NOTES

1. Hence O.B. Miller’s well-known and multitranslated book, Shanghai, The Paradise of adventurers (New York, 1937). 2. Xu Zhucheng, Hatang walzhuan (A Biography of Hardoon) (Shanghai, 1983). 3. Zhang Jungu, Du Yuesheng zhuan (Biography of Du Yuesheng) (Taibei, 1981); Fan Shaozeng, “Guanyu Du Yuesheng” (About Du Yuesheng), Jiu Shanghai de banghui (Gang Organizations in Pre- Revolutionary Shanghai) (Shanghai, 1986). 195-247. 4. Betty Peh-Ti Wei, Shanghai; Crucible of Modern China (Hong Kong, 1987). 194. 5. Emily Honig, Sisters and Strangers: Women in the Shanghai Cotton Mills, 1919-1949 (Stanford, 1986), 23. 6. To list just a few scholarly books on Shanghai published in English recently: Sherman Cochran, Big Business in China: Sino-foreign Rivalry in the Cigarette Industry, 1890-1930 (Columbia, 1980); Christopher Howe, ed, Shanghai. Revolution and Development in an Asian Metropolis (Cambridge, 1981); Joseph Fewsmith, Party, State and Local Elite in Republican China: Merchant Organizations and Politics in Shanghai, 1890-1930 (Honolulu, 1985): Emily Honig, Sisters and strangers and Creating Chinese Ethnicity: Subei People in Shanghai, 1850-1980 (Yale, 1992): Parks M. Cable, The Shanghai Capitalist Class and the Nationalist Government, 1927-37 (Cambridge, 1986); Kerrie Macpherson, A Wilderness, of Marshes: The Origins of Public Health in Shanghai, 1843-1893 (Oxford, 1987): Don J.Cohn, ed. And trans., Vignettes from the Chinese: Lithographs from Shanghai in the Late Nineteenth Century (Renditions Paperback, 1987): Betty Peh-T i Wel, Shanghai; Marle-Claire Bergere, The Golden Age of the Chinese Bourgeoisie, translated by Janet Lioyd (New York, 1989): Harriet Sergeant, Shanghai: Collision Point of Cultures, 1918-1939 (New York, 1990): Jeffrey N, Wasserstrom, Student Protests in Twentieth Cenury China: The View from Shanghai (Stanford, 1991): Yuen-sang Leung, The Shanghai Taotai: Linkage Man in a Changing Society (Honolulu, 1990): Ming K. Chan and Arlf Dielik, Schools into Fields and Factories: Anarchists, the Guomindang and the National Labor University in Shanghai,1927-1932 (Durham, 1991): Frederic Wakeman, Jr., and Wen-Hsin Yeh, eds., Shanghai Sojourners (Berkeley, 1992): Nicholas R. Clifford. Spoilt Children of Empire: Westerners in Shanghai and the Chinese Revolution of the 1920s (Hanover, 1992): Elizabeth J. Perry. Shanghai on Strike: the the Politics of Chinese Labor (Stanford, 1992): Poshek Fu, Passivity, Resistance, and Collaboration: Intellectual Choices in Occupied Shanghai, 1937-1945 (Stanford, 1993): Christian Henriot, Shanghai, 1927-1937: Municipal Power, Locality, and Modernization, translated by Noel Castelino (Barkeley, 1993): Frederic Wakeman, Jr., Policing Shanghai, 1927-1937 (California, 1995). 7. See William Jullus Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass. And Public Policy (Chicago, 1987): and David Ward, Poverty, Ethnicity, and the American City, 1840-1925 (Cambridge, 1989). 8. From1862 to 1943, Shanghai was divided into three distinct areas, each under its own municipal administration: the International Settlement ruled by the Shanghai Municipal Connell, a sort of city government mainly controlled by British and American citizens; the French Concession governed in the name of the French Consul in Shanghai; and the Chinese area under Chinese jurisdiction. The foreign concessions comprised the core of modern Shanghai. The Chinese areas, except for the old Chinese city, were mostly peripheral. However, the whole city was overwhelmingly inhabited by Chinese; with few exceptions in the Republican period, foreigners made up less than 3 percent of the city’s population. See Hu Huanyang. Zhangguo renkuo (China’s Population) (Shanghai, 1987), 60-61; Shou Yiren. Jiu Shanghai renkuo bionglan de yanjiu (Research on the Changes in Population of Old Shanghai) (Shanghai, 1980), 66- 68, 141. 9. Economic status often served as a decisive measure for what we might call social “acceptance” of newcomers in the Chinese city. In Hankou (Hankow), for example, people tended to look on merchants as legitimate sojourners while discriminating against vagrants (yumin. Many of them were shack dwellers) as unwanted “outsiders.” See William Rowe, Hankow: Conflict and Community in a Chinese City, 1796 1895 (Stanford, 1989), 298-299. 