Weber: the Nature of the City
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Tel Aviv Study Guide
Max Weber: The Nature of the City
Weber focuses on the economic character of the city. A city in economic terms is a settlement that lives primarily off trade and commerce rather than agriculture. There must be an element of versatility of practiced trades to be a city. Economic versatility can be established by presence of a feudal estate or market and the existence of regular exchange of goods. A city is a market settlement, Trade city vs. consumer city vs. merchant city. City vs. rural areas - In the age of antiquity and back to the medieval period the line between country and city was less clear but today it is defined. Typical urbanite is identified as a man who does not supply his own food. The concept of a city as a agent of trade and commerce and rural land as producer of food. City must be regarded through political realms: urban economic areas, urban areas, urban authority and purely economic aspects First appearance of the urban community portrays a relative predominance of trade, fortification, markets, courts, related form of association, partial autonomy. Organization of affairs and duties – idea of association which could unite the city into a corporate unit
Saskia Sassen: Globalization and its Discontents
Sassen examines the idea of a declining significance of the state in a global economy. Overemphasis on hyper mobility of capital creates a mutually exclusive relation between the national and global. The state has been transformed by participation with global markets. Globalization has transformed the world and governance economies -Ascendance of information technologies, associated increase in mobility and liquidity of capital. There must be sites that are situated in national territories that signal the possibility for governance. Space economy of information industries lead to geographic dispersal and mobility. International finance and corporate services question the centrality and power of the state. State remains as the ultimate guarantor of rights of global capital. Deregulation reduced the role of the state but can also be seen as a negotiation of globalization and the need for rights. There is not a decline in the significance of the state but a shifting role and is internal to further globalization. Global integration of financial markets depends on and contributes to the implementation of a variety of linkages among the financial centers involved. Decomposition of the nation-state into a variety of components, displaces the focus from the power of large corporations over governments and economies and contributes to a focus on a place and the strategic concentrations of infrastructure and production complexes necessary for global exchange -> new spaces for regulatory activity
Benjamin Ravid – The Odyssey of the Word Ghetto
Jewish quarter in the pre-emancipation Europe – situation under which Jews lived in the 18th century rose from Venice .Origins of Jewish settlement and the three forms of Jewish quarters: Voluntary Jewish quarters, Quarters assigned to Jews for convenience or protection and Compulsory segregated Jewish quarter (required to live). Origins of the ghetto - Since the Diaspora Jews chose to live together. Rise of the Jewish moneylenders helped solve the socioeconomic problems and created loophole with Church lending. Ghetto is of Venetian origin rather than Jewish (derives from Latin gettare). Ghetto comes to mean an area of living for Jews and then simply a densely populated area for a minority for voluntary reasons “ Ghetto has become a value concept with negative connotation rather than a descriptive word…the historical reality of one of the basic aspects of Jewish survival is now blurred”
Kenneth Stow: Consciousness of Closure
Ghettos already existed in Venice – Ghetto was clearly founded in Venice but... New residential area called the “seraglio” – this area was originally intended for prostitutes by Pius V and Sixtus V. The term seraglio was used up until 1578 when it was dropped and instead the term “nostro Ghet” became the norm
1 The term ghetto was used in Venice before and probably stemmed from the Latin jactare meaning to throw. Ghetto was analogous to the Hebrew word “get” mean a bill of divorce. Does this suggest an unconscious awareness since the Jews were forced to live divorced from all other in Jews were used for their banking and monetary capabilities – produced a lot of revenue (expands the financial and independent base for the papacy) Within ghetto Jews can be controlled and taught (no access to things like the Talmud). Even equated Jews with prostitutes living in the same type of confines. Issue of contamination
Karl Baedeker – Palestine and Syria: Handbook for Travelers
This is an article that was published in 1894 as a guide for European travelers to Palestine. The section on Jaffa contains no information on Tel Aviv because Tel Aviv had not been founded—it was founded in 1909. At the time of publication, the area’s population was made up almost entirely of Arab Muslims, and there were more Christians than Jews—6000 and 5000 respectively. The article briefly describes the history of Jaffa, and it mentions the sieges, the two Biblical references (Jonah and the transport of the cedars of Lebanon), and the history of European occupations during the Crusades. The city is described as having “narrow” and “dusty” streets. The city is noisy. It is a place where a traveler must be careful to not be taken advantage of. The author offers several tips to prevent getting ripped-off, and he even advises travelers on what to say in the local language to direct their hired help. The author also recommends certain reliable hotels and transportation services. The presence of several European nationalities in the area is noted, as the author mentions the churches and institutions—hotels, schools, hospitals, etc—of English, French, Russian, and German origin. He describes a couple German Christian settlements, including one on the outskirts of the city that grows grapes for wine as well as grains on very fertile soil. The author seems to be writing for Christian European readers, as he writes a lot about Christianity in Jaffa —during the Crusades and by describing the Christian colonies. Already by this time a Jerusalem-Jaffa railroad exists.
Anita Shapira – Land and Power: The Birth of a National Ethos
“Zionism was a product of its times… Zionism was a child of its era in a double sense. First , it was able to transform itself from a vision that had been the cherished idea of a few marginal fantasts – a small circle of obsessed enthusiasts—into a genuine movement and succeeded in doing so precisely at that pivotal point in European history. Second it absorbed ideas and intellectual stances, tendencies and patterns of action, characteristic of its age.” Shapira cites French nationalism as one idea that influenced the Jews. Shapira argues that Herzl and many other Zionists were strongly motivated by Anti-Semitism. In the article, Shapira discusses such figures as Herzl (political Zionism), Ahad Ha’am (cultural Zionism), Berdichevsky (Zionism based on Nietzsche), Nordau (Muskeljudentem and hope of erasing the image of the “weak Jew.”), Bialik (“In the City of the Slaughter”), Tchernichovsky (“Be-En-Dor,” epics, jewish heroism). As for the Arab problem, Shapira discusses the Arab problem and notes how the Jews did not expect the local Palestinians to interfere with Jewish Settlement. Jews had developed western stereotypes of the Arabs: “primitive person, backward, a bit childish, with a tendency toward violence, yet also endowed with the positive virtues of hospitality, the readiness to respond positively to a positive approach, and a laudatory respect for the attributes of courage and heroism. That stereotype served to underpin the fundamental assumption that Jewish settlement in Palestine was indeed feasible and could be implemented without a bloody struggle against the local population. Moreover, the local Arab population would, it was believed, ultimately advance and reap material benefits from such colonization.” Zionism was born out of European anti-Semitism. Path to Zionism was not glorious but arose out of shame and humiliation. “If they don’t want us, we don’t need them”. First, it was able to transform from a vision of a few into a movement of many. First is the secular and rationalist kind that came from the French Revolution. Choose to be part of a nation through social contract. Second is from the revolt against rationalism that came from the Romantic era. Concept of nationhood based on an organic notion of society deriving from common blood ties, ethnic origin, culture and history. Max Nordau – Jews need to be athletic. Macabees were a big thing for Zionists because image of Jewish warriors. Historical Nationalism and Power: Two Conceptions. Ahad Ha-Am thought it was not anti-Semitism but rather the innate instinct for national survival that had maintained the nation. Fundamental dispute b/t the two was over the national essence of the Jewish people .Ahad Ha-Am saw it as unified. Berdichevsky saw it as a constantly changing
2 set of complex values. Didn’t like the spiritual superiority that Ahad Ha-Am supported. Crystallizing national ethos was marked by a growing realism and departures form the old tendency to regard intellectual disputes on philosophical issues as a political act. New willingness to change self-image.
