THE DECLIN~ OF BOAT BUILDING
IN THE BAHk'1..4. ISLA1"DS
by
William G. Glover
A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the
College of Social Science in Partial Fulfillment of the Re~uire=cnts for the Degree
of Master of Arts
Florida Atlantic University
Boca Raton, Florida
December 1974 -,,
THE DECLI~~ OF BOAT BUILDING IN THE BAHAMA ISLM"DS
by
William G. Glover
This thesis was prepared under the direction of the candidate's thesis advisor, Dr. Gerald '.Jeiss, Department of Anthropology, and has been approved by the members of his supervisory committee. It was submitted to the faculty of the College of Social Science and was accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of ~~ster of Arts.
-.f I ., i i:t:/ '' ( (;1-a, /c !
~""(Dean,. College Science)
ced Studies (date)
iii ABSTRACT
Author: William G. Glover
Title: The Decline of Boat Building in the Bahama Islands
Institution: Florida Atlantic University
Degree: Master of Arts
Year: 1974
An ir~estigation of the decline of traditional boat building in the
Bahama Islands was attempted. National and local level analysis indicated that the collapse of the sponging industry in the late
1930's and the introduction of development in the last two decades led to the decline. The consequences of development in the Bahamas, i.e., a changing econc~y; a complex occupational profile; urban growth and migration to the city; increases in communication, transportation, and public conveniences; ~overnment policy changes; fewer participants in traditional festivals and ceremonies; family structure changes; and value shifts, were analyzed for their contribution to the decline of boat building. Lisbon Creek and
~~ o' War Cay, two traditional centers of boat building, were the foci of local level investigation. The difference in the degree of decline in the communities was attributed to differentials in development and expcsu4c to its consequences.
iv TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter Page I. THE PROBLE."'f . . . . 1 Introduction • • • • • 1 Background • • • • 3 Statement of project 23 !!. METHODS ••• . . 26 Description of research • 26 Procedure • • • • • • • • • 27 I!I. THE COMMUNITIES • • • • 29 IV. THE ECONOMIC "SYSTEMS" 37 v. OCCUPATIONAL PROFILES • 65 VI. POPULATION 75 VII. COMMUNICATION, PUBLIC CONVENIENCES, AND TRANSPORTATION 84 VIII. COVER.\"!·ID;T POLICY • • • • • • 89 IX. FESTIVALS AND CEREMONIES •• " 92 x. FAMILY STRUCTURE AND RELATIONSHIPS. 95 XI. VALUE CHANGES • • • • • • • 101 XII. SUMMARY &~D CONCLUSIONS • . . . 106 APPENDIX •• 111 BIBLIOGRAPHY • • . . . 115
v LIST CF TA!-lL!~S Table Page
I. ..~\'erage E.:!~rlings frc:1 !·:reeking
II. ~reeking a~d Sponging--1865 to 1896. 13
III. Spo~ge ~!arket Activity--:r.:1ss.:.u • 38 IV. P:-oduction of Sponges-·-1935 •• 39 v. Exports of Crawfish and Scalefish. 39 VI. Tourism--1949 to 1964 ..•.. 41
VII. 'i'he :-~aj or Eco:1cnic Pursuits of the !$ah.3.ma Islands in 1965. 43 VIII. "Eard i-.'ork". 44 IX. Economic Activities by Family, Lisbon Creek-- 197 4 ...... 58
x. Ec.onorr.ic Activities by farr.ily, ~1an o' War Cay--1974. . • • • • • . ••• 59 XI. Boat Types in Cse--l974. 62 XII. Abaco Occup.3.tional Structure 66
XIII. :~~dros Occupational Structure. 67 XI\'. Bahama Islands Occupational Structure •• 68
XV. Occupatio-;,al Profile, }~:1nz,rove Cay District. 7l
)..\fl. Occupation~l Profile, Hope Tovm District 72
1.'VII. ~~le Occu?ational Profiles--1974 • . 73 XVIII. Population, Census Years--1720-1970 •• 75 ...., XIX. ?opula~ion ~cnsity • I' xx. Population 0f Andros Population cf Abaca. 79
~-~igration--Lisbon Creek. 80 :-:·:II!. 92 X.XIV. R'ink. Order of \'ocational Prefe:::-enc2s U\' Temporal/ Spatial Gro::ps in 1'". o Out Island Cc::-_-::uni tics • . 10:?
vi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page
I. Map of the Bahama Islands • viii II. The Truck System. 15 III. The Truck System--Boat Building • 18 IV. Lisbon Creek--Settlement Pattern. 30 v. Man o' War Cay--Settlement Pattern. 33 VI. Exposure to Development • • • • • • • 96
Vii hJARISH IIM6t1U.IC 0 '• .... M·AN c.' WAR CAY _....A, H c~PE T'O W N ~~" 0 f.li ~40 ,...,-,RAND All ACO :;BAHAMA .. \a FlGlJitE Z 8AHAMA %SLANDS a ~0t)~UtHfRA -· o. c•' 8!1\RY : Isi.ANos , 11 i' NASSA~c'l'>~ ~ 81Mil1111 , , • CAT f N~OVIIJ~NCE •• \ .....< ~ @SIIH $/II.WADOR ...... ' ''· ··~ E)(UMA 0 ~ RUM CAY ·~ CIIY$ •a._ MAN6ROV~~ ~.o· l.OH(, CAY 45ft EAT E!)tUMA
D FIGURE I ~~~c;\ BAHAMA ISLANDS : ') /;/ACitUNS 0 RAGGED c-o 6 CHAPTER I
THE PROBLEM
Introduction
The Bahamas retain the only vestige of 19th Century boat building in North America. The Bahamians depend entirely on the wind. Each Bahamian is his o;m ship's carpenter, sailmaker, rigger, and mastmaker. Bahamians don't just sail their boats. They go to the woods to find trees to build them. They cut the trees, haul or float them to· their building sites, and shape them into finished hulls with adzes, axes, and planes. This whole division of the arts of the sea--designing and building--which in most maritime societies is confined to a small class of specialists, is widespread among them. Bradley 1969:213
The above quotation was based on Bradley's visit to Lisbo~
Creek, Andros, in 1964 (see Figure I). Although his description is based on generalizations about boat building from his visit, at one time the description could have applied to any community in the
Bahama Islands where the activity was present.
_ .... _ \.,,...... ___ ...... l '-'Q.A..£ uc;. '-LO.'-C.U.
Century ln tne ~~itings cf ~.~ early travelers in the Bahama Islands. wylly provides evidence that certain cultural features associated with boat building were present as early as 1789. He states: The Dye Woods are found in these islands. They have a variety of hard woods; and a small, but excellent species of ~~hogany. Pine, of tolerable size, and much harder than that of the continent, is found upon some of the islands, particularly Abaco; ancl ship timber, equal to any in the world, for vessels as far as 200 tons burthen, is inexhaustible on the Northernmost islands (1789:3).
1 2
Schoepf, in his description of the Bahama Islands in 1788, states: "In the West Indies much mahogany is used in ship building.
At the time, a brigg was lying here on the stocks, of which the lower part was made entirely of mahogany" (1911:274). He further states that Lignum vitae is "used in mechanical apparatus. A great traffic in it is particularly furthered by its use on ships, where the pulleys and blocks for the rigging are made solely of this wood" (1911:275).
He provides a description of the turtle catching technique still used today: "At other times they are hunted in little open boats, and caught by means of a very simple kedge-iron. An iron punch 4 to 5 inches long, with a cord attached, is fixed to the end of a wooden staff" (1911:281). Another artifact associated with boats in the
Bahama Islands is described. He states that: "V."hen they sail about aQOng the islands to look cut sunken w.ares, in order to see more clearly through th~ water they m~~e use of a square box at the bottom of which is set a common panP of glass. This device serves merely to prevent the rays of light coming from the side, enabling the eye to catch more readily those springing fro~ the deep" {19il:282).
The practice of boat buildi=g ~~s apparently been presenc in the Bahama Islands without interruption for approximately two hundred years. However, boat building is, for the ~ost part, in its last few years of existence. Whereas in the past it was a ~~d~spr~u ~conom1c activity, today only a few boat builders remain. Also, chere ap~~ars to be a differantial degree of decline in the activity. This raises questions concerning variation in receptivity to cultural change due to specific local circuostances. 3
This research atte~pts to investigate the circumstances that have brought about the decline of boat building, and to compare the decline between Lisbon Creek and ~~n o' War Cay, two traditional centers of boat building and sea related activities.
In such an undertaking, there were certain limitations known prior to the commencement of the research. The first of these has already been mentioned, i.e., that the era of boat building has passed and much information had to be obtained from ethnohistorical statements of informants and secondary source analysis. A second limitation was that the geographical dispersion of the contemporary boat builders prevented investigation of all locations where the practice still exists. Another limitation was the available time and resources for the research. Also, the strong dependency of boat building on sea related economic activities requires analysis of this "sea complex" before the actual boat building activities can be understood. These limitations must be taken into consideration in this research. The validity of the results depends on minimizing their effects.
Background
Cultural change has become a way of life in most of the world's societies today. Therefore, it is important to understand the conditions that bring about this change. There are many writers who have been concerned with this aspect of anthropology. However, most of the emphasis on the study of cultural change has been concentrated in local villages or communities with little regard to those factors operating at the national or international levels. Nevertheless, 4
recently so~e anthropologists have argued for the study of both local and supralocal levels in a complex society (Adams 1970; Steward 1955;
C-eertz 1962; Leeds 1973). These arguments were taken into consider- ation in this research.
According to Herskovits, change
is a universal cultural phenomenon, and the processes of change over a period of time constitute the dynamics of culture. Cultural change cannot be studied as an isolated phenomenon, for change, by and of itself, is meaningless, until it is projected against a baseline of human behavior as of a given time and nature. Above all, it must be contrasted to the phenomenon of cultural stability, which, in its psychological aspects, is called conservatism (1967:144).
Further, Herskovits notes
the different rates of change of one aspect of a culture against another. The point poses the question of whether we are justified in labeling one culture, as a whole, conservative, against another that, as a whole, is receptive to change. The fact is that whether we document change and resistance to change historically, or infer it from distributions, we never find cultures that move at the same rate over the whole front. Change thus differs with the time, the culture, and the aspect of the culture" (1967:148).
