Chapter 6 – Independence and Nationhood What were the conflicts in the American Revolution, how did they affect relationships among Americans, and how did the nation undergo the process of creating a new government? I. The Revolutionary War A. Who were the loyalists and the patriots and how were they divided up amongst the colonies?

B. What were the major advantages and disadvantages for Britain during the Revolutionary War?

C. What were the major events regarding the War in the North?

D. Why was the Western War so fierce and what were the main events?

E. What successes did the British have in the South and how did the Revolutionary War end?

F. What was the result of the Treaty of Paris in 1783?

II. Social Change During the Revolution A. What social changes occurred during the revolution regarding equality?

B. What changes occurred for minority groups after the Revolutionary War? III. The First New Government A. What principles were established for the new governments, as colonies became states?

B. What was the Articles of Confederation and what were problems that occurred due to its existence?

C. What advancements did America make regarding the Western areas of the nation?

IV. The Road to the Constitution A. What was the impact of Shays’s Rebellion on the Articles of Confederation?

B. Why was the Philadelphia Convention called up and what compromises did they make regarding the new Constitution?

C. Why were the Anti-federalists wary about the new Constitution and how did the Federalists defend the document? Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789 TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 6, 1774.

At 10 o'clock a. m. The Congress met according to adjournment. Present: The same members as yesterday, and moreover, from the colony of Virginia, Richard Henry Lee, Esqr., from counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex on Delaware, Thomas McKean, Esqr. The Congress, resuming the consideration of appointing a Committee to draw up rules of conduct to be observed in debating and determining the questions, that come under consideration, after a good deal of debate the motion was divided and put. 1. Shall a Committee be appointed to draw up rules for the proceedings of this Congress. Carried in the Negative. 2. Shall a Committee be appointed to fix the mode of voting by allowing to each province one or more votes, so as to establish an equitable representation according to the respective importance of each Colony. Carried in the negative. Upon motion the Question was put and Resolved, That in determining questions in this Congress, each Colony or Province shall have one Vote.--The Congress not being possess'd of, or at present able to procure proper materials for ascertaining the importance of each Colony.1

[Note 1: 1 The "debate" printed in Works of John Adams II, 366, must have taken place also on the 6th, and not wholly on the 5th as printed. Patrick Henry favored numbers of freemen as a basis of representation; Lynch wished the weight of each Colony to be determined by numbers and property. Richard Henry Lee raised the proper objection of a want of information to make any scale, in which John Adams agreed with him. Gadsdon favored voting by Colonies. The difficulty to be met was raised by Virginia, who claimed a prominence that the delegates from other Colonies were unwilling to concede. It was finally decided that each Colony should have "one voice; but as this was objected to as unequal, an entry was made on the journals to prevent its being drawn into a precedent." Connecticut Delegates to Governor Trumbull, October 10, 1774.]

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Resolved, That no person shall speak more than twice on the same point, without the leave of the Congress. Resolved, That no question shall be determined the day, on which it is agitated and debated, if any one of the Colonies desire the determination to be postponed to another day. Resolved, That the doors be kept shut during the time of business, and that the members consider themselves under the strongest obligations of honour, to keep the proceedings secret, untill the majority shall direct them to be made public. Resolved, unan: That a Committee be appointed to State the rights of the Colonies in general, the several instances in which these rights are violated or infringed, and the means most proper to be pursued for obtaining a restoration of them. Ordered. That the appointment of the Committee, and the number of which it shall consist, be deferred untill to-morrow. Resolved, That a Committee be appointed to examine & report the several Statutes, which affect the trade and Manufactures of the colonies. Same order as above respecting the appointment & number of this Committee. Resolved, That the Revd. Mr. Duché be desired to open the Congress tomorrow morning with prayers, at the Carpenter's Hall, at 9 o'Clock.1.

[Note 1: 1 "After settling the mode of voting, which is by giving each Colony an equal voice, it was agreed to open the business with prayer. As many of our warmest friends are members of the Church of England, [I] thought it prudent, as well on that as on some other accounts, to move that the service should be performed by a clergyman of that denomination." Samuel Adams to J. Warren, 9 September, 1774. John Adams says it was Cushing who made the motion that business be opened with prayer, and John Jay and Rutledge opposed it on the ground of a diversity in religious sentiments. That Samuel Adams asserted he was no bigot, and could hear a prayer from any gentleman of piety and virtue, who was at the same time a friend to his country; and nominated Duché. See note under September 7, post.]

Adjourned to 5 o'Clock this afternoon. Page 27 | Page image

5 o'Clock p. m. The Congress met according to adjournment. Thomas Johnson, Junr., Esqr. one of the Delegates from Maryland, attended and took his seat. Extract from minutes of the directors of the Library Company of Philadelphia, dated August 31st.,--directed to the President, was read, as follows: Upon motion, ordered, That the Librarian furnish the gentlemen, who are to meet in Congress, with the use of such Books as they may have occasion for, during their sitting, taking a receipt for them. By order of the Directors, (Signed)William Attmore, Secy. Ordered, That the thanks of the Congress be returned to the Directors of the Library Company of Philadelphia, for their obliging order. Adjourned until nine o'clock to-morrow. LETTERS BETWEEN ABIGAIL ADAMS AND HER HUSBAND JOHN ADAMS

MARCH 31, 1776 ABIGAIL ADAMS TO JOHN ADAMS

"I long to hear that you have declared an independency. And, by the way, in the new code of laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to make, I desire you would remember the ladies and be more generous and favorable to them than your ancestors.

"Do not put such unlimited power into the hands of the husbands.

"Remember, all men would be tyrants if they could. If particular care and attention is not paid to the ladies, we are determined to foment a rebellion, and will not hold ourselves bound by any laws in which we have no voice or representation.

"That your sex are naturally tyrannical is a truth so thoroughly established as to admit of no dispute; but such of you as wish to be happy willingly give up -- the harsh tide of master for the more tender and endearing one of friend.

"Why, then, not put it out of the power of the vicious and the lawless to use us with cruelty and indignity with impunity?

"Men of sense in all ages abhor those customs which treat us only as the (servants) of your sex; regard us then as being placed by Providence under your protection, and in imitation of the Supreme Being make use of that power only for our happiness."

