Imperialism As A Cause Of The First World War

Imperialism as a Cause of World War One

Part 1: Franco-British rivalry.

Imperialism was more important for some countries than for others. At first, during the “Scramble for Africa” the principal tensions that were generated seemed to be between England and France. Both countries wanted EGYPT and the SUDAN.

Egypt was very important. The Suez Canal, linking Europe with India and the Far East passed through it. The Sudan was considered important because the Nile, on which Egypt depended flowed through Sudan on its way to Egypt. In addition the French wanted to create a line of colonies spanning North Africa from West to East, while the British wanted to create a line of colonies running from the North of Africa to the South (Cape-Cairo Railway).

Simple piece of Work to do:

Fill in the map with the lines of conflict between Britain and France in Africa:

Lines of Conflict between Britain and France in Africa. Sudan

Britain secured Egypt in the 1880s much to the annoyance of France. The next area of controversy would therefore be the Sudan. The conflict between the two countries over the Sudan focused on the strategic fort of Fashoda in the late 1890s. The French captured it first and the British then demanded it be handed over to them, which was the same as demanding the French recognise the Sudan as being a British sphere of influence. What would France do? How important was colonialism for them?

The Fashoda Incident: Background

July 1898 - Col. Marchand, France, led small group through Central Africa eastwards to Nile - arrived and claimed Fashoda for France. 3 weeks later, Gen. Kitchener, Britain, and large force, arrived - stand-off - neither wanted to stand down, and neither wished to open hostilities. - referred to governments. In the end France backed down. March 1899 an agreement was reached by which France acknowledged Britain's rights in Egypt and the Sudan and in return Britain promised to support French interests in Morocco. This agreement then paved the way for the ENTENTE CORDIALE of 1904. The Entente Cordiale resolved a number of longstanding colonial disputes, and established a diplomatic understanding between the two countries, which however stopped short of binding either to any military undertaking in support of the other. France, keen to build a buffer against possible German aggression, signed the agreement in a bid to encourage an Anglo alliance with France. Similarly Britain was willing to encourage co-operation between the two countries with an eye on Germany's decision to expand her naval strength in competition with Britain. The entente was extended in 1907 to include Russia, culminating in the alliance that formally took on the Central Powers during World War One. Document Study a) The British Case ‘It is desirable that you should be placed in possession of the view if Her Majesty's Government in respect to the line of action to be followed in the event of Khartoum being occupied at an early date by the forces now operating in the Sudan under the command of Sir Herbert Kitchener, In view of the substantial military and financial cooperation which has recently been afforded by Her Majesty's Government to the Government of the Khedive, Her Majesty's Government have decided that at Khartoum the British and Egyptian flags should be hoisted side by side. This decision will have no reference to the manner in which the occupied countries are to be administered in the future. It is not necessary at present to define their political status with any great precision …. You will, however, explain to the Khedive, and to his Ministers that the procedure I have indicated is intended to emphasise the fact that Her Majesty's Government consider that they have a predominant voice in all matters connected with the Soudan, and that they expect that any advice which they may think fit to tender to 1 le Egyptian Government, in respect to Soudan affairs, will be followed ....’ ‘It is possible that a French force may be found in occupation of some portion of the Nile Valley. Should this contingency arise ... Her Majesty's Government entertain full confidence in Sir Herbert Kitchener's judgement and discretion. They feel assured that he will endeavour to convince the Commander of any French force with which he may come in contact t' at the presence of the latter in the Nile Valley is an infringement of the rights of both Great Britain and of the Khedive.’