Edward Said: Zionism from the standpoint of its victims.
Said argues that Zionism is and continues to be a horrible movement that is analogous to that of European colonialism. Edward claims that Zionism is the historical ground for its growth because it cruelly displaced Palestinians. Said says that there is a difference between anti Semitism and anti Zionism but it is very clear that he does not like Jews. He says that Zionism promoted racial discrimination against non-Jews in Palestine. Said argues that the whole claim of Zionism was formed because of European anti Semitism is false because of mistreatment of Palestinians. “Gentile and Jewish version of Zionism: their view of the holy land as essentially empty of inhabitants, not because there were no inhabitants, there were. Sovereign and human inhabitants were systematically denied.” And that their actual physical being was denied. Said continues, Zionism appealed to a European audience for whom the classification of overseas territories and natives into various uneven classes was canonical and natural, That is why, for example, every single state of movement in the formerly colonized territories of Africa and Asia today identifies with, fully supports, and understand the Palestinian struggle.”
Zev Vilnay: Tel Aviv and how to see it: Steimatzky’s Palestine Guide
Written in 1935, this is a guide written for Jews coming to Palestine. It begins with a brief ‘history’ of the city whose diction reflects stereotypical Zionist revisionist historical narratives. Here is the first sentence, as an example: “As short a time as 26 years ago all the tract of land over which Tel-Aviv now stretches, was desolate sand dunes.” This historical perspective on Tel Aviv begins with ‘nothing’ and follows those events that are important to the development of the Jewish/Hebrew township. Important to identifying a quote from this portion of the piece is recognition of word-choice, phrases such as a reference to European Jewish immigrants as “pioneers” The second part of this piece is a walking tour of Tel-Aviv. It begins in the heart of town, describing the ‘Herzliya’ and directs the reader to turn his/her attention with such phrases as “Next to the gymnasium stands” and “You retrace your steps over Herzl Street, and turn to the right, into Rothschild Boulevard.” The descriptions of the landmarks in this section are recognizable because they all pertain clearly to the role that the landmark plays within the city-system or how they are integrated within the history of the city. Following this is a section on how to see Jaffa (parallel to the first part of the piece on how to see Tel-Aviv, this addresses the ‘history’ of Jaffa). This is basically a Jewish history of Jaffa, referencing its relations with the tribes of Israel and King Solomon as well as the plight of the town’s Jewish population whilst under non-Jewish rule. Next is the quasi-walking tour of Jaffa. Importantly, it does not necessarily begin at the most important part of town, but at the place where the bus from Tel-Aviv drops off. From here, it gives curt, cursory descriptions of landmarks along the way as it traces a path toward the harbor. Once here, the author enters into an aside on the Jewish history of Jaffa’s harbor that takes up over ¼ of the section. The rest of this section describes the scenery in the city which has some foreign relation – Greek Churches, French Hospitals, Scottish Churches, the tomb of an English doctor (namesake of Hodgkin’s disease). Appropriately this tour ends where it began, at the bus stop along the route back to Tel-Aviv.
Let’s Go: Tel Aviv – Jaffa
Let’s Go is oriented toward younger, student travelers who aren’t necessarily Jewish. This shows in the opening sentence of this article, which proclaims, “Proudly secular and downright sexy, Tel Aviv pulses with cutting-edge energy.” The opening contextualization of Tel Aviv focuses on what is interesting to the ultra-modern, pop-culture savvy traveler while the contextualization of Jaffa focuses on its relation to Tel Aviv, both as its origin and as its antithesis. From this point, the rest of the article reads as a typical travel guide. Section titles are “PRACTICAL INFORMATION,” “ACCOMODATIONS,” “FOOD,” “CAFES,” “SIGHTS,” “WALKS AND PARKS,” “MUSEUMS,” “BEACHES,” “ENTERTAINMENT,” “SHOPPING,” “NIGHTLIFE,” “DAYTRIPS FROM TEL AVIV.”
3 Following this is a much shorter group of pages devoted to Jaffa. It has, in reduced form, many similar categories: orientation, accommodations, food, and sights. The initial description of this Jaffa section is very oriented around its Jewish history. This article is important as an evolution of the perspective displayed in the Vilnay article and also useful as an indicator of the cultural dominance by Tel Aviv over Jaffa in the inevitably linked perspective of the two which the outsider has.
New York Times Article - Tel Aviv Celebrates 20th Anniversary
A short article published in 1929. It is an important illustration of the city’s overtly Hebrew identity. The subtitle reads, “British Official Delivers Address of Congratulation Entirely in Hebrew— Mayor is Lauded.” The significance is almost entirely tied up in the fact that celebration of the city is implicitly a celebration of Hebrew. Also, included is a stalwart piece of the Hebrew cultural narrative: a reference to the ‘amazing growth from desolate sand dune’ mythology. “Celebration today of the twentieth anniversary of the city of Tel Aviv, the first entirely Hebrew city in the world.”