APRIL 14, 1776 JOHN ADAMS TO ABIGAIL ADAMS

"As to your extraordinary code of laws, I cannot but laugh.

"We have been told that our struggle has loosened the bonds of government everywhere; that children and apprentices were disobedient; that schools and colleges were grown turbulent; that Indians slighted their guardians, and negroes grew insolent to their masters.

"But your letter was the first intimation that another tribe, more numerous and powerful than all the rest, were grown discontented.

"This is rather too coarse a compliment, but you are so saucy, I won't blot it out.

"Depend upon it, we know better than to repeal our masculine systems. Although they are in full force, you know they are little more than theory. We dare not exert our power in its full latitude. We are obliged to go fair and softly, and, in practice, you know we are the subjects.

"We have only the name of masters, and rather than give up this, which would completely subject us to the despotism of the petticoat, I hope General Washington and all our brave heroes would fight."

MAY 7, 1776 ABIGAIL ADAMS TO JOHN ADAMS

"I cannot say that I think you are very generous to the ladies; for, whilst you are proclaiming peace and good-will to men, emancipating all nations, you insist upon retaining an absolute power over wives.

"But you must remember that arbitrary power is like most other things which are very hard, very liable to be broken; and, notwithstanding all your wise laws and maxims, we have it in our power, not only to free ourselves, but to subdue our masters, and without violence, throw both your natural and legal authority at our feet." Benedict Arnold's Letter To The Inhabitants of America

As reported in The London Chronicle of November 11-14, 1780

I should forfeit, even in my own opinion, the place I have so long held in yours, if I could be indifferent to your approbation, and silent on the motives which have induced me to join the King's arms.

A very few words, however, shall suffice upon a subject so personal; for to the thousands who suffer under the tyranny of the usurpers in the revolted provinces, as well as to the great multitude who have long wished for its subversion, this instance of my conduct can want no vindication; and as to the class of men who are criminally protracting the war from sinister views at the expence of the public interest, I prefer their enmity to their applause. I am, therefore, only concerned in this address, to explain, myself to such of my countrymen, as want abilities, or opportunities, to detect the artifices by which they are duped.

Having fought by your side when the love of our country animated our arms, I shall expect, from your justice and candour, what your deceivers, with more art and less honesty, will find it inconsistent with their own views to admit.

When I quitted domestic happiness for the perils of the field, I conceived the rights of my country in danger, and that duty and honour called me to her defence. A redress of grievances was my only object and aim; however, I acquiesced in a step which I thought preciptate, the declaration of independence: to justify this measure, many plausible reasons were urged, which could no longer exist, when Great Britain, the the open arms of a parent, offered to embrace us as children, and grant the wished-for redress.

And now that her worst enemies are in her own bosom, I should change my principles, if I conspired with their designs; yourselves being judges, was the war the less just, because fellow subjects were considered as our foe? You have felt the torture in which we raised arms against a brother. God incline the guilty protectors of these unnatural dissentions to resign their ambition, and cease from their delusion, in compassion to kindred blood!

I anticipate your question, Was not the war a defensive one, until the French joined in the combination? I answer, that I thought so. You will add, Was it not afterwards necessary, till the separation of the British empire was complete? By no means; in contending for the welfare of my country, I am free to declare my opinion, that this end attained, all strife should have ceased.

I lamented, therefore, the impolicy, tyranny, and injustice, which, with a sovereign contempt of the people of America, studiously neglected to take their collective sentiments of the British proposals of peace, and to negociate, under a suspension of arms, for an adjustment of differences; I lamented it as a dangerous sacrifice of the great interests of this country to the partial views of a proud, ancient, and crafty foe. I had my suspicions of some imperfections in our councils, on proposals prior to the Parliamentary Commission of 1778; but having then less to do in the Cabinet than the field (I will not pronounce peremptorily, as some may, and perhaps justly, that Congress have veiled them from the public eye), I continued to be guided in the negligent confidence of a Soldier. But the whole world saw, and all American confessed, that the overtures of the second Commission exeeded our wishes and expectations; and if there was any suspicion of the national liberality, it arose from its excess.

Do any believe were at that time really entangled by an alliance with France? Unfortunate deception! they have been duped, by a virtuous credulity, in the incautions moments of intemperate passion, to give up their felicity to serve a nation wanting both the will and the power to protect us, and aiming at the destruction both of the mother country and the provinces. In the plainness of common sense, for I pretend to no casuistry, did the pretended treaty with the Court of Versailles, amount to more than an overture to America? Certainly not, because no authority had been given by the people to conclude it, nor to this very hour have they authorized its ratification. The articles of confederation remain still unsigned.

In the firm persuasion, therefore, that the private judgement of an individual citizen of this country is as free from all conventional restraints, since as before the insidious offers of France, I preferred those from Great Britain; thinking it infinitely wiser and safer to cast my confidence upon her justice and generosity, than to trust a monarchy too feeble to establish your independency, so perilous to her distant dominions; the enemy of the Protestant faith and fraudulently avowing an affection for the liberties of mankind, while she holds her native sons in vassalage an chains. I affect no disguise, and therefore frankly declare, that in these principles I had determined to retain my arms and command for an opportunity to surrender them to Great Britain; and in concerting the measures for a purpose, in my opinion, as grateful as it would have been beneficial to my country; I was only solicitous to accomplish an event of decisive importance, and to prevent as much as possible, in the execution of it, the effusion of blood.

With the highest satisfaction I bear testimony to my old fellow soldiers and citizens, that I find solid ground to rely upon the clemency of our Sovereign, and abundant conviction that it is the generous intention of Great Britain not only to leave the rights and privileges of the colonies unimpaired, together with their perpetual exemption from taxation, but to superadd such further benefits as my consist with the common prosperity of the empire. In short, I fought for much less than the parent country is as willing to grain to her colonies as they can be to receive or enjoy.

