI ›.[N]A / ‹mu ›[-gub] (or: [a] ‹mu ›[- ru]), ‘ŠEŠ.KI.NA [set up] (this mace) for ’ (or: ‘… [presented] to Utu’) (Woolley 1934, pl. 183c; for the PN ŠEŠ.KI.NA, see Pomponio 1987, 226-227; Gelb et alii 1991, 177; etc.). 33 Cf. Edzard 1959. As suggested by Edzard, it is quite possible that the name Enmeparagêsi, which is usually written en-me-para 10 -ge (4) (-e)-si (cf. Klein 1991, 126 note 12; Oelsner 2003, 213 lines 1 and 3; Steinkeller 2003, 270 ii 7 and 9), stems from the misinterpretation of an original *en me-para 10 -ge-si, ‘lord Meparagêsi’. For a dissenting opinion, cf. Michalowski 2003. According to Michalowski, en-ME-para 10 -ge (4) (-e)-si was a fictitious name to be read ‘Enishibbaragesi’. However, note the variant spelling an-mi- para 10 -ge-sa 6 in an unpublished text from Meturan (quoted by Cavigneaux - al-Rawi 1993, 93), which supports a reading of the sign ME as me, rather than išib. 34 For Pabilgames as the original form of Gilgameš’s name, cf. A. George 2003, 71-74; and Marchesi 2004, 195-197. The PN pabilga x(‘ ÆIŠ’.PAP.NE)-utu-pàd-da (‘Pabilgames-Is- the-Chosen-One-of-Utu’) in UET 2, 281 ii 5 points to the historicity of the king of Uruk (cf. Marchesi 2004, 195-197). 35 Cf. Marchesi 2004, 168 note 97. 36 Cf. ibidem .

236 The Sumerian King List and the Early History of Mesopotamia

Enkušuša ƒana(k) 37 aka Enšagkušu ƒanak of Uruk 38 SKL 186 Lugalzagêsi of Uruk SKL 259

The great majority of the Pre-Sargonic rulers listed in SKL are not attested in Early Dynastic texts and their names do not even occur in the Sumerian and Akkadian onomasticon of the third millennium BC 39 . These facts alone are quite telling about the historical reliability of SKL. Moreover, the durations of the reigns attributed to the few kings who do occur in Early Dynastic sources are either wholly unrealistic, or clearly artificial (round figures, multiples of six, etc .):