Joseph Levy - Tel Aviv Prepares its Greatest Fair
Published in 1936, this is an article summarizing the Levant Fair. The Levant Fair is an international fair that seems to celebrate the commercial exports of varying countries. The article talks about the success and growth of the fair and attempts to explain the factors contributing to its success. “The success of the Levant Fairs of Tel Aviv is due chiefly to a combination of two important factors. First, the Tel Aviv population, which is representative of almost every country of the world, is unique in the Eastern Hemisphere for the extent and variety of its commercial affiliations, and one of its principal functions is the linking of Western industry with Eastern commerce. “Secondly, there is the outstanding asset of the country’s geographical position. Palestine links the three continents of Europe, Asia, and Africa, and is the focal point for the main trade routes to the Near, Middle, and Far East. Its international character is perhaps the fair’s most interesting feature, and the main basis for its claim as a commercial half-way house between East and West.”
Anat Helman: “East or West? Tel Aviv in the 1920’s and the 1930’S
Tel Aviv was not exactly a west-meets-east city. Stores, despite trying to emulate western modernity failed to embrace western fashions like immodest swimsuits and many Western styled stores actually lacked European style or taste. Still, it was much more modern than its neighbor Jaffa. The architecture of Tel-Aviv was eclectic in the 1920’s, Eastern (Islamic elements such as pointed arches and horse shoe shapes) and European (Baroque and Renaissance). In the 1930’s, the international style essentially blended the Arab elements with functional simplicity, and was more appropriate for the climate than European styles. The confusing muddle of styles and rapid growth made the garden suburb into a rather ad hoc, ugly, and overcrowded metropolis. Trade was very westernized (capitalist) as people wanted to embrace Eastern beauty but were unwilling to ride camels, live in huts, and demanded modern appliances and water systems. The dirt and noise were other negative offshoots of the failure to successfully combine East and West into a smoothly functioning city. In sum, Tel Aviv was somewhat hurled together (mixing Zionist, modern, primitive, Eastern, Jewish, and cosmopolitan). Still, this hybrid city is unlike any in Jewish history.
Mark LeVine: Conquest Through Town Planning: The Case of Tel Aviv
Tel Aviv leadership used British land and town planning legislation to gain control of large pieces of land from neighboring Arab villages. British land law in Palestine was based on the Ottoman Land Law of 1858; there were classes of land; three of the classes referred to land that was unused or empty and thus most easily convertible into urban land. Under British rule, these three categories were brought under tighter control, becoming de facto state land. Traditionally all land which was situated within the boundaries of towns and villages was considered private, whether or not it was cultivated; this changed under British rule.
4 -mawat: marginal agricultural lands not held by title deed and situated far from inhabited areas -mahlul: land that was reverted to government control if left cultivated by three years -matruka: lands such as roads or pastures; ownership was not transferable during the Ottoman period Development of Town Planning Legislation and the Growth of Tel Aviv: The town planning legislation enacted under the British mandate had a significant impact on the development of the Jaffa-Tel Aviv region. In 1920 the Land Transfer Ordinance was created to stimulate economic growth and capital investment and to regulate the purchase of land. In 1928 the Land Settlement Ordinance set boundaries, categorized and registered plots of land. Limiting Jewish immigration and land purchases was recommended by many documents. When Tel Aviv was still just a neighborhood of Jaffa with no separate legal status or autonomy, its leadership tried to make it independent through town planning regulations differentiating it from Arab Jaffa; regulations included: prohibition against selling land to Arabs. The expansion of the city in the next decade driven by: increasing land possession, increasing population and the rise in land prices that it caused. Tel Aviv leadership pressing for annexation of surrounding lands, would offer municipal privileges to all owners of the lands they were to annex
Arab Responses: A British attempt to codify the land system in Palestine was met with protests by Palestinian Arabs. In 1950 both cities were united into Tel Aviv-Jaffa. The boundaries of the united city reflect the political, economic, and social problems concerning the unification. Outcome of the 48 war: abandoned Arab urban areas were repopulated by Jews; abandoned Arab rural lands were confiscated by Israeli authorities and allocated to Jewish municipalities. Modernist urban planning conceptions among Jewish leadership
Formation of Tel Aviv and the development of Jaffa in the Colonial Period: 1917-1936: influx of Jews from Jaffa because of growing hostility. TLV: rapid population growth in the southern part, adjacent to Jaffa: poorer area. Northern part laid out by Patrick Geddes, modernist international style of architecture. 1947 partition plan: Jaffa part of Arab territory, Jaffa surrendered in 48. Wealthy Arab residents left Jaffa for neighboring Arab countries. 2800 abandoned Arab buildings in Jaffa created an influx of Jewish immigrants. Jaffa became an impoverished urban suburb of TLV
Neil Payton: The machine in the Garden City: Patrick Geddes’ plan for Tel Aviv
This article focuses in depth on Geddes’s original design for Tel Aviv and how the plan was actually implemented. The emphasis of Tel Aviv’s founders was on the land and a “return to the soil.” They envisioned it to be as “green” as possible with a manageable density; all would have access to small gardens with industry zoned out of the center of town. Patrick Geddes was selected to design Tel Aviv; he was seen as the ideal planner because of his belief in the existence of a relationship between the social and cultural structure of the community and the physical environment. Tel Aviv was to reconcile the modern Zionists’ aspirations for a nation of farmers with the necessity for some form of urban settlement. It was to be a city founded on ideological impulses and adapted to modernist sensibilities. Geddes adapted a well-used plan known as “super blocks,” adding secondary streets within the block that connected to the outside of the block in a pinwheel fashion. The center was to be left void for neighborhood gardens or civic structures; the realities of land ownership and real estate values resulted in very few of these centers actually being used for gardens. Geddes was against the use of wide streets because he believed that they ruined the social character of the area; as a result the roadways of Tel Aviv are surprisingly narrow. Much of Geddes’s plan changed from the planning to implementation stages—the street layout was different, and the resulting buildings also differed. A 3-4 story apartment building emerged as the predominant building. The bulk of its architecture is abstract. To date, the city strains under the weight of a population and an automobile density never imagined by Geddes.