Herskovits also discusses conservatism and change in culture as the result of the interplay of environmental, historical, and psychological factors:
The habitat offers possibilities tr~t may.or maY. not be utilized by those who live in a given region and sets limits t~~t are elastic in the face of an increasingly effective technology. The circumstances of history make the development of every people a tale that is never exactly repeated, either by themselves or any other group. It is these different historical streams that at once reflect and shape the attitudes and points of view of societies that, in the final analysis, determine the degree to which each •rill be hospitable or hostile to innovations. The mechanism of encultura tion leads us to the heart of this problem of ccnservatisw and change in culture. Its earlier conditioning level is the instrument that gives to every culture its stability; t~~t prev~nts its rur,ning wild even in periods of rapid 'ng fn- ~1~~~n~~~ nn~~;~;1;~;o~ ~-A c_tange;h mak1-· --!. ------r------, .-;...... 5
reconditioning to new modes of thought and conduct (1967:151-52).
Murdock makes a point that is pertinent to this research:
Certain anthropologists have erroneously assumed that the elements of any culture are in a state of nearly perfect integration, or equilibrium, at all times. Actually, however, perfect equilibrium is never achieved or even approached. The adjustment of other elements of culture to an innovation, and of it to them, requires time--often years or even generations. In the meantime c..:her innovations have appeared and set in motion new processes of integratic~. At any given time, therefoLe, a culture exhibits numerous instances of uncompleted integrative processes as well as examples of others which have been carried through to relatively satisfactory completion. tVhat we always encounter is a strain toward internal adaptation, never its full realization (1971:332).
Foster discusses technological development as a complex process:
The expression itself is misleading for, strictly speaking, there can be no such thing as technological development in isolation. Development is much more than the overt acceptance of material and technical improvements. It is a cultural, social, and psychological process as well. Associated w7.th every technical and material change there is a corresponding change in the attitudes, the thoughts, the values, the beliefs, and the behavior of the people who are affected by the material change (1962:2-3).
The literature on cultural change and stability indicates that
'T'I...- --...... ,2 ... -& its study is both a complex and a relative p=cced~re. •••~ ,o ... uu.y V.&. the institution of boat building in the Bahama Islands is reflective of this problem. In order to understand the boats and their builders, a number of factors operating in both the synchronic and diachronic realms, the - -:~al and supralocal levels, and the individual and societal aspec~s must be investigated and analyzed.
Because much of this researd~ was based on the assumption of a relatively stable cultural tradition of boat building, it is necessary 6 to provide data to support this assumption. The historical literature indicates a continuity of the tradition for approximately two hundred years. Only within the past generation have major changes taken place.
The references to boat building by Schoepf (1911) and Wylly
(1788) have been mentioned in the preceding discussion and will only be referred to at this time. The next reference to be cited is from
Craton (1968:247) who states that between 1855 and 1864, 108 ships were built on Abaca, 59 in Nassau, and 63 on the other islands. He does not cite the source of his data.
Stark (1891:217) provides a valuable description of the traditional boat building:
The vessels used in the sponge trade are small craft, varying in size from five to twenty-five tons burden, and are either schooner or sloop rigged. They are built in local ship yards and their construction and repairs constitute an important business l.n itself. The frames are generally made of Madeira wood, a hard tough wood of native growth, the planking and other material being of yellow pine imported from the southern states. They have a small cabin for sleeping purposes. Cooking is done on deck, the fire being built on the earth bottom of a wooden box, and each vessel carries two or three small open row or. skull boats, with a crew of from eight to twelve men. These vessels have an average life of from sixteen to twenty years: undergoings of course, cccasic~al repairs. I~ is thought that there are from four hcndred and fifty to five hundred of these vessels engaged in tha business of gathering sponges in these waters.
Stark also provides a photograph of a sail rigged dinghy (1891:231).
The verbal and pictorial descriptions provided by Stark resemble those of present day sloops and dinghies observed to be in use in some areas of the Bahamas, especially P~dros Island. Also, ethnohistoric statements from informants indicate that the boats described by Stark closely resemble those in use on Abaca Island as recently as 20 years 7
More recent descriptions of boat building are provided by
Sharer (1955), Bounds (1966), Bradley (1969), Finnerty (1972), and
Johnson (1973). Only Johnson and Finnerty describe the practice in
detail with regard to ~aterial culture. Bradley gives a description
of the festival activity, i.e., the Out Island Regatta, and of Lisbon
Creek in 1966. Sharer and Bounds briefly mention the activity.
Traditional boat building has existed in almost every
geographical area of the Bahama Islands. On Andros Island the
communities of Lowe Sound, Mastic Point, Staniard Creek, and Mangrove
Cay (Lisbon Creek) are locations in which boat building was an
important economic activity in the past. Today the only areas on the
island where the activity still exists are Mastic Point and Mangrove
Cay. Abaco was another major island with regard to boat building.
The Hope Town District (~Ersh Harbour, Man o' War Cay, and Hope Town communities) was the major area for such activity on Abaco. Other
~reas of lesser importance for boat building on Abaco in the past were Green Turtle Cay and Cherokee Sound. Elsewhere in the Bahamas,
boats were built previously on Long, Harbour, Eleuthera, Exuma, New
Providence, and Ragged Islands. Exuma and Long Islands are areas of
pr~s~nt day boat buildiu6 ac~ivity.
Tne cons~ruction techniques used on ~~dros Island today appear
to be similar to those used traditionally throughout the Bahama
Islands. Boats built on Mangrove Cay are built without the use of written plans or blueprints. The builders prefer to build by eye by
laying a length of keel timber and framing up stations on thirds or
fourths by the old rules of thumb. The workplace is usually near or 8 in the community along the shore. Traditionally, the lumber was obtained from the local area. Madeira wood (Swietenia mahogani) is used for the stem, stern post, structural knees and, occasionally, for frames. The most common wood used for frames is horseflesh
(Lysiloma paucifclia). The planking was usually of long-leaf
Caribbean pine (Pinus caribaea) which grows in the Bahama Islands.
Today, however, fir and pine are imported from the United States.
Once the lumber is obtained for the ribs, keel, and the other frame parts, it is shaped by hand axes and adzes to tne desired size and form. The size of the keel is decided upon and laid on the sand at the work site. The madeira stem and stern post are shaped and set up on the keel. They are raked and plumbed by eye. The transom is built up of pine and shaped and notched into the top of the stern post. The deadwood is built up of pine or madeira and fastened with drift pi~, bolts, or trunnels.
Two crooks of horseflesh are taken from the sea, where they have been soaked, and set up for ripping by hand saw. Each timber is ripped in half using a hand saw and each half is used as an opposite rib. These two station ribs are notched into the keel and bolted or trunnelled to horseflesh flooring frames which are bolted to the keel.
Trunnelling involves driving round dowels of mahoe wood (Hibiscus tiliaceus) through adjoining timbers and wedging the timbers. The technique was used most of the time in the past, but my observations indicate that it is seldom used today. This method of fastening two pieces of wood has been replaced by the use of bolts, pins, and screws.
After the ribs and frame are completed, the planking begins.
The planks are fastene~ with galvanized iron boat nails which are 9 countersunk and puttied over with a local mixture. The mixture is made from burned termite hill debris which is mixed with oil. The hull is calked with cotton and then painted. Cabins and hatches are built of pine wood. The mast is the object of careful selection and, often, a tall straight tree will be spotted in the bush and claimed long before the boat is built. The rudder is b~ilt up of two logs of heartwood pine and drift pins. This description of the construction techniques used in traditional boat building is a generalization from field observations, interviews with builders on Abaca and Andros
Islands, and a description by Johnson (1973:46-48). However, there are minor variations depending on the individual boat builder, the community, and the island involve~.
The two types of traditional boats still in use are a round- stemmed, heavily built, but surprisingly fast and weatherly sloop of about 30 feet, and an open dinghy of approximately 12 feet which may be skulled or sailed. The style of the sloops has been recently altered from a wider berth for working to a narrower one for racing.
Other types, of recent origin, are the r,~about and the motorized yacht
-- -1 ... --..:.:-~---1 which were built VU L".LCI.U.'~-- V f..LOU..L.~..S..V.U.O.L sloops and dinghies w~re no longer an important product of the boat builders. In the era of sponging, gaff-rigged sloops and two masted schooners were built and used. As recently a~ the 1960's there were four of these large schooners still in use, according to Johnson (1973:30).
In reference to the origins of the practice of boat building
Bradley states: "The Baha!Ilian craft are related to, but different from, those of 18th Century North America, from which they are descended. 10
Their chaste Northern shapes show plainly their descent from English
and Colonial wherries. In their final form these craft are close to
perfect for the sea and w""ind conditions and for the kind of work
done in the Bahamas" (1969:214).
A notable difference does exist between Andros and Abaco
boats in the hull shape. In general, the hulls of Andros vessels are
more "V" shaped than those from Abaco. The reasons given by Andros
boat builders for the "V" hull shape are more speed, better sailing
to windward, and better handling in rough water. The Abaco "U" shaped
hulls, when they were built, were pr~ferred for their larger amount
of cargo space, according to Sharer (1955:62) and ethnohistoric
statements from informants.
The shape of the boats was also determined by another factor.
Rigg states:
You must remember that the native Bahamian sailors expect to run their boats aground frequently, and that their boats are built to stand it. A light yacht is not. It is a common sight to see a native boat go charging into a sand bank under full sail, hit with a crash, lower the sails, furl them and hoist them to the mast head, run an anchor out ahead, put the crew out on the main boom, heel over and kedge her ahead at the sa~e tL~e) until they have bumped and scraped over the bar into deep weter, then up the sails and away with a grin, as if nothing at all had happened. It is one of the reasons why no Bahama boat is built with a centerboard (1959:72).
The use of boats in the Bahamas has played an ~portant role
throughout the history of the Islands. As early as 1745 there were about 20 vessels ranging in size from 12 to 100 tons, and 20 smaller .... ones from 3 to 12 tons belonging to the Bahamians. In 1773 ____ .., approximately 50 sailboats, manned by 250 seamen, were locally uwuc:u..
Also, numerous sea-going jitneys were engaged ir. fishing, wrecking, 11 and other sea related activities (Wilkinson 1950:31).
