PARTNERSHIP FOR HEALTHY LIFE (PHL): VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN (VAW) INITIATIVE
DINAJPUR DISTRICT, BANGLADESH
STRATEGIC IMPACT INQUIRY FOR CARE BANGLADESH
(PHOTOGRAPH OF WOMEN WITH MAP TO BE INSERTED)
Nazneen Kanji [email protected]
31 March 2006
1 Contents
Acknowledgements Acronyms and Abbreviations Local terms
1. Introduction 1.1 Strategic Impact Inquiry (SII) framework 1.2 The Violence Against Women (VAW) initiative
2. Methodology for the SII 2.1 Location and focus 2.2 SII team and ways of working 2.3 Methods and tools
3. Impact Assessment: Key findings 3.1 Ishania Union: Context Analysis 3.2 Changing structures and relations: the Village Forums and Shalish 3.3 Changing attitudes and gender/social relations: Impacts of the project at village level
4. Conclusions and Key Lessons 4.1 Conclusions and lessons 4.2 Lessons for other VAW initiatives (and mainstreaming within CARE programmes)
2 Acknowledgements
This report is a result of team work with CARE staff. I would like to thank Brigitta Bode, Anowarul Haq, Muhsin Siddiquey, Mawa, all the SDU project staff and field facilitators, field facilitators from the VAW initiative and staff from the Rural Livelihoods Programme for all their hard work on this SII. I am also grateful for comments from Brigitta and the SDU team, and Muhsin and Mawa, on a preliminary version of this report. Finally, thanks to Kamil Kanji for editing the 10 individual case studies contained in Annex 2.
Acronyms and Abbreviations
AL Awami League BLAST Bangladesh Legal Aid and Services Trust BRAC Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee BNP Bangladesh Nationalist Party CDA Community Development Association PHL Partnership for a Healthy Life RDRS Rangpur Dinajpur Rural Services SDU Social Development Unit, CARE SII Strategic Impact Inquiry UP Union Parishad VAW Violence Against Women VF Village Forum WHO World Health Organization
Local terms
Gusti Kin (lineage-based) group Imam Religious (mosque) leader Jotdar Rich peasant and money lender class Maharana Payment apart from dowry, for wife in case her husband dies, divorces or leaves her. Mohot Hindu local leaders (who deal with gusti relations/ issues) Para Neighborhood of village Shalish ‘Traditional’ arbitration mechanism for dispute settlement, usually convened by local male elites Shalishkar Arbitrator Tebagha Pre-independence movement of share-croppers to defend their interests (coordinated by the Communist Party) Union Parishad Governing body at union level (lowest administrative unit of government) Upazilla Sub-district
3 1. Introduction
1.1 Strategic Impact Inquiry (SII) Framework
CARE International is carrying out an SII to understand better the contribution of its programmes to women’s empowerment and gender equity. Various country offices, including Bangladesh, are contributing to this global initiative which is coordinated by CARE’s Impact Measurement and Learning Team in Atlanta. This report presents the findings of an SII carried out on a project to address gender-based violence in north- west Bangladesh. It builds in particular on a literature review and interviews with CARE staff carried out by Mick Howes (2005), on a recent assessment of VAW initiatives carried out by Victor Robinson (December, 2005) and on research carried out by this consultant and CARE’s Social Development Unit (SDU), which explored perceptions of empowerment and women’s own strategies to further their interests in the context of their daily lives (Kanji et al, 2005).
CARE’s SII is using a framework based on Anthony Giddens’ theory of structuration which has been operationalised by Martinez (2005), Bode (2005) and Howes (2005). Essentially, the SII seeks to explore how CARE’s programmes:
1. contribute to women’s agency 2. facilitate a process through which women engage in social relations with other actors to fulfil their needs and finally, 3. contribute to the transformation of social structures (cultural constructs, local level institutions, legal and policy frameworks) that institutionalise women’s marginalization.
Agency, social relations and structures are key concepts used in the SII. An exploration of their interaction in particular contexts is expected to generate a deeper understanding of the factors which contribute to women’s empowerment, and to allow for clearer strategies to be developed in CARE programming.
1.2 The Violence Against Women (VAW) initiative
Background The constitution of Bangladesh recognizes that women have equal rights with men in all spheres of the state and public life. The UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) was ratified by Bangladesh in 1984 and the government adopted a National Policy for the Advancement of Women (NPAW) in 1997 to eliminate all forms of discrimination against women by empowering women as equal partners in development. This policy identified actions against violence as a priority area for government interventions. However, significant changes were made to the policy in 2004, which now excludes key statements related to women’s property rights, inheritance rights and political empowerment. The national policy environment is therefore less favourable than in the recent past, with extremist groups interpreting Islam in conservative ways in relation to women’s rights and status in society.
The Dinajpur Safe Mother Initiative (DSI – from which the Dinajpur VAW initiative originated), in its Detailed Implementation Report (October 2002), cited a sampling of statistics on violence against women1:
1 Cited in Robinson (2205): The Detailed Implementation Report provides the following citations for these statistics (in order by bullet points): 1) UNFPA State of the World Population Report and Naripokkho research, respectively; 2) International Center for Diarrhoeal Diseases and Research,
4 In 1999, studies estimated that between 47% and 60% of Bangladeshi married women were victims of wife beating
In 1998, a study indicates that 14% of all maternal deaths in Bangladesh are attributed to physical and emotional violence including homicide and suicide.
In 1992, twice as many women died from violence compared to all the women who died from tuberculosis, leprosy, skin disease, tumour and cancer combined.
Various problem analyses and research into violence against women were carried out by CARE, which inform this initiative (Blanchet, 2001; Nazneen, 2004; Robinson, 2004). Robinson (2005) succinctly lays out the situation in rural Bangladesh:
“Violence against women is considered a normal part of life by a significant number of both men and women. It is considered a personal and private affair to be handled within the family or local context. The legal system is distrusted and widely perceived (including by representatives of the legal profession) as unlikely to provide unbiased justice in cases of violence against women. Related factors such as dowry and child marriage are illegal but almost universally practiced. Many villagers willingly express unhappiness with the situation (particularly with respect to dowry) but see no socially viable alternatives.”
In an earlier study, where I worked with SDU, in Jalagari village, Gaibanda district, 12 women from poorer households were brought together to discuss issues of gender- based violence, through role play directed and acted by the women. Unpaid dowry was a key issue that triggered violence and women stated that there has been an increase in violence due to the increase in the amounts involved in dowry, which particularly affects women from poor households. They felt that although violence did occur “behind closed doors” in better-off households (and we know that gender- based violence cuts across class in most contexts), the triggers tended to be different in middle-income households: issues of land and property, as well as the higher unmet expectations that women had of being provided for by their husbands. The women also felt that younger women tended to suffer more violence than older ones, because older women who stayed with their husbands had developed defensive coping strategies, which usually involved curbing their reactions and placating husbands. The role of the husbands’ family members seemed to vary, from actively encouraging or participating in the violence to trying to curb severe violence. The role of local leaders also tended to vary, but less severe violence is widely condoned and seen as part of a “natural” order of men having the right to discipline their wives.
In summary, the project operates in a difficult political and social context in which to reduce gender-based violence and promote women’s empowerment. In addition, the issue of violence against women is universally one of the most sensitive gender issues to address. These factors are important to bear in mind in reading this report, which assesses programme impacts. It is also important to note that the project has operated with limited financial and human resources.
Bangladesh, Report; 3) Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics.
5 Project objectives
The goal of the VAW initiative is to ensure the realization of women’s dignity and rights to freedom from gender-based violence by strengthening civil society and empowering communities, by building their capacity, making allies with stakeholders and advocating for women’s rights at all levels of intervention in Dinajpur.
The specific objectives are: To mobilize communities through empowerment and mediation at the village level; To establish and enforce village level support mechanisms; To coordinate, provide leadership and support through Union Parishads (UPs) at union level; To generate a coordinated community response through government systems consisting of quality services (including health, psycho-social counselling, legal, law-enforcement) at sub-district level; To create an enabling environment through policy enforcement at the regional level.
Project activities
The steps in the process to develop project activities are summarised by Mick Howes (2005), on the basis of relevant documents and consultations with project staff. These are presented below, with some updating on the basis of a recent project progress report and information from project staff with whom we worked on the SII.
Community diagnosis Activities got underway in January 2003 with a three-month community diagnosis exercise that was mainly carried out by the field trainers. Contact was made with members of the local elite, including Union Parishad members, teachers and religious leaders; together with younger people and poorer members of the population. A range of methods - including social mapping, focus group discussions and individual case studies with the victims of violence - were used to build up a picture of the local situation and to see how far this corresponded to the picture arising from the research studies that had been carried out. The exercise also provided an opportunity to start identifying individuals who might potentially play a part when the main work began.
The community diagnosis was carried out within the PHL project and could not be analyzed as it was not documented. However, with hindsight from the SII, it would appear that there was insufficient attention to the material and social relations between elites (at different levels-para, village and union) and disadvantaged groups. In other words, more attention should have been paid to the way in which class and religion interact with gender relations, since these power dynamics influence representation on committees, on shalish and on the positions and decisions taken.
Activating the Upazila VAW coordination committee During this preliminary period, the previously inactive Upazilla VAW coordination committee was encouraged to convene to assist the planned programme of activities. The committee draws together officials from different agencies under the government women’s affairs officer and is charged with providing support and leadership in changing norms, implementing activities and addressing the needs of victims. This body now meets every two to three months. Efforts to network and extend the scope for advocacy at district and national level were also initiated at around this time.
6 Building rapport Following the initial exchanges taking place during the community diagnosis, more focused attempts were made to engage leading local actors in a dialogue about VAW during which they were asked to reflect on the need of their own women relatives to be protected from violence. The intention was both to start changing the attitudes of the individuals in question whilst more generally creating an enabling atmosphere in which the relevant issues could begin to be discussed more openly.
The support of the Nirbahi Officer (senior officer at the Upazilla) and UP Chairman then sought to organize day-long advocacy and coalition building workshops at Upazilla and Union levels. These events drew between 80 and 100 people including local officials, elected representatives, religious and other leaders, NGO and CBO representatives, lawyers, journalists, youth and adolescent representatives, and a cross-section of the population as a whole. Men and women were represented in roughly equal numbers. In the earlier part of the meetings, women’s rights, violence against women and its consequences and the causes of gender-based violence were explored. In the later stages, the overall shape of the program was discussed and the roles and responsibilities of different parties broadly clarified and agreed.
Establishing Village Forums Attention now switched to the individual villages, where informal individual and small group discussions were initiated to talk about the union workshops, to begin to raise the consequences of VAW, to explore the wider social and cultural issues arising, to identify and begin to mobilize potential leaders and generally to build a more detailed picture of local conditions. These contacts, in turn, were to pave the way for a series of larger village meetings, where case studies and other data about VAW were presented, and the idea for a new type of forum - to be organized at village rather than ward level - was promoted. The meetings would typically be attended by between 50 and 60 people and last for about two hours.
With the ground thus prepared, the forums were established. In each instance,10-15 representatives from different social groups were selected. (Representation issues will be discussed later in the report). Responsibilities included collecting information about VAW, raising awareness, liaising with shalish, referring cases to services, and organizing protests and resistance as the need arose. The local women UP representatives were asked to provide leadership and to promote the initiative in the UP itself and in the local shalish in the wards falling under their jurisdiction. Ultimately, about 40 forums were established; 20 in Ishania Union itself, where there was one for almost every village, and a further 20 in Birampur.
Shortly after the individual bodies had been set up, a field trainer and a training officer would spend a day with the committees developing specific terms of reference and discussing how responsibilities should be allocated between members. Further support would then be supplied from time to time as required. Forums would meet each month, usually sitting for between one and two hours, according to how much there was to discuss. About two thirds of the members were said to attend on any particular occasion. However, over time the functioning of the VFs have varied a lot.
Organising drama and folk song The next step was to work with youth groups to develop dramas that could be used to disseminate VAW messages. Two boys groups have been formed. They have between 10 and 15 members, who range in age from 13 to 21 and are mainly secondary school or college graduates. CARE provided them with help to develop suitable scripts. About 10 performances have so far been given at village meetings
7 organized under the auspices of the forum, with the drama being used to stimulate discussion.
Arrangements have been made (through a local NGO) with a professional folk song group to give regular performances propagating VAW messages, for which they are provided with expenses and a small payment.
Special interest groups At the same time, special interest groups including teachers, religious leaders, shalish, UP women members, youth, and adolescents have been convened across the different villages of the Union and encouraged to meet from time to time to see what measures might be taken to further the anti-VAW initiative within their own spheres of activity.
Training for local adjudicators Parallel to the activities described above, an initiative was set in motion to train members of village shalish. This was developed with the assistance of Ain-o- Shalish Kendro (ASK), a human rights and legal aid organization with many years of experience of running training courses, which have adapted their usual curriculum to take into account the specific nature of the initiative. One hundred and eighty adjudicators (shaliskars), split into six different batches, have been trained in gender, women’s rights, and mediation from a gender perspective, para legal issues and ethics in arbitration. Each session costs 25,000 taka and lasts for four days. Four or five representatives come together from each village, and all of the shalish from Ishania and one other union have now been covered. Alongside the training, attempts have been made to get UP women representatives and other relatively more empowered women included in shalish, and to try to get shalish to give more emphasis to VAW.
The forums monitor shalish proceedings, and where cases cannot be resolved, arrange for them to be referred upwards to the UP. With CARE’s support, forums have also started to keep records and to document individual cases.
Provision of Legal Services An arrangement with Bangladesh Legal Aid and Services Trust (BLAST) provided further impetus to the project. This was set up in response to specific requests arising out of the initial awareness raising and consultative exercises and got underway in July 2004. Free legal representation, mediation and other services are provided through a woman lawyer who visits the Upazilla each fortnight. She is present from 10.00am to 4.00pm on each occasion, during which time she will typically give 10-12 individual consultations. (The time spent seems to vary and we found that the lawyer had completed her work by 2.00pm) Having seen a woman for the first time, she will normally issue notices against the accused party. A second session, with both parties present, will often then ensue. CARE pays her 2000 taka for each visit.