Some may think I continued in the struggle of these unhappy days too long, and others that I quitted it too soon-- To the first I reply, that I did not see with their eyes, nor perhaps had so favourable a situation to look from, and that to our common master I am willing to stand or fall. In behalf of the candid among the latter, some of whom I believe serve blindly but honestly--in the bands I have left, I pray God to give them all the lights requisite to their own safety before it is too late; and with respect to that herd of censurers, whose enmity to me originates in their hatred to the principles by which I am now led to devote my life to the re- union of the British empire, as the best and only means to dry up the streams of misery that have deluged this country, they may be assured, that concious of the rectitude of my intentions; I shall treat their malice and calumnies with contempt and neglect. The Adventures of Daniel Boone - Chapter One

Curiosity is natural to the soul of man and interesting objects have a powerful influence on our affections. Let these influencing powers actuate, by the permission or disposal of Providence, from selfish or social views, yet in time the mysterious will of Heaven is unfolded, and we behold our conduct , from whatever motives excited, operating to answer the important designs of heaven. Thus we behold Kentucky, lately an howling wilderness, the habitation of savages and wild beasts, become a fruitful field; this region, so favourably distinguished by nature, now become the habitation of civilization, at a period unparalleled in history, in the midst of a raging war, and under all the disadvantages of emigration to a country so remote from the inhabited parts of the continent. Here, where the hand of violence shed the blood of the innocent; where the horrid yells of savages, and the groans of the destressed, sounded in our ears, we now hear the praises and adorations of our Creator; where wretched wigwams stood, the miserable abode of savages, we behold the foundations of cities laid, that, in all probability, will equal the glory of the greatest upon earth. And we view Kentucky situated on the fertile banks of the great Ohio, rising from obscurity to shine with splendor, equal to any other of the states of the American hemisphere. The settling of this region well deserves a place in history. Most of the memorable events I have myself been exercised in; and, for the satisfaction of the public, will briefly relate the circumstances of my adventures, and scenes of life, from my first movement to this country until this day. It was on the first of May, in the year 1769, that I resigned my domestic happiness for a time, and left my family and peaceable habitation on the Yadkin River, in North Carolina, to wander through the wilderness of America, in quest of the country of Kentucky, in company with John Finley, John Stewart, Joseph Holden, James Monay, and William Cool. We proceeded successfully, and after a long and fatiguing journey through a mountainous wilderness, in a westward direction, on the seventh day of June following we found ourselves on Red-River, where John Finley had formerly been trading with the Indians, and, from the top of an eminence, saw with pleasure the beautiful level of Kentucky. Here let me observe, that for some time we had experienced the most uncomfortable weather as a prelibation of our future sufferings. At this place we encamped, and made a shelter to defend us from the inclement season, and began to hunt and reconnoitre the country. We found every where abundance of wild beasts of all sorts, through this vast forest. The buffalo were more frequent than I have seen cattle in the settlements, browzing on the leaves of the cane, or cropping the herbage on those extensive plains, fearless, because ignorant, of the violence of man. Sometimes we saw hundreds in a drove, and the numbers about the salt springs were amazing. In this forest, the habitation of beasts of every kind natural to America, we practiced hunting with great success, until the twenty-second day of December following. This day John Stewart and I had a pleasing ramble, but fortune changed the scene in the close of it. We had passed through a great forest, on which flood myriads of trees, some gay with blossoms, others rich with fruits. Nature was here a series of wonders, and a fund of delight. Here she displayed her ingenuity and industry in a variety of flowers and fruits, beautifully coloured, elegantly shaped, and charmingly flavoured; and we were diverted with innumerable animals presenting themselves perpetually to our view. In the decline of the day, near Kentucky river, as we ascended the brow of a small hill, a number of Indians rushed out of a thick cane-brake upon us, and made us prisoners. The time of our sorrow was nor arrived, and the scene fully opened. The Indians plundered us of what we had, and kept us in confinement seven days, treating us with common savage usage. During this time we discovered no uneasiness or desire to escape, which made them less suspicious of us; but in the dead of night, as we lay in a thick cane-brake by a large fire, when sleep had locked up their senses, my situation not disposing me for rest, I touched my companion, and gently awoke him. We improved this favourable opportunity, and departed, leaving them to take their rest, and speedily directed our course towards our old camp, but found it plundered, and the company dispersed and gone home. About this time my brother, Squire Boon, with another adventurer, who came to explore the country shortly after us, was wandering through the forest, determined to find me if possible, and accidentally found our camp. Notwithstanding the unfortunate circumstances of our company, and our dangerous situation, as surrounded with hostile savages, our meeting so fortunately in the wilderness made us reciprocally sensible of the utmost satisfaction. So much does friendship triumph over misfortune, that sorrows and sufferings vanish at the meeting not only of real friends, but of the most distant acquaintances, and substitute happiness in their room. Soon after this, my companion in captivity, John Stewart, was killed by the savages, and the man that came with my brother returned home by himself. We were then in a dangerous, helpless situation, exposed daily to perils and death amongst savages and wild beasts, not a white man in the country but ourselves. Thus situated, many hundred miles from our families in the howling wilderness, I believe few would have equally enjoyed the happiness we experienced. I often observed to my brother, You see now how little nature requires to be satisfied. Felicity, the companion of content, is rather found in our own breasts than in the enjoyment of external things; and I firmly believe it requires but a little philosophy to make a man happy in whatever state he is. This consists in a full resignation to the will of Providence; and a resigned soul finds pleasure in a path strewned with briars and thorns. We continued not in a state of indolence, but hunted every day, and prepared a little cottage to defend us from the winter storms. We remained there undisturbed during the winter; and on the first day of May, 1770, my brother returned home to the settlement by himself, for a new recruit of horses and ammunition, leaving me by myself, without bread, salt or sugar, without company of my fellow creatures, or even a horse or dog. I confess I never before was under greater necessity of exercising philosophy and fortitude. A few days I passed uncomfortably. The idea of a beloved wife and family, and their anxiety upon the account of my absence and exposed situation, made sensible impressions on my heart. A thousand dreadful apprehensions presented themselves to my view, and had undoubtedly disposed me to melancholy, if further indulged. One day I undertook a tour through the country, and the diversity and beauties of nature I met with in this charming season, expelled every gloomy and vexatious thought. Just at the close of day the gentle gales retired, and left the place to the disposal of a profound calm. Not a breeze shook the most tremulous leaf. I had gained the summit of a commanding ridge, and, looking round with astonishing delight, beheld the ample plains, the beauteous tracts below. On the other hand, I surveyed the famous river Ohio that rolled in silent dignity, marking the western boundary of Kentucky with inconceivable grandeur. At a vast distance I beheld the mountains lift their venerable brows, and penetrate the clouds. All things were still. I kindled a fire near a fountain of sweet water, and feasted on the loin of a buck, which a few hours before I had killed. The sullen shades of night soon overspread the whole hemisphere, and the earth seemed to gasp after the hovering moisture. My roving excursion this day had fatigued my body, and diverted my imagination. I laid me down to sleep, and I awoke not until the sun had chased away the night. I continued this tour, and in a few days explored a considerable part of the country, each day equally pleased as the first. I returned again to my old camp, which was not disturbed in my absence. I did not confine my lodging to it, but often reposed in thick cane-brakes, to avoid the savages, who, I believe, often visited my camp, but fortunately for me, in my absence. In this situation I was constantly exposed to danger and death. How unhappy such a situation for a man tormented with fear, which is vain if no danger comes, and if it does, only augments the pain. It was my happiness to be destitute of this afflicting passion, with which I had the greatest reason to be affected. The prowling wolves diverted my nocturnal hours with perpetual howlings; and the various species of animals in this vast forest, the day time, were continually in my view. Thus I was surrounded with plenty in the midst of want. I was happy in the midst of dangers and inconveniences. In such a diversity it was impossible I should be disposed to melancholy. No populous city, with all the varieties of commerce and stately structures, could afford so much pleasure to my mind, as the beauties of nature I found here. Thus, through an uninterrupted scene of sylvan pleasures, I spent the time until the 27th day of July following, when my brother, to my great felicity, met me, according to appointment, at our old camp. Shortly after, we left this place, not thinking it safe to stay there longer, and proceeded to Cumberland River, reconnoitring that part of the country until March, 1771, and giving names to the different waters. Soon after, I returned home to my family, with a determination to bring them as soon as possible to live in Kentucky, which I esteemed a second paradise, at the risk of my life and fortune. I returned safe to my old habitation, and found my family in happy circumstances. I sold my farm on the Yadkin, and what goods we could not carry with us; and on the twenty-fifth day of September, 1773, bade a farewell to our friends, and proceeded on our journey to Kentucky, in company with five families more, and forty men that joined us in Powel's Valley, which is one hundred and fifty miles from the now settled parts of Kentucky. This promising beginning was soon overcast with a cloud of adversity; for upon the tenth day of October, the rear of our company was attacked by a number of Indians, who killed six, and wounded one man. Of these my eldest son was one that fell in the action. Though we defended ourselves, and repulsed the enemy, yet this unhappy affair scattered our cattle, brought us into extreme difficulty, and so discouraged the whole company, that we retreated forty miles, to the settlement on Clinch River. We had passed over two mountains, viz. Powel's and Walden's, and were approaching Cumberland mountain when this adverse fortune overtook us. These mountains are in the wilderness, as we pass from the old settlements in Virginia to Kentucky, are ranged in a S.W. and N.E. direction, are of a great length and breadth, and not far distant from each other. Over these, nature hath formed passes that are less difficult than might be expected from a view of such huge piles. The aspect of these cliffs is so wild and horrid, that it is impossible to behold them without terror. The spectator is apt to imagine that nature had formerly suffered some violent convulsion; and that there are the dismembered remains of the dreadful shock; the ruins, not of Persepolis or Palmyra, but of the world!