These figures on the number of boats and seamen appear more significant tvhen the population for the time period is known. Documents in the Public Records Office in Nassau indicate that the population in
1740 was approximately 2,300 for all of the Bahama Islands (Craton
1968:138). One-third of this figure were slaves and 310 were adult
Caucasian males. The only settlements were Nassau, Harbour Island, and 11 Islathera." Thus a large percentage of the free adult male population cf the Islands were engaged in sea related occupations.
Wright states that wrecking of ships and salvaging was an easy transition from the practice of pirating that had dominated the
Bahama Islands until the 1790's. The new vocation was seen as being a more respectable one when compareG to piracy and it offered the residents an opportunity to remain in a sea related occupation. Cotten groWing and the plantation economy never reached the importance that it achieved in the southern United States. By the time the slaves were emancipated, it had all but disappeared. Therefore, the only choices were agriculture en a very sm-all scale, ~~r~~ng in the salt ponds, or WTecking. Wrecking was the wost appealing tc the seafaring
Bahamians. Both Negro and Caucasian Bahamians were involved in the practice. Wrecking grew out of the salvaging of goods from ships' cargoes, but soon the wreckers began to take measures to insure a sufficient number of wrecks if there were not enough. The placing of buoys, beacons, and navigational aids over shallow or unsafe waters, collusive agreements between wreckers and captains of the cargo ships, and the giving of erroneous charts and information by the people of 12
Nassau were some of the methods used (Wright 1915:632).
The salved goods benefitted persons other than the wreckers.
The salvaged goods were sold to merchants at a price that was less
than what they had to pay through regular channels and duty was paid
on the salved goods in customs, thus contributing to the public
revenue. Wright (1915:637) provides data showing that the peak period
of wrecking was between 1848 and 1871.
The average earnings per wrecker were approximated by Wright
and are listed in Table I. Also deducted from the average earnings was the one-third due to the owner of the vessel. Wright argues
that these wages were below those of agricultural laborers and were
insufficient for the support of a family. It is probable that the
occupation was not a full-time one and other economic practices
supplemented the amount earned from wrecking. From 1848 to 1856 the number of men involved in wrecking increased from 400 to 2,679 out of
TABLE I
AVERAGE EAF~~NGS FROM WRECKING (in Pounds)
Year Avg. earnings Year Avg. earnings
1856 ;I_ 18- 1865 :1. 10. 4s. 1857 17. lOs. 1866 28. 13s. 1858 16. 2s. 1867 42. 4s. 1859 17. 3s. 1868 16. 9s. 1860 17. 3s. 1869 28. 6s.
Source: Wright (1915:640).
a total population of 30,000. The number of vessels increased from
40 to 302 (1915:641). 13
The decline of wrecking was a result of enforcement of salvage laws, the lure of blockade running during the United States Civil
War, improvements in ships, i.e., power driven rather than sail, and the gradual acceptance of agriculture in some areas. However, the most important single factor influencing the decline in the practice of wrecking was the rise of sponging. Sponging was also an occupation that offered an opportunity to indulge in work related to the sea, and it was reliable and more honorable as a trade.
Table II indicates the decline of wrecking and the rise of sponging in the Bahama Islands in the 19th Century.
TABLE II
WRECKING AND SPONGING--1865 to 1896 (in Pounds)
Year Wrecking Sponge Year Wrecking Sponge imports products imports products
1865 ;t 28,017 ;t 20,690 1880 t 25,714 ~34,665 1869 46,068 24,917 1885 33,913 52,474 1870 153,539 14,104 1890 1,870 63,099 1875 30,353 15,586 1896 2,164 81,091
Source: Wright (1915:644).
Sponging appears to have provided impetus to boat building as it rose in importance. The major sponging areas in the Bahama
Islands were the "mud" on the west coast of Andros Island, the Little
Bahama Bank which lies west of Great Abaca Island, and an area between Eleuthera and New Providence Islands. These areas are located near three major traditional boat building centers, i.e.,
Harbour, ~~dros, and Abaca Islands. 14
The rise of sponging in the latter half of the 19th Century nurtured a practice that, for the duration of sponging, was a subject
of much controversy, i.e., the truck or advance system. Powles, a circuit judge in the Bahama Islands in the 1880 7 s, was the first
to expose the social and economic ills of the system. The truck
system was the substitution of payment in kind for payment in cash.
Figure II illustrates the dynamics of the system. The primary relationship was between the Nassau merchant and the sponger "whom he grinds down and oppresses for years and years. Through the truck system the benefit derived from these sources by the working men is not only reduced to a ~~nimum, but he is virtually kept in bondage to his employer" (1888 :86).
Powles provides a description of how the system worked:
Let us follow the career of one of these unfortunates from its commencement. He applies to the owner of a craft engaged in the sponge or turtle fisheries, generally in the two combined, to go on a fishing voyage. He is not to be paid by wages, but to receive a share of the profits of the take, thus being theoretically in partnership with his owner. At once comes into play the infernal machine, which grinds him down and keeps him a slave for years and years--often for life. His employer invariably keeps, or is in private partnership with some one else who keeps, a store, which exists principally for the purpose of robbing the employee, and is stocked with the off-scourings of the American market--rubbish, unsaleable a~~~he~e else. As soon as a u~u engages he has to sign seaman's articles, which render him liable to be sent on board his vessel at any time by order of a magistrate. He is then invited, and practically forced, to take an advance upon his anticipated share of profits. (1888 :87).
When the sponger returned from his fishing trip cf 6 to 12 weeks with his cargo
••• he cannot by law take it anywhere, except tc N~ssau, where they have to be sold in the Sponge Exchange by a system of tender. Thf: seller is a Nassau merchant, the buyer--usually the agent of 15
FIGURE II THE TRUCK SYSTEM
ADVANCE (goods, cash)
OUTFITTER (Nassau merchant)
SAVINGS ~ [_(profit) r.,.. _ __. 16
a New York firm--is also a Nassau merchant; and that the two agree together and arrange a bogus sale, by means of which they rob the unhappy fisherman, I am convinced. (Powles 1888:89).
He describes a case of a sponger who had been away fishing on a schooner for five weeks. The boat brought back 8,100 sponges in all, which the crew cleaned and dried as well. The entire cargo brought less than a half-penny a crew member in the Sponge Exchange. Yet,
Powles argues, many of the sponges would have brought 5 or 6 shillings each in a London shop (1888:90).
After the sale, the owner and the fisherman shared the receipts. The fisherman was already liable to the owner for his original advance, and his share ~r the expense of provisioning the vessel. Powles contended that most of the time the owner claimed that he had lost money, and that the fisherman was in debt to him or that there was nothing to divide. The fisherman then had no choice but to sign for a new voyage, in return for which. the owner advanced him from his store (1888:91). Thus, the cycle was continuous and offered no way out for the sponger, except to migrate to Key ~est and
Florida where the truck system was not present.
Powles states that there were about 500 vessels engaged in the sponge and turtle fisheries, amploying an average of.8 men each, in all around 4,000 seamen. There were about 60 outfitters and owuers, who controlled the fishing fleet and the catch. Powles computed the average annual share of each sponger as1:9, and the average share of the owners and outfitters as i400 (1888:93).
The truck system appears, with some modification, to have been present in the traditional boat building practice. Powles states that: 17
Shipbuilding goes on here to a limited extent, but owing to the prevalence of the truck system the unhappy workman derives but little benefit therefrom. Mr. Adderly brought to my notice a case in which men building a schooner for a Nassau merchant were being paid, at a low rate of wages, in flour instead of cash. We sampled the flour, which was invoiced to them at;ll. 16s. a barrel, and found it not fit for human food (1888:59.
Figure III describes the dynamics of the truck system when applied to boat building.
In 1901 there were 265 s~hooners of from 5 to 43 tons burden and 322 sloops of from 1 to 16 tons burden with 2,517 open boats or dinghies in sponging. The larger vessels were manned by 5~517 seamen all told. There were also 291 small boats locally engaged in sponging manned by 445 seamen. In clipping, sorting, and packing the sponges for export 258 men and women were employed (Wright 1905:592).
The method of securing sponges is described by Wright:
A sponge schooner cruises over the shallow banks where the sponges grow and sends out its small boats with a man and a boy in each. The man lies in the bow of the boat with a water-glass in one hand and a long sponge hook in the other. The boy stands in the stern to skull and guide the boat. As soon as a sponge of the proper quality and size is discovered on the bottom, the fisherman drops his hook~ and by a dexterous movement of the ;.,--rist and arm detaches the sponge and lands it safely in the boat. At intervals the boatmen land on unfre~uented keys and throw the sponges on shore where the organisms are killed and decayed by the he~t ~f the tropical sun. They are then r~nsed out thoroughly in sea water, dried, sorted, and packed in bales for shipment to the market (1905:38).
Stark states that: "The vessels are provisioned and fitted out, as a rule, for a voyage of about six weeks, and generally from seven to eight voyages are made per annum" (1891:219).
The schooners were used primarily for sponge and turtle fish-
~=g, serving as a base ship for ~he smaller boa~s ~ha~ did the actual 18
FIGURE III
THE TRUCK SYSTEM--BOAT BUILDING
~ BOAT BUILDER I 1 ~
ADVANCE (cash, goods)
r------~~ASSAU MERCHA.'IT
REPLACEMENT I (goods, supplies) _J
~l.(profit) 1 19 fishing. The sloops were used for local travel and transport between
Nassau and the seaman's home. The sloops were within the cost range v~ the more successful fishermen, but the larger schooners were usually owned by wealthy Nassau mercha~ts who could afford them.
Dinghies were used for many activities, including use as satellite fishing boats attached to the larger schooners, ferry service to the shore from a larger boat, local fishing and couching, and local transportation. Their cost was within reach of most seamen and most had a dinghy. Dinghies were originally a British man o' war's small boat, according to Bradley (1969:219).
Other uses of traditional boats in the Bahamas included blockade running during the American Civil War; lumber shipping; local mail delivery; and trade and transport of farm crops, salt, and other local products between the Out Islands and Nassau or Florida.
