GOING EGOLI: THE MIGRATION EXPERIENCE OF RECENT ZIMBABWEAN MIGRANTS TO JOHANNESBURG, SOUTH AFRICA

1Chipo Hungwe, 2Derik Gelderblom

1 Senior Lecturer, Human Resource Management Department, Midlands State University

2 Professor Of Sociology, Department Of Sociology, University Of South Africa

Email: [email protected]; [email protected]

Abstract

This paper analyses the experiences of Zimbabwean migrants who have migrated to Kempton Park and Tembisa, South Africa since the late 1990s. It is based on qualitative research on 58 Zimbabwean migrants in 2012 and it focuses on their pre-migration preparations on the Zimbabwean side, how they crossed the border and their reception on the South African side. Particular attention is given to their interaction with those who played a part in their migration such as family members and other agents of migration. Half of the migrants studied migrated as undocumented illegals, while the other half migrated legally, although some overstayed and thus became illegal. Undocumented migrants are dependent on a number of actors who both support them to cross the border and prey on them. First among is these is the malayitsha cross border taxis and buses. Malayitsha are cross border taxi operators or human smugglers. They transport both documented and undocumented migrants. Some of their crew are the ones who escort aspiring migrants through the forests. The escorts are popularly known as impisi (hyenas). Using malayitsha taxis exposed migrants to dangers of exploitation by the malayitsha and the more dangerous magumaguma3 who were known for theft, rape and murder of migrants as they travelled through the forests in their quest to reach Gauteng.

Key Words: Dabulapu; Malayitsha; Migrants; Magumaguma; Limpopo; South Africa; Zimbabwe.

Introduction colonial era Zimbabwean migration was due to a number of political, social and economic pressures. This paper describes how migrants Some of the noticeable causes include the massacre prepared for their first journey to Johannesburg of the Ndebele speaking groups in the areas of after deciding to move and stay there for longer Matabeleland North and Midlands by the Fifth periods. It discusses how potential migrants got Brigade (commonly known as the Gukurahundi in their information and raised their money for the the early 1980s), the economic crisis and its journey, how they were transported across the consequences (such as Operation Murambatsvina, border by malayitsha and how they arrived in high unemployment, inflation, shortage of food and Johannesburg. It also details how they were basic commodities, hunger and starvation) and received following their relatives or friends’ growing political intolerance by the ruling ZANU knowledge that they had arrived. Most migrants did PF regime. Migration statistics tended to increase not have enough transport money so their relatives from the early 1980s to 2008 when Zimbabweans in Johannesburg paid the remainder of the money migrated en masse. This crisis migration is upon their arrival. In some cases the relatives were captured well by [1] as ‘the exodus’ of aware of the migrants’ plans to travel while in Zimbabweans. This migration involved both males others they were taken by surprise. and females who moved out in huge numbers [5]. They migrated to South Africa and other regional Zimbabwe gained political independence countries such as Botswana and Malawi. from British colonial rule in 1980. In the post