In the case of the most serious attacks, forums will sometimes refer cases directly to the police through the filing of a “first information report”. Formally, these matters should then go on to court, although, in practice, this is an option that few can afford to pursue. Finally, women needing medical assistance are referred to the Upazilla health center.
In summary, the focus of the project is to raise awareness, stimulate dialogue between different actors and change the way in which informal and formal institutions and services work. Attention has been paid to working with men as well as women,
8 recognizing the need to change men’s attitudes, particularly those of elite men who wield significant power in local political and social relations. Much effort has been directed at trying to transform social structures to make them more likely to promote women’s rights including making space in local institutions for women to participate. The major thrust has been to try to build advocacy and services for women’s rights, particularly the right to live in freedom from gender-based violence. Changing highly unequal gender relations is essential to reach the project goal.
An analysis of the project approach and methods will be made in the final section of the report, to contribute to future programming.
2. Methodology for the SII
2.1 Location and focus
The location for the SII was Ishania Union, the pilot union with the most extensive project activities and where 20 Village Forums (VFs) have been set up. Given that reviews and documentation to date have tended to describe and assess upazilla and union level activities, including the specialist groups which were set up, it was decided that most time and human resources would be deployed to examine the impact of the project at village level. In particular, we were concerned to understand: the impact of the project’s awareness raising and advocacy activities on attitudes and behavior of women and men in communities (of different wealth levels, religion and age), the functioning of the village forums, set up as part of the project, in relation to gender-based violence how the functioning and outcomes of shalish, in relation to violence against women, had been modified by project activities how individual cases of violence had been dealt with, with an emphasis on the views of the women themselves who had been affected by violence.
We met with members of the Union Parishad and of the Umbrella Shalish at union level, which included two imams, schoolteachers and women representatives, and involved them in an impact assessment exercise. We also interviewed other NGOs working in the union on issues related to this project. However, most time and effort was spent assessing impact at community and household levels.
2.2 SII team and ways of working
The SII began with a meeting between SDU and VAW project staff, where the project was discussed and a contextual analysis was planned. This context analysis was carried out by the SDU, with VAW project staff, before the consultant’s arrival. This included collecting data with UP members to map the basic characteristics and resources of Ishania union as well as documenting its history. It was followed by an analysis of political elites and power structure at union level, and collected information from key informants on four high profile cases of VAW which had been dealt with by shalish at the ward or union level.
This contextual analysis was presented to the entire SII team, which included VAW project staff (3 men and 2 women); SDU staff (action researchers: 8 men and 7 women; one (male) programme officer and the SDU coordinator); 3 women
9 researchers from the Rural Livelihoods Programme (RLP) and the external (female) consultant. The full team numbered 26 people.
Following a discussion of the contextual analysis and a revisit of project objectives and activities, the consultant suggested key elements of the methodology for the SII. Detailed methods and tools were developed collectively, with action researchers working in groups to develop detailed questions around the main issues and topics to be explored with respondents (individually and in groups). The time allocated to prepare staff (including mock interviews) was insufficient. However, since we had such a large number of SDU field staff with research experience, and researchers worked in carefully chosen pairs, we feel that the quality of the results is satisfactory.
More senior staff worked with the VFs and the Union level structures and jointly planned the interviews and exercises. In addition, a member of SDU interviewed key NGOs working in Ishania union on project-related issues.
SII team preparation, field work and discussion was carried out in a period of nine days (25th January to 2nd February) but excludes most of the context analysis work, carried out prior to the consultant’s arrival. (It also excludes the consultant’s preparatory work and debriefing with CARE in Dhaka). Two points are worth noting: firstly, translation, recording and discussion of detailed findings are very time consuming and the balance between the time required for collecting and for analyzing information has to be carefully managed; secondly, an iterative process of field work and feedback sessions was essential to discuss difficulties, promote learning and identify gaps in knowledge and understanding.
2.3 Methods and tools
Various methods and tools were employed, which served to triangulate and increase the reliability of findings. (However, given the sensitive nature of the issue of violence, there was considerable reliance on individual interviews). The methods are listed in a logical order, but some activities took place simultaneously or in a different order due to practical pressures of time and people’s availability. The focus in this section is on methods and not findings, which will be presented later.
Given time constraints, we decided to limit our work to two villages. VAW project staff was asked to select one of the best functioning Village Forums (VFs) and one of the worst. Thus, Kanpur and Modhupur/Mahabatpur were selected as locations for most of the field work. The staff was also asked to group the VFs into 3 categories of well, medium and poorly functioning forums and to discuss the criteria used to categorize them. Women and Men members of the umbrella shalishkar group were also asked to select the best and poorest VFs. The results are presented in Annex 1.
(1) Project analysis
Background reading of project and related documents Consultation with VAW project staff on the functioning of the project
The studies which CARE commissioned on violence against women, the project concept note and implementation reports as well as consultant reviews of the project were essential background reading. In addition, the Project had some material in Bangla, which the team did not have before the field work, but which in future SIIs, should be made available to field researchers who may not be able to read reports in English.
10 Discussions with project staff helped to understand the project; the constraints and the choices which were made about allocating scarce resources in an ambitious project dealing with a very sensitive issue. It also clearly demonstrated staff commitment to their work. In this case, staff felt they should have been given more warning of the need to make a clear presentation of the project objectives, activities and results, at the beginning of the SII, so this is something which should be carefully programmed in the future SIIs.
(2) Context analysis: Ishania Union
a. Mapping of Ishania Union b. Union history c. Power Net Analysis of political elites d. Critical VAW shalish cases e. Interviews with NGOs working on women’s rights and violence against women
Five days were spent by the SDU team, working with VAW project staff, prior to the consultant’s arrival, on planning and carrying out the context analysis. (This included 12 people working in the field for 3 days). Interviews with NGOs were suggested by the consultant and carried out later.
The outputs, which were presented to and discussed with the full team, included: a. A map of the Union, with basic information and key resources, which was prepared with UP members. The key points which needs to be made here are that 1) land ownership is concentrated with 73% of land under medium and large farmers and 2) of a population of about 21,000 people, 13,000 are Hindu and 8,000 Muslim, so it is a case of a national minority being in the majority. b. Union history organized chronologically and including key political events and processes; social and infrastructure development including the activities of the main NGOs working at union level. Key informants were used to construct the history: 2 present UP members and one ex-member, one school teacher, one retired college principal (70 years old, well educated and who used to be Upazilla chairman and a magistrate but now not involved politically). All informants were men and in future, women UP members should also be included. In addition, VAW field staff provided valuable information. c. A power net analysis which identified two different factions operating at union level. This method has been developed by SDU and given the level of influence of elites in rural societies, and their connections with state and political power, it provides important contextual information which affects how projects function as well as their outcomes. Using the power net analysis, the consultant suggested that project field staff should identify actors from the three factions who were a) supportive of the project, b) less supportive or sometimes supportive and c) not supportive of or undermining the project. d. Four high profile cases of VAW which were dealt with by shalish. These were particularly problematic cases and illustrated the highly political nature of shalish when powerful interests are involved and influence the outcomes.
11 e. Two members of the SDU team interviewed NGO staff working on similar issues to the project, namely CDA, RDRS, RDRS Federation, Dipshika and BRAC. The objectives were to understand if and how these NGOs’ activities interacted with CARE’s activities and to obtain a kind of peer review of CARE’s work in this field. In addition, an interview was carried out with Hindu elites and after the consultant’s departure, the chairman whom we were not able to meet during the SII was also interviewed by SDU.
(3) Village Forums
Group discussion and Project assessment exercise
The group discussion focused on the following topics: Composition and profile of VF Training received Activities and levels of participation (as individual members and as a group) Changes in the functioning and outcomes of shalish What difference the project had made: - Changes in own attitudes and behavior - Changes in community attitudes and behavior
The final point led into a project assessment exercise, where the group was asked to generate a list of issues/problems which they were trying to address, each of which was noted on a card. They were then asked to discuss and score changes as a result of project activities on each issue, on a scale of 0 to 5. (A negative scale of 0 to –5 was also provided in case they felt there had been deterioration since the project began.) The main aim was to generate a discussion of impacts.
At the end, there was a discussion of what could be done better to achieve project objectives.
In Kanpur, the well functioning VF, the exercise generated lively debate and it was also possible to observe the interaction of the group – which functioned as a team with active participation of members. Seven members were present of a total of 12 – two women and five men. We spent 3.5 hours with this group.
In Madhobpur, the poorly functioning VF, the discussion was dominated by a few elite men (key findings on forum capture by one faction will be presented later). This VF represents two villages – it has 14 members, three of which are from the neighbouring village of Mahabatpur. Eleven members were present (nine men and two women) including one male member from Mahabatpur. The scoring was premised on a stated view by the chair that their reputation was to be protected. Although the results of the exercise are therefore of little interest, the interaction among forum members was extremely useful to observe. It included a heated intervention, late in the discussion, by a woman shalishkar, who clearly felt that certain men were blocking women’s participation and progress on the objectives of the project. It was also clear that she disagreed with the scores being given to impacts. The scores will not be presented given the lack of consensus and the premise that the VF’s reputation was to be protected. We spent about 2 hours with this group.
12 (4) Individual village-level interviews to assess impact of the project
Sampling
The paras within each village were selected to reflect both religious groups: in Kanpur 2 paras were selected, one Hindu and one Muslim dominated; in Madhobpur and Mahabatpur, we had fewer interviews in each village since two paras in each village were selected using the same criterion (one Hindu and one Muslim para in each village).
Working on the basis of time and researchers available, we were able to carry out 18 interviews in each of the two locations (36 interviews in total). In each, we interviewed nine men and nine women, drawn from three wealth categories, better off, middle and poor households. Although there was no time to do a full wealth/ well- being ranking; interviewers carries out a transect walk and talked to villagers, selecting households in the three categories on the basis of land size and occupation as well as housing. Experienced action researchers from the SDU were able to explain the basis of their selection very clearly. If the team is less experienced, it may be necessary to spend more time on wealth ranking or on the relevant sampling criteria to be used in the particular SII.
Although the sample was small, we tried to get a spread in term of wealth, religion and gender. With only 18 interviews in each location, it was simply too complicated to include an age variable, and although we did get older and younger respondents, the majority were older. If there is more time in future SIIs, it would be advisable to include age as a sampling criterion, since we know how important age and generation is in Bangladesh - to status, educational level and mindset.
Themes for semi-structured interviews
Knowledge of project (of VF or project activities) Awareness of messages Participation in activities Major changes in his/her life in the past few years Impact of project activities on attitudes (own and wider) Impact on behavior (own and wider) Any major changes as a result of project (in mobility, confidence, dowry, violence and any other issue that the respondent raises) What could be done better
If the respondent did not know about project activities, interviewers were asked to find out if s/he perceives any changes in women’s situation and confidence, dowry, early marriage, and incidents of violence over the last 3 years.
Interviewers worked in carefully chosen pairs. More and less experienced interviewers were paired; women were paired with men; and care was taken to ensure at least one Hindu interviewer in the pairs working in the Hindu paras.
13 (5) Follow-up interviews with women affected by violence
Two pairs of experienced women researchers devoted themselves to this difficult and sensitive task. Ten interviews were carried out in total: five in Kanpur, and five in the Madhubpur/Mahabatpur area.
Sampling
The Village Forum selected cases from their records. We were concerned that they selected cases where our visits would not result in negative repercussions for the women who had been affected by violence. This has been the case in previous CARE research on this subject, and it was something we hoped to avoid. In practice, our interviewers were still put in a difficult situation once, where they had to withdraw after trying to calm the husband.
In Kanpur, the VF was asked to select a mix of cases, which they perceived to have been successfully resolved, and those which had not. In Madhobpur, there were only a few cases recorded and a small group of male VF members actually selected (four) cases which they felt we could safely follow up.
The aim was to interview the women whose cases had been taken up in shalish. In practice, it was only possible to speak to women on their own (for at least part of the interview) in six cases. In three cases, women had separated from their husbands and were living in their natal homes, which made it easier to speak to them alone.
Semi-structured interview structure
Begin with key events leading to marriage.
Focus on conflict in individual story: What happened Who helped and what was done Role of VF, if any
Current situation (psychological, social, health, legal).
Research and project reports indicate that what is considered important is resolving things locally, keeping couples together (reintegration), to maintain social harmony. Interviewers were asked to probe/assess if the woman is satisfied with or has accepted the solution.
(6) Focus group discussion: awareness and impact of the project
An existing women’s savings group who were members of RDRS were engaged on a group discussion on the topics covered in the individual interviews. The group consisted of 15 women, all from poor households (ascertained by their own and their husbands’ occupations). Nine women were Muslim and six were Hindu.
The group discussion was useful to triangulate results from the individual interviews and also sought to understand if and how women discussed issues of violence in such groups. The discussion also served to confirm that Hindu women enjoy greater mobility than Muslim women.
14 (7) Union-level umbrella shalish group (including UP members)
discussion with shalish group project assessment exercise with women shalishkars
We intended to speak to Union Parishad members separately from the umbrella shalish group. However, due to other engagements, only the umbrella shalishkar group arrived for the meeting at the Union building, although this did include some members. They arrived very late which meant that the discussion was somewhat short and unsystematic. It was also pointed that the group had shared their experience many times with CARE visitors. Nevertheless, it was possible to have a brief discussion with the two imams present about the messages they used to promote project objectives and to discuss changes in shalish, where we gave women shalishkars priority to voice their views. Positive comments were also made about the benefits of the training received through the project.
The project impact exercise was similar to the exercise carried out with the village forums, although participants highlighted a slightly different set of issues. Women shalishkars were also asked to identify the best and worst functioning VFs (Annex 1).
3. Impact Assessment: Key findings
3.1 Ishania Union: Context Analysis
This is a union in which land is concentrated in the hands of medium and large farmers, so there is high inequality between rich and poor. It is an area which does not suffer from any major natural calamities, rarely suffering from drought or major floods although flash floods do occur. Wheat as well as rice is grown in this area. Ishania union is unusual in that the population is 60% Hindu, with Hindus being generally poorer than Muslims. It is an area which has seen significant migration, social movements and resistance to the traditional jotdar system, both in the time of the tebagha movement and through the 1950s, at the end of which the jotdars’ influence had decreased. As a result of these factors, the culture is more secular than in other areas in the north-west, with women, particularly Hindu women, enjoying a higher degree of mobility.