Lord Salisbury to Lord Cromer, 2 August 1898, Secret, Gooch; id Temperley, British Documents on the Origins of the War, 1898-1914, i, 59-60. b) The French Case

Fashoda. Minister for Foreign Affairs [Delcasse] initiated today 1 conversation on this burning question by stating that French Minister in London was instructed to speak to your Lordship about it. Much of what passed between us was but a repetition of previous conversations, but his Excellency was just as determined as ever upon the right of France to occupy territory practically abandoned by Egypt and contested the right of Great Britain to warn off other Powers which had not recognised her sphere of influence or to assert that France was committing an unfriendly act in advancing on Upper Nile. He at the same time declared his conviction that honest discussion between the two Governments would soon result in an understanding. He reiterated that it is the desire of the present French Government to make a friend of England, adding that between ourselves he would much prefer an Angle-French to a Franco-Russian alliance. He again entreated me to take account of existing excitement in France, which is becoming dangerous and might in an instant break out into overt acts, repeating what he had said yesterday: 'Do not ask me for the impossible; do not drive me into a corner.' He admitted that he knew feeling in England is strong, but he argued that Englishmen are not so excitable as the French, and felt sentimental considerations less deeply. I replied that he could not exaggerate strength of feeling in England on this subject, both on the part of the Government and the public, and the knowledge of this caused me great apprehension. He said: You surely would not break with us over Fashoda?' To which I answered that it was exactly that which I feared.

Sir E. Monson (British Ambassador in Paris) to Lord Salisbury, 28 September 1898, Telegram, ibid., p. 171.

1. a. Explain what is meant by the ‘Government of the Khedive’. 2 Marks b. Explain what is meant by ‘sphere of influence’ with reference to your understanding of 19 th century imperialism. 4 marks 2. Compare and contrast the two documents. What are the respective arguments of the British and French governments? Is there hope for a rapprochement? 12 marks 3. Assess the value and limitations of these sources in the context of the ‘Scramble for Africa’. How far can they be used to explain the importance or imperialism for the two countries involved. 12 marks

4. Using these sources and your own knowledge, examine the extent to which imperialism was a cause of the First World War. 20 marks Part 2. Enter Germany.

Germany had acquired three principal colonies in Africa, the Cameroons, German East Africa and German South West Africa. Her desire to join up the last two meant she was interested in increasing her presence in Southern Africa, an area the British increasingly saw as their sphere of influence. Moreover German East Africa stood in the way of the Britain’s colonial ambitions concerning the Cape-Cairo Railway. Use the map to do the same for Anglo German lines of conflict as you did for the Franco British ones.

Lines of Conflict between Britain and Germany in Africa. a) Germany and Britain over South Africa

I express to you my sincere congratulations that you and your people, without appealing to the help of I express to you my sincere congratulations that you and your people, without appealing to the help of friendly powers, have succeeded, by your own energetic action against the armed bands which invaded your friendly powers, have succeeded, by your own energetic action against the armed bands which invaded your country as disturbers of the peace, in restoring peace and in maintaining the independence of the country country as disturbers of the peace, in restoring peace and in maintaining the independence of the country against attack from without. against attack from without.

Kaiser Wilhelm II to Stephanus Johannes Paulus Kruger, President of the Transvaal, 3 Jan. 1896 Kaiser Wilhelm II to Stephanus Johannes Paulus Kruger, President of the Transvaal, 3 Jan. 1896

Germany had tried to make political capital out of Britain’s conflicts with the Boers (e.g. through the notorious “Kruger Telegram” in 1895) and this had infuriated the British. Germany’s growing ambitions in this sensitive and lucrative region, together with Britain’s growing sense of isolation and unpopularity caused by her conduct in the Boer War (1899-1902), made Britain abandon her long held position of ‘Splendid Isolation’ and forge alliances. We have already seen how she reached an agreement with France in March 1899 over the Sudan and Morocco. In 1902 she made an alliance with Japan, and then in 1904, the 1899 agreement with France became a full blown treaty, the Entente Cordiale. b) Germany and France over Morocco

Germany, concerned over the signing of the entente agreement, determined to test its practical strength by provoking a crisis in Morocco in 1905, leading to the Algeciras Conference (1906). Germany’s actions over Morocco in 1905 and 1911 merely served to strengthen the Entente between Britain and France. It is to these Moroccan crises and their influence on the Alliance system that we shall now turn. First we shall read about them on page 10 of the book, and then we shall do the Document exercise beginning on the next page.

