Chapter Twenty-Five s1

CHAPTER TWENTY-FIVE

25:1 Festus therefore, having arrived in the province, three days later went up to Jerusalem from Caesarea. {Fh/stoj (n-nm-s)--ou=n (cc)--evpibai,nw (vpaanm-s) to come to, to arrive--h` evparcei,a (n-df-s) 2X, an area ruled by a governor, a province-- meta, (pa)--trei/j (a-caf-p)--h`me,ra (n-af-p)--avnabai,nw (viaa--3s)--eivj (pa)-- ~Ieroso,luma (n-an-p)--avpo, (pg)--Kaisa,reia (n-gf-s)} 25:2 And the chief priests and the leading men of the Jews brought charges against Paul; and they were urging him, {te, (cc)--o` avrciereu,j (n-nm-p)--kai, (cc)--o` prw/toj (aponm-p)--o` VIoudai/oj (ap-gm-p)--evmfani,zw (viaa--3p) lit to make visible, here as in 24:1 to bring legal charges against--auvto,j (npdm3s)--kata, (pg) against--o` Pau/loj (n-gm-s)--kai, (cc)--parakale,w (viia--3p) they kept one urging-- auvto,j (npam3s)} 25:3 requesting a concession against Paul, that he might have him brought to Jerusalem (at the same time, setting an ambush to kill him on the way). {aivte,w (vppmnm-p) requesting for themselves, the content of their urging was their persistent re- quests--ca,rij (n-af-s) a grace, a favor--kata, (pg)--auvto,j (npgm3s)--o[pwj (abr) used with subjunctive to indicate purpose--metape,mpomai (vsad--3s) to send for, to summon--auvto,j (npam3s)--eivj (pa)--~Ieroso,luma (n-af-s)--poie,w (vppanm-p) doing, setting--evne,dra (n-af-s) 2X, see 23:12, an ambush, a lying in wait--avnaire,w (vnaa) purpose infin.--auvto,j (npam3s)--kata, (pa) lit. down the way...lots of places between Caesarea and Jerusalem--h` o`do,j (n-af-s)} 25:4 Festus then answered that Paul was being kept in custody at Caesarea and that he himself was about to leave shortly. {me,n (cc)--ou=n (ch)--o` Fh/stoj (n-nm-s)-- avpokri,nomai (viao--3s)--o` Pau/loj (n-am-s)--thre,w (vnpp) indir. assertion--eivj (pa)--Kaisa,reia (n-af-s)--de, (cc)--e`autou/ (npam3s)--me,llw (vnpa+)-- evkporeu,omai (+vnpn) comp. infin--evn (pd)--ta,coj (n-dn-s) 8X, means quickly} 25:5 "Therefore," he *said, "let the influential men among you go there with me, and if there is anything wrong about the man, let them prosecute him." {ou=n (ch)--fhmi, (vipa--3s)--o` dunato,j (ap-nm-p) one who possesses power, important or influential--evn (pd)--su, (npd-2p)--sugkatabai,nw (vpaanm-p) lit to go down with-- eiv (cs)--eivmi, (vipa--3s) assumed as true--ti,j (a-inn-s) anything--a;topoj (ap-nn-s) lit. out of place, wrong, criminal--evn (pd)--o` avnh,r (n-dm-s)--kathgore,w (vmpa-- 3p) lit them accuse or charge--auvto,j (npgm3s)}

Exposition vs. 1-5 1. Porcius Festus, who succeeded Felix as governor of Judea, appears to have been a good ruler, although his time in office was too short for him to make any lasting impression on Jewish and Roman relationships. 2. He ruled Judea from 59-62 AD, when he died in office.

Acts 25 1 3. For the Jewish population of Palestine, Porcius Festus was a welcome successor to Antonius Felix, immeasurably better than this successor, Albinus (62-64 AD) and the totally corrupt Gessius Florus (64-66 AD) 4. Nothing is really known of Festus before he assumed the office of governor of Judea, nor can the time of his arrival in Palestine in 59 AD be precisely fixed. 5. He inherited all the troubles and tensions that existed under Felix mishandling of his office, which culminated in the war of 66-70 AD. 6. Festus was a political novice, at least when it came to dealing with the Jews, and this plays a major part in the outcome of Paul’s case. 7. Felix was a seasoned veteran of the political arena, well informed about Christianity, and skillful in handling things to his own advantage. 8. He was probably proud of the way he had handled the issue of Paul, putting of a very dangerous decision, and gaining some favor with the Jews by leaving Paul in prison. 9. When Festus took office, he was a novice, inexperienced in handling the Jews and un- informed about many of the issues he would have to face, including the potentially explosive issue of Paul 10. Festus only took three days to settle in Caesarea and after this paid a courtesy visit to Jerusalem. 11. This was to consult with the existing Jewish leadership and discuss any matters that required his attention. 12. The two years that Paul remained in prison had done nothing to cool the hostility of the Jews and their determination to rid themselves of Paul and his teaching. 13. We are not told when, if, or how often they worked on Felix to resolve the case, but we are informed in verse 2 that this was the first issue they raised with Festus when he arrived in Jerusalem. 14. Festus was new to his job, unfamiliar with Judaism, and ignorant of the intensifying conflict between Christianity and the unbelieving Jews in Israel. 15. Since Paul was the most prominent representative for The Way, he became the focal point of the Jewish attack on the gospel. 16. When Festus arrived in Jerusalem, he unknowingly walked into an ambush and was immediately buttonholed by the Jews that wanted Paul dead. 17. They exploited the favor that Felix had done them by leaving Paul in prison and de- manded that the new governor take this case up immediately. 18. The chief priest at this time was Ishmael, appointed to succeed Ananias during the final portion of Felix’ reign as governor. 19. Ananias, among many others that had been in the office, continued to exercise great influence in Jerusalem until the time of his death in 66 AD. 20. Counting on the inexperience of Festus to work in their favor, they urged him to immediately have Paul transferred from Caesarea to their jurisdiction in Jerusalem to stand trial. 21. Luke informs us that their real motive in requesting this was to ambush and murder Paul on the journey from Caesarea to Jerusalem. 22. No doubt, if this failed, they thought they could arrange for Paul to be tried before the Sanhedrin on the single charge of profaning the temple—a charge for which they could impose the death penalty.

Acts 25 2 23. This would allow them to deal with this issue without having to keep up the pretense that Paul was a political threat to the Romans. 24. The charge of political revolt or sedition against Paul was really only required to obtain a conviction and have the death penalty imposed in a Roman court. 25. Festus surprises them and overrules their plans by inviting the Jewish leaders to re- turn with him to Caesarea and press their charges against Paul in a Roman court. 26. Festus was not planning a long stay in Jerusalem; he was merely making a courtesy call, and had no intention of becoming involved in a lengthy trial there. 27. Besides, as he says, the prisoner was being kept in custody in Caesarea and he himself was about to leave shortly. 28. Their plot was foiled since it appears that Festus was predisposed to see that justice was done according to Roman law. Acts 25:16 29. Further, Festus quickly grasped the political implications of what the Jews were attempting to do. 30. If he acquiesed to their demands, it would give the impression that they were in charge of the situation and calling the shots for him. 31. Festus declined their requrest, not because he was seeking to spare Paul from being assassinated (a danger of which he was not aware), but because this would cause him to lose face politically. 32. If there was going to be a trial, it would not be in Jerusalem; Paul was a Roman citizen and Festus was the representative of the Roman government. 33. He insisted, not only on trying the case, but trying it at his headquarters, the Roman capital of the province.