Letters From a Pennsylvania Farmer

The Text Version

My Dear Countrymen, I am a farmer, settled after a variety of fortunes near the banks of the River Delaware in the province of Pennsylvania. I received a liberal education and have been engaged in the busy scenes of life; but am now convinced that a man may be as happy without bustle as with it. My farm is small; my servants are few and good; I have a little money at interest; I wish for no more; my employment in my own affairs is easy; and with a contented, grateful mind . . . I am completing the number of days allotted to me by divine goodness… These being my sentiments, I am encouraged to offer to you, my countrymen, my thoughts on some late transactions that appear to me to be of the utmost importance to you. Conscious of my defects, I have waited some time in expectation of seeing the subject treated by persons much better qualified for the task; but being therein disappointed, and apprehensive that longer delays will be injurious, I venture at length to request the attention of the public, pray that these lines may be read with the same zeal for the happiness of British America with which they were written. With a good deal of surprise I have observed that little notice has been taken of an act of Parliament, as injurious in its principle to the liberties of these colonies as the Stamp Act was: I mean the act for suspending the legislation of New York. The assembly of that government complied with a former act of Parliament, requiring certain provisions to be made for the troops in America, in every particular, I think, except the articles of salt, pepper, and vinegar. In my opinion they acted imprudently, considering all circumstances, in not complying so far as would have given satisfaction as several colonies did. But my dislike of their conduct in that instance has not blinded me so much that I cannot plainly perceive that they have been punished in a manner pernicious to American freedom and justly alarming to all the colonies. If the British Parliament has a legal authority to issue an order that we shall furnish a single article for the troops here and compel obedience to that order, they have the same right to issue an order for us supply those troops with arms, clothes, and every necessary, and to compel obedience to that order also; in short, to lay any burdens they please upon us. What is this but taxing us at a certain sum and leaving us only the manner of raising it? How is this mode more tolerable than the Stamp Act? Would that act have appeared more pleasing to Americans if, being ordered thereby to raise the sum total of the taxes, the mighty privilege had been left to them of saying how much should be paid for an instrument of writing on paper, and how much for another on parchment? An act of Parliament commanding us to do a certain thing, if it has any validity, is a tax upon us for the expense that accrues in complying with it, and for this reason, I believe, every colony on the continent that chose to give a mark of their respect for Great Britain, in complying with the act relating to the troops, cautiously avoided the mention of that act, lest their conduct should be attributed to its supposed obligation. The matter being thus stated, the assembly of New York either had or had no right to refuse submission to that act. If they had, and I imagine no American will say they had not, then the Parliament had no right to compel them to execute it. If they had not that right, they had no right to punish them for not executing it; and therefore had no right to suspend their legislation, which is a punishment. In fact, if the people of New York cannot be legally taxed but by their own representatives, they cannot be legally deprived of the privilege of legislation, only for insisting on that exclusive privilege of taxation. If they may be legally deprived in such a case of the privilege of legislation, why may they not, with equal reason, be deprived of every other privilege? Or why may not every colony be treated in the same manner, when any of them shall dare to deny their assent to any impositions that shall be directed? Or what signifies the repeal of the Stamp Act, if these colonies are to lose their other privileges by not tamely surrendering that of taxation? This step, I sup pose, would have been taken if the conduct of the assembly of New York had been regarded as an act of disobedience to the Crown alone. But it is regarded as an act of "disobedience to the authority of the British legislature." This gives the suspension a consequence vastly more affecting. It is a parliamentary assertion of the supreme authority of the British legislature over these colonies in the point of taxation; and it is intended to compel New York into a submission to that authority. It seems therefore to me as much a violation of the liberty of the people of that province, and consequently of all these colonies, as if the Parliament had sent a number of regiments to be quartered upon them, till they should comply… What would have been proper for them to do? I am by no means fond of inflammatory measures. I detest them. I should be sorry that anything should be done which might justly displease our sovereign or our mother country. But a firm, modest exertion of a free spirit should never be wanting on public occasions. It appears to me that it would have been suffi cient for the assembly to have ordered our agents to represent to the King's ministers their sense of the suspending act and to pray for its repeal. Thus we should have borne our testimony against it; and might therefore reasonably expect that on a like occasion we might receive the same assistance from the other colonies.