In 1988 and again in 1999, Babu Ashish, a member of the Awami League (AL), became chairman of the Union Parishad. He had good relations with the MP and during the period of the Awami League government, a lot of physical and social infrastructure was built. Although this remains an Awami League stronghold, the BNP has gained ground in the last election. The current chairman is Kamaludin Lablu.
Power net analysis
There are two main factions in the power net (the political elites) at union level. Although the AL is the main party for both factions, there are a significant number of BNP members. The present chairman, Lablu, a Muslim, heads the more powerful and larger faction. His father was also a chairman and was well liked. His father developed good relations with the Hindu community and was respected by them and this has influenced votes for his son. The other faction is led by Ashish Roy, a Hindu, but although he has been chairman three times, he has lost support. The reasons for
15 this include the way in which he has not maintained good relations with Hindu leaders (mohots) and the knowledge of the community that he has extra-marital relationships and runs an ‘amusement’ center (which probably includes gambling and drinking).
While we did not go into further depth on the relationship between the two factions, we were able to establish that a number of Muslim members of the main faction are supportive of the VAW initiative, while two of the main leaders (Hindus) of the second faction are much less supportive and may actually undermine project activities (see section 3.2 on individual cases where elites from the second faction intervened). Table 1 below, based on the knowledge of the VAW field staff, illustrates this point. The members of the first faction are signalled by (1) and the second by (2)
Table 1: Elite relationships to the VAW initiative
Most supportive Less/ Sometimes Not supportive supportive Azizul Haque (1) Kamal Uddin Lablu (1) Abdul Majid Sablu Abdus Samad Sarkar Bijoy Master Ashish Roy (2) Maulana Jahurul Nabab Jatish Roy (2) Maulana Nurul Haque (1) Reazul Islam (1) Bhandro Mohon Emarul Haque (1) Tofazzol Hossain Utpal Roy bulu (1) Selim (1) Hamidul Haqu Chowdury Md. Kashem Mian Ejamul Principal Rashid Principal
The factions and their struggle for power in the union have a direct effect on project impacts, since these power struggles interact with prevailing gender norms. The elites affect the outcomes of shalish, and the access of women affected by violence to legal aid and health services, depending on the control the particular elite group exercises in particular paras and at union level. As we discuss the high profile VAW cases taken to shalish at the ward or union level, and the individual cases which we followed up, the way in which these actors influence the project will become clearer.
High profile cases of VAW
This section summarizes four cases which were described to SDU male staff by UP or ex-UP members (male), in the first two cases; by a VF member and youth in the third case (male) and by a VF member in the fourth case. They yield lessons on the complexities of dealing with violence against women, which rests on very unequal gender (power) relations, which in turn intersect with power relations related to class, wealth levels, religion and age.
Case 1: Ishania – A case of rape which was discussed by the VAW Coordinating Forum at upazilla level
The rape took place in a school ground and people almost caught the rapist red handed, but he fled. The girl comes from a poor household (her father is a rickshaw walla) and father of the rapist is comparatively well off. He is a village herbal doctor
16 but has some connections with influential people at upazilla and district level. Both families are Hindu. The girl was taken to the police and was held there all night. The next morning she was taken to Dinajpur for a medical test, but there was no evidence since the rapist used a condom.
This case took place in the area where two powerful elite – the brothers Ashish and Jatish Roy live. They know that rape is a serious offence and tried to stop the case from being taken up by BLAST. (By law, rape cases cannot be dealt with by shalish). Some Forum members in that area also tried to stop the case from being referred.
Although the case is still in process, Ashish went to an ex-MP to get support for his position in the rape case and Jatish also communicated with Dulal (BNP secretary) to try and get the case stopped. While CARE project staff have tried to mobilise the Coordinating Forum, the old shalishkar who make up one-third of the Forum dominated the meeting. Although there was disagreement between old and new shalishkar, in the end the meeting sided with the Roy brothers in wanting to “solve” the problem locally.
This case is not typical, but it illustrates how powerful elite are able to manipulate Forums, how poorer households have limited power and how little the feelings or wishes of the young woman herself are taken into account in the process. Being held by the police overnight, immediately following such a traumatic event, indicates that there is a long way to go to provide a woman access to quality services and justice.
Case 2: The story of a woman who was a victim of violence and involves a woman UP member who was also physically attacked when she tried to help.
M is a second time UP member and this time she was elected, rather than selected. M’s brother’s daughter was married to LK and she heard that his mother and sister in law had physical and mentally abused the girl. She went to LK’s house and mother and sister were there and she threatened to file a case. LK returned and she talked to him. He held her and the mother and sister started to hit her with a broom. M got away and since she knows influential people and has a good relationship with the previous chairman Ashish, she first went to him first to ask how to get justice. Ashish suggested that she go to court to file a case, which she did. The issues were discussed with all UP members; the chairman Lablu wanted to solve out of court. LK and his wife and daughter fled so that they would not be arrested. Lablu chairman considered this a threat to his ego and felt that Ashish was playing a game, in sending the case “outside” to court. Lablu has lots of connections and tried to convince the upazilla police not to come and that he would take care of it at the union level. His strategy was not to arrange a discussion to solve it, but asked a friend, who is a UP member to go to the community and solve the issue. M is in a real dilemma, as she has filed a case, but wants to maintain a good relation with Lablu, so now Ashish has advised her to see if can be solved locally. M is in the Modhubpur/Mahabatpur VF and has asked members for help. Some of the members have consulted the UP chairman, who says that Azizul (who is UP member, a leading member of the Kanpur VF and friend of Chairman) should handle it.
This case illustrates the way in which a woman UP member has to negotiate relationships with power holders in order to seek justice, particularly powerful male elites who have different views and interests.
17 Case 3: The death of a woman labourer and struggles for justice
Thirty years ago a family came from Rangpur to Bhot village in Ishania. The family is poor and the woman is a day labourer in wheat field belonging to J. One day, she left the field because it was raining. The next day when the sun was shining J went to her house and asked her to go to work. She said she could not go that day and argued that it was not urgent in terms of the harvest. The landowner was angry and did not think she had the right to argue – J physically assaulted her and she was badly hurt. He took her to the upazilla hospital because she was injured. In the meantime the husband heard what had happened and went to see his wife. A shalishkar, Nabab, found out about the case and told the landlord that he should give them some land because if they filed a case he would really have a problem. In the meantime, some people from the village approached J and told him that if she died in hospital, he would definitely be blamed because he took her to the hospital. J then went to the hospital and got her out and sent her back to her house. Her husband got angry and rebuked her for not staying. She was very upset - she went to Jalal’s house and hung herself. (CARE field staff had information that she poisoned herself and died at J’s house but they took her out and hung her, after she was dead). This incident took place in March 2004. When she died, her case became an issue of how rich people treat their labourers and many poor people were very angry with J. Nabab then approached J and told him he should provide compensation to the husband. J refused and told him to go ahead and file a case if he wanted to, assuming that the landless husband could not file a case. However, with the leadership of Nabab many poor people contributed money to file a case against five people (J, J’s three brothers and his father). All five were arrested and went to jail for 115 days. The CARE field worker said that the VF was involved with mobilising people to act on this injustice and people in three villages were involved.
The family had to put up TK2 to 2.5 lakh to get bail. J realised that he had to do something, but he could not approach the husband alone, since the case had become very political. He arranged to meet the shalishkar Nabab and said he would pay to get the case lifted. Nabab went to Jatish Roy and Jatish wanted 1 lakh taka share and they knew that other influential people might expect to be paid off. The exact sums involved were not reported. However, the informants thought that the husband got very little.
This case illustrates the relationship between gender and class very clearly, and the way in which powerful interests affected a woman’s access to justice. The woman who died was affected by the way in which she was treated by her employer, and also by how her husband treated her when she was taken out of hospital.
Case 4: An ongoing case of a woman who has suffered violence from a man who has already been violent with two wives.
W has been married twice. His first marriage broke down because he tortured his wife, because he wanted more dowry payment. There were two or three shalish over this case, and the amount he had to pay his wife was determined by shalish. In his second marriage with a woman from a nearby union, he behaved similarly. He beat her for more dowry money. A shalish was held and Forum members were present. They told him not to beat her but it happened again and the wife said she would not continue this marriage. She returned to her father’s house and they wanted to file a case against W. So W went to the in-laws to take his wife back. At this point, the wife explained that the problem was not only dowry, but that W has ‘relations’ with his elder brothers wife. She said that the elder brother’s father in law (N) knows this but does nothing about it. N wants the wife to go back to W so that his daughter’s
18 behavior will not come to light. The elder brother’s wife (N’s daughter) controls everything and the younger wife has to follow her orders. W insists that his wife should follow her bhabi’s (sister-in-law’s) orders. The VF referred the case to the UP shalish, and the chairman has tried to sit down with both families and resolve the issue, but it has not worked. N has good relations with influential people and is quite powerful himself. The wife’s family is planning to take the case to court, and will go and see the BLAST lawyer.
This case illustrates the way in which contacts with influential people are used and the way access to the services provided by BLAST can serve people without connections with elites.
In cases 1 and 3, the negative role of the Roy brothers is clear. They belong to a faction at union level, which opposes the faction in power, who do not have clear places in the project structures. They undermine project activities, although we could not ascertain whether this is due to union power struggles alone or whether their views on women and gender relations also come into play. The interview with the current union chairman indicates that project progress is very dependent on the chairman’s support. If the less supportive faction should win future elections, it could have a significant negative impact on the VAW project. However, recent research into power structures in other districts (Faridpur and Rajbari) suggests that power nets are becoming more flexible and open to negotiation, with the involvement of wider groups of actors (Lewis and Hossain, 2005). The study also points out that the changes both facilitate and constrain efforts by local people to improve their well- being.
In broad terms, the elites may use the project to garner political and social capital, and to exercise power over community members, for example if households where women are affected by violence also involved in land and labour relationships with elites. However, this project does not offer the capture of significant material resources to build vote banks in the way other projects may do. In addition, it should be noted that an individual man’s history and values (elites and non-elites) affects their attitudes to gender relations and women’s empowerment, so it obviously cannot be assumed that union-level power struggles are the only factor in determining support to the project. Although project staff may have limited control over these wider power dynamics, it is important to be aware of them and consider different ways of supporting countervailing power, in pursuit of project goals.
3.2 Changing structures and relations: the Village Forums and Shalish
The VF members we met were able to give us some basic information about the villages, but they were not always sure about the figures. Kanpur village has a population of about 1500 people organized in about 25 paras. 60-70% of the population is Muslim and the remaining 30-40% is Hindu. In Madhobpur, the population is about 1500, with 60% being Muslim and 40% Hindus. About 30% are day labourers. Mahabatpur is smaller, with about 1000-1200 people, 20% being Muslim and 80% Hindu. This last village is the poorest, and about 60% are day labourers. In general, Hindus are poorer than Muslims.
The main responsibilities of the VF are to: “assist in organizing and facilitating awareness raising events, identify victims and counsel them including emotional support, organize local level shalish with support from the women UP members and act as monitor of the local shalish by conducting local accountability checks, refer
19 cases for treatment, legal services, law enforcement, and keep records.” (PHL: Concept note on VAW Initiative, June 2004)
Composition of the VFs
The project document makes it clear that in Ishania, the pilot union, the VF has a key role at community level, along with specialist groups of schoolteachers, religious leaders and adolescent groups. (The process to set up the forum is described in section 1.2) The document explains:
“While services and conflict resolution are able to provide care and support to survivors of violence, they will have little impact on changing attitudes and behaviors of the community at large. And for sustainable and long-term impact it is more important to mobilize and empower the community as a whole.”
The objective is to mobilize and empower the community as a whole, through the VF (and specialist groups). Bearing in mind that the project does not work with groups at the para level, and that “the community” has different interest groups, the composition of the VF is very important.
The project document explains the ideal composition of the forum, which consist of “local elite, schoolteacher, religious leader, adolescent, empowered women, local shalish… UP women member will be member of each forum by her designation…. Although the total issue will depend on the community, attention will be given to ensure the involvement of women and different class, ethnicity and caste of the village.” This quote exemplifies the problems that are often found in the field: NGO projects may want to give control to the community, but at the same time, want to empower disadvantaged groups. Yet, if the process is not carefully facilitated, such Forums and committees are likely to follow existing power structures and dynamics and be dominated by powerful individuals. In this context, power is linked to wealth, gender and religion, as well as union political dynamics.
In the Kanpur VF, we met with 6 men and 3 women who reflected some of the categories of people which the project had suggested. However, although two Hindu women had been members, they had left to get married. Although two Hindu men were present (a UP member in an adjacent ward and a farmer in Kanpur), and were introduced as ‘helpers’, there is no longer any Hindu representation on the VF. We asked the VF why they had no Hindus on the VF, particularly given that the overwhelming majority of VAW cases recorded were in Hindu households (15 out of 20). The response was that Hindus are not on the Kanpur VF because they are not well educated and ”not inspired to join”. On the other hand, it was stated that Hindus are poor an dhad more cases of VAW because they had more family problems. This means that the social exclusion of Hindus in institutions operating above the para level may be unintentionally reinforced. In a separate interview with two Hindu elite men from Kanpur, they explained how elders, some who are are part of mohot, usually try and solve problems within Hindu paras, but go to Azizul as a UP member, when they cannot solve a VAW case. (Mohot deals with gusti relations, inheritance issues, funerals and marriage activities.) They recognize that Azizul is an active UP member and is friends with the UP chairman, whose father had a lot of respect (and votes) from the Hindu community.
20 Similarly, there are problems of representation in the Madhobpur/ Mahabatpur VF. Although there are 6/7 Hindus and 6 Muslims (8 men and 5 women) on the VF, there are only 3 members from Mahabatpur, and a few members, particularly Reazul Islam, dominate the VF. In a VAW case where a cousin of Reazul’s was involved, Reazul not only blocked arbitration for the woman, but actually beat her with a sandal when she repeated her plea for shalish (see Table 4, case of RezB). The reason given to us for the lack of representation from Mahabatpur was that the village is poor and people do not have time to participate in meetings and activities.