10. Ward, Poverty, Ethnicity, and the American City, 1840-1925, 2. 11. Emily Honig, in her recent research on Subei (or Jiangbei) people in Shanghai, has pointed out that the general discrimination against Subei people, who were the overwhelming majority in Shanghai’s Shack settlements, creates what she terms a “Chinese ethnicity.” Thins, of course, is not to define the Subei people as a racial group per se. See Honig. Sisters and Strangers, 1992. 12. For a more detailed discussion on the definition of the homeless, see Kathleen Peroff, “Who Are the Homeless and How Many Are They?” in Richard D. Bingham, Ray E. Green, and Sammis B. While, eds. The Homeless in Contemporary Society (Thousand Oaks, 1987), 33-45. 13. Namely, the International Settlement Shanghai Municipal Police, Frenchtown’s Concession Police, the Nationalist Garrison Command’s Military Police, and the Chinese Special Municipality’s Public Safety Bureau, See Frederic Wakeman, Jr., “Policing Modern Shanghai,” The China Quarterly no. 115 (September 1988), 408-440. 14. Wakeman, 408-440. 15. Xinwen bao (Daily News) (Shanghai), January 26,1932. Here street beggars referred to those who did not have a regular shelter (or “home”) in Shanghai. 16. Peroff, 34. 17. Charles Hoch, “A Brief History of the Homeless Problem in the United Stated,” in The Homeless in Contemporary Society, 16-32. 18. In China today, people still refer to getting an urban job as “upward transformation” (Shangdiao), and to going to the countryside to work as “downward exile” (xiafang). 19. Normally, housing in their home villages was better than the shanty shacks of Shanghai. On China’s rural housing, see Ronald Knapp, China’s Traditional Rural Architecture: A Cultural Geography of the Common House (Honolulu, 1986). China’s Vernacular Architecture: House Form and Culture (Honolulu, 1989), and The Chinese House: Craft, Symbol, and the Folk Tradition (Oxford, 1990). 20. After 1955, the Communist government pursued an extremely strict household registration (hukou) system which successfully prevented rural residents from entering cities. Although this system contributed to the gradual disappearance of squatter areas in Shanghai, the lure of Shanghai was not diminished. In China’s present reform, for the first time in half a century, a huge number of rural residents are entering Shanghai in search of a better life. Today, the so-called “floating population” exceeds one million and, like their predecessors some fifty years ago, many of them stay illegally in those areas that lie between Shanghai proper and its suburbs. Shanghaishl tongjiju (Shanghai Municipal Bureau of Statistics), ed., Shanghai liudong renkou (Shanghai’s Floating Population) (Shanghai, 1989); World Journal (New York), April 29, 1992. Also see Tiejun Chen and Mark Selden, “The Origins and Social Consequences of China’s Hukou System” and Harry Xiaoying Wu, “Rural to Urban Migration in the People’s Republic of China.” China Quarterly 139 (September 1994), 644-698. 21. Shenbao (Shanghai Daily), September 24, 1872. Jiangnan zaochuanchangshi bianxiezu, Jiangnan zaochuanchangshi (A history of Jiangnan shipyard) (Shanghai, 1975), 27-30. 22. Shanghai shehui kexueyuan, jingli yanjiusuo. Shanghai penghuqu de bianqian (Changes in the Squatier Areas of Shanghai) (Shanghai, 1962), 3. 23. Zhang Zhongil, ed., Jindat Shanghai chengshi yanjiu (Research on Modern Shanghai City) (Shanghai, 1990), 53-59, 712-752. 24. Cheng Shi, “Yaoshuilong de gushi” (Story of Yaoshuilong), Jiu Shanghai de gushi (Stories About Old Shanghai) (Shanghai, 1984; Hong Kong, 1939), 91; Shanghai penghuqu, 9. 26. Shanghai penghuqu, 11. 27. This information was provided by Chen Hongkui (born 1923, a former Fangualong resident) in an interview on March 19, 1989. In cooperation with the Institution of Sociology, Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, I interviewed eleven former shantytown residents in Shanghai in March 1989. Hereafter cited as “informant.” 28. The term penghu can also be used to refer to the straw hut occupants themselves, although these occupants were more commonly called penghu jumin than penghu. In Shanghai, penghu is an official term referring to straw huts or mat sheds. For a classification of housing types in Shanghai see Shanghai tongji nianjian (Shanghai Statistical Annual) (Shanghai, 1989), 438, 441. 