Throughout the 18th and 19th Centuries in the Bahama Islands, the boats, their builders, and the seamen using them formed a very important part of the cultural formation of the Bahamians. It should be noted that this does not imply that change did not occur until recently. There ~ere, as is evidenced by the literature, changes in boat use. However, there was a continuity of boat styles; strong ties to sea related occupations, and an absence of any other significant economic choice except for small scale farming. This "sea complex," as it will be referred to in this paper, was characterized by a close reliance on the sea and its resources by most of the people in the
Bahama Islands for a period of approximately 200 years and was a major influence on the course of the Bar~mian cultural formation from its 20 beginnings until the middle of the 20th Century. Wright, for example, states that, in 1901, 6,220 persons were employed in sponging alone.
~~t of a total 1901 population of 53,735 persons, approximately 12% were directly involved in the sponging trade. When adjustments for women and children and fishermen other than spongers are considered in the total population figure, the significance of the sea complex can be seen.
The sea complex had wider consequences for Bahamian life. The division of labor, for example, was affected. Where the sea complex was present, the division of labor allocated farming and local domestic chores to females while the males were engaged in fishing, sea travel, and boat building. The young men became seamen and boat builders like their fathers and grandfathers while the young women assumed the duties of the mothers and grandmothers. The occupational profile was· traditionally an uncomplicated one. Information from the 1901
Census of the Bahama Islands indicates that fishing, farming, and general labor were the major occupations (1901:1-9). A complex occupational profile was not present on any of the Bahama Islands at the time, and certainly not on the Out Islands.
'l'ha "incow..::" of boat builders anci fishermen in the past was obtained from the truck system. Within the sea complex, the ship owner, or outfitter, formed a dyadic relationship with the seaman.
This relationship produced a number of economic strains that led to early migration of the seamen, particularly spongers, to Key West and
Florida in the 1890's and until United States immigration laws were tightened in 1920. 21
The geographical features of the Bahamas obviously contributed
to the continuation of the sea complex. The need for boats, sea
skills, and other aspects of the sea complex were influenced by the archipelago features of the area. Trade, travel, and extraction of
sea resources were dependent on boats and their seamen. Until the recent advent of air travel, boats were the only means of transporta- tion and communication in the Bahamas.
The family was centered around a male head with the sons serving as apprentices to the father. The men were often away at sea for months at a time. At these times, the wife assumed the role of family head. The family provided informal education, vocational training, and served as an economic unit. Family life was dominated by close ties to the sea and its resources in the seafaring communities. Young men were expected to go and went to sea.
The values of the seamen are expressed in this description of
Mangrove Cay by Forbes: "In Mangrove Cay every man and boy takes it as natural that he should go to sea. They are sick on land. You can't keep them on shore. This generation will never be farmers. Their feet won 1 t function unless there is a deck under them •••• pity, there is
s~e of the supernatural beliefs of traditional boat buildiug communities were sea-oriented. For example, smooth hard stones about
3 inches long were said to bring good luck to a vessel and protection against lightning while at sea. These "thunderbolts" are found in some areas of the Bahamas. Goggin states:
The colored natives ~2ve a great many superstitions pP.rtaining to the thunderbolts. They believe that the stonP~ come down 22
in lightning and that it takes them 7 years to come back to the surface of the earth. The true test to determine a thunderbolt, they believe, is to tie a string around the supposed object and put it in a fire. If the string does not burn it is a real thunderbolt (1939:23).
Every Bahamian craft carried one of these stones to protect it from danger at sea.
When boats were being built all the members of the community were interested in their development. Boat building had a great amount of prestige and the builders and their communities were strongly identified with the trade. When a boat was launched people came from miles around to attend the launching ceremony. The magnitude of the ceremony was dependent on the prestige of the builder and the size of the boat being launched. There was much drinking, eating, and dancing prior to the ceremony. Then a minister gave a blessing, a bottle was broken on the stem, another was passed around, and all the men and boys put their shoulders to the hull. Everyone shouted ancl the men strained as they pushed the boat down the skids to the sea.
The bottle was passed again as the boat floated near the shore.
On Andros Island, around 1900, the communities of seamen and boat builders organized races and festivals. It is ~~certain w~ether or not the races were held prior to 1900. Neither ethnographic investigation nor secondary sources were illuminating about this aspect.
Apparently, the races were never important with the boat builders on
Abaca Island. The races on Andros served as a showcase for their boats and their builders' s~~ship skills.
In summary, the life of a member of a traditiona~ seafaring community was dominated by a preoccupation with the sea and its 23 resources. The sea was a source of subsistence, communication, occupation, recreation and reverence.
This description of traditional boat bu5.lding and the sea complex is presented to provide a baseline for the analysis of the change process that has brought about their decline. It should be noted that the description attempts to portray the sea complex and boat building prior to this century. Apparently, the activities were similar throughout the Bahamas until the beginning of the 20th
Century when most of the local variation and change began to occur.
Statement of Project
It is evident that boat building must be studied as part of a
~rgcr complex of sea related activities that have been an important aspect of both African and English descendants in the Bahama Islands for over two centuries. However, within the past 20 or 30 years the practice of boat building and going to sea for a living has declined.
The extent of decline has not been equal in the location~ of traditional boat building, particularly Andros and Abaca Islands. Two questions can be posed regarding these observations.
One question concerns the overall reasons, in the Bahama
Islands, for the decline of the practice of boat building and the sea complex. It is proposed that factors influencing the decline are to be found at the local and supralocal levels operating both now and in the past. These factors are associated with colonial and post 1 colonial development in the Bahamas. Tne consequences of this development include changes in the economic systems; occupational profiles; population dynamics; communication, public conveniences, 24 and transportation; government policy; festivals and ceremonies; family structure and relationships; and value systems.
The other question posed by this research is what factors were operating independently on Abaca and Andros Islands to bring about the different degree of decline between the two traditional centers of boat building and the sea complex. A community on each island was selected for investigation, i.e., Lisbon Creek on Andros and Man o' War Cay on Abaca. The investigation attempted to isolate the unique circumstances of each community that led to this differential decline. 25
Footnote
1 The terms "development" and "economic development" are not used in this thesis as value judgments of the quality of the Bahamian culture either before or after the precess. The terms . :.1 be used to describe participation in a cash economy, inter ~.: . ional markets, introduction of "modern" technology, and other ·ects attributed to the process by Foster (1962) and Dalton 71). CHAPTER II
METHODS
Description of research
The factors related to the decline of traditional boat building
and the sea complex were investigated by means of diachronic and
synchro~ic analyses at the local and supralocal levels. The basis of
the research was ethnographic field~~rk and analysis of the literature on the Bahama Islands.
The field study was conducted primarily at the two sites of
traditional boat building, i.e., Lisbon Creek on Mangrove Cay, Andros, and Man o' War Cay, Abaco. Approximately one week in November, 1973, and one week in March, 1974, was spent on Andros. In April, 1974,
Abaco was visited for one week. In both communities the method of study was that of ethnographic investigation including observations, interviews with those connected with boat building and the sea complex, and quanti~ativc su~~cys. ~phasis ~~s pla~ed on those individuals and activities that ~ere directly i~volved with boat b~ildi~g and the sea complex.
Other communities involved were those in close geographical proximity to Lisbon Creek and Man o' War Cay, i.e., Victoria Point and Little Harbour near Lisbon Creek and Marsh Harbour and Hope Town near Ma~ o' War Cay. The emphasis in these nearby communities was on boat types and styles in use.
26 27
Also, there were visits to George Town, Great Exuma, in April,
1974, for the Family Island Regatta, and to Nassau in July, 1973, and
April, 1974, for primary and secondary source data o~tained in the
Bahama Islands Archives.
Procedure
The methods of recording were field notes and photographs (see
Appendix). The questioning of informants included both open-ended and structured types of stimuli.
The primary source material was obtained mainly from the
Bahamas Government Public Records in Nassau. Census reports,
Commissioner's Reports for Abaca and Andros Islands, and other pertinent documents were utilized.
The data were collected with regard to the material, organiza tional, and mental culture associated with traditional boat building and the sea compl~ The investigation was primarily concerned with the discovery and analysis of the factors related to the decline of the traditional activities. Their relationship to the local sub cultures in Lisbon Creek and Man o' War Cay, and to the Bahamian cultural system, were an integral part of the analysis.
The analysis of the data was both qualitative and quantitative.
The data for qualitative analysis were obtained at the national and local levels. The data included local circumstances unique to each area, as well as an understanding of the economic system, occupatio~2l profile, population dynamics, communication facilities, public conveniences, transportation~ government policy: festivals and ceremonies, family structure, and value systems. These factors were 28 investigated for their relationship to boat building and the sea complex.
The quantitative analysis ~as pursued at beth levels also.
Descriptive data were used to investigate trends or shifts of the above factors. Quantitative data were based on the results of the
Bahamian Census, secondary sources, and my fieldwork. CHAPTER III
THE COMHUN!TIES
The two traditional centers of boat building were Andros and
Abaca Islands. A community from each area, i.e., Lisbon Creek and
Man o' War Cay, tvas briefly visited. It should be noted that in both communities an in depth study was not conducted. The emphasis of the investigation was on boat builders and seamen and the factors previously mentioned that were proposed to be related to their decline.
Lisbon Creek is a small community at the southern end of
Mangrove cay. The houses and buildings are located along the shore line in a coconut palm grove. The community was settled in the 1800's by an emancipated slave, James Carr, who brought his family in a small sloop from Long Island. He brought apprentices to help in his boatyard and to sail the schooners that he built to carry cargoes of produce and logwood to Nassau. Four of these apprentices married his feu~ daughters and their grandsons are the present day elder residents of the community, i.e., the Bains, Banisters, Longleys, and Sweetings.
Figure IV portrays the settlement pattern of the community of
Lisbon Creek. The location of the site enables the boat builders to work on the sea beach during the hot summer weather and on the creek beach during the cooler winters.
~ork on boats comprises th~ major activity of the community.
Every family owns a dinghy and most own a sloop. Conching, crawfishing,
29 30
FIGURE IV LISBON CREEK--SETILEHENT PATTERN - 0 WOAKPLAC£ R. 8AlN &II&SST tfOLtSE
VICTORIA-~ .... POINT
(oWsfABlE o a 0 0
legend 0 BuiL~j,~ ,f' Roo.d
.,.~ Po:th .,_,.#' "' ) 31
and other sea related economic activities are practi~~d.