The composition and profile of the VFs we met with raise concerns about community representation. It is also unclear to whom the VF is accountable. Although the VF was formed at a village-level meeting, there is no accountability mechanism in place. There is also a need for greater CARE support to and monitoring of the VFs, which in turn obviously relates to availability of human resources.
Training
Each member of the Kanpur VF had received training in legal matters through the project and all of them felt it had been useful, increased their knowledge of the law, their confidence in counseling and dealing with VAW related issues including how shalish should function. In the Madhobpur/Mahabatpur VF, three men had received legal training from ASK, but all were from Madhobpur. The imam and teachers also attended meetings in Dinajpur. Four women did participate but in the discussion at the VF, one claimed that they had not initially received invitations. This point was not pursued, since atmosphere in this meeting with the VF was somewhat tense (see below).
Participation in meetings and activities
As expected, the Kanpur VF is much more active and meets more regularly (monthly), with greater participation of members. The Madhubpur/Mahabatpur VF meets irregularly, and as a CARE project staff member pointed out, they only meet if they know CARE is attending and even then, attendance is poor.
Kanpur VF members are motivated and function as a team. They were animated as they described the large meeting of 100-150 people to create the VF, the majority being women. There was a high level of commitment to preventing and solving cases of VAW and two male members had set examples by not taking dowry. These actions speaks louder than words! In contrast, there were palpable tensions within the VF in Madhubpur. The discussion was dominated by a few men and was much more stilted. Few VAW cases had been recorded and the selection of individual cases for follow-up was made by a couple of individuals, who removed themselves from the group to make the selection. The proceedings were further affected by the early appearance of a woman who had not received justice for her individual case, a case in which the VF is implicated. Her story will be told later. There was also a heated outburst from a woman member of the VF, who said that men still dominate and marginalize women on the VF.
The Kanpur VF gave us a list of factors which they thought contributed to the effective functioning of a VF: Active VF members willing to make time, day and night Involved elites and elders Regular communication among members
21 Good follow up by CARE Members have a vision Members can set examples.
It was stated that when a VF was not functioning well, it was necessary to reconsider its membership. However, there are no existing mechanisms for review.
Impact on the functioning of shalish
In Kanpur, the VF described the changes made to shalish as a result of this initiative (and there was participation and consensus in the discussion):
1. Seating arrangements have changed – all sit on equal level (used to be some in chair and some on mats) 2. People used to bargain before shalish and walk in with a decision made, but now issues are discussed in shalish; 3. It used to be dominated by 2-3 families, but now wider interests are represented 4. Although there was some tension when they formed the forum, with older power holders and also with others that used to extort money from shalish, over time their influence has been reduced. 5. Women’s participation in shalish has increased.
In response to a question about the changes, and in particular, how women and men viewed her participation in shalish, the woman UP member responded:
“Either another woman or I attend, if it is close, but if it’s far than I don’t go if the shalish is held at night. It’s not safe for a woman to go alone at night. I cover 3 wards and in my family, my mother in law and I are the only women to take care of the household
Women know that a woman should be present in shalish concerning women’s issues, but many women do not appreciate that I am there. They think I am there because I am in power. But I want to be there. Any woman who suffers becomes ‘shy’, and I should be there with her. So the women before shalish do understand. Slowly things are changing.
Men teased me. Even as a teacher I was teased by men right to my face, but I did not say anything. But now I protest. There has been an overall change for women - it is better now.
Male shalishkar participated in the training with me; they are okay. Generally lots of men comment: why does she speak so much? But this used to be about 90 percent of men, now it has reduced to 30 percent. When I was elected, lots of people, even my relatives, said “I will become rotten”.
In Madhubpur, three dominant men in the VF put forward their views on changes in shalish. One felt there were no differences, while the others said that they had more confidence in solving VAW cases and getting respect for their decisions. They emphasized that they tried to solve cases locally (in the village), choosing a neutral location and asking for three representatives form both parties. They do not want cases to be solved ‘outside’ and have only referred two cases to the BLAST lawyer who sits at the upazilla level. They cited one case where a woman and her father
22 went to BLAST who ordered the husband, who was beating her, to pay TK 26,000. The husband did not pay and divorced her.
The most confident woman member (Hindu), who had worked on a nutrition project and whose husband is a teacher, participated in the discussion. She said that she tried to counsel women and that women VF members now tried to attend shalish, but that it is difficult if it was held far away from where they lived, or if it was held at night. She also said women were often not invited and that people sometimes did not listen to them. She said that in this area, husbands “are like gods” and that in general, men make the decisions and women respect the decisions.
In summary, problems of community representation on the VFs exist in both locations, particularly in terms of representation of poorer groups and of Hindus. Nevertheless, in Kanpur the VF is active and committed – it has made space for women’s participation and set examples for men’s behavior. In Madhubpur, the VF has been captured by one group of power holders and there is little encouragement for women to participate. Participation is poor from members in the neighbouring village which the VF is meant to represent. In both VFs, particular Muslim political factions, representing the old landed elite, with links to union power holders, seem to dominate. This is not only problematic at present but there is a risk that the project will be undermined if another power faction wins a future election.
Shalish has seen tangible changes in Kanpur, whereas in Madhobpur, there is a danger that it is being used to consolidate political and social capital by one group of elite power holders, and to deny justice to some women. In both, women face gender-based problems in participation – but there has been a positive change in men’s attitudes in Kanpur. In both areas, practical issues of time and location of shalish is important.
There are issues of accountability in both VFs. It is not clear how long members will serve on the VF and no mechanism for them to report and be accountable to villagers whom they have been selected to represent. If CARE is to positively change structures and social relations at the village level, then promoting accountability mechanisms is an important element. VF members are aware that their association with CARE lends them greater power and legitimacy, which makes issues of representation and accountability even more important.
3.3 Changing attitudes and gender/social relations: Impacts of the project at village level
This section analyses the project’s contribution to changing villagers’ attitudes and behavior regarding violence against women, as well as the constraints. There are a number of influences which have promoted positive change, including wider socio- economic changes, and awareness raising through radio, TV and by other NGOs working on women’s rights.
The section draws on the individual interviews carried out with selected respondents in the villages of Kanpur and Madhobpur/Mahabatpur, the focus group discussion in Kanpur and the interviews with VAW staff and other NGO staff working on women’s rights in Ishania union. We disaggregated on the basis of gender, wealth and religion, to draw out some differences between women in project impacts.
23 Knowledge of the project and participation in project activities
Tables 2 and 3 present the findings on knowledge of the project, awareness of the messages and participation in the folk songs and drama which are organized by the project. Overall, the folk songs and drama have been a very effective and enjoyable way of communicating the following main messages: The dangers of early marriage Women’s right to respect and freedom from harassment Girls’ right to education The fact that dowry is illegal and contributes to violence against women The penalties of perpetrating violence and women’s rights to legal redress The way in which more harmonious gender relations contribute to household well being
Table 2: Analysis of interviews in Madhobpur/Mahabatpur (number of women [n]=18)
Madhobpur H M Women Men Better Medium Poor /Mahabatpur n=9 n=9 n=9 n=9 Off n=6 n=6 n=6 Knowledge 17/18 through folk 8 9 8 9 5 6 6 of project songs.
None know about the VF, except for the wife of a leading VF member
Awareness 17/18 are aware of 8 9 8 9 5 6 6 of the messages, messages through folk songs (reports from relatives as well as own participation) but also radio, TV and other NGOs Participation 14/18 had 6 8 7 7 3 5 6 in activities attended the folk song
Table 3: Analysis of interviews in Kanpur (n=18)
Kanpur H M Women Men Better Medium Poor
24 n=9 n=9 n=10 n=8 Off n=6 n=6 n=6 Knowledge 15/18 through folk 7 8 8 7 3 6 5 of project songs
6/18 know that the VF exists (little about activities/ functions) Awareness All 18 are aware 9 9 10 8 6 6 6 of messages of the messages – with some identifying other NGOs as well as radio and TV as sources Participation 6/18 had attended 2 4 2 4 0 3 3 in activities folk songs, but many had relatives who had done so
In both locations, there are high levels of awareness of the folk songs and drama. They have contributed to raising awareness of women’s rights and the need to stop violence against women. This activity reinforces messages which are received through the radio and TV, as well as through other NGOs: RDRS and RDRS Federations, BRAC, Dipshika and CDA. For example, RDRS has also organized drama on the same themes, and the participants of the focus group discussion (15 women from poor households, 9 Muslim and 6 Hindu) had all attended such an event in Bokultola bazaar, as members of an RDRS savings group.
In Kanpur, where the Village Forum (VF) is more active, a third of respondents had heard about the existence of the VF, although they were not able to give details of members’ roles and activities. In Madhobpur/Mahabatpur, none of the respondents knew of its existence, except for one respondent who was the wife of the leading member of the VF, Reazul Islam.
Attendance of folk songs and drama is much higher in Madhobpur/Mahabatpur, than Kanpur. In both locations, better-off household members were less likely to attend. Participation in such public activities was seen to be less ‘desirable’ by some of these better-off respondents, although even in these cases, respondents had been told something about the content from relatives/ offspring who had participated. In other cases, older children had also discussed these issues with their parents, whom we interviewed. In Kanpur, women were less likely to participate than men and Hindus were less likely to participate than Muslims. Muslim women have greater restrictions on their mobility, particularly from better-off households, than Hindu women and this was confirmed by the focus group discussion. We would therefore expect a higher proportion of Hindus than Muslims to participate, and it is worth ascertaining if and why Hindus are less involved. For example, do Hindus in Kanpur participate less because the folk songs tend to take place in VF members’ compounds? Does it have anything to do with Hindus lack of representation on the Village Forum?
While the messages in the folk songs and drama are effective and have been widely disseminated, understanding the reasons for the differentiation in participation is
25 important, so that action can be taken to increase the reach of awareness raising activities.
Changes in attitudes and behavior
The individual interviews gave a clear idea of positive changes which are taking place (trends) in relation to different dimensions of women’s empowerment. These can be summarized as follows:
More girls are attending school and people’s levels of education have increase in general. The government and NGOs facilitate this and people are more aware of the need to educate both boys and girls. Women are more mobile (both Muslim and Hindu) and people are less negative about this than in the past. In general, women’s confidence and awareness of their rights is higher than it used to be. This was related to greater education, mobility and the work of NGOs. Many respondents said that there are some positive generational changes taking place, with younger men less likely than older men to engage in polygamy, wife beating and ‘easy’ divorce. (This final comment came from Muslim respondents and is related to the ease with which men can divorce their wives in religious law) There is much greater awareness of the fact that dowry is illegal, and that it is a major cause of violence against wives. However, dowry payments (the amounts involved) are increasing. There is increasing awareness that early marriage is not advisable: and people could describe the negative repercussions on the young woman’s health and on their abilities to manage household tasks and relationships. However, parents have to cope with increases in dowry, as girls get older and/or better educated; and there is the issue of physical safety and security for adolescent girls and young women – which counter this trend.
Some respondents also stated that they were aware that boys and girls should be treated equally, in relation to food as well as education.
We asked respondents if they could identify changes, which were directly or specifically related to the project.
In Madhobpur/Mahabatpur, eight respondents felt that the changes were part of the general trends, including the results of the work of various NGOs on the subject of women’s rights and violence against women. In nine cases, respondents felt they could relate specific changes to the VAW initiative. They said that the repeated messages in the folk songs and drama have had very positive effects in their village in reducing early marriage and incidents of violence against women. In addition, two respondents said that the increase in ‘shalish’ on VAW cases played a part in this reduction, since men were made aware that women could seek justice if they were beaten (both these respondents were men). One of these men (better off Hindu household) cited cases that had been resolved by Reazul with other elite members, through shalish. One respondent, the wife of Reazul Islam, who leads the Village Forum, said that her husband had stopped beating her as a direct result of him being involved in the project. On the other hand, one male respondent told our interviewers that he had perceived positive changes in the village, but his wife said (when he was
26 absent) that he still beats her, illustrating that there may well be some bias in what respondents say to CARE. In this location, there was no clear pattern of responses according to religion, gender or wealth.
In Kanpur, half the respondents felt that it was not possible to attribute the positive changes which had taken place to the VAW initiative per se, but rather that it contributed to a generally positive trend, which was reinforced by the work of NGOs. One specifically cited the work of Dipshika, another felt he had been particularly influenced by the radio and TV and another older woman said she had learnt a lot from her children who were at school and college. The other half, however, identified the project as a particular contributor to reducing violence and early marriage. A male respondent felt that the project had also encouraged joint decision-making between husband and wife. One male respondent felt that verbal abuse towards women had also decreased. Four of these nine respondents specifically mentioned how Azizul and Emarul (both members of the VF) had not taken dowry and were clearly impressed by these examples. These examples seem to be widely known and this information is passed on informally as well as being disseminated in activities organized by the VF. CARE project staff had encouraged members of the VF to act as role models and the positive results are apparent in Kanpur. However, it is worth noting that in the interview with Azizul’s wife, she said they would give 2 lakh dowry for her daughter. It is also important to note she did not even know that there was a VF and that her nephew and husband were members. She has also never attended a folk song or drama event. This example, among others, shows the gaps between public statements made by supportive elite men and their personal behavior at home.
One woman respondent was also aware that the initiative had led to the participation of women in shalish and four (2 women and 2 men) felt that since the VF was taking up and referring cases of VAW to shalish, this had contributed to a reduction in violence. As one man put it: “The VF focus on violence creates pressure and men are faced with the threat of losing face and dignity”. Another Muslim woman from a poor household explained how the VF has solved the problem of violence against her daughter. The parents had threatened to take the husband to the BLAST lawyer and this led to a meeting between the two families and a resolution, which involved the full payment of the dowry and the in-laws cooking and eating with the son and daughter-in-law. Relations and interaction between the families have improved and the son-in-law worked with the girls’ parents during the sugar harvest. This respondent said she knew of two other cases in her para which had been resolved with the help of the VF. Yet another Muslim woman respondent from a better–off household said that her daughter-in-law had stopped being beaten as a result of the project and she claimed that there had been a 50% reduction in beating.