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3 Zimbabwean men who waylay undocumented migrants enroute to South Africa via the forests. They usually pretend to offer help to these people but end up stealing from and sometimes raping those they would have hoodwinked. 1 Internationally their popular destinations were; groups of between 20 and 40 while five of them (8, Britain, Australia, New Zealand, United States of 6%) are over the age of forty but below fifty nine. America and the United Arab Emirates. In this sample there are no Zimbabwean migrants above the age of sixty. The table below illustrates Methods and setting these percentages. The research involved fifty eight (58) migrants; both documented and undocumented, who had TABLE 1: AGE OF PARTICIPANTS been in South Africa for more than six months on a continuous basis. There were 33 males and 25 Frequency Percent Valid Cumulative females that participated in the study. This roughly Percent Percent corresponds to the male- female ratio of migrants in Johannesburg. The migrants studied specifically 20-29 22 37.9 37.9 37.9 lived in Kempton Park and Tembisa areas that are 30-39 31 53.4 53.4 91.4 approximately 25km north of Johannesburg central. 40-49 3 5.2 5.2 96.6 Research methods used were mainly semi 50-59 2 3.4 3.4 100.0 structured and in-depth life history interviews Total 58 100.0 100.0 based on a sample that was purposively selected. These were supplemented by moments of participant observation by the researchers as one of Of the fifty eight (58) participants, thirty three (33) the researchers stayed with the participants for the were male while twenty-five (25) were female. duration of the study. The research is mainly based There were twenty nine (29) Shona speaking on life history interviews/narratives and participant participants (20 male and 9 female) and twenty observation. Life history interviews are geared nine (29) Ndebele speaking migrants (13 male and towards understanding the migrants’ whole life 16 female). The current state of migrants in terms course [11]. The use of the word narratives here is of ethnicity depicts the same numbers of Ndebele to emphasise the focus on how migrants create and Shona speaking Zimbabweans in ‘their stories’ in explaining their life courses. Johannesburg. The above statistics show that Participant observation is mainly associated with among the Shona participants, males are dominant ethnographic research. In this particular study while among the Ndebele participants, the numbers participant observation was used to gain a deeper are almost the same though Ndebele women (16) understanding of migrants as groups with a culture are more than men (13). that was different from the rest of the South African society. We observed and participated in those communal activities such as church gatherings on weekends. We attended one session Home Area of Migrants of the book club frequented by middle class In answering the questions where do these migrants migrants. We also visited some migrants at their come from the following table shows home area of workplaces observing their work environments. We migrants in Zimbabwe. This is the place where they also shared meals with some migrants who invited last stayed before moving to South Africa. It may us for dinner. not necessarily be the place of origin of the migrants. In some of these places migrants pursued work and educational opportunities before deciding The current distribution of Zimbabwean to migrate. migrants in Tembisa and Kempton Park TABLE 2 HOME AREA OF MIGRANT Of those interviewed, there are currently 74% of migrants stayed in Tembisa while just a Frequency Percen Valid Percent Cumulative quarter lived in Kempton Park. These migrants are t Percent found in the following sections of Tembisa: Bulawayo 21 36.2 36.2 36.2 Endayini, Esangweni, Umfayaneni, Umthambeka, Gokwe 1 1.7 1.7 37.9 Moedi, Ndulwini, Oakmoar and Phumlong. In Gweru 4 6.9 6.9 44.8 Kempton Park migrants stay in flats, Edleen and Harare 9 15.5 15.5 60.3 Birchleigh. Accommodation is more expensive in Hwange 2 3.4 3.4 63.8 Kempton Park than Tembisa. Lupane 1 1.7 1.7 65.5 Mutare 5 8.6 8.6 74.1 Age, gender and ethnicity characteristics Masvingo 4 6.9 6.9 81.0 In terms of the ages of participants most of Marondera 1 1.7 1.7 82.8 them (91,4%) are in the economically active age Mberengwa 1 1.7 1.7 84.5 2 Nkayi 5 8.6 8.6 forests) mode of transport even if it cost them more Silobela 1 1.7 1.7 money. Tsholotsho 3 5.2 5.2 While some migrants had travel costs Total 58 100.0 100.0 catered for by relatives in Johannesburg or Zimbabwe, some stole the money from relatives in The table shows that some migrants came Zimbabwe. This was the story told by Bernard who straight from the rural areas (such as Silobela, came to Johannesburg in 1995: Tsholotsho, Lupane, Mberengwa, Nkayi and Gokwe) while others first migrated to urban areas “ I worked odd jobs in Zimbabwe before (such as Gweru, Bulawayo, Harare, Marondera and coming to Johannesburg. I used to sell Mutare) and then moved to South Africa. For foodstuffs at a bus terminus. I also once example, Aaron is originally from Mberengwa but worked as a tout for local taxis. One day I when he migrated to South Africa in 2008, he was stole my brother’s money that was meant coming from Bulawayo where he pursued a course for paying electricity and utility bills. I in Motor mechanics that he did not finish. also stole my other brother’s passport Therefore international migration was the ultimate which I used to cross the border”. step for individuals who were already engaged in internal step migration. Sometimes potential migrants stole from their employers. This was what Farai did. He used to The above table reveals that rather than migration work at an internet cafe where he stole a computer being concentrated in the western parts of and gave it to malayitsha as payment for transport. Zimbabwe (such as Bulawayo, Tsholotsho) Another migrant, Edgar, stole motor spares from migrants in Johannesburg now hail from all over his employer and sold them to raise bus-fare. Zimbabwe. While the bulk are still based in major Migrants who had stolen goods or money for cities and towns (Bulawayo, Harare, Mutare, transport costs were all male. While the act of theft Gweru) some migrants come from rural areas of created tensions, especially among relatives, they Zimbabwe such as Gokwe, Mberengwa and Nkayi. were quickly forgiven when they remitted the The effect of the economic crisis is clear in that money back home. However, for those that did not rather than migration being limited to the replace the money through remittances, there was a traditional routes in western Zimbabwe, all parts of strong connection made between their misfortunes the country were affected in the same way and thus in Johannesburg (not getting good jobs) and the people moved to South Africa to ensure survival. perceived anger of their former employers. This belief was so strong that Paradzayi the brother of Farai ended up repaying the former employer of his Raising Transport Money younger brother four years after the migration. This was because his younger brother could not get good There was little resistance to the idea of migrating jobs over that period and they feared that he had to Johannesburg. In some cases migration was been bewitched by his former employer. suggested by family members. A good example is that of Tatenda whose mother suggested that she There was another small group of migrates to Johannesburg for a better future in migrants that raised their own transport money 2008. She even sought bus-fare for her daughter. without assistance from family members. These There were few women who stated that there was individuals saved money from their meagre salaries resistance from their parents. However this in Zimbabwe. For example, Bongani saved his resistance was not directed towards the idea of bonus in 2003 so that he could travel to coming to Johannesburg but on the mode of Johannesburg in 2004. Vongai had saved her transportation used. Parents tended to prefer buses money from Netherlands where she had been an or closely related malayitsha whom they could trust International student. rather than unknown malayitsha for the safety of their daughters. Grace was one such daughter whose mother did not want her to come with malayitsha in 2007. Her sister in Johannesburg had Mode of transport used paid malayitsha to bring Grace to South Africa but her mother demanded a refund preferring that Migrants came by buses and malayitsha Grace travels by bus. When malayitsha refused to taxis. Migrants were given transport money, refund them they had no choice but to take up his information and tips on how to travel either by their offer although the mother was upset. Therefore in relatives in Johannesburg or their families back in raising transport money there was always a Zimbabwe. This made the travel smoother although preference for a safer (in terms of not going via a few still complained of being badly treated by their transporters, especially the malayitsha taxi 3 operators. Buses were generally believed to be different malayitsha who were already safer that the malayitsha taxis because if one had an there. In our group there were 14 of us and adequate amount of money (which includes money we were told to wait until we were twenty for bribing officials) they could cross the border because the malayitsha’s car needed to properly without going through the bushes by just