29. The average cost of materials for a typical straw shack in the 1930s was about 20 yuan, equal to about 135 pounds of rice, which could feed a family of five for a month, or was about one month’s wages for an average semiskilled factory worker. A resident of a straw shack definitely could not afford to hire a carpenter, but had to do all the construction work by himself, or at most he could except some help from members of his family or neighbors. A shack could be built in two or three days by the resident himself. More difficult for him to manage was the cost of materials, which was often met through loans. 30. Informant Chen Daming (born 1929). 31. Chen Renbing, ed., Youguan Shanghai ertong fuli de shehul dinocha (Investigation of Social Welfare for Children in Shanghai) (Shanghai, 1948), 237. 32. Shanghai Penghuqu, 12. 33. A sociologist invested the conditions of Shanghai’s straw huts in 1932 and gave the following report: In the housing study we included a number of huts of the very poor which are made of very inflammable materials such as matting, straw, bagging, old boards, and the like…. These dwellings are not rain-proof nor wind-proof, and therefore are not sufficient protection from the rigors of Shanghai’s variable climate…. After a heavy rain, the inmates may be observed walking about in water perhaps ut to their knees, while children are placed on the bed in order to keep them out of the water. Even after the sun comes out, the inside of the dwelling remains wet for many a day. Mud walks are built up outside and finally in some instances the level of the floor is lower than the land outside the hut…. Sanitary conditions are bad, garbage and sewage being left uncovered. No public facilities are used by these dwellers, even though on a main road a few yards away these may be a sewerage system and garbage collecting service. Many of these dwellers in huts of straw are fond of keeping pigs as an investment, pig-pens being placed right next to and adjoining the huts. Chickens are prevalent and at night sleep under the beds. Odors of decaying garbage, excreta of pigs, or dirty dampness pervade the atmosphere in the vicinity of these human habitations. See H. D. Lamson, “The Problem of Housing for Workers in China,” Chinese Economic Journal XI, no. 2 (August, 1932). 34. In those eases where running water was available, it was often controlled by what were called “local bullies” and became a source of income for them. For example, in Yaoshuilong there were only two public water taps, which were shared by more than ten thousand of its residents. The taps were controlled by a handful of local gangs who were popularly known as the “ten shareholders of running water” (zilaishui shida gudong). These ten gangs raised the water price several times higher than the market price; thus the majority of the Yaoshuilong residents could not afford running water. Shanghai penghuau, 10-11. 35. Tu Shiping, Shanghai Chunqtu (Annals of Shanghai) (Hong Kong, 1968), C6. This book was originally published in Shanghai in 1948 under the title Shanghaishi daguan (Shanghai Miscellanes). 36. Informant Lai Qlgeng (born 1919, former Youshuilong resident). 37. The following was Shanghai’s population taken in triennial censuses: 2,641,220 in 1927: 3,144,805 in 1930: 3,404,435 in 1933: 3,814,315 in 1936. Jiu Shanghai renkuo, 90. 38. Shanghai penghuqu, 13. 39. Shibao (Shanghai Times), November 19, 1914; Kui Shixun, Shanghai gonggong zujie shigao (A Draft History of the International Settlements in Shanghai) (Shanghai, 1980), 488-489. 40. Zheng Zhuan, “Jindai Zhaibei de xingshuai” (The Rise and Decline of Modern Zhaibei) in Tang Zbengchang and Shen Hengchun. eds. Shanghaishi Yanjiu (Research on Shanghai) (Shanghai, 1988), Vol, 11, 414-418. 41. Ibid, 418. 42. Chen Gongpu, Paohuo xia de Shanghai (Shanghai Under Gunfire) (Shanghai, 1937), 170-187. 