Rachel Kallus: Patrick Geddes and the evolution of a housing type in Tel-Aviv
Kallus’s paper argues that the typical Tel-Aviv house is a result of the combination of two architectural conceptions—the Garden City idea and Modern Architecture. Geddes’s plan was designed according to the idea that the city plan should originate not from a physical plan and construction process, but from an abstract idea. Because his plan was to use some existing planned areas, Geddes’s design cannot
5 be considered a true garden city, but rather an adaptation of the garden city model to fit into what already existed. It developed the concept of the Garden City at three levels—metropolitan, urban, and neighborhood scales. Geddes introduced the concept of a “home block,” a group of small residential blocks connected by short inner streets, organized around an inner open space (a private garden). He was strongly against apartment buildings, describing it as “human warehousing”; he recommended a 2-story detached house for the specific climatic conditions of Tel-Aviv. Geddes’s plan did not materialize fully because it did not compensate for vast urban development, extensive demands for land and the speculative manner of development. In short, an idealistic plan like that of Geddes, with low density, extensive public amenities, and vast open spaces, was unrealistic. The city did not follow Geddes’s plan, instead following the distinct capitalist course bad on profit derived from land. The open public spaces were soon converted into more building lots. The warehouse-type apartment building began to be used in plans, and resulted in the abandonment of the Garden Village character. At the same time that Geddes’s plan was falling apart, the Modern architectural ideas were emerging, which fit in well with the character and needs of the society. However, Tel Aviv is more a mix of architectural styles as opposed to a pure Modern Architecture style.
Dr. Michael Levin: The White City
This article examines the International Style architecture that Tel Aviv and other Israeli cities were built in. This modern style of architecture is commonly known in Israel by the term “Bauhaus.” Wind direction had a large influence in the new housing designs; pilotis (columns) were a common design feature in Tel Aviv and allowed sea breezes to circulate, reducing the heat and humidity in the summer. Although they were common in International Style designs in Europe, large glass windows or screens weren’t practical in Israel; large horizontal window designs were transformed into balconies. Reinforced concrete was one of the most common types of building material used. In the early 1930s a group of architects from Tel Aviv formed in order to create a forum for architectural ideas and to bring Modern architecture to the general public, the government, and Zionist authorities. Tel Aviv had a relatively standardized system of construction, so the International Style was easily adaptable, but in Jerusalem, architects had to pay more attention to the historic tradition of the city. Buildings were mandated to be constructed out of stone as per tradition. The largest concentration of International Style buildings in Jerusalem can be found in the garden city neighborhood of Rehavia. Still, however, traces of Jerusalem architecture can be found among the introverted buildings that face inward to inner courtyards—the focal points for social activity.
Yoram Bar-Gal: Naming City Streets - A Chapter in the History of Tel-Aviv, 1909-1947
"Nameless places are disoriented places, lacking social and cultural distinctiveness." People have always named places. City names have long been used by researchers to understand how their history, but street names have been largely ignored. Relatively young, Tel-Aviv has built numerous streets every year, named by city administrators. This paper covers the period of the British Mandate, before Israel became a state, and divides this time into three periods.
1909-1924 With only 7000 Jewish residents in the area, Tel-Aviv began with the neighborhood "Ahuzat Bayit." During this period of building, interupted by WWI and the eviction of Jewish residents by the Turks was marked by confusion and hesitation. An elected committee privately decided recommendations for street names in 1909 and a year later presented them at a general meeting. Six main streets (Herzl, Lilienblum, Ahad Ha'am, Rothschild, Yehuda HaLevi, HaShahar) set the trend for using Hebrew names of important modern and medieval figures. Procedures for naming new streets were not very standardized however, though the tendency was to name more important streets after more important personalities. Individuals could submit names to the cultural committee for consideration. This resulted in some unusual street names.
1925-1933
6 A wave of middle-class Polish immigration brought a change from single story houses to houses with two to three floors. The British Administration took an interest, requesting names for streets and numbers for buildings to simplify organization. In this time, about half of streets were named after prominent people: The majority of new streets were named in 1925, afterwards far fewer were named. Names were approved by the municipality, but local residents often had a great deal of say.
StreetName Frequency 1) People 2) Sites in Palestine 3) Symbolic Names - Related to organizations, work, or trade
1933-1947 The increase in immigration due to the Nazi rise in Europe caused an increase in new street building. 1934 saw the election of a new names committee, including Secretary Ben Yishai. Yishai, natural organizer and devoted Zionist, made the naming of streets more systematic, and sought to use street names to create a "journey" through Jewish history for those walking towards the center of the city. That year, he named 140 streets, chosen to add historical dimension to the young city, and grouped by area to help navigate the city. For example, one area had streets named for leaders who had expanded Israel's borders, past or present, while another area honored ancient cities. With rare exceptions, living people were not honored with street names, and in 1942, formalized principles were adopted. Among other things, these rules required that someone be dead for two years before they have a street named for them and expressed preference to symbolic names related to Jewish history. The naming of streets was part of an overall effort to help people to identify with their new home, and to create a sense of history in a young city. This process was tentative at first, but soon developed a distinct sense of what ideals and principles it wished to convey.
Seroussi: Jerusalem Assassinated Rabin and Tel Aviv Commemorated him
In this article, the author explores the reactions of two Israeli cities, Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, to the assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. On November 4, 1995, a right wing student from Tel Aviv shot Rabin for his proposals for the peace process. Rabin was prepared to cede land to the Palestinians in order to strike a peace deal, and some radical Israelis opposed his forfeiture of territory. Rabin was born in Jerusalem but lived most of his life in Tel Aviv. He was shot down after speaking at a rally in Tel Aviv in support of his politics. The article suggests studying each city’s individual response to his death and the process of honoring and memorializing him as clues into the cultural climate in each urban center. The author seems biased towards Tel Aviv towards the outset. She references Israelis who praise the more liberal culture of Tel Aviv and directly links Jerusalem to fundamentalism, militarism, uncompromising politics, ethnocentrism, and the idea of the ghetto (prob not in the “enabling” sense). Tel Aviv is defined in opposition to Jerusalem (like we did in the beginning of this class) as everything that it is not. She praises its liberalism and its secularism as an escape from the oppressively serious Jerusalem. She notes that Rabin was honored with a burial on Mt. Herzl in Jerusalem but then says that this was not really an honor, but a matter of official protocol. Jerusalem also extended Rabin with honorary citizenship thirty days after his death, but this, again, she writes off as nothing more than protocol. She says that in the end Jerusalem refused to allow Leah Rabin, his wife, to deliver speeches there and that the only artistic tribute erected in the city is a poorly marked Lichtenstein sculpture. Jerusalem also dedicated an out of the way road near the state department to Rabin, but the author decries this as a weak, delayed effort and an insubstantial thoroughfare. She then divulges Tel Aviv’s efforts at memorializing Rabin. She says that thousands of people turned out in the week after his death to cry and sing at Kikar Malkhay, the site of his assassination. In fact, Tel Aviv immediately renamed the square to Kikar Rabin and held a memorial ceremony for him there after shiva. Special songs were composed, the event was broadcast to Israeli audiences, and Leah Rabin was allowed to speak in honor of her husband. People’s graffiti adorned the walls of the square, and after the city attempted to have the walls cleaned, citizens of Tel Aviv continued to post their tributes. Within the year following his death, a memorial, much like the Vietnam memorial, was erected in Tel Aviv. The words over the memorial read “Peace is his testament.” The author acknowledges that Tel Aviv had to
7 memorialize Rabin because it is the city where he actually died. However, she also concludes that the different responses are emblematic of the politics of each city. She concludes that Jerusalem is inextricably linked with the religious right wing while Tel Aviv represents a liberal, modern escape. For her, Tel Aviv is defined in opposition to the capital, and she argues that Rabin’s assassination and the response represent the cultural rift that had been the substance of film and literature prior to 1995, but became a reality upon Rabin’s death.