carry a full load of twenty. I discovered remaining in the bus while others disembarked to five more groups belonging to other have their passports stamped. The immigration malayitsha”. officers who inspect buses ignore such individuals when they have been given a ‘reasonable’ amount The story was the same for Mary who broke into of money of up to R200. Buses and malayitsha tears narrating how they stayed for two weeks in taxis usually charge between R1000 and R1500 for the forest after her first attempt to cross was foiled such cases. However, malayitsha taxis were the by the police at Musina in 2008. She discovered favourite mode of transport for undocumented that there were more than seventy (70) people in migrants without money to bribe officials. the forests belonging to different malayitsha. She was even more perturbed to discover some Fifty percent of the migrants agreed that individuals who had been in the forests for two their first journey, after deciding to stay in South months waiting for their malayitsha’s cars to have Africa, was illegal. They either did not have a the needed full load. passport or the visa that was required for legal entry. Some of them travelled via the bush or Undocumented migrants mostly prefer using forests. Travelling via the bush is commonly called malayitsha or migrant smugglers who have ways of dabulapu. The literal meaning of this word is not getting across via the forests. The malayitsha known although one could say the word derives employ individuals called the impisi (literally from dabula-which means to tear or cut wide open. meaning hyena) who help potential migrants to Migrants could be viewed as cutting through the cross the Limpopo River and walk through the bushes to move from one country to the other. bush. They engage in risky business where they Migrants who use dabulapu are always afraid of help migrants cross the huge crocodile infested magumaguma and wild animals. For female Limpopo River. The journey via the bush is also migrants, rape by magumaguma is their greatest dangerous because of the maguma guma who fear. Male migrants commonly joke about not waylay would be migrants killing raping and wanting to marry female migrants who came via stealing from them in the process. These human dabulapu because some of them would have been smugglers can be compared with the Mexican violated by magumaguma. coyotes who smuggle undocumented migrants across the USA-Mexico border [4]; [3]; [2]. A Some migrants recalled harrowing stories coyote is a prairie wolf. Surprisingly the names of how they crossed the Limpopo River in the impisi and coyote are names of wild animals that company of the impisi and how they were lucky to are fierce, carnivorous and hunt in packs. To some have escaped the magumaguma. According to [6] extent the imagery is meant to give confidence in the magumaguma mainly operate in two ways: (a) their clients that they can handle the jungle because offering assistance to potential migrants in crossing they live in it like predatory wild animals. But it the border unofficially and later robbing the same could also mean that the clients run the risk ‘of individuals or (b) waylaying the potential migrants being eaten’ by the same animals because they are in- order to steal, rape or kill them. Migrants who easy prey! used dabulapu recounted how they spent at least 2 days walking through the forests. One particular Crossing the Limpopo River lady (Tatenda) who crossed the border in 2008 recounted how they spent 2 weeks in the forests There are myths associated with crossing the after being duped by the malayitsha that had ferried Limpopo River. In some cases migrants stated that them. Her story is as follows: there were medicine men that would jump into the water to chase crocodiles. In all the cases, men and “ I had R600 at the border and one women were made to cross the river stark naked. malayitsha tricked us saying he could help Rituals of crossing the river involved: crossing the us cross the border directly without going river in the early hours of the day, for example at through the forests. I gave him R300 and 2am; killing, beating or leaving behind small hid the other R300. We stayed in the forest children who cried at the river; removing all the for two weeks. The man provided food but clothes and holding hands while crossing. A vivid he was stingy because we only ate pap and description of how the river was crossed came from cabbages while other people belonging to Scott who crossed the river in January 2012: other malayitsha ate pap and meat. There were groups of people belonging to “ We crossed the river at a site called kwamumbengeyi which is near a soldiers’ 4 camp. The water in the river was just To make matters worse, sometimes new migrants above the waist of a tall adult male. brought along their own friends and relatives. Women cried. Some had children. I grew Tatenda had a similar story: up in rural areas so I knew how to swim. I was not really afraid. What I was afraid of “ We arrived in Joburg in February 2008 was the fact that they said we should hold and stayed in Yeoville in the malayitsha’s hands with women and cross the river in a flat. The driver would phone people’s single file. We were arranged in such a relatives to bring money and collect their way that men would support women and relatives. Some would switch off their help carry their weight as we crossed. No cell-phones. In my case my distant uncle one was harmed by crocodiles because did not know that I was coming. I got his there were men who were hired to help us details from his sister. He did not even cross the river. These men jumped into the know me. He is a distant relative. When water to test it and then told us it was ok they phoned him he said he had no money for us to cross. Those women who had and was not ready for my arrival. I had my crying babies were beaten up and made to mothers’ friend with me who was also stop their children from crying. The hoping she could stay at my uncle’s place. malayitsha are very harsh and hard We spent a week in Yeoville waiting for hearted. They were hurling insults and him to come and fetch us. The malayitsha vulgar language. We crossed the river at was already complaining that we were around 3am”. wasting his food. He thought of returning us to Zimbabwe but then decided to take All the migrants that came to Johannesburg via the us to my uncle in Tembisa. My uncle river agreed that they were made to remove their promised to make a bank deposit of the clothes for ease of crossing. In some cases they malayitsha’s money at month-end. I also crossed safely while in others children were left promised to give him the money when I behind or some people drowned. It was important got employed. I never gave him anything to choose the timing of migration so that one up to now. I still have his phone numbers crosses the river in summer or winter, for example and bank details”. in the months from June to October. However, some crossed in January when the river was almost Not all migrants got off so easily. At the height of full. Desperation tended to be the major factor. the economic crisis in 2008 Aaron was among those that were rescued by the police after being Awareness of the Journey by Relatives in locked up in a garage for two days by a malayitsha Zimbabwe and South Africa for non payment of the full transport costs. Fortunately among the seven male arrivals (he took The first migration trip was shrouded in secrecy away the women) who were ‘imprisoned’ by either at the departure or arrival point. However malayitsha was one young man who phoned his this period was perceived as stressful to the father who stayed in Hillbrow. The father alerted migrant, the family in Zimbabwe and the relatives the police who then facilitated the release of these in Johannesburg who had to stretch their meagre migrants. They were not deported. The police gave resources to accommodate yet another poor them food and allowed them to phone their dependent. Depending on luck and level of relatives while at the police station and simply let preparedness prior to the arrival a new migrant them go. could be unemployed for up to two months. This is a long time to try the patience of an unprepared At the mercy of Malayitsha struggling migrant. Throughout their journey migrants were at every Coming unannounced and uninvited is a big risk as stage at the mercy of malayitsha. At departure one may be rejected by relatives. For women, point the malayitsha would charge unreasonable rejection could lead to rape (there were rumours of transportation fees and demand half or the full this though none among migrants told me they amount depending on whether the migrant had a were raped) and abuse by the malayitsha who trustworthy story about having relatives in would keep them until the migrants’ relatives Johannesburg. At the border, the malayitsha would changed their minds. It is in the interest of the change his story about crossing the border using the malayitsha to keep them in-order for him (the normal border post. At that stage it would be too malayitsha are always male) to get his transport late for the potential migrant to demand their charges (in most cases these same migrants would money back since their agreement would have been not have paid their transport costs in full hoping based on the belief that they will not use dabulapu. that their relatives would square-up the remainder). The potential migrant is forced to accept the new