25:6 And after he had spent not more than eight or ten days among them, he went down to Caesarea; and on the next day he took his seat on the tribunal and ordered Paul to be brought. {de, (cc)--diatri,bw (vpaanm-s) having spent time--h`me,ra (n- af-p)--ouv (qn)--polu,j (a-maf-p) much or more--ovktw, (apcgf-p)--h; (cc)--de,ka (apcgf-p)--evn (pd)--auvto,j (npdm3p)--katabai,nw (vpaanm-s)--eivj (pa)-- Kaisa,reia (n-af-s)--h` evpau,rion (ab) on the next day--kaqi,zw (vpaanm-s) having sat down--evpi, (pg)--to. bh/ma (n-gn-s)--keleu,w (viaa--3s)--o` Pau/loj (n-am-s)-- a;gw (vnap) indir.command, to be led or brought} 25:7 And after he had arrived, the Jews who had come down from Jerusalem stood around him, bringing many and serious charges against him which they could not prove; {de, (cc)--paragi,nomai (vpadgm-s)-- auvto,j (npgm3s) after Paul had arrived--o` VIoudai/oj (ap-nm-p)--katabai,nw (vpranm-p) who had come and were present--avpo, (pg)--~Ieroso,luma (n-gn-p)--perii

Acts 25 3 25:8 while Paul said in his own defense, "I have committed no offense either against the Law of the Jews or against the temple or against Caesar."

{o` Pau/loj (n-gm-s)--avpologe,omai (vppngm-s) after which, temporal part. Paul defended himself saying--o[ti (cc) indir. disc.--a`marta,nw (viaa--1s)--ti.j (apian-s) a certain thing, something, anything--ou;te (cc)--eivj (pa)--o` no,moj (n-am-s)--o` VI- oudai/oj (ap-gm-p)--ou;te (cc)--eivj (pa)--to. i`ero,j (ap-an-s)--ou;te (cc)--eivj (pa)--Kai/sar (n-am-s)} 25:9 But Festus, wishing to do the Jews a favor, answered Paul and said, " Are you willing to go up to Jerusalem and stand trial before me on these charges?" {de, (ch)--o` Fh/stoj (n-nm-s)--qe,lw (vppanm-s)--katati,qhmi (vnam) 2X, lit to lay down, to do, comp. infin.--o` VIoudai/oj (ap-dm-p)--ca,rij (n-af-s) exactly the same as Acts 24:27--avpokri,nomai (vpaonm-s)--o` Pau/loj (n-dm-s)--ei=pon (viaa--3s) qe,lw (vipa--2s)--avnabai,nw (vpaanm2s) having gone up, translated like an infin.--eivj (pa)--~Ieroso,luma (n-an-p)--evkei/ (ab) "there", not translated in NAS--kri,nw (vnap) comp.infin. goes with thelo--evpi, (pg)--evgw, (npg-1s)--peri, (pg)--ou-toj (apdgn-p) these things, these charges}

Exposition vs. 6-9 1. Festus intended to make sure that the Jews knew he was in charge and he deliberately stayed in Jerusalem for another week and a half before returning to Caesarea. 2. This delay may have upset the leadership of the Jews, but it was likely a calculated move on Festus’ part to establish the tone of his rule. 3. While it is not directly stated, it appears that the time Festus spent in Jerusalem al- lowed the Jews to organize a party to accompany Festus when he returned to Cae- sarea. 4. Once in Caesarea, Festus wasted no time; the following day he convened the court, and had Paul brought before him. 5. Since Felix had refused to adjudicate this case, it is now opened afresh before the new governor. 6. Festus certainly understood the Roman concept of due process and brought the prisoner in to confront his accusers. 7. Further, he obviously understood the concept of a speedy trial and did not waste any time for Paul or the Jews. Acts 25:17 8. The Jews had not cooled in their hatred for Paul and, upon seeing him, give vent to their seething anger. 9. Whatever composure they may have manifested in Jerusalem was quickly lost when they came to face their hated enemy. 10. Their charges, although not specified here, must have been along the lines of the charges they brought through Tertullus in Acts 24:5-6. 11. Their charges were likely serious in character and could have resulted in the death penalty if proven, but were devoid of proof. 12. They encircled Paul like a pack of wild dogs, hoping to tear their victim limb from limb.

Acts 25 4 13. It is very possible that this quickly degenerated into a loud and chaotic situation, as they became increasingly enraged. 14. The intensity of their opposition must have taken Festus somewhat by surprise, as must have the fact that they did not prove their case. 15. The charges against Paul had been on record for over two years, so it should have not been difficult to assemble eyewitnesses to prove the specific accusations. 16. However, the Jews once again produced nothing but general charges that could not be substantiated nor any witnesses to their charges. 17. Paul’s defense is somewhat simple, as it should be when one is innocent, and he cate- gorically denies the charges one by one. 18. He declared that he had done nothing against Jewish law in general, against the sanc- tity of the temple in particular; nor had he been involved in any action that might be considered to be against the interest of the emperor. 19. Therefore, the impasse remained; the Jews presenting spurious charges they could not prove and Paul declaring his innocence. 20. Since there were no witnesses produced by the prosecution, and the prisoner denied having committed any crimes, the case should be decided and the verdict of not guilty should be rendered. 21. Festus must have been somewhat at a loss by this time, recognizing that the Jewish charges had no merit but not understanding what the real issues were. 22. Since Festus was a new governor and the Sanhedrin was the supreme national court of the Jews he had come to rule, it would be wise to make political points with the Jews by doing something to gain their good will. 23. Since this could be done without violating Roman justice (it didn’t matter to Roman law where the trial was held), Festus offered Paul the option of going to Jerusalem and standing trial before him there. 24. It was clear to Festus that the Jews wanted the trial to be in Jerusalem and he could concede this to them in an attempt to ingratiate himself with them. 25. One must remember that even dictators need to have a certain amount of popular sup- port, and Festus knew that the protests of the Jews had caused Felix to be removed from his office. 26. Although Paul was a Roman citizen, he was merely one man; these Jews seemed to represent a greater number of people and Festus realized that protecting Paul could be a risky political move. 27. Nevertheless, he had to keep the peace and maintain a level of acceptance with the Jewish leaders or his position might be in jeopardy. 28. Since Festus was first and foremost a politician, he quickly came to realize that protecting Paul, even if he believed him to be innocent, was a risky political move at best. 29. Therefore, he offers Paul a proposal that makes little sense and demonstrates that he is no better than Felix when it came to dealing fairly with his prisoner. 30. The reasons this makes no good sense are: a. Festus had already denied their request to bring Paul to Jerusalem for trial. b. Clearly, the suggestion is not that Paul be tried by the Sanhedrin, who would have found him guilty of a capital offense and executed him. c. What progress is Festus going to make by going over this case a third time?