There are no major tourist facilities in the area and relatively
few outside!".:: There are limited
public utilities on the Cay. One telephone station ser:es the area.
The water supply is from individual wells and cisterns. Electric
power is present only t-rhere guest house owners have bought and
installed their own generators.
There is an apparent shortage of young and middle aged men.
The boat builders are all in their 40's, 50's, or older. There are no young men learning the sea or boat building trades and there are few living in the area.
Lisbon Creek has no farming other than small garden plots
that are cultivated at the edge of the settlement. There are no major farming operations in Lisbon Creek and produce that is not grown in these garden plots is imported on the weekly mail boat.
Thus, Lisbon Creek has few occupations other than boat building, construction, and fishing. Some income from tourism is present but only three men--Leroy Banister, Rupert Bain, and Wellington Longley-- own guest houses. These ~en all are wastar boat builders and have the skills and capital to build tourist facilities ~n an area where any construction is costly and time consuming.
Recent air service has improved the transportation and communication links between Mangrove Cay and Nassau. Until a few years ago the only travel w.:.:::: ~y tea~. :'h.:: ~~a.::.s.:w .raciio st:at:ions are listened to by the people of Lisbon Creek who own radios.
A school offering the Bahamas Junior Certificate, i.e., grades
1 to 8, is located in nearby Victoria Point. Almost all children cf 32
the schcol age in Lisbon Creek attend this school. Education above
the B.J.C. is not provided locally and migration to Nassau is necessary
for additional schooling.
Lisbon Creek is a community that has been associated with boat
building and the sea complex since the 1800's. The elders still carry
on the tradition; but when they are gone, there does not appear to be
anyone to continue the trades. The community is ir. a transition
between the traditional activities and development and its conse
quences.
Man o' War C~y presents a different picture. It is an island
located four miles off the east coast of Great Abaco Island. The
island and another on its west side, Dickie Cay, combine to form an
excellent harbour. The settlement is located in the center of Man o'
War Cay with numerous vacation homes on both ends of the island.
The settlement was founded in 1780 by Loyalists from the
United States. Some minor boat building took place during this early
period, but in 1840 a ship's carpenter from Green Turtle Cay married
into the Albury family and brought the trade of boat building to the
island. His three sons were his apprentices and they continued the
trade when he passed on. ~~n o' War Cay, and the surrounding area,
became an important boat building area during the 1800's, as is
evidenced by an earlier quote by Craton that 108 ships were built on
Abaca between 1855 and 1864.
Figure V portrays the settlement pattern of Man o' War Cay.
There are differences between it and Lisbon Creek. There are two modern, well stocked stores, a restauran~, shipyards for maintenance 33
MAN O' 34 and repair of tourists' boats, and public power and water supplies.
Three persons still build boats on the island. Only one man,
Maurice Albury, builds traditional style boats. His two sons build
"modern" style runabouts at their workshed. The remaining people on the island are engaged in other activities. Construction of homes for fore~gners who purchase land there, repair of visiting boats, operating stores and the rP.staurant, a water ferry service, and cottage rental to tourists are the main activities. There is no fishing or farming on the island except on a very small scale for individual cons~tion.
There are many young and middle aged man present, in contrast to Lisbon Creek. All have work and there apparently is little migration away from the area. A lighted baseball field is located on the east side of the settlement near the ocean and it serves as a major source of recreation for the young.
A large generating station on the ridge in the center of the settlement provides electric power on a continuous basis for all the houses on the island. Water is provided via a small barge ~r~t transports it fro~ ~~rsh F~rbour when wells and cisterns are low. All the homes are equipped with modern appliances, i.e., refrigerators, stoves, washing machines, etc. Food and supplies are bought from a shopping center in Marsh Harbour or one of the two stores in the settlement. There is little reliance on the sea or the local land for food.
Everyone in tr.e community owns some form of mechanized transportation although the island is not more tnan two miles long and one-half mile wide. Air service is provided at Marsh Harbour and 35 water ferry service on a regular daily basis provides transportation and supply lines between ~~rsh Harbour and ~no' War Cay.
A school is located on the island to provide the B.J.C. A public and Catholic school in ~rsh Harbour provide other oppo~Lunities for education in the area.
Those three persons still building boats use power saws, drills, and other equipment. Unlike Lisbon Creek, most of the lumber is brought from lumber supply stores in I1arsh Harbour. There is little evidence of the use of lucal resources to the extent t~2t it is done in Lisbon Creek. Thus, ~n o' War Cay is a site of traditional boat building and Lhe sea complex that has all but given up the trades. A sailmaker in his 80's, Norman Albury, and ~urice Albury, who will no longer take orders for his dinghies because of bad health, are the last vestiges of a long tradition of boat builders and seamen on }~no'
War Cay. However, there does not appear to be large scale migration by the young from the area as is the situation in Lisbon Creek. Other trades have been learned and tourism provides the economic basis for them. The younger generation is remaining on the island and working in occupations their fathers ~2d adopted after abandonir~ boat building and the sea complex. Apparently, in the 1950's the men of
Man o' War began the transition from traditional to "modern" occupations. Tourism has replaced boat building as the major activity on the island. There are few of the traditional sloops and dinghies in use and most of the boats now used are motorized and made of fiber- glass or aluminum. Although they remain in the area, few of the young
--- __ J, ___ -- ~.1-'t------.. _...______..._ ,c_,. __ --- -1: ~t...------CS.Lt:: ;::,~~.LUl.::. V.L .1..L::.U~l.lllt::11. .M. ::.L.CtL.t:Wt:11L. .l.LUW UUt: U.1. L.UC L.VWU ~U.'-J.C- preneurs while he watched his teenage son struggle to sail a small boat 36
from his dock is an example. He stated in despair, ''I was raised on a
sailboat, but today the boys seem to know very little about it."
Lisbon Creek and Man o' War Cay are both communities where
traditional boat building and the sea complex dominated the subculture
of the area since the early 1800's. Today each community has taken
different alternatives, partly by chance and partly as a result of the
factors investigated in this research. There is no simple, single answer to the decline of traditional boat buildi~ and the sea complex in either community. The reasons for the differential degrees of movement away from the traditional activities are also complex. CHAPTER IV
THE ECONOMIC "SYSTEMS"
Three general economic choices have been available to Out
Island Bahamians since 1900: farming, extraction of the sea's resources, and migration. With the rise of tourism and construction recently, the economic choices available have expanded. However, for most of its history, the Bahamas has been an area of limited economic choices depending on natural resources, opportunity, and monoeconomies.
Traditionally, the economic systems of Bahamians have been dominated by the sea and its resources. Pirating, wrecking, and sponging were the most important of these adaptations.
Sponging was the most important single influence on the traditional practice of boat building. Its ties to the truck system have been discussed in detail. Apparently, the truck system died with the collapse of sponging in the late 1930's. In 1937, one year before a disastrous blight and a hurricane combined to destroy the sponge beds, a government report cites the sponging industry's problems:
The sponge industry was once one of the major industries of the colony, but during past years, due to the depletion of sponge beds by hurricanes, and lack of conservation of the young sponges by sponge fishers, the industry has been adversely affected to a serious extent. During 1936 a sum of 6,000 pounds was made available by the Development Fund for the rehabilitation of the sponge industry and the Bahamas government is contributing toward this effort. ,.. ____ .:_ ------...t-.--- --... ~..l---- -.C ...... __ ,c:~,..l....:-- ...,._,.1 k .... --4,....,-n ,_,C:.L&..C..J..U C..Lea.;:, WLlCI.C CV.LUC.U.\,..C v.a.. vvc;.a.. .a.,._..,,:u.~o•a.~ Q.&.•- u.~"-"-...,-..:..., .. ~ damage have already been too clear, have been closed to enable their stock to recover. (Bahamas Government 1937:13).
37 38
IT.I indicates the decline of sponge fishing by presenting the number of sponges sold in the Nassau market from 1920 to 1943.
TABLE III
SPONGE MARKET ACTIVITY--NASSAU
Year Sponges Sponges Value Sold Exported (x 1000 lbs. )
1920 104,340 1105 148,488 1921 94,235 797 111,505 1922 86,342 1384 114,717 1923 73,491 1073 113,300 1924 86,102 1490 131,618 1925 113,532 1655 149,820 1926 80,546 1532 134,234 1927 84.078 960 109,203 1928 85,182 682 115,178 1929 71,403 663 105,820 1930 63,621 550 75,351 1931 61,641 684 85,340 1932 50,745 430 78,202 1933 59,886 864 84,852 1934 51,048 679 58,250 1935 37,954 745 52,292 1936 52,220 697 54,912 1937 73,794 1074 95,350 1938 64,368 927 90,054 1939 20,950 653 72,G49 1940 143 85 14,041 1941 226 10,219 1942 93 12,300 1943 4 2,977
Source: Richardson (1944: 96)
Table IV indicates the significance of Bahamian sponging on the world market before the disasters of the late 1930's.
wnen the sponge beds were rendered unproductive in the late
1930's the spongers were faced with an extremely difficult economic situation. Many went on "contract" under a government program that 39 attempted to relieve the strains of the sponging industry collapse by helping to provide farm jobs in the United States and the other areas of the Bahamas where large scale farming existed. Those who chose to remain in the local area began to fish for other products.
TABLE IV
PRODUCTION OF SPONGES-1935 (Weight in 100 tons)
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 WORLD PRODUCTION I TARPON SPRINGS I CUBA I BAHAMAS I Source: Corfie1d (1935:204).
Table V shows the increase in exports of crawfish and scalefish from the Bahamas during the declining years of sponging.
TABLE V
EJ~ORTS OF C~~WFISH & SCALEFISH (in pounds)
CRAW7ISH SCALEFISH
1936 731 2,343 1937 5,912 435 1938 8,255 151 1939 5,486 60 1940 3,130 839 1941 13,407 794 1942 15,910 3,188 1943 60,755 36,145
Source: Richardson (1944:89). 40
The effect of the collapse of sponge fishing on the traditional
boat builders was great. On Andros, where sponging was most important,
the collapse had a direct effect on the number of boats being built.
Ethnohistoric statements from informants indicate that many boat
builders migrated to Nassau, went on "contract," or selected other economic choices.