37 This name, written en-PIRI Æ.DU-an-na, is traditionally read ‘en-šákan-ša 4-an-na’. However, it should be noted that šákan is a value of the sign ÆÌR, not of PIRI Æ (in the Old Babylonian period, the two signs, ÆÌR and PIRI Æ, have not yet merged). An alternative reading en-kušu x-ša 4-an-na is suggested by the variant spelling en-kušu-ša 4- an-na in BT 14 v 6 ′ (Klein 2008, 89). For the value kušu x of PIRI Æ, cf. Alster 1990, 80 ad TIM IX 20:5. Note also the further variant [en]-kušu x-šà-an-‹na ›, in the Leilan recension of SKL (Vincente 1995, 241 and 244 ii 16 ′). 38 Written en-šag 4-KÚŠ-an-na. Note that šag4-KÚŠ is an Early Dynastic spelling for ù šag 4/šà-KÚŠ.Ù(= kušu x ). 39 This is true of Alulima(k) (SKL 3), Alal æar (SKL 5), Enmenlu ƒana(k) (SKL 11), Enmengal ƒana(k) (SKL 13), Dumuzi(d) (SKL 15 and 109), Ensipa(d)zi(d) ƒana(k) (SKL 20), Enmendur ƒana(k)/Enmendurƒankî(k) (SKL 26), Uburtutu (SKL 32), Æušur (SKL 43; Steinkeller 2003, 269 i 3; cf. note 5 above), Kullassina(i)bêl/Kullanawir* (?) (SKL 46; Steinkeller 2003, 269 i 5*; cf. note 6 above), Nanzizlidarku/Nazizziltarkum* (SKL 48; Steinkeller 2003, 269 i 7*; cf. note 6 above), Entara ðƒ ana(k) (SKL 50; Steinkeller 2003, 270 i 9), Babum (SKL 52; Steinkeller 2003, 270 i 11), P ūƒan(n)um (SKL 54; Steinkeller 2003, 270 i 13), Zuqaq īp (SKL 58), Atabba (SKL 60), (SKL 64), Bali ð/P āli ð (?) (SKL 68), Enmenuna(k) (SKL 71; Steinkeller 2003, 270 ii 1), Melamkišî(k) (SKL 72), Barsalnuna(k) (SKL 74; Steinkeller 2003, 270 ii 3), Z(/S)amug (SKL 76), Ilqû/Ilta śadûm/Ilqe śadûm* (SKL 80-81; Steinkeller 2003, 270 ii 5*, 277 ad loc. ), Meski ƒaæ(gašer) (SKL 96), (SKL 102), Udulkalama(k) (SKL 119), Ennuntara ðƒ ana(k) (SKL 124), Mes ðe (?) (SKL 126), Melam ƒana(k) (SKL 127), Lugal- KI.TÙN (SKL 129), Kiši ƒišk(/q)issu (Steinkeller 2003, 270 ii 11 = SKL 160), Dadase(LUM*) (SKL 163; Steinkeller 2003, 270 ii 13*), Mamagal (SKL 164; Steinkeller 2003, 270 ii 15), TÚG-e (SKL 169) Mennuna(k) (SKL 170), Ðadaniš (SKL 179), Lugal ƒuraše (SKL 188), Argande ƒa (SKL 189), Meski ƒaænannâ(k) (SKL 196), Lugal ƒanemundu (SKL 205), Lim ‚er (SKL 217), Śarrum īṭer (SKL 218), U æzi(g) (SKL 232) U ædalulu (SKL 234), Zimudar (SKL 250; Steinkeller 2003, 271 iii 6), U ñiwatar (SKL 251).

237 Gianni Marchesi

Enmeparagêsi of Kiš 900 years Pabilgames (‘Gilgameš’) of Uruk 126 years Mes ƒanepadda of Ur 80 years Meski ƒaænuna(k) of Ur 30/36 years Elulu of Ur 25 years Enkušuša ƒana(k) of Uruk 60 years Lugalzagêsi of Uruk 25 years

In view of these facts it is clear that SKL has a little to offer us in reconstructing the historical chronology of the Early Dynastic period. Any such reconstruction should be based on Early Dynastic sources only. The picture that emerges when we do rely exclusively on such sources is, of course, dramatically different from that presented by SKL 40 .

APPENDIX : HISTORICAL NOTES IN SKL

a) b) c) 1) e-ta -na sipa lú an-šè / ba-e11 -da / lú kur-kur mu-un-ge-na / d) lugal-àm, ‘Etana, the shepherd, the one who ascended to heaven 41 , the one who stabilized all the lands, became king’ (SKL 64-67) 42 .

a: WB 444 ii 16; PBS 5, 2 i 13 ′-14 ′; PBS 5, 3 i 13 ′-14 ′ ( ‹e›-ta -na sipa / [lú] ‹an-šè ›); PBS 5, 5 i 12 ′. The recension has ‹e›-da - na , in the place of e-ta -na (Scheil 1934, 150 i 12′), and an-še for an-šè ( ibidem , line 13 ′). b: PBS 5, 3 i 14 ′ ( ‹ba-e11 ›-da). WB 444 ii 17 has ba-e11 -dè instead. Other manuscripts: ba-e11 -‹x› (Scheil 1935, 150 i 13 ′); ì-ib-e11 -da (PBS 5, 2 i 14 ′; collated); ‹íb-x›-[…] (PBS 5, 5 i 12 ′). c: WB 444 ii 18. Other manuscripts have: lú kur-kur{-ra} mu-un- ge/ge 4*-na (PBS 5, 2 i 15 ′; Scheil 1934, 150 i 14 ′*); or: [… mu-un- ge]-né (PBS 5, 3 i 15 ′). d: WB 444 ii 19. Omitted in PBS 5, 2 (Nippur recension A) and in the Susa recension (Scheil 1934, 150).