Gideon Levy – Twilight Zone
A writer about the occupation in Gaza for Ha’aretz, Levy throughout this article \ goes on in depth about his Tel Aviv night life experience. He experiences everything from gay and transvestite bars to a major drug scene at a dancing club to a club that makes woman feel good about themselves (I.E beat men) he has a very interesting night but is intrigued by the diversity that Tel Aviv offers.
Nurit Govrin – Jerusalem and Tel Aviv as Metaphors
Tel Aviv was always considered the antithesis of Jerusalem. Tel-Aviv was an extension of the Diaspora while Jerusalem was the city of Peace and solidarity, and it is “almost impossible in literature to have equal affection for both Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. One has hills and is static, conservative, rigid, and closed. The other has plains and sea and is open, dynamic, exposed, and permissive. Jerusalemites would see a decrepit building in its city as a symbol of historic authenticity while Tel-Aviv may sign this as stagnation and desolation. Tel Aviv quickly adapted to the aftermath of world wars (positive conations for this in literature). Tel Aviv is a place of wonder and horror in Jewish literature of old, because its improbable success on barren sands as well as intimidating noisy, bustling, esoteric nature. By the age of 5 in 1914, Tel Aviv was already seen as a daughter of Jerusalem whose new nature may or may not match that of its parent.
Anat Helman: Even the Dogs in the Street Bark in Hebrew: National Ideology and Everyday culture in Tel Aviv Helman Dogs: This article centers around the “gap between ideological consensus and everyday reality in an immigrant society” Specifically, the rift between the actual use and desired enforcement of Hebrew language in Tel Aviv is explored. Zionists saw Hebrew as central to creating the new Jew and was employed in national-political documents as well as street names, public addresses, etc. But, despite these efforts, even the greatest Hebrew poet of the time, Bialik, spoke Yiddish in private conversations. New immigrants who did not learn the new language immediately, such as the Yekes (Western Europeanists) were criticized for attempting the sabotage the Zionist cause. The youth who grew up in Hebrew schools ended up learning a slang language that borrowed Yiddish expressions and Arabic influences as opposed to the desired biblical Hebrew. Although the British government often clashed with municipal local pro- Hebrew majors, the only group that employed violence to promote the spread of Hebrew was a youth group known as the Battalion of the Defenders of the Hebrew Language. The group specifically target the less Zionisitc Jewish left (who spoke Yiddish) and even attacked a Yiddish play that was performed in the Poalei Zion club. The group was replaced by the less violent Organization for Enforcing Hebrew in 1931. The author concludes by suggesting that although everyone speaks and understand Hebrew, one can never eradicate completely the use of foreign languages (and, more importantly, the practice of foreign cultures and beliefs). Thus, the movement succeeded, but only to a degree. (I believe it would be impossible for a port city to ever be a completely Hebrew city)
Barbra Mann – The Vicarious Landscape in Tel Aviv Poetry
Mann in this peace describes and analyses the poems of many famous Israeli poets. She cites how amazing it is that a country with so few people had such vision and conviction in its poetry. European Hebrew writer were very influenced by the biblical images of e “land of Israel”. People were very attached the landscape personally because of all the history that it contained. Tel Aviv has been used in poetry from the cities inception either in describing how the city should be built or by showing that its life was not nearly as good as that in the urban centers of the world. Schlonsky in his poems talk about the city that is filled with sand. The city was natural but metropolitan at the same time. Most of the poetry in the beginning even though
8 they try to talk about Tel Aviv all they talk about is Diaspora. The city had no history so it was very difficult to talk about. Many of the poems talk about Tel Aviv as a great city others talk about the struggles in Europe. Others talked about the beautiful landscape that had so much history and some talk about the future of the country. Some of the poems talk about the city in its early years and others talk about the city when it was just dunes.