This "contract" work was usually undertaken by the Bahamian male before he was twenty years old. Such migratory labor was called
11going on the contract," since the arrangement for the workers was made by the Bahamas Government. Recruiters came from the United States annually to sign up the men who wanted to go. During the 6 to 9 month period the man was gone, the government withheld a part of his wages.
When this contract work program first began during World War II,
75¢ was withheld from the $3.00 to $5.00 earned per day by each man, to be paid to the worker's family in the Bahamas or deposited on behalf of the worker in a bank (Richardson 1944:28). Apparently, the
"contract" program was designed to avoid the problems of the infamous truck system.
Another eccnc~c endeavor in the first half of the 20th Century w~s smuggling, especially during the 1920's when Prohibition caused some Bar~an seamen to turn their skills to bootlegging liquor to the
United States. Apparently, few were able to profit from this activity, but those who did became very wealthy. Most of this activity was centered in Nassau (Craton 1962:266).
Tourism is a relatively recent influence on the national
Bahamian economic system. Prior to 1900 there were few tourists visiting the Bahaoa Islands. Two hotels were opened in 1901 and a steamship 41
service was started as a result of the Hotel and Steamship Service Acts
of 1898. There was a steady increase in tourism in Nassau until after
World War II. Table VI indicates the tremendous growth of tourism
from 1949 to 1964. It should be noted that very few tourists ventured
to the Out Islands until recently. The economic effect of tourism was, and has been, most influential on Nassau and Freeport. The effect of tourism on the traditional sea oriented communities was to provide a source of jobs for the migrating Out Islanders. Bounds (1966:153) states that, even in 1964, only 6,130 tourists visited islands other than New Providence (Nassau), Grand Bahama (Freeport), and Bimini.
These three islands are not major boat building or sea complex areas.
TABLE VI
TOURISl-1-1949 to 1964
YEAR TOTAL PERCENT TOTAL PERCENT TOTAL PERCENT NASSAU INCREASE OUT ISLANDS INCREASE· COLO:t-."'Y INCREASE
1949 32,018 1950 45,371 41.7 1951 68,502 50.9 1952 84,718 23.6 1953 90,485 ,.,6.8 , 1954 109,605 L..L.•.t.. 1955 132,434 20.8 1956 155,003 17.0 1957 194,618 25.5 15,095 209,713 1958 177,867 -8.6 18,791 24.4 196,658 -6.0 1959 244,258 37.3 20,366 8.3 264,624 34.6 1960 305,553 25.0 36,424 78.8 341,977 29.2 1961 314,126 2.8 54,085 48.4 368,211 7.7 1962 335,993 6.9 108,877 101.3 444,870 20.8 1963 398,676 18.6 147,728 35.6 546,404 22.8 1964 399,907 0.3 205,264 38.9 605,171 19.0
Source: Bahamas Ministry of Tourism, iOO Pieces of Paradise (Nassau: Ba~~s Gcver~ent, 1964), p. 17. 42
The new Bahamian government is relying heavily on tourism as ~n economic base for the country. Intensive farming on a large scale is present on North Andros as a result of the A.I.D. Program of the
United States. Commerce, land sales and development, and construction are encouraged as a means of economic pursuit. Table VII indicates the major economic pursuits of the Bahama Islande~s :n 1~£5. It should be noted that most of the opportunities for the 2couomic pursuits that are associated with so-called "modernization" are found on New
Providence and Grand Bahama Islands.
There is a desire among the younger members of the Bahamian work force for what they refer to as "easy work" or "good jobs." The traditional activities of boat building, farming, fishing, and logging are referred to as "hard -work.:: Table VIII indicates that, among the younger members of the work force, "hard work" is not as frequent as among the older members. This appears to be related to the increased number of years of formal education received and the rise of other occupational opportunities for the younger Bahamians today.
The total number of persons engaged in ''hard work" in 1970 was
3,021. The number 30 years acd older engaged was 2,497, or 83% of those doing "hard work-" The m1mber of person~ 29 Y~?rs and und~r WES
524J or 17% of the total in "hard work." The total number of persons
30 and over in the entire work force was 24,693 and the total number
29 and under was 17,095. Thus, 3% of the 29 and under work force were engaged in "hard work" and 10% of the 30 and over work force were engaged in "hard work."
The national economic system in the Bahama Islands has undergone a transition to a tourist oriented base. The consequences 43
TABLE VII
THE MAJOR ECONOMIC PURSUITS OF THE BAHANA ISL.<\NDS IN 1965
Island 1963 1965 Populati':)u Major economy
New Providence 80,822 tourism, business and commerce, construction Grand Bahama 8,454 tourism, business, construction
Andros 7:560 farming, fis~ing, t.c ur is:::. , construction Eleuthera 7,283 farming, tourism, fishing Abaco 6,514 pulpwood, tourism, farming Long Island 4,177 farming, fishing, salt E:xuma 3,441 tourism, fishing, farming, construction Cat Island 3,146 farming, fishing Biminis 1,699 tourism, fishing Inagua 1,275 salt Acklins 1,235 farming, fishing Harbour Island 1,005 fishing, tourism San Salvador 971 farming, fishing Spanish Wells 861 fishing, farming Crooked Island 794 farming, fishing ¥..ayaguana 708 farming, fishing Ragged Island 389 salt, fishi:1g Be:Lry Islands 266 fishing, tourism Rum Cay 81 farming, fishing
Source: Bounds (1966:205). of this change have been felt, in varying degrees, by all of the Islands.
In particular, the economic systems en Abaca and Andros Islands have experienced different historic and contemporary influences and they are now in different degrees of transition. 44
TABLE VIII
"HARD WORK"-1970* (By occupation and age group of fishermen, farmers, loggers)
No 1-2 3-4 5-6 7-9 lQ-11 12-13 14 + Age schooling yrs yrs yrs yrs yrs yrs yrs
Q-14 1 17 15-19 5 3 6 104 19 3 2 2Q-24 19 1 7 15 79 26 1 2 25-29 34 8 11 31 89 31 9 1 3G-39 100 17 27 82 244 61 20 9 4Q-49 75 20 22 77 320 63 15 17 50-59 71 29 49 118 363 89 28 14 60 + 114 26 62 77 188 57 26 17
Total 419 101 181 406 1,404 346 102 62 *males only Source: Report on the Census of the Bahama Islands (1973).
SUMMARY
I % of "hard % of entire wrk" force work force
Total work force 41,788 Total 29 and under in work force 17,095 41% Total 29 and under in "hard work" 524 17% 3% Total 30 and over in work force 24,693 59% Total 30 and over in "hard York" 2)497 83% lOi.
Although the settlers on southern Andros were originally farmers, the sponge industry attracted many of them in the 19th Century and the first half of the 20th. Not only were many men from South Andros drawn to the trade, but also fishermen from other islands of the Bahamas.
According to Sharer, "Another post-Civil War development was the greatly increased activity in sponge fishing. rne ~xuci~ attracted boatmen from all around. Many sponging vessels accust~med to picking up their crews 45 in Nassau soon began to lose their men to Andros where many of them married and settled down" (1955:61-62).
Both the men and the lromen who migrated to southern Andros had learned to work fields during slave days (McKinnen 1804:183), but many men became sponge fishermen because of the "cash" return for their work and its ties to the truck system. Thus, "the majority of the men were engaged in sponging, and the women in consequence did most of the work in the fields" (Northrop 1910:24).
The Commissioner's Report on Mangrove Cay District for 1908 offers the earliest written evidence of boat building on the island.
He states " there has been a slight revival of this industry. Five vessels, ranging in size from four to fifteen tons, have been launched and others are nearing completion. The building of small boats for the sponging trade has been brisk and the boat builders have all they can do 'to meet the demand" (1908:5).
During the same year spongers had a "good year," but Forsyth reports the same old "grab game" between employers and employees, i.e., the truck system. Sponges shipped to Nassau in 1906 ~ere ~crth 9,472
.,_A .;_ , on7 pounds Q.a4- ..-~ .Jr..JVI the value was 15,650 pounds (1908:11).
Farming suffered as a result of a severe drought. It is reported that many applications for gove!r~ent relief were submitted: but no one recelved it (1908:9).
Forsyth reports no permanent migration in or out of Mangrove
Cay for 1908, but "so:r:e of the younger men, when in Nassau, go off and ship to Florida and various points in Central Am~rica, but invariably return after an absence of six months or a year" (1908:9). 46
In 1909, boat building activity was reported to be "very dull
owing to depression in the sponge trade, and high prices and inferior
quality of lumber. The sponge trade ~2s been in a very depressed
condition throughout the year and a hurricane destroyed most of the
crops" (Forsyth 1909:5). The temporary migration to Florida and Central
America continued, but uhen they returned "most of them uere worse off
than when they went away" (1909 :6).
No report on boat building activity was included in the 1912
Commissioner's Report for Mangrove Cay. The local factories shipped
10,480 pounds of sponges, but even more were taken to Nassau in
individual boats. Clarke reports that about one-tenth of the population
of the Bahamas were spongers and even more were employed in sponge
factories. "The nearness of Andros Island to the grounds, the special
adaptability of all its male population to the development of the
industry; the fact that it is the one industry in which all of its
population are chiefly concerned, and without which all would go naked
" (Clarke 1912:5) is a statement which exemplifies the ties of
Andros Islanders t<.• the sponging industry. Once again, he argues for an end to the ~ruck sys~em, the greatest detriment to the industry. He
says the a~vances for a trip ra2ge frcm 12 shilli~gs tc 6 pc~s 10
shillings a~-:! ~..-en. "the commonest skcl.ler, who receives c:uy cne s1-.are,
calls for 2 pounds in cash besides stores for his wife and parents"
(1912 :17-18).
The Report for 1916 discusses boat building:
An encouraging sign of the times is the attempted revival of this once important industry. Several small vessels are now in course of construction, while three were launched in the District during the year, and twc others, built at
'T"t..- ~: .. __ _ ~~stic Point and Harbcu= Island fer local owuers. .J.UC J....L.L::>~ 47
motor vessel to be regularly used as a turtler in this island was put in commission here by an enterprising young man this summer, who owns and sails her from the port of Mars Bay. Also a motor vessel of considerable size was constructed by Smith brothers at Big Golden Cay and taken to Nassau to be powered (Clarke 1916:3-4).