The activities of the project, both the folk songs/drama and the attention the VF has paid to identifying and referring cases of VAW to shalish and/or BLAST lawyers, have contributed to positive changes in early marriage and a reduction in violence. As one respondent put it, “it is now seen as more of a public issue that in the past.”
However, as we know, the situation with dowry is much more resistant to change. While almost all the people interviewed were aware that dowry is illegal and contributes to violence against women, few feel able to change their behavior. (The exceptions are discussed below.) Various reasons were given: social pressure is too high; it is not possible to arrange a marriage without dowry, the girl will be badly treated if dowry is not paid; the law is not enforced; the rich continue to do it. One respondent said that government was not interested in stopping dowry because it promoted the sales of TVs, bicycles and so on. Many respondents expressed considerable anxiety about the increased amount of dowry required, and how they
27 had to pay higher amounts for daughters who were educated and/or older. As one poor, Muslim man pointed out, it is easier for richer households to marry their daughters when they are older. “They can afford the dowry. Also the girl still looks good when she is older than 20 years, whereas our girls do not. Also, if there is a scandal, it does not affect richer households as badly as poor households”.
In Madhobpur/Mahabatpur, there were fewer examples of stated commitment not to pay dowry. One Muslim man (poor household) says that although he has seen families forced to sell all their land and destroyed by dowry, he must pay dowry for his daughter or she will not have a good position in her in-laws house. However, he and one other respondent said they would not take dowry for their sons. Another better-off Hindu man said he would not pay dowry for his daughter and was determined to educate his daughter well and would not have her married before she was 20 years old. The wife of Reazul Islam said that they have discussed the issue and will not take or give dowry for their children.
In Kanpur, there were more exceptions, particularly when it came to accepting dowry when sons are married. One 50-year-old farmer (medium wealth category) had a positive attitude towards women’s rights. He was articulate in explaining the ill effects of dowry and early marriage and he himself had not taken dowry when he was married. He has two sons, 25 and 19 years old; and one daughter who is 11 years old. Although he feels society is not ready to stop dowry, he will not give or take dowry for his children. He is trying to arrange a marriage for his elder son now but says he will not take a dowry. Two other better-off men said they would not take dowry for their children. One of them, a 48-year-old man had also not accepted dowry for his marriage but felt compelled to pay dowry for his sisters although he was determined not to take dowry for either of his two sons. Another better off Muslim man, whose wife is in the VF, did not take dowry when he got married. Another medium category Muslim man, 25 years old, did not take dowry when he was married three months ago. Yet another poor Muslim woman, who is a Grameen Bank member, says she will not insist on dowry for her son who is 21 years old, but if the girl’s family wants to give them presents, she will accept them. Azizul’s cousin, a poor Muslim man, has also refused to pay dowry for his 17-year old daughter and Azizul has promised to help him find a suitable husband. Given the entrenched character of dowry in rural society, these examples in Kanpur, and the fact that the issue is actively discussed, are a testament to the work of the village forum, although dowry continues to prevail widely and to escalate in terms of the amounts of money involved.
Project impact: participatory assessments
This section discusses the results of a project impact scoring exercise carried out with the Kanpur village forum and with women shalishkars in our meeting at the union level.
As we described in section 2, the two groups identified the issues on which the project was working and they were asked to score impacts (since the beginning of the project) on a scale of 0-5. They were also allowed to rate progress in the negative (from 0 to –5) if they felt that the project had made things worse in some way, but neither group used the negative scoring. The assessments help to understand the achievements and challenges from the point of view of key actors in the project. We found that the assessment made by the Kanpur VF was broadly confirmed by the views expressed in the individual interviews in that village as well as by the focus group discussion.
28 The results of the exercise are given in figure 1. In the case of the women shalishkars, they were making a broader assessment of impacts at the level of the whole union. It was interesting to note that they were more optimistic than the Kanpur VF when it came to a reduction in early marriage, polygamy and increasing women’s voice but more pessimistic when it came to a reduction in dowry, in improving shalish and in reduction in violence against women (VAW). Dowry was rated 0, indicating that the situation has not been changed by the project.
Both groups gave marriage registration the top score of 5 (not included in figure). There have been concerted efforts of government as well as NGOs to promote this practice and kazis (who do the registration) are available locally. In addition, the Kanpur VF said it had tried to reduce verbal abuse of women in the village and gave it a score of 3. The women shalishkar group included a reduction of divorce in their issues and gave it a high score of 4.
Figure 1: Assessments of Project Impacts (scores 0-5) 5 4
Kanpur VF e 3 r o c 2 women S shalishkars 1 0 e e ry c g h e y i a is W c m w o ri l A n a o v r a V ta g d 's a h is y n m s s l e s o ly a p m r l o a a w e g le
Both groups considered and discussed the reasons for ascribing a particular score, and for the Kanpur VF, most are discussed in section 3.2. They were well aware that people prefer to resolve VAW issues locally, and that there were dangers that relationhips would break down if the issue ‘got out’. Interestingly, women wanted to give the project a score of 2 in facilitating women’s voice, whereas the men in the VF felt there was much more to be done, and gave a score of 1. The VF was careful in its assessment and aware how deeply entrenched some of the practices were.
The women shalishkars group said that women’s voice and women’s awareness of their rights had been promoted by a number of NGOs, including CARE. Women UP members were now more confident and better able to promote women’s interests, for example, by supporting women shalishkar members. In relation to early marriage, they discussed how this varied according to a family’s wealth. Poorer families still tended to view daughters as a burden and were concerned that later marriage would imply higher dowry. In the discussion of legal assistance, they discussed how poorer families simply did not have the resources to use the legal system although their awareness of legal rights had increased. Their reason for only giving a score of 2 to shalish was that poor people still had many more problems than the better off,
29 because they did not have the same value/respect and had problems raising their voices. At the same time, they said that poor people still tended to get harsher treatment and punishment in shalish than the better off. They also showed an acute awareness of how women’s empowerment is tied up with income levels and education. Finally, they drew attention to the importance of safe and secure mobility for women.
Project Impacts: specialist groups at union level
Although we did not spend time with any specialist groups at the union level, we did have a chance to ask a few questions of the umbrella shalishkars group, and to ask speak briefly to two imams who were present in the group. Both women shalishkars (including UP members) and imams were very positive about the training they had received and the knowledge and added confidence it gave them.
In response to questions directed at the women about the changes they had seen in shalish, a few exchanges capture the issues: “(Hindu ex-UP member) Earlier women were not present in shalish. Since we had the training we have become more confident. Sometimes we are invited. We have developed strategies to get called for shalish and when we are not invited, we find out when and where the shalish is to be held and go there. We tend to be quiet, but if we really want to say something, we do so politely.“
Woman: “Women’s rights in Bangladesh began when women were selected as members – this is how I became to be a member and when relief was distributed, the male members got everything. The chairmen asked us and we told him that we wanted some for distribution as well. One male member got angry, but I stood up and said that we have been elected too.
I am not sure how much influence we have in shalish. Now we get the opportunity to attend and even sit with the imams, but sometimes people still shut us out. UP members have their own status and can be present and other women can be there as VF members, but it is still not easy. VF members have some advantage because they are part of the forum, but otherwise women are not able to attend.
Distance and night time is a real problem. I have attended evening shalish 2 times – influential men consider their convenience and set the times for themselves, but for women that means we need a guardian to go with us.”
Woman UP member: “In gender related cases we speak and counsel women and I do express my views, that is my duty. As a woman I have to stand with women.
Another woman: “In a shalish with all men, it is very difficult for a woman to defend herself and another woman should be there, sometimes, the “victims” ask us to come.
And another Woman: “As a VF member your opinion is more respected and heard, otherwise it is not. “
Another woman: “They don’t respect your opinion unless you are an elected member”
30 Another woman’s view: “It depends on your logic and sophistication”
Men did interject after this: Male farmer: “You have to listen and then use logic – it is not a men/ woman issue. Earlier only UP members and elites were shalishkar, now forum members get a chance to be there.”
Male Madrassah Teacher: “It used to be that the rich won, but now since so many have had the training it is different”.
UP member and Kanpur forum member: “Previously, I did shalish, but was alone in favour of justice, now with the forum I have another force for justice behind me – the training for the umbrella shalish members really helped.”
The imams were positive on the role of the project in allowing them to speak about corruption in shalish and the need for a fairer system. Previous project reviews and reports have emphasized how beneficial it is to have religious leaders speaking out about women’s rights and against violence against women. We did not encounter any Hindu religious leaders in the two VFs or in the union shalishkars’ meeting, which was a little worrying, although the imams said they do sit and discuss with Hindu religious leaders.
There is no doubt that the reach of the imams’ messages is very great and that women sitting alongside imams in village forums and shalish break new ground. However, there is a need to monitor the messages that religious leaders use. The two imams said that they used the Quran and Hadiths to speak about women’s rights and violence. (I had hoped for a story about the Prophet Muhammed’s wife, who was an independent trader, who had been divorced and was older than Muhammed!). The imams gave us the following examples of the messages they preached:
“ The prophet was approached by a follower and asked whom he should respect the most. The prophet told him: your mother three times over and the fourth time, your father.”
“ First try and control your wife with words, only beat her in the last resort. But be sure not to leave a spot (mark) on her body.”
Hindu religious leaders use the Vedas but we were told that he messages are similar.
In summary, the use of folk song and drama has been an effective way to disseminate women’s rights and raise issues for public discussion, as well as make people aware of project services. However, knowledge of the role and activities of the Village Forum, even in Kanpur, is not widespread and people still tend to go to existing power holders for advice and support.
Folk songs and drama are a popular means of communication and reinforce messages from other media (radio, TV) and contribute to the positive work a number of NGOs are carrying out on women’s rights and empowerment. Participation in these regular events is differentiated according to wealth, age and religion, although in Kanpur, the result that Hindus participate less is counter-intuitive and should be looked into. Understanding who is being reached is important so that action can be taken to increase and improve communication.
31 Respondents in Kanpur VF and women shalishkars were generous in attributing the project with contributing to positive changes in VAW and related issues of polygamy and early marriage, which are also noted by community members. Legal services are also perceived to have improved. There is a long way to go in increasing women’s voice. Women shalishkars were also clear that there was a long way to go in improving shalish process, giving women a voice in decision-making and were aware that it remains difficult for poor women to obtain justice. However, space for women has been created in these previously completely male-dominated arenas. The Kanpur VF is making real efforts to decrease the practice of dowry. All respondents noted that dowry practices contribute greatly to violence against women and yet are the most resistant to change, with amounts to be paid on the increase..
3.4 Impact of the project on individual women affected by violence: agency and gender relations
This section analyses individual cases of violence to understand how project activities have influenced the process and outcomes of dispute resolution mechanisms. Given that shalish is often instigated by the woman’s parents, we tried to pay particular attention to the woman’s own views. It should be noted that the term ‘shalish’ is used loosely to cover different levels and locations of meetings involving families of both parties and arbitrators. The issue can be resolved locally with arbitrators such as respected people/elders/elites in the para, or village level Shalish and UP members, who are usually part of the VF as well. As the VFs terms of reference indicate, the strategy is to try and resolve cases locally and only take them up legally with the help of BLAST lawyers, if this strategy fails.
Using referrals from the VF records, we were able to follow up ten cases of violence against women , five in each village. The case studies are presented in Annex 2. Tables 4 and 5 draw out a few key points pertaining to the five cases in each location. Inevitably, we lose some important narrative, but they help to capture key elements.
Table 4: Selected information from individual VAW cases (Modhubpur/Mahabatpur area)
ID Age Religion Responde Issue/ type of Dispute resolution Outcomes nt/s violence process RB 21 Hindu Brother’s Maternal Shalish – asked Both girl and boy wife cousins eloped, boy’s family to remarried husband’s take girl Both reported to be family did not happy accept marriage HB 19/20 Muslim HB, her Husband beat HB and father Husband paid parents, her, hit her took case to Tk9500. sister and father once and BLAST, but then Now divorced. uncle had extra- wanted and Parents happy but marital sexual managed to solve HB feels he should relationship/s. locally. have returned full dowry AR ? Hindu AR briefly Physical Shalish Husband signed but violence and agreement that he husband mental cruelty would not beat her, returned and says he
32 and was stopped, but wife very gave impression of hostile. being unhappy and suffering psychologically. LB 20 Muslim LB Husband Her father went to Divorce and brought up by UP chair who Maharana returned maternal uncle arranged shalish. to LB. and his wife – Husband and who beat LB, relatives did not Plan to file case for deprived her of abide by ruling, child maintenance food and tried so VF referred in district court. to set fire to her case to BLAST RezB 40 Muslim Rez B and As a married Went to then-UP Unresolved. RezB 2 other maidservant, member (4 years is desperate; she women she was made ago) -did not has to beg for food, pregnant by solve. Has been she is alone, wealthy cousin to VF member stigmatized and of VF member. several times to feels her life is Father denies ask for shalish over. She wants child is his. but nothing has justice for her son. Verbally abused been done. This She cried and shunned by is why she came throughout the this elite family to our meeting interview. and 3 year old with VF to ask for child beaten help
Table 5: Selected information from individual VAW cases (Kanpur)
Id Age Religion Present at Issue Dispute resolution Type of resolution interview process LB 19 Muslim LB, Beaten by Her parents arranged LB with husband. mother-in- husband in front local shalish with She still feels she law of parents, and Emarul (shalishkar should not have (husband in-laws,for and now VF member) been beaten in at the wanting to go her parents’ end) with parents to presence. visit an aunt. BR 23 Hindu BR, Physical and Father went to Hindu Husband has husband mental cruelty elite who contacted signed agreement and by husband, Azizul (VF) for – no physical or father-in- food deprivation shalish. Husband did mental violence law not stop, so BLAST but BR still feels lawyer served notices under “mental pressure” (could not speak freely) GR 20/21 Hindu GR and Severe physical 4 shalish – Dropped legal father violence and unsuccessful. Girl’s action as separately mental cruelty father and boy’s husband’s family by husband and mother are brother paid TK 30,000 mother-in-law; and sister. Shalish and they were alleged finally suggested divorced. poisoning. legal action – father GR still loves
33 (non-payment filed petition for husband, but he of full dowry divorce with Durbar is under his amount) network through local mother’s NGO, Arbon, a influence. Very partner of VAW unhappy, does initiative. not want to marry again and wishes she was a man. PR 21 Hindu PR Husband’s PR’s parents want a PR sleeps on infidelity and shalish, PR does not. verandah of insistence on house to be with keeping her children. children. SR 22 Hindu SR and Ill-tempered Her father went to SR had to ask sister-in- husband who Nani Gopal (VF forgiveness of law beats her. Beat helper) and with husband and her badly when Azizul organized husband had to rice was not shalish. Later, sign document ready. Unpaid BLAST issued a that he would not dowry also an notice. beat her. She issue seems unhappy.