Of Money and Measuring Thomas Jefferson's Attempt to Rationalize America

by Tom Jewett Thomas Jefferson is known for many accomplishments: legal scholar, scientist, statesman, diplomat, and educator. But, he is also the individual who developed the United States’ monetary system and was almost the father of the metric system. The last two he devised in his spare time while he was assuming other taxing duties. Jefferson, a child of the Enlightment, saw disorder as an anathema. The English system of measurement with its ounces, feet and bushels; which were not related mathematically, grated on his rational mind. He felt the same about the nonsensical pences and pounds monetary units which the English had bequeathed to the colonies. Jefferson saw standard American monetary and measuring units as a unifying aspect for the new nation; a way of completely severing all ties to its English past. He believed that new systems would have political, social, economic and scientific implications which would have positive consequences for the fledgling nation. To accomplish these consequences, Jefferson, ever the rational man, devised measuring and monetary systems based on units of ten. In his own mind, these simple, elegant solutions would be apparent to all. As he was to find out, they were not; it would take many years for his monetary plan to be adopted and we are still waiting for a decimal-based measuring system in the United States. The first time that Jefferson dealt with the colonies’ disorderly monetary system was in 1776. (Dumas Malone, Jefferson the Virginian, 1948, p. 416). He drafted a report for Congress on the value of various monetary values in the states. This was vital since each state could issue its own specie, and it was common practice to also use foreign coinage. Along with this, prior to the war, each colony had instituted “Land Banks” which could also print its own currency. Standards and values were not equitable between the competing currencies. Later in the war, to add to the confusion, the British employed economic sabotage by flooding the Colonies with counterfeit Continentals. (“Following, Er, Finding the Money”, securingamerica.com. 2006). Nobody knew what any currency was worth. This brought about a situation where currency would be valued at one amount in a certain colony and a different amount in another. Jefferson’s investigations for Congress impressed on him the need for a common currency for all of America. Congress turned its attention to the multitude of monies in the states, once again in 1782. Robert Morris, Superintendent of Finance, was directed to devise a table of rates by which the various currencies could be exchanged at the national treasury. This plan could be grafted onto the existing hodgepodge of state and foreign currencies. Jefferson, then back in Congress, balked at the complicated plan. Morris had proposed a unit which was the largest common divisor of the different pennies of each state. This calculation was 1440th part of a dollar. Jefferson regarded this as impractical for carrying on commerce.

The price of a loaf of bread, 1/20 of a dollar, would be 72 units. A pound of butter, 1/5 of a dollar, 288 units. A horse of bullock, to wit, 115,200; and the public debt, suppose of eighty millions, would require twelve figures, to wit, 115,200,000,000 units. Such a system of money-arithmetic would be entirely unmanageable for the common purposes of society. (As cited in Jefferson Himself, Bernard Mayo, 1970, P.107).

Jefferson’s objections were not only because of the awkwardness of the Morris plan. He wished to get rid of all state and foreign monies, not have a system which integrated them. He felt a common currency would bind the country together and aid in the support of the new national government. Jefferson, while praising Morris’ plan as “worthy of sound judgment”, sent to him some notes on the plan which he just “threw together”. Knowing that no action would be taken on the Morris’ plan in that session of Congress, Jefferson, ever the politician, had his plan printed and distributed so his views would be known when Congress sat again. These “off the cuff” notes were published as Notes On The Establishment Of A Money Unit, And Of Coinage In The United States. In Notes on Coinage Jefferson set down three principles for the new system.

I. That it be of convenient size to be applied as a measure to the common money transactions of life. II. That its parts and multiples be in an easy proportion to each other, so as to facilitate money arithmetic. III. That the Unit and its parts, or divisions, be so nearly of the value of some known coins, as they may be of easy adoption for the people.

Jefferson believed that a coin based on the Spanish Dollar (what we know of as “pieces of eight”) would fit the bill. It was convenient in size and weight to be used in everyday commerce. This coin was easily divided by tens, a ratio that almost everyone could deal with and was known. And, it was a coin that was very familiar. A major portion of American business had been using the Spanish Dollar for transactions for many years. The subdivisions of the new dollar would also nearly coincide with other coins in circulation.

The tenth (dime) which he recommended was comparable with the Spanish bit, the double tenth was like the Spanish pistareen, and the hundredth would be nearly enough like existing coppers. (Jefferson The Virginian, Dumas Malone, 1948, p. 417).

Congress debated the Morris and Jefferson systems several years. In 1785 Jefferson presented a revised plan to aid in reconciling the two plans. In 1786 (some sources state 1785), ten years after Jefferson first took up the issue, Congress established a new monetary system. Jefferson’s three principles were accepted. This new, unifying coinage would have one, five, and ten dollar coins. Smaller denominations would be a half-penny, penny, ten cent, twenty cent, and fifty cent coins. This system was so simple and practical that over 200 years later it is practically unchanged.

The Account of The Boston Massacre

Here is the complete text of the account of the Boston Massacre as reported in the Boston Gazette and Country Journal on Monday, March 12, 1770.