Sponging in 1916 was reported to be the principal economic activity on Mangrove Cay and a "good year11 was cited. Farming experienced a 11 bad year" and little interest in agriculture was shown by the wen (1916).
In 1918 the Report states that local exports of sponges were almost non-existent and agriculture had received interest more than in the past. The Mason and Hayes Company of Charleston, South Carolina, contracted with 250 men from Mangrove Cay for labor in the United
States through a government program. The government had 1,000 pounds of their earnings sent back to dependents to avoid squandering by the men while away. Lowe complained that the only other result was that the men return~d with inflational ideas of wages ·(1918:6). This is not surprising, considering the truck or advance system and what its benefit for the sponger was.
In the following year, 1919, sponging was revived and farming
•~s of little consequence. A famine and a bad storm were given as causes for poor farming conditions. The commissioner complains about a lack of productivity of farmers on Mar~rove Cay when they are compared to other islands like Eleuthera. He also reports that: "The alluring prices for labor in Florida are fast depleting our settlements of their best men. Men are tiring of the sponge business because it leaves them where it started with them" (1919: 7). 48
In 1922 very little trade in any product was reported. All the
sponge factories except one small business had been closed. Drawbacks
to agriculture on Mangrove Cay were mentioned: the thick brush and
heavy timber made clearing for farming difficult; insects and landcrabs were abundant; and the local farmers were the objects of market price manipulation by the Nassau merchants. Sponging is reported to be almost non-existent and every vessel and crew formerly involved in sponging was carrying a cargo of whiskey to the United States (1922:5).
In 1925 three vessels were built durir-~ ~~e year and another was nearing completion. Additional boats were purchased from other boat building areas because enough were not being built on Mangrove
Cay to meet the demand of local seamen (Forsyth 1925:3). Once again, boat building was dependent on sponging and sea related activities.
Forty-five boats, i.e., sloops and schooners, were involved in sponging on Mangrove Cay during 1925. Forsyth states "this industry is easily first in Andros and absorbs the whole energy of the island and is limited only by the available manpower in the district" (1925:3). He cautions against hocking immature sponges and warns that lack of ccnse~~ati~ ~=~~tices w~ll lead to the downfall of che sponge industry
(1925:5).
Farming was described as "largely the business of w~en and children, who have not advanced in the art since the first settlement of the island" (1925:7). Forsyth, however, adds that if not for it, many women and children would starve while the men were away at sea.
Farming was for those persons who had no other resources on the island
(1925:7). 49
Although United States immigration la~s ~ere beginning to have
an effect on mi 0 ration away from Mangrove Cay in 1925, Forsyth reports
that it was still difficult to find crews and many vessels were short
handed. Also, he adds that "the enforcement of exclusive legislation
by the United States is the best thing that has happened in many years
and its continuation will mean the revival of the sponge industry
until it far exceeds its former position" (1925:4).
In 1927, Bethell reports that sponging was the sole occupation of the men and boys on Mangrove Cay. But he predicts difficult times for the area and argues for an increase in farming to support the current monoeconomy of sponging (1927:2-7). Further condemnation of the truck system is present in his report: "This advance is a rotten system as no man can better his condition when he has to work for what he has already spent; besides it encourages rascality" (1927:2).
In 1937, the Commissioner's Report for Mangrove Cay states that eight vessels were built and many others repaired. A "large number" of dinghies were reported to have been built. Local wood was used primarily. Sponging is described as the source of labor for every male on the island. The Bahamas colonial government had implemented controls on over-fishing the sponge be~s and cultivation of sponges ~s being encouraged by the Marine Products Board. Mention is made of the formation of four farmers' cooperative associations and that some farming on a small scale was being done (1937:1-10).
The 1937 Report also mentions that a sailing club had been organized on Mangrove Cay "to encourage the sport and to serve as an incentive to seamen to keep their ships in good repair." The local regatta was held in October t.rJith an ocean race tc Nassau sar,;iug as 50 the finale (1937:11).
These preceding accounts of Mangrove Cay, and hence Lisbon
Creek, exemplify the importance of beat building and the sea complex to the area during the first forty years of this century. Farming was primarily seen as "womenrs work" and all males who did not migrate or
"go on contract" were seamen. Ethnohistoric statements from informants indicate that boat builders were also part-time seamen in times when the demand for boats was not great. Thus, the argument presented earlier, i.e., that a study of boat building must include the sea complex, seems justified.
It should be noted that boat building appears to have increased or declined in direct relation to the number of seamen and magnitude of sea related activities present at the point in time. Informants stat~ that little change in boat building techniques or styles have taken place. Recently, with the decline in the need for work boats and the rise of importance of sailing clubs, races, and regattas, the hulls of the sloops have been adapted slightly for racing from a wide berth to a more narrow one. The types of boats traditionally built were the schooner, sloop~ and dinghy. The schooners were not built, to any great extent, after the 1940's. Prior to 1938, every boat builder is reported to have had more orders than he could fill during the height of sponge fishing, according to present day builders who were building during the sponging era.
The end of sponging, due to a 1938 blight, a hurricane, and ye1is of over-fishing, was disastrous to the people of Mangrove Cay.
The sponges were no longer there, the United States immigration laws had closed the migration option, and farming had been part-time women's 51
work. Nassau was not, in the 1930's and 1940's, capable of absorbing
surplus population and labor as it later was able to do. Farming and
some fishing for turtles; scalefish, and conch provided the only local means of subsistence. Population data and informants indicate that many former seamen and boat builders moved a~·ay in the decade following
the collapse of sponging in Mangrove Cay. Most of those moving went
to Nassau or other islands where family ties could be traced.
In the years ~f World War II, a labor shortage in the United
States opened up the opportunities for migration from Mangrove Cay.
Most of the migration was in the form of contract labor for six to nine months at a time. Sharer states that rrby 1941 the war demand for agricultural workers in the United States came to the rescue of a large number of ex-fishermen who migrated temporarily. From about 1945 on, approximately 15 per cent, never more than a thc~sand, of Andros popu- lation has been steadily engaged in seasonal farm work in the Statesrr
(1955:63).
Otterbein states that on South Andros
• two-thirds of the men in the community have been on the contract one or more times--usually Yhile they were young, although only six men regularly work in the United States. An analysis of the work histories of sixty men shows that twenty aeven have gone on-- the contract one to four times; thirteen, five or more times; twenty, never. The one-~hird who have no~ gone are mostly older men who were middle aged when the contract began during World War II. (1966:31)
The community reported on was Long Bay Cays, approximately 5 miles south of Mangrove Cay.
The Commissioner's Report for 1949 states that the sponge beds were still closed, but they were growing back. Twenty or more smacks were involved in scale and crawfishing which had become important when the sponging industry declined. Crawfishing was the major economic 52 activity of Andros and 807. of the adult males on the island were involved in it. Farming, conching, and turtle fishing were mainly for individual subsistence. Some cash crops were being grown as a part of the local farmer's cooperative societies.
In summary, the local subculture on Mangrove Cay has been tied strongly to the se~ and its resources. Boat builders were primarily located in Lisbon Creek, which attempted to supply the area with its products. The sponging trade and the truck system were dominant in the economy until the 1940's, when migration played an important role as it had during the 1910 to 1925 period. There have traditionally been three basic economic choices available to the people of Mangrove
Cay and Lfsbon Creek. They were the occupations of boat building and the sea, farming, and migration for wage labor. In the past, the first and third were most frequently taken. Today other choices are becoming important.
Mangrove Cay operated in the past under the influence of national and international markets. The prices of sponges, boats, fish, and farm produce were determined by the Nassau merchants and, pr;..,arily, the United States and ~gla~d. ~-ly after the collapse of sponging did the truck system free the males of ~4ngrove Cay from its grip.
With this freedom from the truck system there came a ~~der range of eccuuudc possibilities for the former sponger and boat builder.
On another island of the Bahamas, Great Abaco, the most important boat building community was Man o' War Cay. At one time the communities of Marsh Harbour, Hope Town, and Cherokee Sound were also areas of boat building activity. The Hope Town District, which contained all four communities, was an area in which the sea ~a.s as 53
important as it was on ~~grove Cay, Andros.
The Hope Town District Commissioner's Report for 1908 indicates tP~t one schooner was built that year. Sponging was a major economic activity of the area and the report indicates a "good year." No information was available for the number of sloops or dinghies constructed in the district (1908).
In 1909 the Report states that the principal occupation of the people was sponge fishing and that little attention was paid to farming. The district experienced a population decrease due to the migration of many families to Wilson City, where a lumber yard had been opened (1909).
The next account of boat building was in the 1912 Commis sioner's Report. There were 1 three masted schooner, 4 two masted schooners, 8 sloops, and 140 dinghies constructed in the communities of Hope Town, Marsh Harbour, and Man o' War Cay that year. Further, there were 32 vessels engaged in sponging in 1912. Each vessel made
3 to 4 trips to the "muds" of Abaca per year. The trips were usually
3 to 4 ;.;eeks in duration. The report indicates a "good year" for sponging (1912).
The 1916 Report sta~es that 9 decked vessels (sloops or schooners) and 224 di~ghies were built. Mention is made of the largest ship ever built in the area as being under construction that year.
This was a three masted schooner measuring 150 feet on deck and 130 feet on keel. Plans or blueprints were used ~~d a work crew of 25 took approximately 2 years to build the boat (1916).
Migration "Was reported to be ::practically nill." Fa.rwing ectivity was increasing, despite the fact that the majority of the 54 people were seafarers or boat builders (1916).
The 1919 Report states that 24 vessels were engaged in sponging.
However, after the payment to the outfitter was made, the cash realized
"did not look very handsome to the sponger." The Commissioner further states that Hope Town District was known in past years for its fine fleet of spongers, but they had been gradually disappearing until, in
1919, only 4 vessels were spongers. Two three masted schooners were reported under construction. The Commissioner argues that "ship building is about the best thing that one can do but, unfortunately, only a few have the capital to do so. However, it still helps give work to sailors, carpenters, and sailmakers" (1919). The economy of the district in 1919 was in "hard times." People were leaving in
"large numbers" for Florida because of the bad conditions in the area
(1919).