43. The rent for land was relatively easy to manage. In most cases, lands were jointly rented by a number of residents. In the 1930s, the normal rent for 3.3 square meters of land, which was about the size needed to build a straw shack, was one yuan per month; sometimes the tenants could even obtain free rent. We should remember that straw hut slums were often built on deserted sports. One reason why some landlords allowed land to go for low rents, or even asked no rent at all, was that once the original out-of- the-way lands were densely populated, the value of the lands was increased (Standard of Living of Shanghai Laborers, 55; Shanghai chanye, 91). On the other hand, the issues surrounding land use were not always so smooth. More often than not, quarrels over ownerships or rent rights broke out in the squatter areas, and some became violent. In these cases, local bullies and police were often involved. Shanghai penghuqu, 23-28. 44. Lamson, 147. 45. D.K. Lieu, The Growth and Industrialization of Shanghai (Shanghai, 1936), 172. 46. Shaghai penghuqu, 17. 47 Ibid., 16-18. 48. The policy Pursued by China’s post-1949 authorides in slum clearance programs strengthens my classification or “grading” of these three major slums. Zhaojiabang, the poorest of the three, was given the top priority in these programs. Construction work in Zhaojiabang was listed among the key projects under the First Five-Year Plan in Shanghai. The slum was thoroughly tom down in 1954 and a beautiful avenue was built on the site in 1956. The major part of Fangualong was not completely renewed until 1964 when ten five-story apartments were built there. Indeed, these two slum removal projects became a favorite topic in the party’s political propaganda. Yaoshuilong, being the “best” in our grading, was not favored with any large-scale renewal program. The dwellings there were much improved after 1949, although some straw shacks remained as late as the 1970s. 49. Shanghai chunqiu, C6. 50. Chen Gang, Shanghaigang matou de bianqian (The Changes in the Wharves of the Shanghai Port) (Shanghai, 1966), 39-41. 51. Shanghai chunqiu, C6-C7. 52. Xue Yongli, “Jiu Shanghai penghuqu de xingcheng” (The Formation of Shantytowns of Old Shanghai) in Jiu Shanghai de fangdichan jingying (Real Estate Management in Old Shanghai) (Shanghai, 1990), 231-239. 53. The following table shows the number of the straw hut slums in Shanghai in 1949: Households/Per Slum Number Over 2,000 4 Over 1,000 39 Over 500 36 Over 300 150 Over 200 93 Adapted from Shanghai penghuqu, 7. 54. In March 1949, two months before the Communists took over the city. Shanghai’s population was 5,455,007. See Jiu Shanghai renkuo, 91. 55. Sisters and Strangers, 79-93. 56. Informant Zhang Xisomel (born 1922, a former resident of the Nanshi slum). 57. Bureau of Social Affairs, the City Government of Greater Shanghai, Standard of Living of Shanghai Laborers (Shanghai, 1934). 58. Official statistics in 1936 show that there were 226,718 factory workers in Shanghai at that time, of which 136,665 (60 percent) were woman and 27,091 (12 percent) were children. Most of the child workers were between the ages of twelve and fourteen. There was also a considerable number of child workers who were under twelve years of age; the youngest were only six or seven years old. Feng Ruogu, “Shanghai tonggong nugong zhi Shenghuo gaikuang” (The General Situation of the Lives of Child Laborers and Woman Laborers in Shanghai), Laogong yuekan (Labor Monthly), 5 (Shanghai, 1936). 59 Cheng Shi, “Yaoshuilong de gushu” (Story of Yaoshuilong), Jiu Shanghai de gushi (Stories About Old Shanghai) (Shanghai, 1974). 60. Shanghai penghuqu, 5. 61. Honig, “Invisible Inequalities: The Status of Subel People in Contemporary Shanghai.” China Quarterly (June 1990), 273-292. 62. Informant Lai Lifu (born 1941, Yaoshuilong resident). 63. Currently available Shanghai population statistics that indicate native place specify only the province. Shanghai’s native-place associations (tongxiang hui) left about 1,500 volumes of documents dated from 1912 to 1959, which are now available in the Shanghai Municipal Archives. However, data on residents’ origin below the provincial level (i.e., county or prefecture) are still extremely fragmentary. In any case, no matter where they came from, shantytown dwellers were generally ignored by these associations. Native place associations were in many ways dominated by the middle and upper classes and issues related to shantytown dwellers were usually not on their agenda—another illustration of the “outcast” status of shanty squatters. On Shanghai’s native-place associations, see Bryna Goodman, “The Native Place and the City: Immigrants Consciousness and Organization in Shanghai, 1853-1927” (Ph.D. Diss., Stanford University, 1990). 