Theodore Herzl- Old New Land: Book One- An Educated, Desperate Young Man
I Dr. Friedrich Loewenberg sits in a café in Vienna, depressed. His two former comrades have died. They despaired over the situation of the Jews. One shot himself. The other died of yellow fever in Argentina, looking for a possible location for a permanent Jewish settlement. “Several young men stood about the billiard table, making bold strokes with their long poles.” These men were all professionals, but were only “superior proletariat.” They were physicians and engineers, but could get no work because they were Jewish. Friedrich was to go to Argentina with his friend, but he stayed in Vienna because of a blond woman named Ernestine Loeffler. He had stayed and spent all of his money trying to court her. Schiffman, a young man at the café, hands Friedrich a newspaper ad. It says:“Wanted, an educated, desperate young man willing to make a last experiment with his life.”—Apply N.O. Body, this office. Schiffman and Friedrich leave the café to attend a dinner at the Loefflers’. On the way out, he hands a young boy begging at the door three copper coins. Schiffman scolds him for his generosity. II At the Loefflers’, Friedrich sees Ernestine standing close to a fat, bald guy. Friedrich can’t believe they might be together. The man is Leopold Weinberger and he and his family is rich. Friedrich feels insignificant at the party. The men at the party discuss the plight of the Jews in Europe. They are being made to wear the yellow badge in Austria. They can’t flee to France because the anti-Semites have a stronghold there. One man explains Zionism, a return to Palestine, and everyone at the party bursts into laughter. Mr. Loeffler announces that Ernestine is getting married to Leopold Weiberger. Friedrich is devastated. III Friedrich is disillusioned. He sees that all the people care about is money and that he cannot escape. He is dependent on the Jewish bourgeoisie. Loneliness and poverty were the only alternative. Friedrich goes back to the café. He replies to the ad he had seen earlier. He was sick of life. Friedrich buys something from a peddler and the man buys rolls from the waiter with the money. The peddler then gives the money to the young boy (his son) begging outside. Friedrich goes back to the apartment of this poor family. The peddler’s wife is nursing there. The janitor of the apartment is mean until Friedrich gives him money. Friedrich gives them 8 gulden and leaves. On the way out, the boy says to Friedrich, “God will make me a strong man. And then I shall repay you.” The boy tells how he will study to become free and one day move to Palestine, where his people can be happy. IV Friedrich, after answering the ad, meets the man, Mr. Kingscourt, at a nice hotel. Man was an officer in the German army, then went to America and worked, became rich. His wife ran away with his nephew. Instead of killing himself, he decided he would try an experiment in solitude. He bought an island in the South Sea and will be going back there for the rest of his life. The man wants to take Friedrich back as a companion. Friedrich must stay at least until the man is dead. Friedrich tells the man he is a Jew, but Kingscourt says it’s unimportant. Friedrich asks that the payment Kingscourt was going to give to him to be given to the poor peddler’s family. Their name was Littwak. V Friedrich leaves them 5000 gulden. He instructs them to not open the envelope until he has left. After he does leave, the young boy, David, runs out to find him but misses him and weeps. Kingscourt talks about the vileness of man. The two board a yacht in December and set sail. Kingscourt asks Friedrich if he wants to go to his fatherland, Palestine, on the way. Friedrich says only his ancestors lived there 1800 years ago, it is not his fatherland. Kingscourt says he does not understand the Jews not acknowledging Palestine. Kingscourt describes how he respected a Jew in his regiment in the army because “he had a will of his own.” “Prejudices cannot be wiped out, they must be overcome.” They head to Jaffa. VI
9 Jaffa and Jerusalem are in shambles, but Kingscourt explains how the Jews could re-cultivate the land. European man describes rich Jewish culture in Russia. “A love of the past, a faith in the future.” Man says Friedrich must visit Jewish settlements before they leave to see how sustainable they are. Kingscourt says that the Jews “could make the experimental land for humanity. You could create a new commonwealth. On that ancient soil, Old-New Land!”
Theodore Herzl- Old New Land: Book Two – Haifa, 1923
Overview of the entire section: 20 years have past and Kingscourt and Friedrich decide to take a trip off the island and go to Europe. On the way there, they find out that Palestine has changed completely and decided to take a detour and go look. Upon arrival in Palestine, they find it has changed immensely and they run into David Littwak, the boy who Friedrich saved by giving his family lots of money. David ends up being very well off and highly respected. He takes both of them into his home and goes on to explain the “New Society” and how it works in Palestine. That evening, they decide to go to the opera where Friedrich sees Ernestine all fat, old, poor, and gaudy-looking. He realizes that he is over Ernestine. They also meet the president of the New Society, who turns out to be the occultist they met in Jerusalem 20 years ago. The section ends with David promising the president that they will go to Jerusalem and visit him and his successful daughter but that they are first going to see David’s parents in Tiberias for Passover. I: In book 1, they left to go to their deserted Island December 31st, 1902. Book 2 starts off in 1923 – Kingscourt and Friedrich are headed off to Europe after being on the island for 20 years. Kingscourt notes that the red sea is no longer filled with lots and lots of ships and claims that they’re headed off to Europe to please Friedrich. However, Friedrich claims that he has been very happy on the island and he has no desire to go to civilization. Kingscourt then confesses that he is curious about the world but will be happy to go back to the island after their visit to Europe. They stopped at Port Said but find it is different than 20 years ago when it was bustling with people and they find out that it has been deserted because there is a much faster route between Asia and Europe which is through Palestine. A captain of a German trading vessel tells them that Palestine has completely changed and, as such, Kingscourt decides that they shall go visit Palestine. When they approached the harbor of Palestine they find that a magnificent city has been built, as if by magic, in the past 20 years as it did not exist on their 20 year old map. Upon arrival at the port, there is a stranger who stares fixatedly at them and then follows them. It turns out that this stranger is David Littwak, the little boy he saved years ago. II: David led both Kingscourt and Friedrich through the city and they were amazed by what they saw. They saw buildings, people of all ethnic races, traffic that was less noisy because there were no horses on the roads, and electric overhead trains. David also told Friedrich that all his family is alive and well and that they thought he had died because they saw a newspaper announcement about it. David then starts to take them up to his home (named Friedrichsheim, after Friedrich) and on the way explains a few things to them about the city. He tells them that Jews from all parts of the world live here because there were social and economic persecutions against Jews everywhere and they decided to save themselves and move there. Kingscourt then mentions that he is not a Jew and asks whether or not he will be kicked out of the city. David tells him that he treats everybody equally, although not everyone there has the same values as him. David also mentions the “New Society” which he explains he will mention in greater detail later. While driving towards David’s house, both Kingscourt and Friedrich stare in awe at all the modern-looking buildings. III: They arrive at Friedrichsheim, which is a mansion. Kingscourt and Friedrich meet David’s wife, Sarah and sister, Miriam. When Miriam finds out who Friedrich is, she greets him as if they were old friends. David also shows them his infant son, Friedrich who Kingscourt seems to be taken with after Friedrich (the baby) takes his finger and won’t let go. They all have lunch and are given wines that are made from Palestinian vineyards. David talks further about the New Society in which men and women have equal rights. He says that nobody is obligated to join the New Society and that “those who join are not compelled to exercise their rights” (75). He also says that politics is neither a business nor a profession and that there are both salaried and honorary positions. People who are in salaried positions are “not allowed to take part in public discussion” (76). David also discusses how they have systemized old facilities such as hospitals,