Acts 25 5 31. In fact, some commentators have declared that since his proposal made no sense that it was not historical fact: Luke was trying to create the type of decision that would allow Paul to appeal to Caesar.

25:10 But Paul said, "I am standing before Caesar's tribunal, where I ought to be tried. I have done no wrong to the Jews, as you also very well know. {de, (ch)--o` Pau/loj (n-nm-s)--ei=pon (viaa--3s)--eivmi, (+vipa--1s)--i[sthmi (vpranm1s+) pe- riphrastic, emphasis--evpi, (pg)--to. bh/ma (n-gn-s) the judgment seat, the judge's seat--Kai/sar (n-gm-s)--ou- (abr) where--evgw, (npa-1s) gen. ref.--dei/ (vipa--3s)-- kri,nw (vnpp) comp. infin.--avdike,w (viaa--1s) lit. to do unrighteousness, to do injus- tice, to damage, hurt or harm--VIoudai/oj (ap-am-p)--ouvdei,j (apcan-s) emphatic, not one thing--w`j (abr)--su, (npn-2s) emphatic, you yourself--kai, (ab) also--evpig- inw,skw (vipa--2s) to recognize or understand fully--kalo,j (abm) comparative of ka- los, good, here you yourself know very much better!!} 25:11 "If then I am a wrongdoer, and have committed anything worthy of death, I do not refuse to die; but if none of those things is true of which these men accuse me, no one can hand me over to them. I appeal to Caesar." {eiv (cs) 1st class cond. assumed as true--me,n (cs) on the one hand--ou=n (ch)--avdike,w (vipa--1s) doing in- justice, harming others, acting as a criminal--kai, (cc)--pra,ssw (vira--1s) continues 1st class cond., only use of prasso in perfect tense, here could be interpreted as a single deed worthy of death, or of a general habit--ti.j (apian-s)--a;xioj (a--an-s)--qa,natoj (n-gm- s)--ouv (qn)--paraite,omai (vipn--1s) 10X, to ask for with urgency, to beg or demand, with negative, to beg off, to refuse--to. (dans+) avpoqnh,|skw (vnaa) comp. infin.--de, (ch)--eiv (cs) 1st class, assumed as true--eivmi, (vipa--3s) there is, it is--ouvdei,j (apc- nn-s) if there is nothing, i.e. it is not true--o[j (-aprgn-p)--ou-toj (apdnm-p)-- kathgore,w (vipa--3p) to charge or accuse--evgw, (npg-1s)--ouvdei,j (apcnm-s)-- du,namai (vipn--3s)--cari,zomai (vnad) comp. infin. to give me to them as a favor, this would be illegal--evgw, (npa-1s)--auvto,j (npdm3p)--evpikale,w (vipm--1s) to call or name, in middle voice to appeal to--Kai/sar (n-am-s)} 25:12 Then when Festus had conferred with his council, he answered, "You have appealed to Caesar, to Caesar you shall go." {to,te (ab)--o` Fh/stoj (n-nm-s)--sul- lale,w (vpaanm-s) 6X, lit. to communicate with, to discuss or confer--meta, (pg)--to. sumbou,lion (n-gn-s) 8X, only here by Luke, the purpose or plan one arrives at after consultation, here the group of men with whom one confers--avpokri,nomai (viao-- 3s)--evpikale,w (virm--2s)--Kai/sar (n-am-s)--evpi, (pa)--Kai/sar (n-am-s)-- poreu,omai (vifd--2s)}

Exposition vs. 10-12 1. Paul certainly figured out that Felix was never going to adjudicate his case and must have had some renewed hope when he heard that there was a new governor taking office.

Acts 25 6 2. This hope was to be short lived and when Paul observed Festus operating in a similar fashion, wishing to do the Jews a favor, he must have quickly figured out that he was not going to get justice from this man either. 3. There is only one reason that Festus gives concerning his reasoning for offering this compromise, a reason that Luke does not record until later in this chapter. Acts 25:18-20 4. Festus recognized that the charges against Paul were not political in nature, they were truly religious and theological in nature. 5. Festus recognized that he was not competent to deal with these issues since he was not well read in Jewish law or religion and suggests that the Sanhedrin was much more competent in this matter. 6. Paul makes it clear that he does not consider the proposal as reasonable at all and re- sponds with an expose. of the conduct of Festus in this legal proceeding. 7. Going back to Jerusalem to stand trial before Festus, which he is doing that day and had done two years earlier before Felix, did not make any sense and only exposed Paul to danger all over again. 8. If Festus began his reign over Judea by making concessions to the Sanhedrin in Cae- sarea, one could only wonder how inclined he might be to making further concessions that would jeopardize Paul’s safety. 9. Felix was an experienced administrator, having ruled over Judea for some five years when the case came to him, but Festus was a novice and the Sanhedrin would exploit that inexperience to their advantage. 10. Paul recognized that once he was back in Jerusalem there would be additional pres- sure put on Festus to turn the prisoner over to the Sanhedrin for trial on the charge of profaning the temple. 11. First, he states that he is present in a bonafide court of Rome, standing trial before a duly authorized authority of Caesar. 12. This is the place where his guilt or innocence should properly be determined; the question at issue was whether or not he had violated Roman law. 13. In one sense, it appears that the Jews have capitulated on that issue and had practical- ly admitted that they had no case against Paul in a Roman court. 14. The phrase, where I ought to be tried, employs the Greek verb dei/ (dei) a verb that is used to express necessity. 15. Paul makes clear, with merciless precision, that he knows the Jews are railroading him and that Festus is not complying with the obvious statues of Roman jurispru- dence. 16. Secondly, he makes the bold assertion that he had done no wrong to the Jews, a fact that Paul says Festus had already figured out. 17. His meaning at the end of verse 10 is that Festus had more knowledge in this matter than he was willing to admit and his suggestion that he turn Paul over to the Jews is indefensible. 18. Paul employs a first class condition at the beginning of verse 11 to indicate that he recognized the Roman right to try him, convict him, and pass sentence on him if he was guilty of a violation of Roman law. 19. It might well be translated assuming I am a wrongdoer and have committed something worthy of death; assuming this is true for the sake of the argument.