5 terms set by malayitsha. Going through the forests African buses are not known to carry in some cases means that migrants would have to illegal Immigrants”. stay in the forests for days with up to fifty or more people as the malayitsha leaves them behind to Dan was arrested in Johannesburg central on his look for other people to cheat and increase their way to look for a job. number. Food supplies become a problem in a situation where each malayitsha must feed ‘his “I used to stay in Joburg central and they people’. Shortages of food would mean that in arrested me in 1998 when I was on my some cases the malayitsha would demand more way to ukumaketha (looking for a job). money in order to buy food for ‘his people’. In the They checked for inoculation marks that forest migrants were also in danger as the appear on the left shoulder of malayitsha would phone the migrants’ relatives to Zimbabweans and caught us. We were confirm that he would get his money upon arrival. deported but I came back”. Migrants narrated stories of other potential migrants who were left in the forests after their Migrants who came before 2000 argue that arrests relatives refused to commit themselves to paying and deportations were much more frequent then for transportation. In other cases, the new arrival than those that happened after 2000. Lwazi came to would be stuck with malayitsha in Hillbrow or Johannesburg in 1994. He argues that “we came Yeoville in cases when their relatives disowned during the apartheid era. It was difficult. We were them. Again this exposes them to abuse by the irate always arrested. In November 1995 I spent the malayitsha who would be demanding his money. whole month in jail for not having a pass. When I The malayitsha were believed to overcharge got out I looked for friends from Durban who migrants capitalising on their desperation. For helped me get South Africa documents”. example, when Aaron used dabulapu in 2008 he Reasons for coming to Johannesburg was charged R2500 when the ‘normal’ fee was supposed to be around R1500. There are many reasons for coming to Johannesburg, although the major cause was the Arrests and Deportations harsh economic reality. The reasons for migration There were migrants who had been deported at can be explained through the new economics of least once in the various stages of their journeys. labour migration theory [10] and the theory of Most were caught at the border; others were cumulative causation [7]. Migration tended to be an arrested along the way and even when they were in outcome of a combination of macro (economic Johannesburg. For example, Aaron was arrested the environment) and micro or interpersonal factors first time he attempted to come as an such as the availability of information and money, undocumented migrant in 2008: encouragement and lack of resistance from family members and the individual’s own curiosity and “ I was arrested when I tried to come the aspirations to improve themselves. These tended to first time. They caught me in Makhado be facilitating factors in the migration process. The and deported me. I had to start afresh. I following four examples illustrate this point sold my starter pack (for cellular phone) to clearly. come here”. “ After my wedding in 2001 the Bongani was also deported in 2005. They arrested economy had changed. I couldn’t and deported him in 2005 for coming without a buy a four plate stove or even a visa in Polokwane. Farai was arrested and deported cow with the money. I had in 2010 at a roadblock just after the border. He friends and relatives here. They argues: told me that doing art is lucrative business in South Africa. All my “ I was coming from visiting family family members are here” members in Zimbabwe and there was a (Bongani). roadblock just after the border. They arrested and deported me but I soon found “ I used to work in the retail a bus at Beitbridge and lied to the bus industry and rose through the driver that another bus (that had my ranks to the highest levels until luggage) had left me while I was still the company closed. I started sorting out my issues at the border. I cross border trading selling showed him my ticket and he agreed to petrol, chickens and other goods transport me. It was a South African bus until I eventually decided to settle so the police did not search it. South in South Africa. My wife came to Joburg in January and I followed 6 her in December 2006” small basins inside their rooms for the first time, (Morgan). staying with three or more people in a room. Going back to Zimbabwe was not a better option so they “ I didn’t really choose to come. then decided to stick it out. Sometimes migrants My sister facilitated everything. feel they cannot go back without anything to show But we had already heard good for having been to a foreign country [11]. The stories about South Africa and reality was not as good as the images portrayed by also seeing them sending friends and relatives who already stayed in South groceries, so it was easy for me Africa. Karen had this to say about her great to agree” (Grace). expectations when she came in 2008:

“ The teacher was the poorest “I thought that if you are in Johannesburg person in Zimbabwe ...my you are in heaven. We were told stories children couldn’t go to school. about good life and thought you would There was no food. My husband pick money on the streets”. was a driver but there was no fuel in Zimbabwe. He moved to South For almost all the participants, the first few months Africa but was unemployed for were disappointing as the expectations did not one year...I was ashamed to be match the reality. Some had left formal jobs such as called a teacher...here I got an nursing and teaching and could not stomach the opportunity to come out and harsh reality, However, they felt they had not much show my passion as a teacher choice considering the economic situation in again” (Maureen). Zimbabwe and also that others had left improperly (after stealing, or without notifying their employers Migrants generally argued that “things were bad” and relatives, so they could not face them). referring to the harsh economic situation that prevailed in Zimbabwe from the late 1990s Among some of the harsh realities was the onwards. For those that came after 2007, migration rejection by their relatives who had initially lured tended to be the last resort after all other avenues them into coming to Johannesburg. Spiwe also failed to deliver. The Government of Zimbabwe narrated how she ended up accommodating a (GoZ) country report of 2010 reveals that in 2003 woman she met in a bus from Zimbabwe: 72% of the Zimbabwean population were living “ I met the woman in the bus to below the total consumption line. This percentage Johannesburg. When we arrived in increased with the deepening of the economic crisis Johannesburg, she phoned her sister between 2007 and 2008. At the height of the telling her that she had arrived. The sister economic crisis in Zimbabwe the inflation rate told her to go back to Zimbabwe. She reached an official level of 230 million percent [9]. couldn’t return as she was already in The formal sector employment shrunk from 1,4 Johannesburg. I pitied her and took her in. million in 1998 to 998000 in 2004. In 2006 the I offered her accommodation”. poverty datum line was 85% [9]. The situation of Zimbabweans was desperate and some responded Relatives that rejected the migrants gave excuses of by migrating. Even after the Global Political not having been notified about the new migrant Agreement between the two main Zimbabwean such that they were caught unaware. They chose to political parties, and the introduction of the US reject the new arrival insisting that they go back dollar into the Zimbabwean economy in 2009, home, but in most cases they always relented and Zimbabweans continue to migrate to South Africa. took the new migrant in. Rejection characterises They argue that it is not easy to get hold of the US migrant family networks in distress, facing harsh dollar. economic conditions in the host country [8].