First Moroccan Crisis, 1905-6

France hoped to conquer Morocco in Africa, and one of the points of the Entente Cordiale (1904) was that the British would help them. But in 1905, Kaiser Wilhelm visited Morocco and promised to protect Morocco against anyone who threatened it. He claimed that German citizens’ rights were not recognized in Morocco.

Effects

 The French were furious with Germany.  The British thought Germany was trying to build a German Empire to rival Britain's empire.  A Conference was held at Algeciras (1906), where Britain and Russia supported France, and Germany was forced to promise to stay out of Morocco. This in turn annoyed Germany, who thought that they were 'ganging up' to stop Germany occupying its rightful place in the world.  In 1907, Britain and Russia, alarmed by German ambitions, made an Entente.

Telegraph Article, 1908

Kaiser Wilhelm gave an interview to the Daily Telegraph newspaper, in which - although he claimed that he wanted to be friends with Britain - he said that the English were 'mad', said that the German people hated them, and demanded that: 'Germany must have a powerful fleet to protect her interests in even the most distant seas'.

Effects

 The article outraged the British – it led to a British Public cry: “We want Eight and we won’t wait”.  It convinced them that Germany wanted to challenge the British Empire overseas.

Agadir (2nd Morocco) Crisis, 1911

There was a revolution in Morocco, and the French sent in an army to put it down, then took over the country. In the middle of this, Kaiser Wilhelm sent the gunboat Panther to the Moroccan port of Agadir.

Effect

 The French and British were furious - the British minister Lloyd George said that 'Britain's interests were vitally affected'. Fear of Germany's intentions increased.  Germany was forced to back down and remove the gunship, and was given only a small piece of jungle in the Congo. This increased German resentment: 'the Kaiser was determined not to be the loser in the next crisis'. A German newspaper led with the headline “Are we a nation of women?” The First Moroccan Crisis

Document 1

In 1904, one German newspaper reported:

‘Morocco is a German concern owing to our increasing population and need of naval bases. If Germany does not peg out claims, she will retire empty handed from the partition of the world. Is the German man-in-the-street to get nothing? The time has come when Germany must secure Morocco….’

Document 2

The German pressure group, the Pan German League was very upset at the Entente Cordiale claiming it was:

‘[an insult] to the German Empire to have been overlooked in the [talks] between Britain and France on the future of Morocco…[Germany has] been treated as a 3rd rate power.’

Document 3

Holstein, an important German Foreign Office official, later told a friend that Great Britain’s entente with France had convinced him that:

‘Before the rings of the other Great Powers tightens around us, we must attempt with all our energies and with a determination that will not shrink from the utmost to break the ring. Hence the Tangier trip of the [Kaiser]!’

Document 4

Questions

a) Explain the reference to ‘Entente Cordiale’ [2] b) Identify the 5 characters portrayed in Doc. [4]

What reasons are given in Documents 1-3 as to why Germany should have Morocco? How would you describe the ‘tone’ of the Documents?

Using these documents and other sources you have read explain why the Kaiser visited Tangier and what German intentions were towards Morocco. The Second Moroccan Crisis

Document 5 Document 6

At the height of the 2nd Moroccan crisis (also called the Agadir crisis), Lloyd George made use of a speech to London Bankers at the Mansion House to deliver a clear warning:

“I would make great sacrifices to preserve peace. I conceive that nothing would justify a disturbance of international goodwill except questions of the gravest national moment. But if a situation were to be forced upon us in which peace could only be preserved…by allowing Britain to be treated, where her interests were vitally affected, as if she were of no account in the Cabinet of Nations, then I say emphatically that peace at that price would be a humiliation intolerable for a great country like ours to endure.”