There are a number of key issues which arise from an analysis of these cases:
Most cases are of young women, who have limited status, voice and power in their in-law’s household. As such, it tends to be the woman’s parents who instigate a process of redress for her suffering. In at least one case, it was clear that the young woman was not even consulted by her father, who organised the shalish. In another case, the woman resisted shalish and continues to live with her husband, despite his ongoing infidelity. Although she does not view this as satisfactory, it is a decision she has taken to be with her children. Women who continue to live with their husbands, and this is encouraged by shalish, may suffer considerable vulnerability from the more public attention to their situations. Although the husband may have agreed not to be physically violent, the issue of mental cruelty is more difficult to address and may well continue. In all the cases where a woman had stayed with her husband, she is still dissatisfied and/or unhappy. This may be an inevitable part of being in a conflictual relationship, and the woman may not want to leave her husband for lack of other choices or simply because she still loves him.
However, this casework does draw attention to the need for follow-up and counselling, for both wife and husband, preferably by trusted local community members. This is not an easy mechanism to arrange, but could be investigated with further work, particularly with women affected by violence, to identify more trusted individuals and organizations. When the VF does follow up cases, it tends to be with family members rather than giving attention to how the woman feels. This should change and women on the VF could be trained to provide ongoing support to individual women. Safeguards are needed so that the project is not encouraging public action on violence against women without trying to put in place ongoing support for the individual women’s rights and well-being. This does demand CARE staff inputs into a process at the local level, which resources to date have not allowed. In addition, CARE staff have to be careful that the manner of their intervention, as in the case of SR (see Annex 2), does not immediately lead to increased violence for the woman.
34 In two cases where women have been divorced from their husbands, the dispute resolution process has resulted in the return of the dowry and/or maharana. This has considerable significance, not only for the individual women’s legal rights, but as an illustration/ example setting that it is possible for women to obtain justice.
In the cases we analysed, people went to old shalishkars for help, rather than to new VF members. The issue then arises of whether the particular shalishkar is corrupt, and if the project can encourage discussion of cases and accountability to VF members and to the wider community of the modified or reformed shalish. The individual interviews as well as the discussion with the VFs showed that women members of the VF in Kanpur are consulted and/or identify cases, which is encouraging. Interviews also suggest that some countervailing power to that of elite shalishkars is being built. However, this is not the case in Modhubpur, where the newer members and women seem to be marginalized.
RezB’s case illustrates the problems which arise, when particular elites dominate the VF and when their interests are threatened by a particular woman (or her parents) seeking justice. It shows that the issue of representation on the VF is important, as well as the need to build community accountability and monitoring mechanisms. The high-profile cases discussed in section 3.1 also illustrate these issues.
Finally, it is clear from some of the cases that violence is sometimes condoned and perpetrated by in-laws, both women and men, as well as husbands. This suggests that awareness raising should be directed at the relations between a woman and her in-laws as well as with her husband.
In some cases, unpaid dowry triggered or exacerbated violence, underlining the pernicious way in which dowry undermines women’s rights. As a recent study carried out in both India and Bangladesh points out, married women who pay dowry at marriage had a higher likelihood of reporting domestic violence than those who did not (Suran et al, 2004). However, given the prevalence of dowry in our study context, another finding of the same study is perhaps more relevant. Ironically, those who paid the largest dowries (within each wealth category) faced a reduced likelihood of abuse. In other words, once a family decides to pay dowry, the best way to secure their daughter’s welfare is to pay the most it can.
4. Conclusions and Key Lessons
4.1 Conclusions
Each section in the report has highlighted key issues at the end of the section. This sub-section provides a reminder of the objectives of the project and of the SII, and draws out some main conclusions and lessons.
The goal of the VAW initiative is to ensure the realization of women’s dignity and rights to freedom from gender-based violence by strengthening civil society and empowering communities, by building their capacity, making allies with stakeholders and advocating for women’s rights at all levels of intervention in Dinajpur.
The aims of the SII are to assess how CARE’s projects: contribute to women’s agency facilitate a process through which women engage in social relations with other actors to fulfil their needs and finally,
35 contribute to the transformation of social structures (cultural constructs, local level institutions, legal and policy frameworks) that institutionalise women’s marginalization.
The project has made systematic efforts to transform social structures to make them more likely to promote women’s rights, and has worked with informal and formal institutions to make space for women to participate. Attention has been paid to working with men as well as women, recognizing the need to change men’s attitudes, particularly those of elite men who wield significant power in local political and social relations. Engaging men is also important in trying to build alternative male role models. The advocacy work through folk songs and drama is also an effective and popular communications tool for project messages, although more attention should be paid to groups who may be excluded from these messages. (Simple strategies could be to encourage varying the location of the events, which usually take place in the compounds of the same elite members of the VF, and more actively passing information through other NGOs working with women’s groups.)
The project has adopted an approach which works mainly with village, union and upazilla structures. It does not work to build agency through strengthening or supporting women’s groups at a grass roots level. Other NGOs work with women’s groups on issues of VAW and women’s rights and even if this project does not have the resources to do this, greater links with such NGOs may reach and strengthen the agency of more women, especially those who are poor and most disadvantaged. To bring about sustainable change, it is critical to directly empower women, the majority of whom are poor. One salient finding of a recent multi-country study (including Bangladesh) carried out by WHO (2005) is that the prevalence of partner violence against women is associated with women’s belief that such violence is normal and justified. Thus, from a rights perspective, raising women’s consciousness that violence is not an acceptable part of relationships is an important step towards empowerment. While it is essential to work with elites in the context of Bangladesh in order to begin change social structures, and the issue of gender-based violence cuts across class and religion, it is important to build confidence and countervailing power among the most disadvantaged women, through collective strength and solidarity. History has shown that collective organisation on the part of oppressed groups can change structures and strengthen rights.
Our finding that younger women are most affected is confirmed by studies in other countries, as well as Bangladesh, on violence against women. The work with teachers and adolescent groups is therefore very important, although we did not have time to follow up on these specialist groups. The work with religious leaders is also important, because of their reach and because it encourages public discussion of the problem of VAW. However, it is important to monitor these messages, and continue to interact with the leaders, because their messages may not reflect project aims.
The SII provides evidence that the project has created spaces for women’s voices and participation in VFs, in the specialist groups and in shalish. Women who already have the confidence to participate in the public arena occupy these spaces. They tend to be women with more education and/or better-off women. While there is a long way to go in women having a say in actual decision-making, as women shalishkars pointed out, this is a considerable achievement. In addition, legal training and the work that women UP members have done to support other women to speak at shalish have increased women’s confidence.
36 The activities of the project, both the folk songs/drama and the attention the VF has paid to identifying and referring cases of VAW to shalish and/or BLAST lawyers, are perceived to have contributed to positive changes in polygamy, early marriage, divorce and a reduction in violence at community level. (These changes are clearly linked to wider changes which are taking place in women’s employment and girls’ education). Some respondents suggested that men feared having their violent behavior taken to shalish, so there is a combination of reprisal as well as persuasion in the project, to change men’s behavior.
Encouraging public discussion about this problem and building women’s awareness of their rights are both important, given that numerous studies have found that women are reluctant to discuss the violence against them, because they are ashamed or blame themselves and fear stigmatization. Many respondents suggested a door-to-door campaign to improve the project. While this is extremely resource- intensive, it does suggest that the project should strengthen groups and activities at a sub-village or para level.
Other NGOs also provide both folk songs and support to shalish, so that coordination would also increase wider participation in these activities and forums, as well as promoting learning and sharing lessons in how to promote positive change on the sensitive and entrenched issue of gender-based violence. Such coordination would also spread information on the role and activities of the VFs. The project has encouraged VF members to practice what they preach, and although we identified gaps between what is said publicly and what is done at home, the refusal of dowry by two individual men on the Kanpur VF is symbolically important. Dowry, as an underlying cause and trigger of violence, remains the most difficult to address.
There is a need to think through the composition and functions of the VF. As they stand, we have discussed how the two VFs we met with do not represent all social groups, and may inadvertently reinforce exclusion of some groups and build the power base of particular elite factions. If they are to represent communities, the process of selection has to be facilitated by CARE, the functioning of the VFs has to be monitored and accountability mechanisms to the wider community put in place. These actions would also serve to spread knowledge about the role and functions of the VFs and encourage the take-up of support services.
The individual cases we followed up give rise to concern. Most were cases of young women, with limited status, voice and power in their in-law’s household. The women’s parents usually handle shalish and/or legal action. Women who continue to live with their husbands, and this is encouraged by shalish, may suffer considerable vulnerability from the public attention given to their situations. In addition, interventions may increase violence. As such, more attention should be paid to follow-up and counseling, for both wife and husband, preferably by trusted local community members. Appropriate mechanisms could be investigated with further work, particularly with women affected by violence, to identify more trusted individuals and organizations. When the VF does follow up cases, it tends to be with family members rather than giving attention to how the woman feels. This should change and women on the VF could be trained as community counselors to provide ongoing support to individual women. Safeguards are needed so that the project is not encouraging public action on violence against women without trying to put in place ongoing support for the individual woman’s rights and well-being. Women who have themselves been through violence and rebuilt their lives may becom important actors in this process. This approach does demand CARE staff inputs into a process at the local level, which resources to date have not allowed.
37 In two cases where women have been divorced from their husbands, the dispute resolution process has resulted in the return of the dowry and/or maharana. This has considerable significance, not only for the individual women’s legal rights, but also in showing that it is possible for women to obtain justice.
4.2 Lessons for other VAW initiatives (and mainstreaming within CARE programs)
There are a number of lessons and recommendations contained at the end of each section in the report and in the conclusions above. However, it is worth noting a few additional points in relation to project design, approach and monitoring.
This VAW initiative no longer functions in conjunction with other activities. Integrated approaches, which include other interventions to support women’s empowerment, such as income-generation, and women-friendly health services, are important supports for such an initiative. VFs and many individual community members who were interviewed called for this more integrated approach. An effective way forward, which is in a planning stage, is to include work on women’s rights in general, and VAW in particular, in other CARE programs, such as Shouhardo.
This SII raises questions about the adequacy of the contextual analysis (in this case, community diagnosis) carried out, and suggests that more attention should be paid to the following issues to inform future project design:
Power net analysis at the union level: to understand the elite groups, their links to union politics and an analysis of their likely influence on project activities and on organizations set up by the project. A rapid social and institutional mapping of the context which would allow project staff to understand the relationship between existing groups and organizations at para, village, union and upazilla level. This would also help identify organizations and individuals who could support the various activities of the project, including individual follow-up and counseling. A deeper analysis of individual cases of VAW and how they are resolved or not resolved by shalish at the local level, taking into account wealth levels, religion, location and linkages with elite groups. Such an analysis would also inform the process to set up Village Forums, or similar committees, and their composition. A stronger emphasis on the views of women who are affected by violence, in order to build on their wishes and coping strategies and safeguard their rights. This is important, because as VAW issues are taken further into the public domain, through local organizations and legal services, these women’s vulnerability may be increased.
There is considerable work undertaken by other NGOs on women’s rights, including freedom from gender-based violence, at different levels, from local to national. CARE staff should build links with such organizations at different levels to promote coordination and learning.
In relation to monitoring and evaluation, it is important to build a participatory system with project staff and community groups early in the project cycle. Beginning with the problems to be resolved and expected outcomes, and the mechanisms and interventions which the project can provide, a specific set of objectives and
38 monitoring methods and indicators should be developed. Blueprint checklists should be avoided and in any case, this is innovative work where there is little documentation at international level, apart from specific surveys and studies.
A few ideas based on this SII may be useful:
The work of the VF could be monitored by reports to regular community meetings and by exploring whether existing women’s groups could have a role in assessing the Forum’s work. In addition, the kind of self-assessment that we used could be developed and used regularly by the VF. Outcomes for women’s participation in village level committees could be a regular issue for discussion in the umbrella committee meetings, and a simple system of both counting their numbers and qualitatively assessing women’s participation (with their own feedback) could be put in place. Service providers, such as health workers and lawyers, could hold feedback sessions with users at regular intervals as well as integrating issues of violence against women in their existing monitoring systems. Early marriage could be monitored through the registration process. Teachers of adolescent girls could monitor rates of drop-out for marriage. Perceptions of changes in the incidence of violence against women could be regularly assessed by community groups, as well as by simple surveys which local NGOs could carry out in project areas. VFs or other grass-root committees could record cases of marriages that take place without dowry; numbers could be monitored and lessons disseminated.
These are but a few examples, but I hope they show that a simple and dynamic system can be put in place. Combining different methods and indicators would help to triangulate the results to increase their reliability. The critical challenge is motivating and involving women and men at community level to set up a system which can actually be sustained after the project is over. The VAW project has identified committed women and men in the project sites, and women, who themselves have survived violence and believe in women’s rights may be ideal leaders, with some training, of a monitoring system. CARE staff should support the setting up of a participatory monitoring system, working with community members, local NGOs and service providers.
39 Annex 1
VAW project staff assessment of Village Forums
Well functioning Not well functioning Poorly functioning Bamongdor south Zinor Madhobpur- Mahabatpur Bharola Dokchai/East Barsha Bath Batason- Deogdon Mohesail West Barsha- Sankoir Ishania Uday Sakua North Krishnapur Rampur-Islampur Shahaspur – Bairkuri Bareya Kanpur Muraripur – Babongqor Sankai
Women members of umbrella shalishkar group – assessment of best and worst VFs
Best Worst Shahaspur West Barsha/ Dokchai Kanpur Madhobpur Ishania Krishnapur
Note that there is almost total overlap between the project staff ratings and that of the women shalishkars.