10 infirmaries, orphan asylums etc and have put them all under a unified administration. He also states that healthy people are not allowed to beg and that the needy sick can just turn to public charities for help. Basically, they try to take care of everyone who needs help. Members of the New Society must also donate two years of community service, usually between the ages of 18-20 after they finish school (which is free for everybody). The New Society also has athletic activities such as cricket, football and rowing. Friedrich then asks how this all came about, where was the “point of transition” in creating this new world. David replies that he will tell him later but that they should rest now. Kingscourt also wonders how the Jews were able to create this amazing society and David replies, “we only were in a position to create this New Society, this new center of civilization here…it could have come only through us, through our destiny. Our moral sufferings were as much a necessary element as our commercial experience and our cosmopolitanism” (82). IV: Friedrich and Kingscourt decide that they should stay in Palestine for as long as David will have them. Friedrich says that he will stay with Kingscourt and leave Palestine when he wants to leave – unless Kingscourt decides to stay there as well. David then comes in and they talk about the newspaper which is co-operative. He then goes on to explain the Haifa works on a flexible “modus operandi” and that many business operations there worked under this co-operative model. David then explains this in great detail using newspapers as an example. He says that all the subscribers own the newspaper and then get back the profits back at the end of the year from advertisements, announcements etc. He goes on to explain in further details about how co-operative newspapers work. He then notes that there are also privately funded newspapers. David says that he owns one of these privately funded newspapers. He suggests that while many things are co-operatives, they are still all individuals and that they “recognize and respect the importance of the individual, just as [they] respect and protect the private property which is his economic foundation.” (91) David also explains that in his firm, he is the owner but that the employees have a co- operative society. He also states how the city has been planned in advanced in that they knew what utilities they needed in the city and planned accordingly by laying underground tunnels in advanced. After talking about all this city and co-operative stuff, they then decide to go to the theater. V: They decide on a Jewish opera. Kingscourt and Friedrich realized that they did not have white gloves to wear to the opera and as such, they want to go to a glove shop on the way to the opera. However, they find out from David that glove shops do not exist here because everything is bought in department stores – specialty stores do not exist. They arrive at a large bazaar and Kingscourt questions how it is possible to not have any small stores. David explains that it is because it was no profitable to set up small stores since there is a bazaar. When they go to pay for the gloves, they realize that the Palestinians have their own currency in which they used the old Hebrew coinage. VI: They arrived at the opera and were seated in a box that David owns. After Act I of the opera, an old friend of Friedrich (Mr. Schiffmann) comes to the box and says that he is with a woman that Friedrich once knew well – Ernestine. It turns out that her husband ended being not too well off because he went bankrupt. While they cannot afford to go to the opera, Mr. Schiffman sometimes gives Ernestine tickets to the opera so she can go. It turns out that Ernestine has a daughter, who Friedrich mistakenly thinks is Ernestine herself. However, Ernestine has in fact aged a lot and has become overweight. Friedrich then feels relief that he has finally gotten over Ernestine after looking at her now. After the opera, Friedrich, Kingscourt and company are asked to go to the president of the New Society’s box. It turns out that the president was the same guy (the occultist) they encountered when they first went to Jerusalem before going to their deserted island. His daughter recognized them and that’s why they were asked to go see them. When they go to the president’s box, the president continuously praises David and says what a great man he is. They also talk about how successful the daughter (Sascha) is now as she runs her own eye clinic to help people in need. The president invites them to come visit him and his daughter in Jerusalem and David promises that they will but first they were going to go to Tiberias – where David’s parents live, so they can celebrate Passover.
Theodore Herzl- Old New Land: Book Three
I
11 The book begins with the group going on a bus ride in the new land. While riding down the road, Kingscourt and Reschid get into a discussion about the immigration of the Jews into Palestine. Kingscourt questions Reschid about giving up his ownership of an orange farm only to lease it out afterwards. Reschid then goes on to explain that he is better off now because he now belongs to the New Society in which no members own their own property. He then goes on about how much better off the people in Palestine are since the Jews have immigrated, specifically, economically. This scene clearly attempts to portray a utopian vision of Arab-Jewish relations after the state had been created. II This section begins with a description the railway system that ran on electricity brought to the land by the Jews. This turns into a description of how primitive the area was before the educated and civilized Jews built the country up. Reschid and David describe the beauty of Palestine, how warm it is and how accessible it is with the new railways. David explains the cooperation of allowing all cultures visit their respective holy places, a solution to a problem that had been plaguing the movement. Herzl takes great care to describe every scene as ideal and beautiful. The party then arrives at a small agricultural town and is greeted by the members of the town. A Geyer man (someone who is against further immigration into the New Society) wished to speak up at the arrival of the group. Steineck then gives a speech in which he urges the members of the community to stick to the principles of Zionism, Liberty, Tolerance, and Love of Mankind and to not join the Geyer following. III Mendel (the Geyer follower) then gets up to speak saying that they should not allow others to take that which they have worked so hard to build. David refutes this speech by saying that it was true that they have worked so hard to build the country up, but they were not alone in their efforts to create the New Land. He asked the people to remember the efforts of past Jews who worked for the creation of a Jewish State before one existed. He says that their community is based on acceptance and sharing, that was the key to their success in the development of the country, and not allowing new members in would go against these principles. IV This section is relatively unimportant. Herzl paints a picture of a beautiful landscape with all of the European amenities that one could desire. Freidrech explains to Miriam that he is bound to Kingcourt’s service through an oath he made to the old man.
V The group arrives at the house of Professor Steineck (father of the other Steineck who gave the speech) where he grows microbes and studies them. He is a proponent of science and advancement. He talks about the advancements in refrigeration and other blossoming industries in the New Society. Rechid then explains how chemically rich the Dead Sea is. It seems that the area contains mineral resources that are better than everywhere in the world. The old Professor than tells that he is searching for the cure to malaria so that Africa may be opened to all who wish to go there. He also talks about the horrors of the slave trade and wishes to help the native Africans. He feels that the slave trade has led to the native people being raised in a foreign land which is similar to the problems that the Jews faced. VI The group then travels to some gardens where they encounter the “Kurort” or the high society Jews. Kingscourt says that these are the Jews that he is used to encountering. He is then explained that these type of individuals used to be the stereotypical Jewish person, but now they recognize that there are many types of Jews. Kingscourt and the group talk to the Jews who are skeptical that anti-semitism has been eliminated. Herzl then describes how wonderful the world has become for Jews. They are now able to pursue their dreams without fear of persecution, and they can now achieve full citizenship in countries that had previously denied it to Jewish individuals.