Acts 25 7 20. The difference between the two clauses is found in the different tenses that are used. a. The first clause employs the present indicative and has the force of ongoing action, if I am in the habit of breaking the law. b. The second clause uses the perfect active indicative and would point to a single instance instead of a general habit or lifestyle. 21. Assuming that either of these two things was true, Paul draws his conclusion that he did not refuse to die. 22. This statement demonstrates that Paul is not attempting to circumvent the law of Rome or escape the verdict rendered by due process. 23. Paul did not attempt to suggest that a Christian that breaks the law should be treated any differently than any other person that breaks the law. 24. In fact, his statement demonstrates that believers that violate the establishment chain of command and commit crimes should be dealt with in exactly the same fashion as unbelievers. 25. The same principle is true for those who convert to Christianity after they have been legally sentenced for a crime against society. 26. Being a disciple of Jesus Christ does not exempt one from the consequences of their actions, nor should it. 27. Then again, being a celebrity like O.J Simpson, Bill Clinton, Peter Warrick, etc. should not exempt a man from the results of their actions and the due process of law, although it clearly has and will. 28. While the Devil’s world employs many double standards and generally is predisposed against believers, that does not give us the right to disregard the establishment chain of command and do as we please. 29. Believers should be diligent to know the laws and observe them as a part of their Ph2 witness to the truth. 30. We recognize that God has established the establishment chain of command as a manifestation of His authority over the human race. Rom. 13:1-5 a. God invests men with authority, not derived from themselves, so they might rule over a particular segment of society. b. Ideally, the man invested with this authority is righteous and does not oppress those he is to govern. c. In reality, this seldom happens and history demonstrates that power corrupts and absolute power absolutely corrupts. d. The government of any society is designed by God to provided safety and security to the law-abiding person and punish those that prey on others. e. It is significant that this discussion follows the exhortations of Romans 12:17-21, a passage that details how we should conduct ourselves toward those on the out- side. f. When we engage in retaliatory revenge tactics when we are wronged, even some of those in the cosmos recognize that such behavior is inappropriate and we bring reproach on the cause of Christ. g. We are to conduct ourselves in such a way as to elicit the approval of all men, a command very similar to how we are to relate to our government.

Acts 25 8 h. Since the government derives its right to rule from God, this validates the punishment that the establishment chain of command exacts on those that violate the law. i. Those that are law-abiding citizens should have nothing to fear since the purpose of government is to restrain criminals by generating fear in their hearts. j. This is the concept of the deterrent; when fear is generated in the heart, this leads to STA activity being restrained, making for a safe and prosperous society for those that are righteous (law-abiding). k. The government has the right to exact such penalties as it sees fit from those that engage in criminal activities: up to and including death. l. The fact that authority is a minister of God should remove any human viewpoint notion that the state is simply the lesser of two evils—the other evil being the criminals it restrains. m. Further, any idea that capital punishment is somehow the result of the state gone berserk and seeking to extract vengeance is fallacious. n. Therefore, even in a society like ours, where individual rights and freedoms are being taken one by one in violation of our constitution, the evil government is still God’s servant and we should accord them respect. o. One essential reason for the establishment chain of command is so we can continue to live in an organized and peaceful society and continue to pursue our MPR without fear. ITim. 2:2 p. We should pray for the establishment chain of command and submit ourselves to them at every point lest we find their wrath on us. Rom. 13:5 q. Further, when we violate the laws of society, we are aware of the fact we are doing so and this brings a guilty conscience. r. The believer is not to live his life looking over his shoulder, wondering when the law will catch up with him; he is to live his life in a way that respects the laws of God and man. s. While our government has become evil and intrusive to the point of causing many, otherwise normal people to live in fear and hostility, we should seek to obey the laws to the best of our ability and faith-rest the outcome to God. t. The motivation for our subjection to the government stems from our loyalty to God and His Word, desiring to maintain a clear conscience. IPet. 2:13-16 u. Big brother can do nothing more or less to you than what God allows under His permissive will. 31. Paul continues his argument with another first class condition that states that none of those things is true of which these men accuse me. 32. This assumes that he is innocent of all they accuse him of and no representative of Rome has the legal right to place Paul under their jurisdiction. 33. Paul recognized the proper place and function of government and that criminals should be executed for certain crimes and he did not feel that he was above the sys- tem. 34. Therefore, he informs Festus that he is willing to be tried legally and face the consequences of his actions if found guilty—even capital punishment. 35. Paul was well aware of the fact that Felix had used him as a pawn for his own purpos- es and it certainly appeared that Festus was moving in the same direction.

Acts 25 9 36. Since Paul knew that he could never get a fair trial in Jerusalem (if he even made it there alive) and it was now obvious that Festus was not going to provide justice, Paul had only one option available. 37. Because he was unsure of Festus’ motivation and integrity, Paul went on to claim the final right he possessed as a Roman citizen. 38. Roman law in the first century protected the Roman citizens that invoked the right of provocatio ad Caesarem (appeal to the emperor) from violent coercion and capital tri- als by provincial administrators. 39. The right was known in the Julio-Claudian period as the lex Iulia and had arisen out of the earlier right of appeal to the sovereign people, populus Romanus, one of the most ancient rights of a Roman citizen. 40. It was usually exercised by appealing a magistrate’s verdict after the fact, but might be employed at any earlier stage of the proceedings and in effect said, “the investigation should be carried out in Rome and the judgment passed by the emperor himself.” 41. Some interpreters assert that Paul made this request with great reluctance since it was the final and complete assertion of Roman citizenship and acceptance of Caesar as the king; to the Jews, it meant repudiation of the theocracy and apostasy from Moses. 42. It may have been very clear to Paul at this time that Israel was not going to recover spiritually since it is one thing to write about it and quite another to come to see the reality of it. 43. While the right to appeal was Paul’s as a Roman citizen, this appeal would have some expense connected with it, but better some money spent with some hope of an impartial hearing than certain death in Jerusalem. 44. Paul may very well have considered his only other confrontation with Roman justice and was encouraged by the decision of Gallio in Acts 18:14-15. 45. If Paul was apprehensive about the result of a trial in Jerusalem under Festus, it was not because he did not trust Roman justice, but because he knew that his case would be prejudiced by local influences. 46. There would be no such fear for a trial at Rome; there, Roman justice would be ad- ministered in an impartial fashion for a Roman citizen. 47. For those that know the history of Nero and his record in relation to Christianity, it may seem very strange that Paul would have appealed with such confidence. 48. However, the first five years of Nero’s reign (54-59 AD), when the imperial administration was carried on under the influence of his tutor Seneca, the Stoic philosopher, and Burrus, the honest prefect of the guard, were deemed as a miniature Golden Age in Rome. 49. There was little evidence that existed in 59 AD that would lead one to conclude that Nero was capable of the events of 64 AD, when he blamed Christians for the burning of Rome. 50. Festus has demonstrated that he was no better than Felix was; his desire to curry favor with the Jews at Paul’s expense certainly made him unfit as an impartial judge. 51. No doubt, Paul had long had a desire to go to Rome anyway and the promise of Jesus that he would testify in Rome played some part in this decision. Rom. 15:23; Acts 23:11