40 Cf. Marchesi 2010, tables 1-2. 41 This note clearly refers to the well-known legend of Etana (cf. Kinnier Wilson 1985; Alster 1989; Steinkeller 1992, 248-255; Selz 1998). 42 Cf. Alster 2005, 302 line 10 (‘Ballade of Early Rulers’) and the omen BRM 4, 13:33 (quoted by Selz 1998, 154) – both of which derive from this passage of SKL.

238 The Sumerian King List and the Early History of Mesopotamia

? 1a) [e-ta -na sipa lú an-šè] ‹ba ›-a[n-e11 ]-dè / [lugal k]ur-kur-ra, ‘[Etana, a shepherd, the one] who [ascend]ed [to heaven], [the sovereign ] of all the lands (?)’, (ruled for x years) (Leilan recension: Vincente 1995, 244 i 7 ′-8′)43 .

a) b) ki c) æeš 2) en-me-para 10 -ge-si / lú ma-da -ma / tukul-bé íb-ta-an- ðaš !(GAM)<-a> 44 / d) lugal-àm, ‘Enmeparagêsi, the one broke the weapons of the land of Elam 45 , became king’ (SKL 83- 86) 46 .

a: PBS 5, 5 i 22 ′ ( ‹en ›-me-para 10 -ge-si). Other manuscripts have the variants en-me-[para 10 -ge 4]-e-si (BT 14 ii 13 [Klein 2008, 89]) and en-me{-en}-para 10 -ge-si (WB 444 ii 35). b: WB 444 ii 36; PBS 5, 5 i 22 ′ (lú ‹ma ›-da el[am ki -m]a). BT 14 ii 14 (Klein 2008, 89) seems to have the variant [ela]m ‹ki -da › or [ela]m ‹ki -ta › (cf. Klein 2008, 86 ad loc. ). c: WB 444 ii 37 (collated by J. Dahl); PBS 5, 3 ii ′ 1 ′ ( ÿeš ‹tukul ›-bé ‹íb-ta ›-[…]). d: WB 444 ii 38. Possibly omitted in BT 14 + PBS 5, 3 (Nippur recension B; cf. Klein 2008, 81 ii 16).

2a) [en-me-para 10 -ge]-si lú ma-da lú [el]am-ma / tukul-b[é …], ‘[Enmeparagê]si, the one [who broke] the weapons of the land of the [El]amites’, (ruled for x years) (Leilan recension: Vincente 1995, 244 i 17 ′).

43 Cf. Vincente 1995, 240 and 247. 44 Although WB 444, the only source available for the final part of this line, has GAM, the similar sign TAR (with the value ðaš) is, however, expected here (cf. the following note). As far as I know, GAM is never used in conjunction with æeš tukul. 45 Cf. Frayne 1990, 175 E4.2.9.13 lines 24-25: æeš tukul lú érim-ma-na / íb-ta-an-ðaš-a-ta, ‘After he had broken the weapons of his enemy’; ibidem , 124 E4.2.6.1 lines 22-23: æeš tukul-né ðé-eb-ta-ðaš-e, ‘may (the god Nin æirsû(k)) break his weapon(s)’; Šulgi B 47 æeš (ETCSL 2.4.2.02): tukul igi-nim-ma du 10 -æá bí-ðaš, ‘I broke the weapons of the highlands over my knees’; etc . 46 This note is not present in the Susa recension (cf. Scheil 1934, 160 frag. A ii ′ 2 ′-3′).