64. According to Xinwen bao (Daily News), January 26, 1932, there were about twenty thousand beggars in Shanghai at that time. Among them about three thousand were said to be street people. 65. Shanghai chanye, 90-91. 66. Shanghai penghuqu, 9-10. 67. The result of this survey is published in Yang Ximeng, Shanghai gongren shenghuo chengdu de yige yanjiu (Research on the Standard of Living of Shanghai Laborers) (Beipong, 1930). 68. The result of this survey is published in Standard of Living of Shanghai Laborers, compiled by Bureau of Social Affairs, the City Government of Greater Shanghai (Shanghai, 1934). 69. These were so-called alley-way houses (lilong fangzhi), also commonly known as shikumen (wooden door with stone frame) houses, a distinctive type of dwelling that housed about half of the people of Shanghai in this century. Information provided by Lu Hanlong of the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences; also see Luo Suwen, Shikumen, xunchang renjia (Shikumen, common households) (Shanghai,1991). 70. This type of house is very common in Pudong (the area east of the Huangpu River) and other suburbs in Shanghai. Although structurally similar to the alley-way house—that is, both have brick walls and tiled roofs—they are decidedly inferior in construction so that these houses could not bear the weight of a second story. 71. Shanghai gongren shehou, 71-72. 72. An official survey of working hours and income of Shanghai’s workers in 1930-1934 shows that among the sixteen industries surveyed, cotton sprinning workers had the longest working hours and their pay was ranked the fifteenth. Bureau of Social Affairs, the City Government of Greater Shanghai, Wage Rates in Shanghai (Shanghai, 1935), 60. Also see Haanghao Lu, “The Workers and the Neighborhood of Modern Shanghai, 1911-1949” (Ph. D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 1991), 173-99. 73. Standard of Living, 60. 74. H. D. Lamson, “The Problem of Housing for Workers in China,” in Chinese Economic Journal XI (August, 1932). 75. Zhang Hngyu, Shehui Diaoca, Shenjtahang shikuang (A Social Survey of Song-Ka-Hong) (Shanghai, 1924), 56-61; H. D. Lamson, “The Effect of Industriallzation Upon Village Livelihood,” Chinese Economic Journal IX (October, 1931). 76. Luo Zhiro, Tongji blan zhong zhi Shanghai (Shanghai as Shown in Statistics) (Nanking, 1932), 86. 77. Standard of Living, 14. 78. Shanghaishi nianjian (Yearbook of SHanghai) (Shanghai, 1947), C17-C19. 79. Shanghai penghuqu, 64-65. 80. Ibid., 65. 81. Ibid., 15. 82. Ibid., 9-10 83. Ibid., 64-66. 84. Shanghai penghuqu, 8. 85. Pedicabs were introduced in the early 1940s as a result of the gasoline shortage during the war. They gradually replaced rickshaws and became one of the main forms of ransportation within the inner cisty of Shanghai after 1945. Under a government program, rickshaws, which were increasingly considered “inhuman and unscientific” by the public after World War Ⅱ , were to be eliminated stop by map and replaced by predicate. Many Rickshaw pilfers pec drivers, although rickshaws were not officially abolished until 1956. (Shanghai churiqim, 34; Shanghai Pengiuqu, 67). 86. A cucrentieral ward to describe this group is “underclass”; see Michael B. Ketz, ed., The “Underclass” Debau: Viens J History (Princedom, 1993). I choose the ward “outcasts” to highlight that shape former peas were still outside of the mainstream of urban life. 87. Shanghai Sojourners, 11-12. 88. Informant Zheng Siamei (Born 1934, a Yangshupu ), Another informant, Rao Yasefu (born 1930, a Pudong moshident), reports that even today people in Padong still talk of going to due other side of the Huacgpu Ricer (or Puxl, where the downtown area is located) as “going to Shenghai,” although by scary the trip across due river takes barely ten minutes. 89. Shanghai Penghiqu, 28-30: Creating Chinese Ethnickry; 44-53. 90. Many slums in Shanghai were formed and expanded during and after the Sino-Japanese War (193701945). For example, Yaoshillong had one thousand household in 1930; this samber iner in five thqueind 1939. Zheao and many other slums in Nanshi and uelong were formed after 1945. Shanghai penghuqu, 4-6; Shanghai charge, 90-91. 91. Shanghai Churqiu, C7.