Great expectations versus reality For those relatives that did not out-rightly abandon the new migrant, life was not easy as they had to share the already overcrowded accommodation and Most came with great expectations of making quick the meagre earnings. The situation in some cases money and going back rich. Stories circulated in was very bad. For example, one male migrant Zimbabwe generally reflected Egoli (Paradzayi) became so hungry that he begged for (Johannesburg) as a place full of wealth where one an apple from a fruit vendor promising to give him could easily get ahead regardless of whether they his R2 when he got a job. The fruit vendor gave are educated or not. However, migrants then him and sure enough after getting a job he looked realised that life was not so easy. The reality was for the vendor to give him the R2. This man is an shocking for most migrants who learnt to bath in Information Technology expert who used to work 7 for the Zimbabwe Prison Services. He had been job and left them. I then found a room and encouraged to migrate by his uncle (Bernard) who went away. The relationship was spoilt for had promised him a supervisory post in his security ever.” company. Upon arrival the man had to wait for a month to get a job from his uncle who claimed that Tapera also explains how his friend could not trust there were no “new premises” requiring additional him with his wife to the extent that he chased him security guards. Eventually when there was an away: opening he was employed as a simple security “ My friend said I could come and stay guard and never given the supervisory job with him. So I moved from my nephew’s promised. He argued: room where I had shared accommodation with my nephew, his wife and child...My “ We were happy in the first few weeks. friend later changed his mind and chased But because I stayed with him me away saying he couldn’t leave me with unemployed he started changing his his wife as he was going for night duty”. attitude and life changed. Where we used to eat three meals a day they reduce to two The two cases presented above reveal how this co- and then eventually one, at 9 pm”. residential strategy sometimes led to conflicts based on issues of (or fear of) inability to satisfy The problem of food shortages was also faced by conjugal roles, household responsibilities and day Farai who once stayed with his cousin brother to day survival. Staying with friends and sleeping when he was unemployed: “his character was bad. in the same room was only viable when none of the He used to drink a lot. He would buy food when he friends had a partner of the opposite sex. The felt like it. If you have no money even if you are presence of females as wives or girlfriends put a older you become the younger one”. strain on friendships.