Acts 25 10 52. Festus does not immediately respond to Paul’s request and some have suggested that he had to seek counsel since he did not know if Paul had the right to appeal to the emperor. 53. More likely, Festus’ discussion with his advisors centered on whether or not the charges against Paul were considered extra ordinem. 54. If the charges against the prisoner fell into the category of normal provincial jurisdiction, the ordo, then it would be perfectly proper for Festus to deny the request and continue to exercise his authority over the case. 55. If the charges proved not to be of the ordo but were extra ordinem (out of the ordi- nary character, capital offenses) then the prisoner could appeal to Rome and that right must be honored. 56. Since Paul was being accused of political sedition, which in Roman courts could be punished by death, and the charge of profaning the temple was punishable in Jewish courts by death, Festus had no choice to be acknowledge the extra ordinem character of the case and accept Paul’s appeal. 57. There was one other option that Festus likely considered with his advisors and that was the possibility of acquitting Paul at that point and setting him free. 58. However, a new governor that was apparently politically inexperienced in the office would not dream of antagonizing the leaders of the people he was just appointed to govern. 59. It would be political suicide to acquit a man that these people so vehemently hated. 60. With the political implications being somewhat worrisome and the case being a capital one, Festus was probably glad to rid himself of this issue and get rid of this prob- lematic prisoner and accepted the appeal. 61. While he may have initially breathed a sigh of relief, Festus would soon recognize that he now had another problem. 62. He was required not only to send Paul to Caesar, but also to send a full report on the case and the circumstances that led to the appeal. 63. Festus now has the same problem that Felix had—a prisoner for which he could not ascertain any specific charges that would cause him to be tried in a Roman court! 64. Secondly, the absence of the charges was not only embarrassing, but the whole episode would not reflect well on Festus and his administration. 65. Here was a man, new to his office, seeking to establish himself with the Jews and ea- ger to prove himself to Caesar, the one that had appointed him, sending his first case to Rome for an appeal.

25:13 Now when several days had elapsed, King Agrippa and Bernice arrived at Caesarea, and paid their respects to Festus. {de, (cc)--ti.j (a-igf-p)--h`me,ra (n-gf- p)--diagi,nomai (vpadgf-p) 3X, used to mark the passage of time--VAgri,ppaj (n-n- m-s)--o` basileu,j (n-nm-s)--kai, (cc)--Berni,kh (n-nf-s)--katanta,w (viaa--3p) arrived--eivj (pa)--Kaisa,reia (n-af-s)--avspa,zomai (vpadnm-p) lit. to embrace or greet, here to pay official respects to an authority--o` Fh/stoj (n-am-s)} 25:14 And while they were spending many days there, Festus laid Paul's case before the king, saying, "There is a certain man left a prisoner by Felix; {de, (cc)--w`j (cs)--diatri,bw (viia--3p) to spend time in a place--polu,j (a-maf-p)--h`me,ra (n-af-

Acts 25 11 p)--evkei/ (ab)--o` Fh/stoj (n-nm-s)--avnati,qhmi (viam--3s) 2X, lit. to place up, to provide info. about, to explain or put something before someone--to. (danp+) kata, (pa)--o` Pau/loj (n-am-s) the things according to Paul, his case--o` basileu,j (n-dm- s)--le,gw (vppanm-s)--eivmi, (vipa--3s+)--ti,j (a-inm-s)--avnh,r (n-nm-s)-- katalei,pw (+vprpnm-s) having been left behind--de,smioj (n-nm-s)--u`po, (pg)-- Fh/lix (n-gm-s)} 25:15 and when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews brought charges against him, asking for a sentence of condemnation upon him. {peri, (pg)--o[j (aprgm-s) lit. concerning whom--gi,nomai (vpadgm1s) genitive absolute--evgw, (npg-1s)--eivj (pa)--~Ieroso,luma (n-an-p)--o` avrciereu,j (n-nm-p)-- kai, (cc)--o` presbu,teroj (ap-nm-p)--o` VIoudai/oj (ap-gm-p)--evmfani,zw (viaa-- 3p) same as 25:2, to bring legal charges--aivte,w (vppmnm-p)--katadi,kh (n-af-s) 1X, lit. to judge down, to condemn--kata, (pg) against--auvto,j (npgm3s)} 25:16 "And I answered them that it is not the custom of the Romans to hand over any man before the accused meets his accusers face to face, and has an opportunity to make his defense against the charges. {pro,j (pa)--o[j (apram-p)--avpokri,nomai (viao--1s) lit. to whom I responded--o[ti (cc) indir. disc.--eivmi, (vipa--3s)--ouv (qn)--e;qoj (n-nn-s) habit or custom, that which is fixed or traditional--~Rwmai/oj (ap-dm-p)--cari,zomai (vnpn) subject of eimi same as verse 11, to hand over legally-- ti.j (a-iam-s) indef. anyone, someone--a;nqrwpoj (n-am-s)--pri,n (ab) before--h; (cs)--o` (dnms+) kathgore,w (vpppnm-s) the one being charged--e;cw (vopa--3s) lit. has, "meets"--o` kath,goroj (n-am-p) 4X, only in Acts, accusers--kata, (pa)--pro,sw- pon (n-an-s)--te, (cc)--lamba,nw (voaa--3s)--to,poj (n-am-s) a place, an opportunity--avpologi,a (n-gf-s) a defense--peri, (pg)--to. e;gklhma (n-gn-s) the accusation or charge} 25:17 "And so after they had assembled here, I made no delay, but on the next day took my seat on the tribunal, and ordered the man to be brought. {ou=n (ch)-- sune,rcomai (vpaagm-p)--[auvto,j] (npgm3p)-- evnqa,de (ab) in this place--poie,w (vpamnm1s)--mhdei,j (a-caf-s) I did no one delay--avnabolh, (n-af-s) 1X, to put something off, to postpone--h` (ddfs+) e`xh/j (ab) 5X, only by Luke, the next in order, the next day--kaqi,zw (vpaanm1s)--evpi, (pg)--to. bh/ma (n-gn-s)--keleu,w (viaa--1s)-- o` avnh,r (n-am-s)--a;gw (vnap) indir. disc.} 25:18 "And when the accusers stood up, they began bringing charges against him not of such crimes as I was expecting; {peri, (pg)--o[j (aprgm-s) lit. concerning whom, "and when"--o` kath,goroj (n-nm-p)-- i[sthmi (vpapnm-p)--fe,rw (viia--3p)-- aivti,a (n-af-s)--o[j (apgn-p)--ouvdei,j (a-caf-s) nothing, "not of such--ponhro,j (apgn-p) evil, crimes--evgw, (npn-1s)-u`ponoe,w (viia--1s) 3X, to have an opinion based on little evidence, with the implication that the opinion is wrong, to imagine or falsely suspect} 25:19 but they simply had some points of disagreement with him about their own religion and about a certain dead man, Jesus, whom Paul asserted to be alive. {de,