40 Annex 2: Case studies of women affected by violence
Case 1: RB (Hindu)
Respondent was RB’s brother’s wife.
RB is 21. Seven years ago she had an affair with a maternal (first) cousin. Knowing that family would not agree to a marriage (Hindu norms), the couple eloped and registered their marriage in Dinajpur. Soon after, her husband’s father tracked them down; RB was returned to her family and her husband was hidden away for 6 months. Eventually, they were reunited when RB’s brother took the couple to court to formalise the marriage. However, a few days later RB’s husband left. A shalish held 7 years ago tried to convince the couple to live together since they were married, but the groom’s family refused. RB’s family, worried about her getting older alone (and about scandal), arranged another husband in a nearby village. RB now has a three- year-old daughter. Her first husband returned after one year married to another girl. According to the respondent (RB’s brother) both are happy.
Case 2: HB (Muslim)
HB interviewed with mother, father, sister and uncle present.
HB is 19/20. She is educated to class 3. She has been married three times. Her first marriage, at the age of 13, was to an impotent man. He left her a day after they were married. Her next husband, who she did not like, came from Dhaka and left two months into the marriage. Six months later, her family arranged another marriage, to NI. NI was 15 years old at the time, from a nearby village called Thankurgon, and also marrying for a third time. The marriage was arranged socially and HB was consulted. HB’s family gave a dowry of Tk. 10000, 7000 cash at marriage and 3000 within the first week. After 15 days, NI persuaded HB to start working in the field and she obliged. Her food supply was erratic, contingent on when and if she could work. Her husband, however, managed to secure regular food for himself through his employment in agriculture and as a servant. HB complained that he was not providing for her. Tensions emerged in the couple’s relationship, which were exacerbated by the arrival of HB’s mother in law, who seemed to take her son’s side in any argument. On the advice of her mother-in-law, HB and NI moved away to stay with relatives. Working as day labourers, they managed to settle down and afford a house in the forest.
NI then had an affair with a Hindu woman. He told HB to find her own way. She complained to his relatives but to no avail, and had to return to her own family. She returned three months later in the hope of proving her husbands illicit affair. She caught him at the woman’s house and stole his lungi, forcing him to flee without it. She called a local member and chairman but he had gone by the time they arrived. HB continued working in the area with homestead cultivation. She saved money and rice. Her husband returned after a year and in eight or nine days spent all that she had saved. When the money ran out, he started to beat her and told her to get more from her family. HB did not because her father was poor (he only owns 1.5 bigha land and had to pay dowry). The beatings got worse.
HB’s father heard from others that HB was getting beaten and came to visit. Initially, she denied everything so as not to get him involved but then told him the truth when he visited for a second time. HB’s father confronted NI and reminded him that the dowry had been paid, but he had to leave in fear of being beaten himself. The beating continued for another six months. HB’s father knew about the Blast lawyer
41 and the Village Forum (VF) service, and HB agreed to file a complaint with Blast. NI was not informed. After a month, three notices came from Blast and HB had to explain what they meant to NI’s relatives, after which they too were violent towards her. She went back to her father’s residence and found work at a policeman’s residence nearby where she had worked when she was younger. Her husband was afraid of police and asked her to return. She did not, despite requests by two UP members. HB was adamant that she would not return to her husband. Her family and relatives pressured her to negotiate rather than take the case further. NI was fined Tk. 9,500 and they were divorced. The divorce was settled in the Blast office at Dinajpur through shalish, with both HB and NI present. It did not go though court.
HB is not satisfied because she feels that: 1) NI should be punished for beating her 2) NI tried to beat her father yet this was not addressed 3) The dowry should have been returned in full. HB’s parents are content with the decision, as they were worried about a costly court case (although Blast provides transport for those who are poor).
Case 3: AR (Hindu)
Interview began with AR, but husband returned and was very hostile.
AR sells milk for a living. Her husband, B, migrated from India to Bangladesh in the early 1970s and married AR. He is a van puller (1 cow), a day labourer and is involved in sharecropping. AR’s father lives in Thakurgaon. He owns 2-3 bighas land. AR has three brothers and two sisters. She now has two daughters and one son.
While they were married, B had been violent towards AR. A shalish had been arranged to deal with B’s violence, and he signed an agreement that he would not beat her. Two CARE field researchers visited AR to interview her (as part of the SII). As they began a discussion with AR, B, who was nearby earth cutting, noticed them. He asked them why they had come, what questions they were asking AR and the purpose of the information. He mentioned that two people had come to interview his wife in the past and the result had been a shalish, he was worried that another shalish would be arranged. The CARE researcher explained that, from VF, they were aware that the couple were doing fine, and simply wanted to learn how they had managed. He said this would be fine, but complained that previously, the shalish was arranged based on AR’s version of events and not his. He insisted on being present this time. B was very excited and spoke very loudly (almost shouting). The researcher re-iterated that the purpose of the visit was to understand how their relationship was working after the shalish to help with work in other areas. B mentioned again that they had come before and the result was the shalish. AR then told them that she could not speak to them because her husband was very upset. She asked them to leave. The researchers then sat with B and asked him to explain. After the shalish, B had signed an agreement to say he would stop beating her, but staff are under the impression he still abuses her emotionally. B says that AR abuses him verbally (she calls him a shaitan (devil)). He says that he had a plan to marry someone else but instead decided to stay with her. He also says that he bought her a radio to make her happier.
42 Case 4: LB (Muslim)
Interview with LB
LB is 20. She has one brother, and is the eldest sibling. She comes from a poor family. Her father is a day labourer, educated to class 5. Her husband, SI, is 30 years old. SI’s parents are dead and he has no brothers or sisters.
Before SI’s parents died, his maternal uncle stayed at their residence. He got married, but had no children. After SI’s parents died, the responsibility for the family fell to this uncle. SI inherited 7-8 bighas of land, care of his uncle until he grew up. However, SI’s uncle did not inform him that the land was his. As he grew up SI’s uncle did not allow him to be involved in income generating activities in case he grew ‘smart’ and demanded the land that was rightfully his. SI was not allowed to go out and meet other boys who might give him information that he could use against his uncle. As SI grew up, he began to receive marriage proposals. He was at first supposed to be married to a girl who lived relatively nearby, but this plan came to an end when they found out she had already been married. A marriage was eventually arranged with L, in a village also home to SI’s paternal aunt. The agreement was Tk. 28,500 (maharana, for the wife, if husband dies, divorces or leaves her) and a dowry of 13,000 (7,000 cash upfront and 6,000 later).
Four months later, L was pregnant. SI’s uncle and aunt were unhappy because the child would stand to inherit the land. They advised SI to abort the child and suggested that L was not a good woman and perhaps the child was not even his. After realising that SI and L were not listening to them, they began to beat L and gave her less food. They sent SI to relatives for 15 days. In this time they gave L only one meal per day and forced her to work all day until midnight. She was also given a new room without a door, so that she could be accused of sleeping with someone else. She could not sleep at night because she was scared. When she was four months pregnant, she went to her father’s house, where she planned to stay and deliver the baby. Neither SI nor his family came to visit her. She gave birth to a boy, but still neither SI nor his family came to visit.
Two years ago, L’s father reported the matter to Lablu (chairman) and a shalish was arranged. L’s parents did not want their daughter to have to stay with them. SI’s aunt and uncle tried to maintain that the child was not SI’s. This did not work and SI’s uncle and aunt said that they would take her back and care for her, provided L’s family paid the remaining Tk. 6,000. Lablu said that they would first have to stop oppressing her and if this were the case after six months, the remaining dowry money would be paid.
Three days later, SI picked L and their son up from her father’s residence. He did not speak to her family and refused to eat there (which implies he believed his aunt and uncle). Five days later, SI’s aunt began to verbally abuse and beat L. They would try to pick on and highlight her perceived faults. They continued to oppress her and beat her over small things. One time they even tried to set fire to her. L’s shouting attracted the attention of a neighbour, who promptly asked SI’s aunt and uncle why they tormented her and suggested sending her back to her father’s residence. SI’s uncle dropped L and her son close to her parent’s residence (Kalopir bazaar). L was injured (from being beaten) and could hardly walk. People in the bazaar notified her brother (who has a shop there) and she was able to get to her parents. L’s father admitted her to hospital and got a medical certificate. Her father then went to Lablu chairman and Nabob and a shalish was arranged. A decision was made that SI
43 should bring L back to his house (this came after SI, his aunt and uncle admitted their mistake, apologised and made a commitment that they would not beat her again).
L did not want to return on the basis of their word. She asked for two bigha of high land. She felt if she owned this land she would be more confident as SI’s aunt and uncle would not be able to force her back to her parents. SI agreed to provide only 14 decimals of land and said that the girl’s family should pay 50 percent of the registration expenses. L accepted because the land would at least enable her to build a house. It was unanimous at the end of the shalish that the registration would have to be completed in two days. Two days later, SI came with Tk. 10,000 and not the land deed, intending to divorce her. Realising this, Lablu chairman asked him why he was doing this, reminding him he was supposed to come with the land deed. He asked SI if he thought she was only worth Tk. 10,000 and suggested Tk. 70,000 would be more realistic. SI, his uncle and aunt told Lablu to do what he wanted. The case was then referred to BLAST through forum members (Nabob UP member – member of this Village Forum).
BLAST provided a notice to both parties. They attended a hearing and the lawyer present said that SI’s family would have to pay back the 28,500 (maharana). SI’s family did not have this money. They said they could arrange 26,000 and after some negotiation, this was accepted. The couple were thus divorced. SI wanted to give a one-off payment of only Tk. 2,000 towards the cost of bringing up the child. L’s family did not accept this. They went back to the lawyer to take the next step (15 days later). However, the lawyer did not listen to them and told them to go. They went home. L now stays with her father. After two months they will be able to file a case with the district court.
Asked how she felt, L said that it would have been better for her if she had stayed with her husband and had managed to have a conjugal life.
Case 5: RezB (Muslim)
RezB interviewed with two women friends
RezB is 40 years old. Both her parents have died. She has one brother, who lives very far away, and two stepbrothers. She lives close to her stepbrothers’. RezB comes from an extremely poor family. RezB had a relationship with A, whom she worked for, as a maidservant in his residence. A is a rich man, employed in the sugarcane business. He has 200-250 bighas of land. A has four brothers and five sisters. He is the youngest. A is married and has three children of his own (2 boys and 1 girl), but he got RezB pregnant while she was working for him.
RezB was married before. Her husband married her after his first wife left him for some time. He used to stay with RezB and often travel to Rangpur (his home) to spend time there. On one of these visits, he met his first wife, who had decided to come back. She persuaded him not to go back to RezB. RezB began working for A as a maidservant in his residence. RezB had no place to stay at the time and lodged at A’s uncle’s residence, which was also quite close to her stepbrothers. RezB owned one cow. A advised her to sell the cow and give him the money so that he could build her a house. RezB sold the cow and gave A Tk. 600 from the sale. However, despite her asking him several times, A did not build her a house. Instead, he proposed that she stay with him and they get married. RezB pregnant became pregnant with A’s child.
44 RezB’s husband returned during her pregnancy but when he learned that she was expecting, he left again for good. A insisted that RezB get an abortion (when she was 2/3 months pregnant). He tried to take her to hospital, at one point resorting to dragging her there. However, her shouting attracted bystanders. Eventually, through gossip, A’s wife learned that her husband was expecting a child with RezB. A was embarrassed and RezB lost her job. People in the community looked down on her because she had an affair with A. A is also a powerful man; many people depend on his land for work. RezB had to resort to begging away from the area to earn enough to survive.
RezB delivered the child on her own one night. Her neighbours provided some towels but, as nobody was there to help, she had to cut the umbilical cord herself and clean the baby. A’s uncle did not allow RezB to bury the placenta on his land and the local pond owner did not even allow her to wash her clothes. RezB did not have enough food to sustain herself after the birth. Her stepbrother’s wife would secretly bring her food. RezB had to do everything on her own. She had to rely on some rice she had at home for 15 days. She started begging again.
RezB’s first child (with her first husband) had long since moved away. She was now completely isolated, relying on people outside of the community to give her money or food. While she was pregnant, RezB had told many people that A was the father. She reported it to Reazul, a VF member, who was also A’s cousin. She requested a shalish several times, but he would not listen to her and beat her with a sandal. Reazul continued to verbally abuse RezB each time she asked for help. (Even when we were there to interview the VF and RezB tried to report the issue he asked her why she had bothered coming).
In the latter stages of her pregnancy, RezB reported that A was the father to Dulal, who was the UP member at the time. He spoke to A, who wanted to give Tk.15,000 to RezB to free himself of any responsibility. Dulal declined the offer because he thought that RezB would not agree. After RezB gave birth, Dulal told her to go and register the birth and name the father. He informed her that if she could establish A was the father, her son would be entitled to a share of A’s land. RezB did register the birth and named A as the father.
However, A told people that the child was not his. He suggested that because RezB slept with him while she was married, she could have slept with others and the child could belong to someone else. At the age of 1–1½ years old, RezB’s son was at a molasses processing area on A’s land. RezB is convinced that the workers there tried to kill her son – they held him upside down; put him under sugar cane; and put a wet cloth over him. She found her son in sugar cane under the wet cloth. When the boy was 3-3½ years old, RezB said that people only have to look at him to know that A is the father. She is still begging. When he gets older she wants to send him to an orphanage. She cannot manage to provide enough food for the child. Only on bazaar day can she get enough. One day, RezB’s son passed A. Bystanders told him that A was his father. He called A baba (father) and A responded by kicking him and beating him with a stick. The boy threatened to beat A when he got older for revenge.
Asked what she now wants, RezB says that her life has gone. She wants A to face up to his responsibility and take care of his child. RezB also said that she went to ‘those who do shalish.’ During the interview, two other women were present. They also wanted justice for RezBbut said nothing could be done because A is rich and powerful. They said that if the head of the area cannot do anything, then it is impossible that they can. RezB cried during the entire interview.
45 Case 6: LB (Muslim)
LB interviewed. Mother-in-law present and her husband came in at the end too.