239 Gianni Marchesi

3) a) é-an-na- / b) mes-ki-áæ-ga-še-er / c) dumu dutu en-àm / d) lugal-àm, ‘In the E ƒana(k), Meski ƒaæ-the-Mighty 47 , son of the Sun-god, became the en -priest (of In ƒana(k)) and became king’ (SKL 95-98).

a: WB 444 ii 47; PBS 5, 2 ii 4 ′; Wilcke 1987, 90 ii 4 ([…]-ka); Vincente 1995, 244 i 22 ′ ([…]-‹x-ka ›). b: WB 444 iii 1 ([mes-ki]-áæ-ga-[še-er]); Wilcke 1987, 90 ii 5 ([mes-ki-á] æ?-[ga-še]-er); Vincente 1995, 244 i 22 ′ (mes-ki-áæ-[ga- š]e-er). PBS 5, 2 ii 5 ′ has mes-ki-in-ga-še-er instead. c: WB 444 iii 2 ([dumu] dutu en-à[m]); PBS 5, 2 ii 6 ′-7′; Wilcke 1987, 90 ii 6 ([…-à]m ?); Vincente 1995, 244 i 22 ′ (dumu ‹d›[utu] ‹en ›-àm). d: WB 444 iii 3 ([lugal]-àm); PBS 5, 2 ii 8 ′; Wilcke 1987, 90 ii 7 ([]gal-à[m]). Expected (cf. Vincente 1995, 247 ad i 7 ′-8′), but apparently omitted in the Leilan recension (cf. Vincente’s copy, on p. 244, col. i 22 ′-23 ′).

a) b) c) 4) mes-ki-áæ-ga-še-er / ab-ba ba-an-ku 4 / ður-sa æ-šè ba-e11 , ‘Meski ƒaæ-the-Mighty entered the sea and went up to the mountain ranges’ (SKL 99-101) 48 .

a: WB 444 iii 4 ([mes]-ki-áæ-ga-[še-er]); Wilcke 1987, 90 ii 8 ([mes-ki-áæ?-g]a-še-er); Vincente 1995, 244 i 24 ′. PBS 5, 2 ii 10 ′ has mes-ki-in-ga-še-er instead. b: WB 444 iii 5; PBS 5, 2 ii 11 ′ ( ‹ab-ba › ba-an-ku 4); Wilcke 1987, 90 ii 9 ([…]-k[u 4]); Vincente 1995, 244 i 24 ′. c: WB 444 iii 6. Other manuscripts have the variants ba- ? ‹a ›(possibly erased)-e11 (PBS 5, 2 ii 12 ′), [ba-a]n-‹e11 › (Wilcke 1987, 90 ii 10) and ba-an-‹e11 ›-dè (Vincente 1995, 244 i 24 ′).

5) en-me-kár dumu mes-ki-á[ æ-ga-še-er] / lugal unug ki -ga lú un[ug ki ] / mu-un-dù-a / lugal-àm, ‘Enmerkar, the son of Meski ƒa[ æ-the- Mighty], the king of Uruk, the one who built Ur[uk], became king’ (WB 444 iii 7-10 = SKL 102-105).

5a) en-me-er-kár / dumu mes-ki-in-ga-še-er / lugal unug ki -ga / lú unug ki / mu-un-da-dù-a / lugal-àm, ‘Enmerkar, the son of Meski ƒaæ-the-

47 Lit. ‘Meski ƒaæ – He Is Mighty’ (cf. Edzard 1993-97). 48 For a different interpretation, cf. Glassner 2004, 121 and 151.

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Mighty, the king of Uruk, the one under whom Uruk was built, became king’ (Nippur recension A: Ni. 9712a i ′ 2 ′-7′ [Kramer 1976, pl. 125]; PBS 5, 2 ii 13 ′-17 ′49 ).

ki 5b) en-me-kár dumu mes-ki-áæ-ga-še-er-‹ra ›-ke 4 lú unug {-ga} / mu- un-dù-a, ‘Enmerkar, son of Meski ƒaæ-the-Mighty, the one who built Uruk’, (ruled for x years) (Leilan recension: Vincente 1995, 244 i 25 ′-26 ′).