A few minutes after nine o'clock four youths, named Edward Archbald, William Merchant, Francis Archbald, and John Leech, jun., came down Cornhill together, and separating at Doctor Loring's corner, the two former were passing the narrow alley leading Mr. Murray's barrack in which was a soldier brandishing a broad sword of an uncommon size against the walls, out of which he struck fire plentifully. A person of mean countenance. armed with a large cudgel bore him company. Edward Archbald admonished Mr. Merchant to take care of the sword, on which the soldier turned round and struck Archbald on the arm, then pushed at Merchant and pierced through his clothes inside the arm close to the armpit and grazed the skin. Merchant then struck the soldier with a short stick he had; and the other person ran to the barrack and brought with him two soldiers, one armed with a pair of tongs, the other with a shovel. He with the tongs pursued Archbald back through the alley, collared and laid him over the head with the tongs. The noise brought people together; and John Hicks, a young lad, coming up, knocked the soldier down but let him get up again; and more lads gathering, drove them back to the barrack where the boys stood some time as it were to keep them in. In less than a minute ten or twelve of them came out with drawn cutlasses, clubs, and bayonets and set upon the unarmed boys and young folk who stood them a little while but, finding the inequality of their equipment, dispersed. On hearing the noise, one Samuel Atwood came up to see what was the matter; and entering the alley from dock square, heard the latter part of the combat; and when the boys had dispersed he met the ten or twelve soldiers aforesaid rushing down the alley towards the square and asked them if they intended to murder people? They answered Yes, by G-d, root and branch! With that one of them struck Mr. Atwood with a club which was repeated by another; and being unarmed, he turned to go off and received a wound on the left shoulder which reached the bone and gave him much pain. Retreating a few steps, Mr. Atwood met two officers and said, gentlemen, what is the matter They answered, you'll see by and by. Immediately after, those heroes appeared in the square, asking where were the boogers? where were the cowards? But notwithstanding their fierceness to naked men, one of them advanced towards a youth who had a split of a raw stave in his hand and said, damn them, here is one of them. But the young man seeing a person near him with a drawn sword and good cane ready to support him, held up his stave in defiance; and they quietly passed by him up the little alley by Mr. Silsby's to King Street where they attacked single and unarmed persons till they raised much clamour, and then turned down Cornhill Street, insulting all they met in like manner and pursuing some to their very doors. Thirty or forty persons, mostly lads, being by this means gathered in King Street, Capt. Preston with a party of men with charged bayonets, came from the main guard to the commissioner's house, the soldiers pushing their bayonets, crying, make way! They took place by the custom house and, continuing to push to drive the people off pricked some in several places, on which they were clamorous and, it is said, threw snow balls. On this, the Captain commanded them to fire; and more snow balls coming, he again said, damn you, fire, be the consequence what it will! One soldier then fired, and a townsman with a cudgel struck him over the hands with such force that he dropped his firelock; and, rushing forward, aimed a blow at the Captain's head which grazed his hat and fell pretty heavy upon his arm. However, the soldiers continued the fire successively till seven or eight or, as some say, eleven guns were discharged. By this fatal manoeuvre three men were laid dead on the spot and two more struggling for life; but what showed a degree of cruelty unknown to British troops, at least since the house of Hanover has directed their operation, was an attempt to fire upon or push with their bayonets the persons who undertook to remove the slain and wounded! Mr. Benjamin Leigh, now undertaker in the Delph manufactory, came up and after some conversation with Capt. Preston relative to his conduct in this affair, advised him to draw off his men, with which he complied. The dead are Mr. Samuel Gray, killed on the spot, the ball entering his head and beating off a large portion of his skull. A mulatto man named Crispus Attucks, who was born in Framingham, but lately belonged to New-Providence and was here in order to go for North Carolina, also killed instantly, two balls entering his breast, one of them in special goring the right lobe of the lungs and a great part of the liver most horribly. Mr. James Caldwell, mate of Capt. Morton's vessel, in like manner killed by two balls entering his back. Mr. Samuel Maverick, a promising youth of seventeen years of age, son of the widow Maverick, and an apprentice to Mr. Greenwood, ivory-turner, mortally wounded; a ball went through his belly and was cut out at his back. He died the next morning. A lad named Christopher Monk, about seventeen years of age, an apprentice to Mr. Walker, shipwright, wounded; a ball entered his back about four inches above the left kidney near the spine and was cut out of the breast on the same side. Apprehended he will die. A lad named John Clark, about seventeen years of age, whose parents live at Medford, and an apprentice to Capt. Samuel Howard of this town, wounded; a ball entered just above his groin and came out at his hip on the opposite side. Apprehended he will die. Mr. Edward Payne of this town, merchant, standing at his entry door received a ball in his arm which shattered some of the bones. Mr. John Green, tailor, coming up Leverett's Lane, received a ball just under his hip and lodged in the under part of his thigh, which was extracted. Mr. Robert Patterson, a seafaring man, who was the person that had his trousers shot through in Richardson's affair, wounded; a ball went through his right arm, and he suffered a great loss of blood. Mr. Patrick Carr, about thirty years of age, who worked with Mr. Field, leather breeches-maker in Queen Street, wounded; a ball entered near his hip and went out at his side. A lad named David Parker, an apprentice to Mr. Eddy, the wheelwright, wounded; a ball entered his thigh.