Document 7

During the 2nd Moroccan crisis von Moltke, the German Chief of General Staff wrote to his wife:

“I am thoroughly fed up with this wretched Moroccan affair… If once again we crawl out of this affair with our tail between our legs, if we cannot pluck up the courage to take a [tough] line which we are prepared to enforce with the sword then I despair of the future of the German Empire. Then I shall quit.”

Document 8

Eventually the Germans climbed down, but a feeling of bitterness remained. In the Reichstag the Conservative leader was applauded with his reply to Lloyd George.

“When we hear a speech that we must consider as a threat, as a challenge, as a humiliating challenge, it is not so easy to pass it over as after-dinner speechifying. Such incidents like a flash in the dark show the German people where is the foe. The German people now knows, when it seeks foreign expansion, such as is its right and destiny, where it has to look for permission. We Germans are not accustomed to that and cannot allow it and we shall know how to answer.”

Questions

1. Explain the meaning of the cartoon in document 5. 2. Compare and contrast documents 6 and 8. Which of the two speakers seems most willing to compromise? 3. Assess the value and limitations of these sources as sources for imperial ambitions in North Africa. How far can they be used to indicate the growing tensions in Europe at this time? 4. Using these sources and your own knowledge, examine the extent to which the Moroccan crises were a cause of the First World War. 3. The Anglo German Naval Race 1906 to 1914

The naval race between Germany and Great Britain between 1906 and 1914 created huge friction between both nations and it is seen as one of the causes of World War one. The Naval Race did not actually begin in 1906. The starting date is usually taken as 1898 when Germany passed the First Naval Act. Although Britain started to feel some concern by the turn of the century, nevertheless she was aware that her naval superiority over Germany was still huge. However, in 1906, HMS Dreadnought, the first dreadnought - a ship that meant all others were redundant before its awesome fire power was launched.

HMS Dreadnought: 17,900 tons; 526 feet in length; ten 12 inch guns, eighteen 4 inch guns, five torpedo tubes; maximum belt armour 11 inches; top speed 21.6 knots.

HMS Dreadnought

Germany responded, a race began and in this race the British did not enjoy a huge superiority.

Number of Dreadnoughts

Year Great Britain Germany

1906 1 0 1907 3 0 1908 2 4 1909 2 3 1910 3 1 1911 5 3 1912 3 2 1913 7 3 1914 3 1

Total 29 17 Dreadnought Battle-Cruisers

Year Great Britain Germany

1906 0 0 1907 3 0 1908 0 0 1909 1 0 1910 1 2 1911 2 1 1912 1 2 1913 1 2 1914 0 0

Total 9 7

Questions.

1. Why was the Anglo German naval race an importance cause of The First World War.

2. The table below shows the 5 major countries that went to war in 1914. Give each country a mark from 1 to 5 depending on how important you think overseas colonies (ie imperialism) were in determining their position within the alliance system and in their decision to go to war.

COUNTRY MARK REASON

FRANCE

GERMANY

RUSSIA

BRITAIN

AUSTRIA HUNGARY

Finally a couple of classic quotes. The first is Kaiser Wilhelm’s famous ‘Place in the Sun’ speech: We have conquered for ourselves a place in the sun. It will now be my task to see to it that this place in the sun shall remain our undisputed possession, in order that the sun's rays may fall fruitfully upon our activity and trade in foreign parts... The more Germans go out upon the waters, whether it be in journeys across the ocean, or in the service of the battle flag, so much the better it will be for us. A speech by Kaiser Wilhelm to the German Regatta Association, 1901.

Secondly is his famous interview with the Daily Telegraph in 1908. The English didn’t like it!

You English, are mad, mad, mad as March hares. What has come over you that you are so completely given over to suspicions quite unworthy of a great nation? ... I have said time after time that I am a friend of England ... but you make things difficult for me. My task is not the easiest. The prevailing sentiment among large sections of the middle and lower classes of my own people is not friendly to England... Interview with Kaiser Wilhelm II in the Daily Telegraph, 28 October 1908