a)d b) ki ki 6) dumu-zi šu-ðad x(PEŠ) / eri -né ku 6-a , ‘Dumuzi(d), a fisherman, whose city (of birth) was K ūƒar’, (ruled for x years) (SKL 109-110) 50 .

a: WB 444 iii 14; PBS 5, 2 ii 21 ′. The Leilan recension has šu-ða, instead of šu-ðad x (Vincente 1995, 245 lower edge i 1), while BT 14 reads, at this point, dumu-zi šu-ða/[ ð]ad x (Klein 2008, 89 iii 6) 51 . b: WB 444 iii 15; PBS 5, 2 ii 22 ′; Vincente 1995, 245 lower edge i 1. BT 14 iii 6 (Klein 2008, 89) has eri-‹né ›, instead of eri ki -né.

a)d ga b) c) 7) ÆIŠ.BIL -mes / ab-ba-né líl-lá / en kul-ab-ba-ke 4, ‘Gilgameš, whose father was a ghost 52 , the lord of Kul ƒāb(a)’, (ruled for x years) (SKL 112-114).

a: WB 444 iii 17. PBS 5, 2 ii 24 ′ has the spelling variant dÆIŠ.BÍL ga -[mes], which may also occur in the Susa recension (cf. Scheil 1934, 150 ii 7 ′). b: WB 444 iii 18; PBS 5, 2 ii 25 ′. Scheil 1934, 150 ii 8 ′ has ab-né […] instead. c: WB 444 iii 19. Other manuscripts bear the variants KUL.UNU[G …] (PBS 5, 2 ii 26 ′) and k[ul]-la-ba-ke 4 (Vincente 1995: 245 lower edge i 2).

(sic!) d 7a) ‹šu › en-me-‹para 10 -ge 4-e-si-ta › / nam-ra ‹AK › / ÆIŠ. ‹BIL/ ga ki BÍL ›-mes / ab-ba-né líl-lá / en kul-ab ‹ ›-ke 4 / ‹lugal-àm ›, ‘He

49 Bearing the erroneous variant mes-ki-in-ga-še-er-ke 4 on line 14 ′. 50 For this personage, cf. Marchesi 2004, 166 note 86. 51 For the reading of šu-PEŠ as šu-ðad x, cf. Sjöberg 1996, 126 ad 23. 52 Cf. Wilcke 1989, 562-563.

241 Gianni Marchesi

who took (away) the booty from the hands of Enmeparagêsi, Gilgameš 53 , whose father was a ghost, the lord of Kul ƒāb(a), became king’ (Nippur recension B: BT 14 iii 9-14) 54 .

8) a) kiši ki -a kù-dba-ú / b)munus lú-kaš kúrun-na / c) su ðuš kiši ki mu-un-ge-na / d) lugal-àm, ‘In Kiš, Kubb āwû(k) (= ‘’)55 , the woman innkeeper who consolidated the foundations of Kiš, became king’ (SKL 224-227).

a: BM 108857:9 (Scheil 1912; Thureau-Dangin 1918, 59); WB 444 v 36 ([…-d]ba-ú); Vincente 1995, 245 lower edge ii 2 (with the variant kù-dbu-ú56 ). b: BM 108857:9 (Scheil 1912; Thureau-Dangin 1918, 59); WB 444 v 37 ([…]-na); Wilcke 1987, 92 v 1 ′ ([ munus ]lú-kaš kúrun-[na]); Vincente 1995, 245 lower edge ii 2 ( munus […]). c: BM 108857:9 (Scheil 1912; Thureau-Dangin 1918, 59); WB 444 v 38 ([…] ki mu-un-ge-na); Wilcke 1987, 92 v 2 ′ (su ðuš kiši ki mu- u[n-…]); Vincente 1995, 245 lower edge ii 2 ([…] mu-u[n-…]). d: BM 108857:10 (Scheil 1912; Thureau-Dangin 1918, 59); WB 444 v 39 ([lugal]-àm); Wilcke 1987, 92 v 3 ′ (lugal-‹àm ›).