The Importance of the Union (1-14)

FEDERALIST No. General Introduction Alexander Hamilton 1 FEDERALIST No. Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence 2 John Jay FEDERALIST No. Concerning Dangers From Foreign Force and Influence 3 (con't) John Jay FEDERALIST No. Concerning Dangers From Foreign Force and Influence 4 (con't) John Jay FEDERALIST No. Concerning Dangers From Foreign Force and Influence 5 (con't) John Jay FEDERALIST No. Concerning Dangers from Dissensions Between the 6 States Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST No. Concerning Dangers from Dissensions Between the 7 States (con't) Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST No. The Consequences of Hostilities Between the States 8 Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST No. The Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction 9 and Insurrection Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST No. The Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction 10 and Insurrection (con't) James Madison FEDERALIST No. The Utility of the Union in Respect to Commercial 11 Relations and a Navy Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST No. The Utility of the Union In Respect to Revenue 12 Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST No. Advantage of the Union in Respect to Economy in 13 Government Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST No. Objections to the Proposed Constitution From Extent of 14 Territory Answered James Madison

Defects of the Articles of Confederation (15-22)

FEDERALIST The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to No. 15 Preserve the Union Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to No. 16 Preserve the Union (con't) Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to No. 17 Preserve the Union (con't) Alexander Hamilton The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to FEDERALIST Preserve the Union (con't) Alexander Hamilton and No. 18 James Madison The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to FEDERALIST Preserve the Union (con't) Alexander Hamilton and No. 19 James Madison The Insufficiency fo the Present Confederation to FEDERALIST Preserve the Union (con't) Alexander Hamilton and No. 20 James Madison FEDERALIST Other Defects of the Present Confederation Alexander No. 21 Hamilton FEDERALIST Other Defects of the Present Confederation (con't) No. 22 Alexander Hamilton

Arguments for the Type of Government Contained in the Constitution (23-36)

The Necessity of a Government as Energetic as the FEDERALIST One Proposed to the Preservation of the Union No. 23 Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST The Powers Necessary to the Common Defense Further No. 24 Considered Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST The Powers Necessary to the Common Defense Further No. 25 Considered (con't) Alexander Hamilton The Idea of Restraining the Legislative Authority in FEDERALIST Regard to the Common Defense Considered Alexander No. 26 Hamilton The Idea of Restraining the Legislative Authority in FEDERALIST Regard to the Common Defense Considered (con't) No. 27 Alexander Hamilton The Idea of Restraining the Legislative Authority in FEDERALIST Regard to the Common Defense Considered (con't) No. 28 Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST Concerning the Militia Alexander Hamilton No. 29 FEDERALIST Concerning the General Power of Taxation Alexander No. 30 Hamilton FEDERALIST Concerning the General Power of Taxation (con't) No. 31 Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST Concerning the General Power of Taxation (con't) No. 32 Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST Concerning the General Power of Taxation (con't) No. 33 Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST Concerning the General Power of Taxation (con't) No. 34 Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST Concerning the General Power of Taxation (con't) No. 35 Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST Concerning the General Power of Taxation (con't) No. 36 Alexander Hamilton

The Republican Form of Government (37-51)

FEDERALIST Concerning the Difficulties of the Convention in Devising No. 37 a Proper Form of Government James Madison FEDERALIST The Same Subject Continued, and the Incoherence of No. 38 the Objections to the New Plan Exposed James Madison FEDERALIST The Conformity of the Plan to Republican Principles No. 39 James Madison FEDERALIST The Powers of the Convention to Form a Mixed No. 40 Government Examined and Sustained James Madison FEDERALIST General View of the Powers Conferred by The No. 41 Constitution James Madison FEDERALIST The Powers Conferred by the Constitution Further No. 42 Considered James Madison FEDERALIST The Powers Conferred by the Constitution Further No. 43 Considered (con't) James Madison FEDERALIST Restrictions on the Authority of the Several States James No. 44 Madison FEDERALIST The Alleged Danger From the Powers of the Union to the No. 45 State Governments Considered James Madison FEDERALIST The Influence of the State and Federal Governments No. 46 Compared James Madison The Particular Structure of the New Government and the FEDERALIST Distribution of Power Among Its Different Parts James No. 47 Madison These Departments Should Not Be So Far Separated as FEDERALIST to Have No Constitutional Control Over Each Other No. 48 James Madison FEDERALIST Method of Guarding Against the Encroachments of Any No. 49 One Department of Government by Appealing to the People Through a Convention Alexander Hamilton or James Madison FEDERALIST Periodical Appeals to the People Considered Alexander No. 50 Hamilton or James Madison The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the FEDERALIST Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different No. 51 Departments Alexander Hamilton or James Madison

The Legislative Branch (52-66)

FEDERALIST The House of Representatives Alexander Hamilton or No. 52 James Madison FEDERALIST The House of Representatives (con't) Alexander No. 53 Hamilton or James Madison FEDERALIST The Apportionment of Members Among the States No. 54 Alexander Hamilton or James Madison FEDERALIST The Total Number of the House of Representatives No. 55 Alexander Hamilton or James Madison FEDERALIST The Total Number of the House of Representatives No. 56 (con't) Alexander Hamilton or James Madison The Alleged Tendency of the New Plan to Elevate the FEDERALIST Few at the Expense of the Many Considered in No. 57 Connection with Representation Alexander Hamilton or James Madison Objection That The Number of Members Will Not Be FEDERALIST Augmented as the Progress of Population Demands No. 58 Considered James Madison FEDERALIST Concerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the No. 59 Election of Members Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST Concerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the No. 60 Election of Members (con't) Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST Concerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the No. 61 Election of Members (con't) Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST The Senate Alexander Hamilton or James Madison No. 62 FEDERALIST The Senate (con't) Alexander Hamilton or James No. 63 Madison FEDERALIST The Powers of the Senate John Jay No. 64 FEDERALIST The Powers of the Senate (con't) Alexander Hamilton No. 65 Objections to the Power of the Senate To Set as a Court FEDERALIST for Impeachments Further Considered Alexander No. 66 Hamilton

The Executive Branch (67-77)

FEDERALIST No. The Executive Department Alexander Hamilton 67 FEDERALIST No. The Mode of Electing the President Alexander Hamilton 68 FEDERALIST No. The Real Character of the Executive Alexander 69 Hamilton FEDERALIST No. The Executive Department Further Considered 70 Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST No. The Executive Department Further Considered 70 Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST No. The Duration in Office of the Executive Alexander 71 Hamilton FEDERALIST No. The Same Subject Continued, and Re-Eligibility of the 72 Executive Considered Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST No. The Provision For The Support of the Executive, and 73 the Veto Power Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST No. The Command of the Military and Naval Forces, and the 74 Pardoning Power of the Executive Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST No. The Treaty-Making Power of the Executive Alexander 75 Hamilton FEDERALIST No. The Appointing Power of the Executive Alexander 76 Hamilton FEDERALIST No. The Appointing Power Continued and Other Powers of 77 the Executive Considered Alexander Hamilton

The Judicial Branch (78-83)