Acts 25 12 (ch)--e;cw (viia--3p)--ti.j (a-ian-p) indef. "some"--zh,thma (n-an-p) lit. questionings, a controversial question, a dispute--pro,j (pa)--auvto,j (npam3s) toward him, with him-- peri, (pg)--h` i;dioj (a--gf-s)-- deisidaimoni,a (n-gf-s) 1X, lit. to fear a divinity, to a good sense, reverence; in a bad sense, superstition; in a neutral sense, a set of beliefs, a religion--kai, (cc)--peri, (pg)--ti.j (a-igm-s)--qnh,|skw (vpragm-s) only perfect tense in NT, having dead, dead--VIhsou/j (n-gm-s)--o[j (apram-s)--o` Pau/loj (n-nm-s)-- fa,skw (viia--3s) same as 24:9, to speak with certainty, to assert or declare--za,w (vnpa) indir. disc.} 25:20 "And being at a loss how to investigate such matters, I asked whether he was willing to go to Jerusalem and there stand trial on these matters. {de, (ch)--avpore,w (vppmnm1s) 6X, lit to have to way to turn, to be perplexedm, with the implication of some anxiety, Festus knew he had to provide a report to Caesar that was intelligible--evgw, (npn-1s) I, not translated--peri, (pg)--ou-toj (apdgn-p)--h` zh,thsij (n-af-s) these questions or issues--le,gw (viia--1s)--eiv (qt) introduces an indir. question--bou,lomai (vopn--3s) if he might be willing--poreu,omai (vnpn) comp. infin.--eivj (pa)--~Ieroso,luma (n-an-p)-- kavkei/ (cc&ab)--kri,nw (vnpp) to be judged, to stand trial, comp. infin. with boulomai--peri, (pg)--ou-toj (apdgn-p)} 25:21 "But when Paul appealed to be held in custody for the Emperor's decision, I ordered him to be kept in custody until I send him to Caesar." {de, (ch)--o` Pau/loj (n-gm-s) genitive absolute clause--evpikale,w (vpamgm-s)--thre,w (vnap) object of participle epikaleo--eivj (pa)--h` dia,gnwsij (n-af-s) 1X, to make a judgment in a legal matter with the implication of a thorough examination of the case--o` sebasto,j (ap-gm-s) lit. translated from the Latin, Augustus, sacred, revered, a title used for the Roman emperor as the supreme ruler, a moder equivalent would be “his majesty”-- keleu,w (viaa--1s)--auvto,j (npam3s)--thre,w (vnpp) indir. disc.-- e[wj (pg)--o[j (- aprgm-s) which time--avnape,mpw (vsaa--1s) 5X, to send back or up, here to send up to a higher court--auvto,j (npam3s)--pro,j (pa)--Kai/sar (n-am-s)}

Exposition vs. 13-21 1. The fresh difficulty Festus now faced was providing an intelligent report when he sent Paul to Rome. 2. This was by no means and easy issue to resolve, especially since Festus could not grasp how the trouble between Paul and the Jews really started. 3. While listening to the two sides did nothing to help him, Festus soon received a bit of timely help when Agrippa II arrived in Caesarea. 4. The custom of extending congratulations to men newly inducted into office, a custom that has prevailed in every period of history, led to the next important incidents of Paul’s confinement. 5. Herod Agrippa II, Marcus Julius Agrippa II lived from 27-100 AD and was the son of Agrippa I, the grandson of Aristobulus and the great-grandson of Herod the Great. 6. He was brought up in Rome in the court of Claudius and, like his father, was a fa- vorite of the emperor.

Acts 25 13 7. At the time of his father’s death in 44 AD, he was just seventeen years old and was denied the right to succeed his father due to his young age. 8. Therefore, at that time, Palestine became a Roman province that would be adminis- tered by a provincial governor since Claudius had been persuaded by his advisors not to appoint such a young ruler in a province that was difficult to rule at best. 9. The government of Judea was not something a seventeen-year-old could handle since it called for qualities of wisdom and experience that were well beyond the capacity of such a youth. 10. In 50 AD, however, following the death of his uncle in 48 AD, Claudius appointed Agrippa II as king of Chalcis, a petty kingdom to the northeast of Judea. 11. In 53 AD Claudius gave him the tetrarchy (a province ruled by four men) of Philip, Abilene, Trachonitis, and Acra in exchange for the kingdom of Chalcis. 12. In 56 AD, Nero added to his kingdom the Galilean cities of Tarichea and Tiberius with their surrounding lands and the Perean city of Julias with the fourteen villages that belonged to it. 13. In token of his gratitude to Nero, Agrippa changed the name of his capital, Caesarea Philippi, to Neronias. 14. As the ruler of the adjoining kingdom to the north, Herod came to pay his respects to the new governor of Judea. 15. Herod was the last Jewish king in Palestine, though not king of Judea proper. 16. He was not well liked by the Jews and angered many of them when he built his palace so as to overlook the temple and was hated for his frequent changes in the high priest- hood, a right given to him by Claudius. 17. On his first visit to Festus, Agrippa was accompanied by his sister, Julia Bernice, the eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa I (the man that killed James in Acts 12), born in 28 AD. 18. Although she had been engaged to Marcus, a nephew of the philosopher Philo, her father had given her in marriage to his brother Herod, king of Chalcis, who was actually her uncle. 19. When he died in 48 AD, she moved into the house of her brother, prompting scan- dalous rumors of their incestuous relationship that flourished in both Rome and Pales- tine. 20. Due to these rumors, which were true by the way, she married Polemon, the king of Cilicia in 63 AD in an attempt to prove that these charges were false. Josephus, An- tiquities XX 21. However, this marriage did not endure long and she returned in 66 AD to live with her brother once again. 22. Later, in about 75 AD, she went to Rome where she became the mistress of Titus, not having a formal marriage, but this precipitated a public scandal (since many knew of her wanton ways) and he was forced to send her away. 23. When Titus became emperor in 79 AD, Bernice returned to Rome; but Titus was obliged to have nothing to do with her, and she returned to Palestine. 24. In the gospels and Acts, there is an on-going interplay between the Herods and the issues related to Christ.

Acts 25 14 25. In Acts 24-25 we see three member of this family; they are all the children of Herod Agrippa I—Drusilla, the wife of Felix, and Bernice are sisters, Agrippa II is their brother. 26. It is evident that Luke holds this woman in great contempt since the three times she is mentioned she is singled out for effect. 27. This Herod was reputed to be an expert in Jewish affairs, particularly their religious questions, and Festus obviously hoped he could provide him some unofficial help in drafting his report to the emperor. 28. Therefore, whatever Festus may have thought of Agrippa and Bernice mattered very little; he saw an opportunity to during their stay to have an authority on Jewish affairs comment on the case of Paul. 29. During their extended stay in Caesarea, Festus rehearsed the issues of the case to Agrippa, beginning with the fact that he had inherited a prisoner from Felix. 30. Although he may not have even been aware of Paul and his case (he only stayed in Caesarea for three days), he explained that he had been confronted by the rulership of Israel when he was in Jerusalem the first time and that they had requested the death penalty for Paul. 31. He moves next to his response to the Jews, explaining to them that Roman law did not function in the manner they desired. 32. Appian states in his work, Civil War, that “the law requires that a man who is on trial should hear the accusation against him and speak in his own defense before judgment is passed on him.” 33. The Jews then came to Caesarea, as Festus had told them they had to, and he quickly took up the matter of Paul’s trial on the following day. 34. He expresses his perplexity beginning in verse 18 as he informs Agrippa that they did not bring the kinds of charges he was expecting, charges that would have been neces- sary to obtain the death penalty for Paul. 35. His confusion was not so much in reference to the main issue between the Jews and Paul, as it was to the bearing that this case had on Roman law. 36. He quickly discovered that the contention between Paul and the Jews centered on their religion in general and specifically on the issue of Jesus and the resurrection. 37. The term he uses for religion is deisidaimoni,a (deisdaimonia) and originally meant the worship of demons or the worship of dead men that had been deified. 38. Some have suggested that Festus had this meaning in mind based on the etymological force of the term, his state of mind, and the fact that this practice was common among the Greeks and Romans. 39. While this may be possible, one has to bear in mind that he is addressing a Jew, who was the secular head of the Jewish establishment. 40. With a shrug of his shoulders, Festus admits to his total inability with such matters, matters that were incomprehensible to him and pointless to a Roman administrator. 41. In an endeavor to resolve the obvious impasse, Festus admits to Agrippa that he was prepared to consent to the Sanhedrin’s request for a change of venue and move the trial to Jerusalem. 42. However, Paul objected (go figure) to this change and appealed to Caesar, something for which Festus was not prepared.