8a) [kiši ki ]-a{-an} / kù-dba-ú / munus lú-kaš kúrun-na / su ðuš kiši ki / mu-un- ge 4-na, ‘In [Kiš], Kubb āwû(k), a woman innkeeper, the woman who consolidated the foundations of Kiš’, (ruled for x years) (Susa recension: Scheil 1934, 162 frag. B ii 4-8).

8b) kiši ki -šè lugal [nu ?-æál ?] / kù-dba-ú ‹munus ?-kaš? ›k[úrun-na] / ‹su ðuš › kiši ki / [mu]-un-ge-‹na ›, ‘As for Kiš, [ there was not a ] king. Kubb āwû(k), the woman innkeeper who consolidated the

53 Cf. Šulgi O 56-59 ( ETCSL 2.4.2.15): é ‹kiši ›ki! -šè æeš tukul-zu ba-ta-a-è / ur-‹sa æ› 7-bé ðeš !- ki ? ? a mi-ni-dab 5 / [lugal] ‹kiši › en-me-para 10 -ge 4-e-si / [muš -gin 7 ] ‹sa æ›-æá-na æìri mu-na- ni-ús, ‘You (Gilgameš) went out to war against the house of Kiš and captured its seven warriors. [As for the king] of Kiš, Enmeparagêsi, you trampled upon his head [ as if he were a snake ]’ (transliteration and translation modified; cf. Michalowski 2003, 202). 54 Collated from a cast in the University Museum of Philadelphia. Cf. Klein 2008, 82 and 89. Note that Klein ( ibidem , pp. 78-79) proposes a completely different (and, in my opinion, ungrammatical) interpretation of this passage. 55 On this legendary queen of Kiš, cf. Wilcke 1988, 126; Marchesi 2004, 167 with note 93. 56 Cf. Marchesi 2002, 171. For other ‘syllabic’ writings of the name kù-dba-ú, ‘Silver-of- Bāwu’ (cf. Marchesi 2006a, 73 and 109), see ibidem , 163 with note 24, and 166 sub A/1.

242 The Sumerian King List and the Early History of Mesopotamia

foundations of Kiš’, (ruled for x years) (Ur recension: UET 6/3, 505 i ′ 3 ′-6′).

a) ki b) ! æeš c) d 9) a-ga-dè< -a> sar -ru -ki -in / ab -ba-né nu- kiri 6 / sagi ur- za- d) ki ki e) f) ba 4-ba 4 / lugal a<-ga>-dè lú a-ga-dè / mu-un-dù-a / lugal-àm, ‘In Akkad, Śarruk īn (= ‘Sargon’), whose father was a gardener, the cupbearer of (king) Urzababâ(k) 57 , the king of Akkad, the one who built Akkad, became king’ (SKL 266-271 after WB 444 vi 31-36).

a: Other manuscripts have the variants sar -ru -GI (BT 14 vii 11 ′: Klein 2008, 89) and sar -ru -um -ki -in (Wilcke 1987, 92 v 35 ′; Vincente 1995, 242 iii 22) . f: Omitted in the Leilan recension (cf. Vincente 1995, 242 and 245 iii 23).

ki (æeš) 9a) [a-ga-dè -a / sar -ru( -um) -ki -in/sar -ru -GI / ab-ba-né nu- kiri 6 / d ki ki sag]i ur- za-ba 4-ba 4 / lugal a-ga-dè / lú a-ga-dè / mu-un-da-dù-a / lugal-àm, ‘[In Akkad, Śarruk īn (= ‘Sargon’), whose father was a gardener, the cupbear]er of (king) Urzababâ(k), the king of Akkad, the one under whom Akkad was built, became king’ (Nippur recension A: PBS 13, 1 vii 1 ′ ff.).

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57 This passage alludes to the so-called Sumerian Sargon Legend, where Sargon acts as a cupbearer in the service of Urzababâ(k), king of Kiš (cf. Cooper - Heimpel 1983; ETCSL 2.1.4; Black et alii 2004, 40-44).

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