Living and sleeping arrangements of migrants There are migrants who rent flats in Kempton Park. In most cases they share the flat where three or four Sharing accommodation individuals (who always have other family Migrants in Tembisa can share members with them) take a room each and then accommodation such that 4 or 5 adults can sleep in communally use the kitchen. In fewer cases one small room regardless of sex and social concerning middle class migrants like Vongai, distance. This means that one room can house men Miriam, Trish, Morgan and Maureen the whole flat and women who are relatives and friends or house would be used by one family. For sometimes including brothers and sisters- in- law or example, Vongai stays with her son and a maid in uncles, aunts and nephews and nieces. For her flat. These migrants argue that there are few example, Norbert first stayed with his uncle who moments when they stay alone without any visitors. was already staying with his brother-in- law. Karen Miriam said: also currently stays with her husband, her child and “There is not even a single day that I have also her brother who recently arrived from not had a visitor. I have made it a point Zimbabwe. They stay and sleep in the same room. that the reason why I came was also to Such individuals are culturally expected to help people. I have lived with up to twenty maintain a certain social distance. There is lack of people in my house. Most people dump privacy and decency and this can hinder the proper each other”. fulfilment of conjugal rights. To cope with the situation migrants take turns to bath and dress Morgan also stated that: while others go outside the room and just stand or “I had decent accommodation and a better walk around the house. Grace explains how she job so I took my mother, sister, brother in first stayed with her sister, brother-in-law and their law and their children to come and stay children in one room: with me. At one point we were ten in a three roomed flat. The caretaker was “I first stayed in Tembisa with my sister sympathetic. I would tell him I have and her Zimbabwean boyfriend and his people coming from Zimbabwe. We had children in one room. In the first days it problems of cutting keys for everyone” was alright but family members can exploit you. In the end the relationship Do not overstay your welcome was sour. Her boyfriend made advances on me. He would give me pocket money Generally migrants believe that one should not like R100 to buy food. When I told my overstay their welcome. Whether living with sister she couldn’t believe me and thought friends or relatives there was urgency to quickly that I had encouraged him. I got a stay-in move and establish one’s life alone. This normally 8 happened in the first two or three months or after mainly determined by their documentation status the new migrant got a job. Moving out was a way and migrant networks. How they settle is also a of: moving away from strained relationships; trying function of family and friend networks. At the to save relationships from becoming bad and height of the Zimbabwean political and economic sometimes just gaining independence. Explaining crisis between 2000 and 2009, Zimbabweans why she moved out of her friend’s flat after a few migrated en masse regardless of age, gender and months, Vongai argued that: social class. The current Zimbabwean migrants in “You still have a family back home. You Johannesburg are a mixture of men and women, the need to be a stepping stone for someone educated and uneducated and the poor and middle who wants to come to South Africa and class. Zimbabwean migration into South Africa you can’t be a stepping stone while during the crisis period can be classified as staying with other people”. ‘survival migration’.