Acts 25 15 43. In telling this story Festus does his best to place himself in the most favorable light, making it sound as though he is earnest, sincere and diligent when, in reality, he is guilty of duplicity and dragging his feet. 44. The verdict should have been rendered two years earlier by Felix, and now Festus is guilty of allowing a man he knows has committed no crime to languish in custody instead of freeing him, as he should have.

25:22 And Agrippa said to Festus, "I also would like to hear the man myself." "To- morrow," he *said, "you shall hear him." {de, (ch)--VAgri,ppaj (n-nm-s)--supply said--pro,j (pa)--o` Fh/stoj (n-am-s)-- bou,lomai (viin--1s) I am willing, desiring-- kai, (ab)--avkou,w (vnaa) comp. infin.--o` a;nqrwpoj (n-gm-s)--auvto,j (npnm1s) myself--au;rion (ab) tomorrow--fhmi, (vipa--3s) he says, makes plain--avkou,w (vifm--2s)--auvto,j (npgm3s) note middle voice, you will hear him for yourself} 25:23 And so, on the next day when Agrippa had come together with Bernice, amid great pomp, and had entered the auditorium accompanied by the commanders and the prominent men of the city, at the command of Festus, Paul was brought in. {ou=n (ch)--h` (ddfs+) evpau,rion (ab)--e;rcomai (vpaagm-s) after or when he had come, only refers to Agrippa, Bernice is added for effect--o` VAgri,ppaj (n-gm-s)--kai, (cc) together with--h` Berni,kh (n-gf-s)--meta, (pg)--polu,j (a--gf-s) much, many, great--fantasi,a (n-gf-s) 1X, lit. a making visible, in a negative sense, an appearance made for effect, a cheap or pompous display--kai, (cc)--eivse,rcomai (vpaagm-p)-- eivj (pa)--to. avkroath,rion (n-an-s) 1X, a place for hearing, an auditorium, a large hall--su,n (pd)--te, (cc+) both--cili,arcoj (n-dm-p) the commanders, the chiliarchs-- kai, (cc)--avnh,r (n-dm-p)--o` (ddmp)--kata, (pa)--evxoch, (n-af-s) 1X, lit. a standing out, high in position, distinguished or prominent--h` po,lij (n-gf-s)--kai, (cc)--o` Fh/stoj (n-gm-s)--keleu,w (vpaagm-s) when or after Festus had commanded--o` Pau/loj (n-nm-s)--a;gw (viap--3s)} 25:24 And Festus *said, "King Agrippa, and all you gentlemen here present with us, men, behold this man about whom all the people of the Jews appealed to me, both at Jerusalem and here, loudly declaring that he ought not to live any longer. {kai, (cc)--o` Fh/stoj (n-nm-s)--fhmi, (vipa--3s)--basileu,j (n-vm-s)--VAgri,ppaj (n-vm- s)--kai, (cc)--pa/j (a--vm-p)--o` sumpa,reimi (vppavm2p) being alongside with-- evgw, (npd-1p)--avnh,r (n-vm-p)--qewre,w (vmpa--2p)--ou-toj (apdam-s)--peri, (pg)--o[j (aprgm-s)--a[paj (a--nn-s) alternate form of pas--to. plh/qoj (n-nn-s)--o` VIoudai/oj (ap-gm-p)--evntugca,nw (viaa--3p) to ask with urgency or intensity, to plead--evgw, (npd-1s)--te, (cc+)--evn (pd)--~Ieroso,luma (n-dn-p)--kai, (cc)--evnqa,de (ab) here--boa,w (vppanm-p) to shout or call loudly--auvto,j (npam3s)--mh, (qn)--dei/ (vnpa) indir. discourse, a demand actually--za,w (vnpa) comp. infin.-- mhke,ti (ab) emphatic, no more ever again} 25:25 "But I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death; and since he himself appealed to the Emperor, I decided to send him. {de, (ch)--evgw, (npn-1s) I, for my part--katalamba,nw (viam--1s) lit. to seize or grasp, in middle, to grasp men-

Acts 25 16 tally, comprehend, figure out--auvto,j (npam3s) accus of gen. ref. subject of prasso-- pra,ssw (vnra) indir. assertion--mhdei,j (apcan-s)--a;xioj (a--an-s)--qa,natoj (n-gm- s) genitive object--de, (ch)--ou-toj (apdgm-s) this man--auvto,j (npgm3s) himself-- evpikale,w (vpamgm-s) conditional part.--o` sebasto,j (ap-am-s) the majesty--kri,nw (viaa--1s) I judged, I decided--pe,mpw (vnpa) comp. infin} 25:26 "Yet I have nothing definite about him to write to my lord. Therefore I have brought him before you all and especially before you, King Agrippa, so that after the investigation has taken place, I may have something to write. {ouv (qn)--e;cw (vipa--1s)--ti.j (a-ian-s) something, a certain thing--avsfalh,j (ap-an-s) that which is firm or secure, reliable or certain--peri, (pg)--o[j (aprgm-s) concerning whom-- gra,fw (vnaa) epexegetical--o` ku,rioj (n-dm-s)--dio, (ch)--proa,gw (viaa--1s)--auvto,j (npam3s)-- evpi (pg)--su, (npg-2p)--kai, (cc)--ma,lista (abs) superlative, very much, exceedingly, most of all, especially--evpi, (pg)--su, (npg-2s)--basileu,j (n-vm- s)--VAgri,ppaj (n-vm-s)— o[pwj (cs) purpose clause--h` avna,krisij (n-gf-s) 1X, to investigate in court, to exam- ine a case--gi,nomai (vpadgf-s) having become, after it has occurred--e;cw (vsaa-- 1s)--ti,j (apian-s) something--gra,fw (vsaa--1s) I might write} 25:27 "For it seems absurd to me in sending a prisoner, not to indicate also the charges against him." {ga,r (cs)--doke,w (vipa--3s) to think, presume or suppose, in- transitive, to seem or appear--a;logoj (a--nn-s) 3X, a lack or reason, the inability to think properly, unreasonable, absurd--evgw, (npd-1s)--pe,mpw (vppaam1s) after sending--de,smioj (n-am-s)--mh, (qn)--shmai,nw (vnaa) 6X, to cause something to be specific and clear, to signify--kai, (ab)--h` aivti,a (n-af-p) cause or reason, the charges-- kata, (pg)--auvto,j (npgm3s)}