FEDERALIST No. The Judiciary Department Alexander Hamilton 78 FEDERALIST No. The Judiciary (con't) Alexander Hamilton 79 FEDERALIST No. The Powers of the Judiciary Alexander Hamilton 80 FEDERALIST No. The Judiciary Continued, and the Distribution of the 81 Judicial Authority Alexander Hamilton FEDERALIST No. The Judiciary Continued Alexander Hamilton 82 FEDERALIST No. The Judiciary Continued in Relation to Trial by Jury 83 Alexander Hamilton

Conclusions and Miscellaneous Ideas

Certain General and Miscellaneous Objections to the FEDERALIST Constitution Considered and Answered Alexander No. 84 Hamilton FEDERALIST Concluding Remarks Alexander Hamilton No. 85 FEDERALIST. No. 1

General Introduction Alexander Hamilton To the People of the State of New York: AFTER an unequivocal experience of the inefficiency of the subsisting federal government, you are called upon to deliberate on a new Constitution for the United States of America. The subject speaks its own importance; comprehending in its consequences nothing less than the existence of the UNION, the safety and welfare of the parts of which it is composed, the fate of an empire in many respects the most interesting in the world. It has been frequently remarked that it seems to have been reserved to the people of this country, by their conduct and example, to decide the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or not of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether they are forever destined to depend for their political constitutions on accident and force. If there be any truth in the remark, the crisis at which we are arrived may with propriety be regarded as the era in which that decision is to be made; and a wrong election of the part we shall act may, in this view, deserve to be considered as the general misfortune of mankind. Among the most formidable of the obstacles which the new Constitution will have to encounter may readily be distinguished the obvious interest of a certain class of men in every State to resist all changes which may hazard a diminution of the power, emolument, and consequence of the offices they hold under the State establishments; and the perverted ambition of another class of men, who will either hope to aggrandize themselves by the confusions of their country, or will flatter themselves with fairer prospects of elevation from the subdivision of the empire into several partial confederacies than from its union under one government. In the course of the preceding observations, I have had an eye, my fellow-citizens, to putting you upon your guard against all attempts, from whatever quarter, to influence your decision in a matter of the utmost moment to your welfare, by any impressions other than those which may result from the evidence of truth. You will, no doubt, at the same time, have collected from the general scope of them, that they proceed from a source not unfriendly to the new Constitution. Yes, my countrymen, I own to you that, after having given it an attentive consideration, I am clearly of opinion it is your interest to adopt it. I am convinced that this is the safest course for your liberty, your dignity, and your happiness. I affect not reserves which I do not feel. I will not amuse you with an appearance of deliberation when I have decided. I frankly acknowledge to you my convictions, and I will freely lay before you the reasons on which they are founded. The consciousness of good intentions disdains ambiguity. I shall not, however, multiply professions on this head. My motives must remain in the depository of my own breast. My arguments will be open to all, and may be judged of by all. They shall at least be offered in a spirit which will not disgrace the cause of truth. I propose, in a series of papers, to discuss the following interesting particulars:

 THE UTILITY OF THE UNION TO YOUR POLITICAL PROSPERITY  THE INSUFFICIENCY OF THE PRESENT CONFEDERATION TO PRESERVE THAT UNION  THE NECESSITY OF A GOVERNMENT AT LEAST EQUALLY ENERGETIC WITH THE ONE PROPOSED, TO THE ATTAINMENT OF THIS OBJECT  THE CONFORMITY OF THE PROPOSED CONSTITUTION TO THE TRUE PRINCIPLES OF REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT  ITS ANALOGY TO YOUR OWN STATE CONSTITUTION  and lastly, THE ADDITIONAL SECURITY WHICH ITS ADOPTION WILL AFFORD TO THE PRESERVATION OF THAT SPECIES OF GOVERNMENT, TO LIBERTY, AND TO PROPERTY.

In the progress of this discussion I shall endeavor to give a satisfactory answer to all the objections which shall have made their appearance, that may seem to have any claim to your attention.

Antifederalist No. I

GENERAL INTRODUCTION: A DANGEROUS PLAN OF BENEFIT ONLY TO THE "ARISTOCRATICK COMBINATION"

I am pleased to see a spirit of inquiry burst the band of constraint upon the subject of the NEW PLAN for consolidating the governments of the United States, as recommended by the late Convention. If it is suitable to the GENIUS and HABITS of the citizens of these states, it will bear the strictest scrutiny. The PEOPLE are the grand inquest who have a RIGHT to judge of its merits. The hideous daemon of Aristocracy has hitherto had so much influence as to bar the channels of investigation, preclude the people from inquiry and extinguish every spark of liberal information of its qualities. At length the luminary of intelligence begins to beam its effulgent rays upon this important production; the deceptive mists cast before the eyes of the people by the delusive machinations of its INTERESTED advocates begins to dissipate, as darkness flies before the burning taper; and I dare venture to predict, that in spite of those mercenary dectaimers, the plan will have a candid and complete examination. Those furious zealots who are for cramming it down the throats of the people, without allowing them either time or opportunity to scan or weigh it in the balance of their understandings, bear the same marks in their features as those who have been long wishing to erect an aristocracy in THIS COMMONWEALTH [of Massachusetts]. Their menacing cry is for a RIGID government, it matters little to them of what kind, provided it answers THAT description. As the plan now offered comes something near their wishes, and is the most consonant to their views of any they can hope for, they come boldly forward and DEMAND its adoption. These zealous partisans may injure their own cause, and endanger the public tranquility by impeding a proper inquiry; the people may suspect the WHOLE to be a dangerous plan, from such COVERED and DESIGNING schemes to enforce it upon them. Compulsive or treacherous measures to establish any government whatever, will always excite jealousy among a free people: better remain single and alone, than blindly adopt whatever a few individuals shall demand, be they ever so wise. I had rather be a free citizen of the small republic of Massachusetts, than an oppressed subject of the great American empire. Let all act understandingly or not at all. If we can confederate upon terms that wilt secure to us our liberties, it is an object highly desirable, because of its additional security to the whole. If the proposed plan proves such an one, I hope it will be adopted, but if it will endanger our liberties as it stands, let it be amended; in order to which it must and ought to be open to inspection and free inquiry.

For each of the documents: 1) What is the document about? What is it saying? 2) What is the significance of the document in relation to the time period?