LB is 19 and J, her husband, is 21. J is educated to class 7. They have been married five years and have one son (1 year 2 months old). LB’s father paid a dowry of Tk. 20,000. He owns 2-3 bighas of land and is involved in business. J’s father is educated to class 9. He owns 4.5 bighas of land and processes molasses.
LB and J had a good relationship in the first 2-3 years of marriage. Then, there was an incident. LB’s parents were visiting LB’s aunt and wanted both her and J to join them for the visit. However, LB’s in-laws objected on the grounds that the visit might interfere with J’s work, but LB still wanted to go. It was during this debate that J beat LB in front of her parents. LB’s parents decided to leave her without her. Four or five days later, LB went to her parents. Three days later, J visited and asked her to come back. He tried twice more but was unsuccessful. LB’s parents suggested to him that because he beat her in front of them, he should be beaten in a similar fashion. J complained to his aunt and discussed divorcing her. LB heard rumours and told her father. Her father then confronted J’s aunt about whether this was true. He also had a hard talk with J and slapped him.
News spread through the community and there was gossip about both families. After 21 days, both families met at J’s residence to discuss the situation. J’s parents called some local elites. A shalish was arranged. LB’s parents and uncle presented her side of the story. There was a good discussion, which ended with a feast. When asked if she requested a shalish (by one of the researchers), LB replied no and said that her parents had arranged it. LB was unsure about what it entailed. The facilitators also asked LB her feelings about the situation and whether she thought she had done something wrong. She said that perhaps she should not have insisted on going to visit her aunt and said that she would not do this again. But she was adamant that her husband was wrong to hit her in front of her parents.
Case 7: BR (Hindu)
BR interviewed, husband and father-in-law present.
BR is 23. She is educated to class 8. She has two sisters and three brothers. Her husband, SC, is 23 and educated to class 7. The couple have been married for nine years. They are both agricultural labourers and stay at BR’s parents residence. They have two sons (age three and five). BR and SC are first cousins (maternal). They had a relationship first and then registered their marriage. BR’s father gave them a wedding gift of Tk. 10,000, 10gms gold and a bicycle.
BR gave birth to a boy in the second year of their marriage. The boy was born with a disability. BR’s husband wanted to take the boy back to his residence (from hospital), but she opted to stay with her son at her parent’s house, feeling that she would receive better support here. After three months (and no visit from SC), she returned to her husband’s residence. A month later, BR’s father visited her and asked her to return. SC’s elder sister was getting married, and SC did not want BR to move back to her parents at this time. However, BR’s father insisted. In her parent’s residence, her son became sick. SC heard that his son was sick. SC, BR and her father all met at the doctor’s, where BR’s father and SC had a hard talk. BR returned with her father. A day later, BR went to her husband’s residence and SC beat her. This was the beginning of violence towards her at his residence.
46 SC gave her less food. Around the same time he also sold the bicycle and gold that he received as part of the dowry, to pay for his son’s treatment. When BR’s father heard that his daughter was being beaten, he went to an elite (Utpal Bulu) and requested a shalish. Utpal Bulu, a member (Azizul) and others contemplated the matter. A few days later, BR’s husband began to torture her, linked to his bad relationship with his father-in-law and as a form of revenge. BR’s father went back to Bulu, Azizul and other influential persons for arbitration. They decided that SC should not beat BR again. SC agreed to this. However, the beatings continued. BR’s father then went to BLAST lawyer, arranged by CARE. After one month, BR’s husband, SC, received three consecutive notices for a shalish arranged by BLAST. SC, along with his own father and one other person, went to BLAST office with their notice, to meet BR, her father and Azizul. In the presence of both parties, a BLAST coordinator (woman) and one other lawyer (man), BLAST took a signed statement (25/06/2005) to say that SCR would not act violently towards his wife (in a physical or emotional manner). BR says she is now ok physically, but still feels under emotional pressure.
Our interviewer’s view is that because her husband and father-in-law were at the interview, she could not speak freely. BR says that her husband blames CARE staff for only taking information from her and not consulting him.
Case 8: GR (Hindu)
GR and father were interviewed at her father’s house, where she now stays. GR was also spoken to separately
GR is 20-21. She is educated to class 5. She has two brothers and one sister. She is the eldest sister. Her father is a very poor sharecropper. GR’s husband, DC, is between 20-24, and educated to class 5. He has two sisters and two brothers and also comes from a poor family. GR and DC are first cousins (GR’s father and DC’s mother are brother and sister). The couple have been married for two and a half years.
GR and DC had a love affair. Their families and people in the community assumed that the relationship was physical. People from the community put pressure on GR’s father to arrange a marriage. He consulted with his family and then proposed the marriage to DC’s family. DC’s family did not agree to the proposal. GR’s father then went to a local elite (union level AL secretary) and managed to arrange a shalish. In this shalish, it was agreed that there would be a marriage. GR’s father, anticipating that there could be problems in the future, wanted a court marriage, which was agreed upon by both families. DC’s family demanded Tk. 25,000 (6,000 before the marriage and the rest after). After the marriage, there was no feast. People were generally surprised because a feast is supposed to be important as a means of making the marriage more acceptable, but DC’s family were uncooperative.
After five days of marriage, GR began to suffer at the hands of DC’s family: They would not talk to her; they did not call her for food; they prevented DC from staying with her (or even spending time with her); nobody looked after her when she was ill; and there was physical abuse (beating and pulling hair). GR’s father stopped paying DC’s family dowry money because of the violence (which could have incensed them to act more violently). He called for a second shalish, where it was agreed that both the emotional and physical abuse must stop. After this shalish, the physical abuse came to an end, but emotional abuse continued (mainly from mother-in-law). A neighbour, aware that GR was still suffering emotional abuse, informed GR’s father. He then called for a third shalish. DC’s family apologised and agreed to stop tormenting GR. They were well behaved after the shalish.
47 One day on the way to the cinema, DC’s family asked GR to sign a stamped blank page, which was a divorce paper. GR’s father heard of this. He was worried that DC’s family would harm his daughter. He called for a fourth shalish. DC’s family denied that she had signed a divorce paper. They blamed rumours and said they would take GR back. GR’s father refused to send GR back. After the fourth shalish, the shalishkar suggested legal action to resolve a dispute that he felt was between GR’s father and DC’s mother (brother and sister). GR’s father did not want to bring the matter outside of the Hindu community (shalishkar was Hindu and member was Muslim). His next step was to go to Durba Network Nari Oppression Centre (a nation wide network sitting at upazilla level). He filed a petition describing the incident and appealing for a just solution.
GR’s father made the point that he still has to find GR’s other sister a good husband, and this would now be harder because of the events involving GR. The Durba network asked both families to be available for a meeting. The two parties did meet, and the pouroshova chairman and an NGO worker were present for the discussion. DC’s family insisted that the couple had not been divorced, and suggested GR returns. GR’s father agreed to send her back but wanted another court marriage. The couple had another court marriage. GR’s father has kept some of the marriage documents.
However, GR continued to suffer. She discovered poison in her food. Despite trying her best to cope, GR left and returned to her father’s residence, fearing for her life. GR’s father now realised it was important the couple get divorced. He went to a formal court to file a case and initiate divorce proceedings. However, his friends and well wishers from the community advised him against formal divorce proceedings because they take a long time and advised him to settle the matter out of court. GR’s family and those behind them demanded Tk. 30,000. DC’s family paid and GR’s father dropped the case.
GR’s father feels that, as a result of several shalish, the dispute between the families and the whole situation is known to many people both within and outside the community. He feels that his status in the community has been undermined by the events and there has been a split between the families. He does not wish to remember the ordeal. He would like to arrange a new marriage for GR, but is apprehensive.
GR was then interviewed alone. She feels that she could return to DC, but wants them to be free of his mother’s influence. However, she also feels that it would be impossible for them to have a normal relationship and for things to return to how they once were, after all that has happened. It was and still is a very difficult time for her. She does not want to be married and fears the same thing could happen again, but recognises that life may be difficult for her alone. Asked about her circle of friends and social life before her marriage and after, GR commented that the married women she knows try to discuss her problems with her and provide support, whereas her unmarried friends from the past have changed and have to face pressure from elders not to spend time with her.
On reflection: GR’s father opines that it would have been best if the marriage had continued, but DC and his family should have been punished for the way they treated GR. He says that he opted for an out of court money settlement to save his daughter from suffering through a long court case. GR feels it would have been best if she could have stayed married. She wishes she were a boy rather than a girl.
48 At various point sin this long drawn out case, various people intervened: Udpal Roy, Rafiqul Islam (ex teacher), Azizul (UP member and VF member), Upazilla Poroshouva chairman, Ex chairman of poroushava Upazilla, member of durba network, Durba network.
Case 9: PR (Hindu)
PR was interviewed
PR is 21-22. She has five brothers and two sisters, and she is the youngest sister. PR married LC when she was 12. LC has two brothers and three sisters. LC’s older brother and his wife are BRAC employees.
PR’s family and LC’s family are poor. When she was 12, PR married LC. This was arranged through intermediaries. The dowry was Tk. 7,700, which was paid before the marriage. PR gave birth to a girl (now eight) and then a boy (now three). After the second child she found out that her husband had an affair with another woman, whose husband was also cheating on her. LC was with this other woman when they were caught in-flagranto by the woman’s husband, who beat both of them. He told LC to leave immediately and to never return. LC’s parents and PR found out about the affair. When LC was having the affair, he came home less often and did not provide enough food or money. He was the only income earner in the family. LC’s father, although supportive of PR, was unemployed and dependent on his son. PR had to work as a day labourer. LC was forced to return home when his affair was brought to an end. He told PR to go to her parents. She did not go at first, choosing instead to stay on the veranda. She went to Ansarul (UP member) in an attempt to resolve the issue. Ansarul spoke to LC but he did not listen. Eventually, PR lost patience and went to her fathers’ residence with her children.
PR’s parents wanted to arrange a shalish, but PR did not agree. She still hoped that LC would come and take her back. LC did come, but to take the children back, not her. PR still wanted to go back, because she wanted to be with her children, and was willing to take the risk of being beaten. Her parents forbade her to go. PR had some confidence because LC’s father and her brother and sister in-laws were supportive. Her sister in-laws came to her parents residence and told LC that if he beat her, they would take her to their house and look after her. According to PR, LC is a bad person and has regular affairs with other women. He says he will only focus his attention on her when he cannot find other women. Yet PR is still willing to stay in the veranda. She stays there, earns money and takes care of her children.
PR, when asked why she did not want to go back to her parents if she was earning, replied that she would then have to go to court, which would have a negative effect on her parent’s status and respect in the community. She was also unsure about how they would now feel about taking her in. Asked if she would stay and put up with this situation, PR said that she realised the situation would not resolve itself, and asked our staff whether they can do anything to help control her husband.
Case 10: SR (Hindu)
SR and sister-in-law interviewed
SR’ is now 20 years old. She was married at about 16 years of age, when her father was already dead. This marriage was arranged by Azizul (UP member and on VF). She married BU, who is a member of the VF, with Azizul.
49 At the time of marriage, there was an agreement that dowry would be paid. The family did not give the entire payment at the time of the marriage. One year later when it was not paid, the mother started to treat SR badly. Her husband was ill- tempered and beat her, once very badly when his meal was not ready. When SR has a baby girl, she went back to the mother’s house. Her father approached a ‘helper’ in the VF (hindu) who told Azizul about the dowry problem and the violence. Azizul went to the house to discuss with the family and called a salish to obtain a decision to stop the family from demanding the dowry. The husband committed to stop demanding dowry and beating her. After some time, Azizul with a CARE field worker and CARE intern, visited SR’s in-laws to follow-up and document the case. The visit led to a beating in which SR’s leg was badly injured. The VF and CARE staff sat together to decide what to do. They went to BLAST and filed a case and after one week the husband was notified that he was charged. When the notice arrived from BLAST, the husband went there and said he would not beat his wife anymore and that she should return to him again. SR’s family did not let her go back until her husband went to BLAST to sign a form that he would not do this again. He signed 8 months before this interview and within the 8 months, no beating had occurred. However, SR seemed unhappy during the interview.
50 References
Blanchet, Terese (2001) Constructions of Masculinity and Violence against Women. Report for CARE Bangladesh.
Bode, Brigitta et al. (2005) CARE Bangladesh Strategic Impact Assessment Research Proposal.
CARE Project Implementation Report, July 2003-June 2004. Violence Against Women Initiative, PHL project.
Howe, Mick (2005) Gender, Power and CARE’s Programming in Bangladesh: A Literature Review and Preliminary Consultation with Staff Conducted under CARE’s SII. CARE, Bangladesh.
Kanji, Nazneen, Brigitta Bode and Anowarul Haq. (2005) Women’s Empowerment: Perceptions, Boundaries and Strategies in Jalagari Village, N.W. Bangladesh. Report for CARE Bangladesh.
Lewis, David and Hossain, Abul. (2005) An analysis of th elocal power structure in Bangladesh with an emphais on Faridpur and Rajbari Districts. Report for Sida, Bangladesh.
Martinez, Eliza. (2005) Proposed Global Research Protocol for CARE’s Strategic Impact Inquiry on Women’s Empowerment. Atlanta: CARE USA.
Nazneen, Sohela. (2004) Gender Relations in Bangladesh: The household and beyond. Dowry, women’s property rights and Salish. A literature review. December. CARE, Bangladesh.
PHL: Concept Note on VAW Initiative (updated June 2004)
Robinson, Victor. (2005) CARE Bangladesh Violence Against Women Initiatives. October. Report for CARE Bangladesh.
Robinson, Victor. (2004) CARE Bangladesh’s Gender-Based Violence Initiatives. June.
Suran, L., Amin, S., Huq, L. and Chowdury, K. (2004) Does Dowry Improve Life for Brides? A Test of the Bequest Theory of Dowry in Rural Bangladesh. Working Paper, 195. The Population Council.
WHO (World Health Organization) (2005) WHO Multi-Country Study on Women’s Health and Domestic Violence Against Women. WHO, 2005.
Please note that a full list of documents consulted can be provided. It includes other research and reports on VAW and more generally on gender relations in Bangladesh as well as other VAW project documents.
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