Exposition vs. 22-27 1. The problem that Festus faced seemed to arouse the curiosity of Herod Agrippa and he indicated that he would like to have an audience with Paul. 2. This was probably not the first time that he had heard of Paul and his family had come into contact with John the Baptist, Jesus and had executed James in Jerusalem. 3. Historically, his family had persecuted Jesus and those that followed him, demon- strating their negative volition toward the truth on many occasions. 4. If Herod was somewhat of an expert in Jewish affairs and Festus was just a novice, as this chapter seems to indicate, this was also a chance for Agrippa to impress Festus and show off for him. 5. Whatever Herod’s motives may have been, Festus quickly takes him up on his offer and makes the arrangements for a meeting on the following day. 6. Festus was certainly interested in having Agrippa’s opinion (or so it seems) and he may have done so because he belonged to a peculiar class of men, men that did not know how Roman law should treat Christians. 7. The racially arrogant Jews, who thought that these new teachers threatened their religious, political and monetary interests, had already decided that those that promoted Christianity ought not to live any longer. Acts 25:24

Acts 25 17 8. Those that promoted idol worship, like those in Philippi and Ephesus, did not like the fact that these men were promoting doctrines that conflicted with their worldly interests and finances. 9. The one person that had demonstrated justice in an impartial way was Gallio, a man that could see that these were religious issues between the Jews and had nothing to do with Roman law. 10. Festus may have thought that Paul was a man that was superstitious, worshipped some dead hero, and was not to be taken seriously under Roman law. Acts 25:19 11. His new job as governor of Judea was to keep the peace and enforce Roman law, so he certainly did not want to get off on the wrong foot with the most powerful class of his subjects. 12. Therefore, although he clearly saw that Paul was guilty of nothing deserving impris- onment or death, he was unwilling to offend this powerful group of men by doing the right thing and releasing Paul. 13. Since Paul had appealed to the emperor Herod was constrained to send him to the Caesar but, as he admitted, he had no good reason to give Nero for doing so. Acts 25:26-27 14. This makes the advice of Agrippa all the more important to Festus and sets the stage for Paul’s address on the next day. 15. The following day Festus assembled an informal meeting that would allow Agrippa to hear Paul for himself. 16. He arrived with tremendous fanfare, accompanied by his incestuous sister, who Luke once again isolates for effect—likely indicating his disgust. 17. The term Luke uses for the manner in which they made their entrance into the auditorium fantasi,a (phantasia) is only used here in the Bible but is used by Herodotus for a showy parade—a pompous ceremony designed to denote one’s high status. 18. Herod and his entourage entered with all the trappings of grandeur that their money and status could provide. 19. Festus certainly wanted to find out about the real issues relating to Paul, but this provided an opportunity for him to pay a public compliment to Agrippa by assembling the VIPs of the city. 20. There were five cohorts stationed at Caesarea, so there were likely five or more commanders that came in as well, no doubt decked out in their military dress uniforms. 21. Beyond that, the movers and shakers of Caesarea were invited and appear to have es- corted Agrippa into the auditorium. 22. Once everyone had been seen and had time to compliment each other on their greatness, the supposed entertainment portion of the assembly began when Festus had Paul brought in. 23. Although this entire event was contrived to assert the importance of the Roman offi- cials and the greatness of Agrippa, it served also to demonstrate the inferiority of the man that stood before them. 24. Luke had a good sense of value and he seems to have recognized that the situation was actually opposite of what it appeared; Paul was the truly great man in the room and the others were simply well dressed pretenders.

Acts 25 18 25. Paul was a man that had made the three most important adjustments in life: the salva- tion adjustment, the rebound adjustment, and the maturity adjustment to the justice of God. 26. The overt trappings of grandeur, monetary blessing, and pompous shows of military and political power are not the basis for true greatness since the question always re- mains, “For what will a man be profited if he gains the whole world and forfeits his soul?” Matt. 16:26 27. Festus opened the proceedings by directing the attention of everyone in the room to Paul and saying, you behold this man. 28. There Paul stood, a single man in the presence of many ranking dignitaries, hand- cuffed and quiet. 29. Festus moves on to the fact that Paul was a man that had been charged by the whole Jewish people as worthy of death. 30. He employs a piece of rhetorical exaggeration as he suggests that the opinion of the Sanhedrin represents the opinion of the nation at large. 31. He confesses to the assembly that he had personally examined this prisoner and had found no crime that was punishable by death. 32. Next, he explains that the prisoner is a Roman citizen (implied by his right of appeal) and has requested a hearing before emperor. 33. The Greek term is sebasto,j (sebastos), a term that means august, sacred, revered, worthy of veneration or worship. 34. It was first conferred on Octavian, the adopted heir of Julius Caesar, by the Roman Senate in 27 BC to denote a person that was augmented, lifted about other mortals. 35. The term was restricted to the reigning emperor (and sometimes his wife) and was indicative of the cult of Caesar, suggesting that the Caesar was “The God Augustus, Son of God, Caesar, Autocrat, the Benefactor and Savior of the whole cosmos…” Taken from an inscription under a statue of Caesar Augustus, in Myra of Lycia. 36. Festus conveys his problem to the assembly, acknowledging that he did not have any specific information that he could send to Nero to explain why this man was in custody and needed to be tried. 37. This demonstrates that all the charges that Jews had leveled against Paul had been declared worthless; they had no validity and Festus knew it. 38. Festus uses the term ku,rioj (kurios) to refer to Nero, an addition to the imperial title that began in the time of Nero. 39. Its usage steadily increased until it became common during the reign of Trajan from 98-117 AD. 40. While some emperors refused the title, others had pretensions to divinity, like Nero and Domitian and used the title freely. 41. In the cult of Caesar, this became the test of loyalty and believers were forced to say “Lord Caesar”, something tantamount to saying that Caesar was an equal with Jesus Christ. 42. At this point in history, the term did not signify the idea of deity but rather denoted that of majesty. 43. His last statement in verse 27 that he thought it seems absurd or unreasonable to send a prisoner with unspecified charges against him is typical of what one would ex- pect from a politician.

Acts 25 19 44. This is a way to save face instead of admitting that the failure to specify charges against Paul was actually a dereliction of his duty. 45. His confession of this fact demonstrates once again how unjustly he has handled this entire affair. 46. Festus then turns the proceedings over to Agrippa so he could conduct an examination of the prisoner and arrive at his own conclusions. 47. From the human perspective it may appear that this is just another in a series of unjust events that occurred to Paul however, from the divine perspective it is an opportunity to proclaim the gospel to a large group of very prominent people. 48. The Lord had told Ananias that Paul was going to bear his message before the Gen- tiles and kings and the sons of Israel. Acts 9:15 49. In spite of the fact that Paul had gone to Jerusalem in opposition to the will of God, God is still able to orchestrate the events of Paul’s life to fulfill His will and get Paul to Rome. 50. In spite of the opposition of the Jews, the self-seeking of Felix, and the inexperience and indecision of Festus, Paul now is provided an opportunity to present the case for Christianity. 51. He can speak freely, without any opposition or interruptions from the Jews, before the leading men of Rome that are in Caesarea, an audience that contains a governor and a king!

Acts 25 20