Theodore Herzl- Old New Land: Book Five - Jerusalem
Enter the land of Jerusalem, still with the marvel of the ancient walls of the Old City yet with a new sense of modernity that fills the land with buildings, paved streets lined with trees, and bustling markets. In the heart of the city a new Peace Palace has been constructed, “which is an international center for great undertakings” Describes the changed atmosphere of the city, where no longer Jews are ashamed of being Jewish, but now are proud and able to rejoice. The next day is Election Day, so David goes to Haifa to
12 help at the campaign headquarters. The election is described in a very democratic manner in which each person from all walks of life participates. Then describes the Jewish Academy, which is based on the centuries-old model of the French Academy, with 40 members each of whom work for the prosper of humanity. Upon David’s return to Jerusalem the next day, his young child becomes very sick. Many people come and pray for his recovery, as his condition appears bleak, but then he miraculously is able to fall asleep and recover. Kingscourt and Friedrich decide to join the New Society, and they hear how the New Society is based purely on merits, and not on family lineage or other favoritism. Therefore the schools are free, and each pupil is free from the history of his parents. Just before the elections, David becomes aware that his mother is sick, and leaves to tend to her needs. At the day of elections for president at the New Society, one of the primary candidates, Joseph Levy announces that he does not wish to serve for he wants to continue on with his own work. It is explained that the New Society is a form of commonwealth or co-operative association, not a nation state. Then the other candidate proclaims that he too does not wish to be President, and that instead the two of them purpose that David Littwak serve as a more youthful and compassionate President. Friedrich decides to go back to Europe to observe the changes that have occurred over the past 20 years. He explains how he sees co-operatives as the wave of the future for economy and politics, and how the New Society will be the syndicate of co-operatives. The telegraph informing David he has been elected President arrives while he is next to his mother’s death bed. She is told of the great news just before she passes away. The last scene is at her funeral, which while sad, is a glorious occasion because of the accomplishments to which their group of Jews has achieved. Each has their own perception of how it all came about, but it ends with the Rabbi Samuel proclaiming it to be the work of God.
Herzl – The Jewish State – Written in Vienna in 1896
52 years after Herzl published the Jewish State, it came to exist. Idea of Jewish State in Palestine not a new idea but without him it would not have existed. Herzl synthesizes failed promises of enlightenment of western Jews with Eastern Jews oppressed depression. To the Jews of Eastern Europe, who were more religious, he was able to tap into messianic. To Western Jews, he presented himself as visionary. Inspired by rejection “enabling violation”. Greatly affected by anti-Semitism in a way that it changed his perspective of the world BUT he was NOT grossly victimized by it. Book begins by discussing failure of assimilation BUT Herzl embodiment of assimilation. He Spoke fluent German and was the Paris correspondent for most important German newspaper. Herzl describes degrees of anti-Semitism without realizing they are degrees puts death of Russian Jews in same category as Jews in Europe being kept out of the social scene. Herzl was not committed to Zionism, for eastern Jews, Argentina NOT ok it MUST be the holy land. “If you will, it is not a dream” – Herzl. “Occupation of the Land”. There is no mention of its extant inhabitants. Herzl knew about settlement of Palestine but didn’t care because they didn’t have “culture” they were just random Arabs. Suggests a white flag with 7 gold stars - White field symbolizes their pure new life Stars represent the seven hour work days This is Herzl’s most noted work in which he outlines his entire plan for creating a Jewish State (he considers Palestine or Argentina as two possible places for setting up the state). Herzl, founder of political Zionism, speaks passionately about The Jewish Question, modern Anti-Semitism (though he doesn’t mention it explicitly in The Jewish State, the Dreyfus Affair is often cited as the particular event that inspired Herzl), and suggests that a Jewish State would solve the Jewish Question for the world and end anti-Semitism against the Jews. He envisions the lowest class of Jews moving to Israel first and pioneering the land (improving their relative status). Eventually the middle class move and contribute (improving their relative status). Finally, the upper class Jews will see a well built, modern state and they too will move to the Jewish State and contribute. Herzl divides the work that goes into building the Jewish State into the Jewish Company, the Local Groups, and the Society of Jews. He imagines a 7 hour work day being instituted. It is significant that Herzl envisioned the inhabitants of the Jewish State speaking their previous languages and not Hebrew (he also says “We shall give up using those miserable stunted jargons, those Ghetto languages which we still employ, for these were the stealthy tongues of prisoners”). His society is merely a political nation-state for the Jews that will incorporate many Western elements. Unlike Ahad Ha’am, he does not express strong interest in maintaining the cultural aspects of Judaism. He wants to make a society of Jews that can be strong and free. “The Maccabeans will rise again.”
13 Joachim Schlor – Tel Aviv: From Dream to City
A “travel book” which uses first hand accounts from the 20s and 30s as sources of the description of Tel Aviv. Main emphasis is on the years before 1948, when it was still uncertain whether the city could achieve the transition from model to reality. Schlor presents Tel Aviv as a center of immigration containing reminders of ever immigrant’s mother country, and as a catalyst between East and West
In 1906, 60 families left Jaffa (predominantly Arab) and moved to Tel Aviv. Recall image of the members of the Achusath Bayit assembled on the sand dunes in northern Jaffa on 11 April 1909, drawing lots for the distribution of the first 60 plots. Tel Aviv founded in 1909 as a garden suburb of the biblical town of Jaffa with residents that are older than the city itself. Unlike other cities in that it has no long history—dig to far down and you strike sand. Thus, the archives are complete. The city has gone through rapid development and transformed from garden suburb to metropolis. Chapter 2 details a lot of the stories behind building developments in Tel Aviv though both personal accounts, pictures, and facts. Describes how Tel Aviv is actually comprised of many smaller European Jewish cities that have come together. Gives personal accounts of peoples’ stores (ie. Dorothy Ruth Kahn). This chapter speaks more of the people and the culture that they embraced. Studies the city from a cultural-anthropological and ethnological point of view. This chapter examines the land of Tel Aviv from a map like perspective. Also look at the area between Jaffa and Tel Aviv and describes the conflict zone. Sums of Tel Aviv through an architectural/building viewpoint. Discusses the building of Tel Aviv and the Bauhaus. Looks at the café culture. Compares Tel Aviv to Jerusalem and seems to indicate that Tel Aviv represents Israel, not Jerusalem. Proof comes in the form of how missile attacks are on Tel Aviv, Rabin assassinated in Tel Aviv, demonstrations are in Tel Aviv, etc. Portrays Jerusalem as stiff and cold. Describes the rise and fall of British influence on Israel. The Balfour Declaration, the Mandate, the Departure.
City Mottos “Again I will build thee, and thou shalt be built.” “Nothing is sacred. Nothing has history.”
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