Vivienne clearly articulated that “when you are accommodated by friends you can’t overstay your visit. You have to quickly move and find your own little room”.

Conclusion

Life among Zimbabwean migrants is hard. Migrants are motivated by prospects for a better life. This is why some engaged in risky travel arrangements with malayitsha. They hope for a better future and their families also cling to these hopes. The routes and experiences of migrants are

9 Summary of the migrant’s journey and experiences

Family members in Zimbabwe and SA Bus/malayitsha

Dabulapu impisi/ magumaguma

Remittance/non remittance behaviour

malayitsha

move out Family+ friends in SA (Tensions, narrow structure of opportunity “Go Home”!)

10 References

[1] Crush, J & Tevera, D. 2010. Exiting Zimbabwe, in Zimbabwe's Exodus: Crisis, Migration and Survival, edited by J Crush & D Tevera. Ottawa: SAMP in cooperation with IDRC: 1-51.

[2] Dolphin, S & Genicot, G. 2010. What do networks do? The role of networks in migration and ‘coyote’ use. Review of Development Economics 14(2): 343-359.

[3] Donato, KM, Wagner, B & Patterson, E. 2008. The cat and mouse game at the Mexico –US Border: gendered patterns and recent shifts. International Migration Review 42(2): 330-359.

[4] Krissman, F. 2005. Sin coyote Ni Patron: why the migrant network fails to explain international migration. International Migration Review 39(1), spring: 4-44.

[5] Landau, LB. 2008. Drowning in numbers, in Migration from Zimbabwe: Numbers, Needs and Policy Options, edited by R Leslie, S Johnston, A Bernstein & R de Villiers. Johannesburg: Centre for Development and Enterprise: 7-13

[6] Maphosa, F. 2010. Transnationalism and undocumented migration between rural Zimbabwe and South Africa, in Zimbabwe's Exodus: Crisis, Migration and Survival, edited by J Crush & D Tevera. Ottawa: SAMP in cooperation with IDRC: 345-362.

[7] Massey, DS. 1990. Social structure, household strategies and the cumulative causation of migration. Population Index 56(1), spring: 3-26.

[8] Menjivar, C. 1997. Immigrant kinship networks and the impact of the receiving context: Salvadorans in San Francisco in the early 1990s. Social Problems 44(1), February: 104-123.

[9] Raftopolous, B. 2009. Crisis in Zimbabwe: 1988-2008, in Becoming Zimbabwe: A history from the Pre-colonial period to 2008, edited by B Raftopolous & A Mlambo. Harare: Weaver: 201- 232.

[10] Stark, O & Bloom, DE. 1985. The new economics of labour migration. The American Economic Review 75(2), May: 173-178.

[11] Van Nieuwenhuyze, I. 2009. Getting by in Europe’s urban labour markets: Senegambian migrants’ strategies for survival, documentation and mobility. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.

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