It appears that the early 1920's were the last years of the sponging industry in the Hope Town District. The opportunities and lure of Florida had gradually led to the denial of sponging in the area. Sharer (1955:47) states that in the 1890's a large migration of
Ahaccnia~s to r~y West began. Also, in 1906 tha active !Uwba~~ug of
Abaca's pine forests began at ~·lilscn The 1922 Report states that sponging was not as successful as in fermer years and few were engaged in the activity. The building of large schooners was limited after the 1920's and the decline of sponging in the area. Those boats that were continued to be built after the 1920's were sloops, dinghies, and an increased number of motor powered craft (1922).
The 1923 Report indicates the attitude of the people toward 55
sponging: "Most inhabitants h~ve a tendency to look upon it with scornful faces, although when engaged in it previously, the district
was more prosperous11 (1923). The only community which was "holding its
own" economically was Cherokee Sound. The seamen there had begun to
gather crawfish instead of sponges.
Foraging for crawfish, scalefish, and turtles partially replaced
the sponge fishing activity after the 1920's. Unlike Mangrove Cay,
where the United States immigration laws of the 1920's led to a
revival of sponging activity, Hope Town District did not return to
sponge fishing. Boat building appears to have continued with little
interruption. The 1925 Report indicates that 1 schooner, 8 sloops, and numerous dinghies were built in the area. A small motor powered craft was also built (1925:3-4). The Report states that tourism and land
development were beginning to have minor influences in the area
(1925:9).
Bootlegging of liquor to the United States and high wages paid
in Nassau had led to better economic conditions for the area. Fishing
continued to prc~~de subsistence and cash for some of ~he fermer
spongers. Cherokee Sound remained the major fishing community (1926:
4-5).
Duri-ng the 1930's and 1940's the community of Y~ o' War Cay
remained the most important area of boat building activity in the
district. Hope Town declined in sea related and boat building activi
ties. Marsh Harbour remained relatively unchanged until the late 1950's when it became the most important commercial center on Abaco.
The 1949 Commissioner's Report states that the population of 56
Man o' War Cay was 137, ~~rsh Harbour was 270, and Hope Town was 201.
Craw:·:sh, scalefi~h, shells, turtle, and shark were listed as marine
products of the district, but sponging was no longer of consequence.
The 1949 Report describes Man o' War Cay's chief industry as boat building and states that almost all the adult males were involved in
the trade. The boats were no~ being built primarily for persons in
the United States and tourists with vacation homes in the area. Motor powered craft were replacing sail power except for the traditional dinghy. Mention is made of a dinghy construction plan, whereby the boat builder received payment from the Bahamas colonial government to build a dinghy for a "man of little means." The plan enabled "men of small means to secure a dinghy and pay the government back over a period of years" (1949:14).
Farming was not an important economic activity in Hope Town
District beyond the individual family subsistence level, especially on
Man o' War Cay. The main impetus to the economy was furnished by the sea and boat building. Marsh Harbour and Hope Town were influenced by the lumber operations en Abaca after 1905. Since ~~e 1940's tourist hc:es ~.a~e been built in all three settlements. Fishing was a major activity ti::.::.::.!ghout the area. As was stated above~ sponge fishing was replaced by foraging for crawfish, scalefish~ and turtles.
It should be noted that boat building in Hope Town District, especially on Man o' War Cay, did not depend heavily on sponging, as was true for Mangrove Cay. The builders continued production, except for schooners, long after the abandonment of sponging by Abaconians in the early 1920;s. The boats were used in other fishing, bought by the
.. 57 government under the "dinghy construction plan," and sold to persons from the United States. Migratory or "contract" labor was not practiced by the English descendants on Abaco as it was by the African descendants on Andros as far as could be ascertained.
The rise of tourism, the lumber industry, bootlegging, freighting, and the change from boat building to ship yards for repair and maintenance of visiting United States owned yachts have all been departures from the traditional boat building, sea related pursuits, and farming. Rigg states that, in the 1950's, "Man o' War Cay is becoming increasingly popular with American yachtsmen both for boat building, and as a winter home. There are six American families living on the island, and many more have bought land with the intention of building11 (1959:45).
The impact of the lumber industry on the areat particularly
Marsh Harbour, is discussed by Durrell: 11 It is hard to grasp the unbelievable impact of the Owens-Illinois invasion on Abaco" (1972:
54} in 1959. Heavy equipment was brought in, and eventually over
1,600 miles of roads were built on the island. To the scattered isolated communities, this had a great effec~. Durrell s~a~es tha~ there were two cars on the island in 1959, but today there are over
2,000 (1972:55). The other effects were more available jobs, increased cash flow to the island, new supermarkets, garages, drug stores, banks, and other service facilities. Marsh Harbour is, today, the third largest community in the Bahama Islands. Hope Town and Man o' War
Cay, nearby offshore communities, have not experienced the population growth of Marsh Harbour, but the effects of "modernization" and 58 economic development have been felt.
The preceding discussion concerned the diachronic investigation of supralocal and local economic influences on boat building and the sea complex. These historical influences have led to a somewhat different situation in Lisbon Creek an.: Man o' War Cay, the communities in which the focus of the fieldwork was cent2red.
The present economic organization of Lisbon Creek is based on boat building, fishing, farming for subsistence, construction of houses, and tourism. Table IX provides a description of the economic activities of each household in Lisbon Creek. The data indicate that the family heads are prima~ily boat builders. However, it should be noted that uo family head living in the community is b~low 35 years of age due to the migration of young men away from Lisbon Creek. The
TABLE IX
ECONOMIC ACTI~ITIES BY Fk~LY LISBON CREEK-1974
Family Head Economic Activities (In order of importance)
Bain, A. Boat building, fishing
Bain, R. Boat building~ tourism: bar Bannister, L. Boat building, tourism; construction, subsistence farming Bethell, R. Boat building, minister Longley, B. Boat building, fishing, tourism, farming Longley, w. Boat building, minister, fishing Miner, H. Constable Rolle, M. Fishing, farming -----::.Rn11~ N.. 59 emphasis of the economy is s~ill on tradit~onal activity, i.e., boat building and fishing. Tourism and house construction have begun to rise in importance in the 1970's as the number of visitors investment for vacation homes on Mangrove Cay increases.
In Man o' War Cay the present economic organization is based on tourism, shipyards fer the repair and maintenance of visiting yachts, construction of vacation homes and land development, local businesses, and occasional boat building. Table X describes the economic activities of the household heads in Man o' War Cay. The data indicate that the
TABLE X
ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES BY FAMILY MAN O' WAR CAY-1974
Family Head Economic Activities (In order of importance)
Albury: ijennie Construction, power boat building, dry dock
Albury, Cryll Dockmaster ~ tourism Albury, Edwin Dry dock and boat repair, power boat building Albury, Jimmy Construction, wage labor Albury, Marcel Tourism, ferry service, power plant, dock Albury, Maurice Boat building Alburj, Norman Sailmaking, tourist canvas shop Albury, Richie Tourism, ferry service, power plant, dock Albury, Willard Construction, power boat building, dry dock Sands, Basil Shipyard work in Marsh Harbour Sands, Wilson Shipyard work in Marsh Harbour Weatherford, Scott Dry dock, grocery store 60 family heads are primarily involved in tourist related economic activi- ties, i.e., repair of visiting yachts, rental of vacation cottages, retail businesses, ferry service, end ccnstr~ction of homes. Only one family head still builds traditional boats. His two sons build ffiOtor powered boats when there is time from their house construction activity.
Unlike Lisbon Creek, the traditional activities of boat building and fishing have been, for the most part, abandoned. Farming was never important on the island. The major impetus to the economy of Man o'
War Cay is tourism.
The economy of Lisbon Creek is operating under the influence of local, national, and intemational markets. However, fishing and farming for subsistence are still continued to an extent. On Man o'
War Cay there is almost total reliance on participation in national and international markets. Little reliance is placed on subsistence fishing or farming. Although both communities participate in cash economies, Lisbon Creek still retains the options of subsistence fishing and farming.
In Lisbon Creek boat builders continue to construct their craft in the traditional manner. The wood for the frame is taken from local forests. Horseflesh, pine, and madeira woods are used. The planking is obtained now from Nassau, where it has been imported from the United
States. Tne fittings and sail canvas are also imported. There were
2 sloops and 5 dinghies under construction at my visit. Also, 3 boats were undergoing repairs. No po~er tools are used. Instead, adzes, handaxes, handsaws, grindstones, chisels, and wooden hammers are the tool kit of the boat builder. There is uc shed for a workplace, ..ouc an 61 open area along the beach. The boats now are similar to those built in the past, except for minor hull style changes adopted for racing. No schooners and few sloops are being built. The w~fe of one of the major boat builders explained that the men are now too old and unable, without apprentices, to undertake such a task. Another reason for not building the larger craft is the decreased need for these boats since the decline of sponge fishing. The sloops are still in demand but the builders expressed regret that they could fill only a small number of orders for these because of the shortage of helpers and apprentices.
The men who helped the boat builders can no longer "afford" to do so because of the wages received. They are able to make much more by building houses or working in Nassau. The boat builders explained tbat the price of the boat would be too high if they paid wages to their work crews equal to those paid in Nassau. Therefore, since the boat builder has little or no help, the boats take longer to build and fewer orders are taken.
As was mentioned above, only one man builds traditional boats in Man o' War Cay. He builds only dinghies, so sloops and schooners are not built now in the community. Motor powered runabouts are occasionally built by his ~wv suns. imported, for the most part, as are all the building ma:erials. Power saws, drills, lathes, and other "modem" tools and techniques are used.
The workplace is a covered shed with electric power available. Sails are made locally from imported canvas. The man who builds dinghies said that he could no longer take orders because of his ill health and the lack of helpers and apprentices. His sons are too busy with their own interests, he stated. He like the boat builders at Lisbon Creek, 62 was unable to pay competitive wages tc his c=ew.
Those boats in use at Man o' War Cay and the Hope Town District are primarily motor powered 11modem 11 styles and types. At Lisbon Creek and in the Mang=ove Cay District the styles and types in use are mainly traditional sloops and dinghies without motor power. Table XI presents the data obtained from a survey of Hope Town, Man o' War Cay, and
Marsh Harbour of the Hope Town District and of Lisbon Creek and Victoria
Point of Mangrove Cay District. A Chi Square analysis indicates highly
TABLE XI BOAT TYPES IN USE-1974
CoiiDDuni ty Traditional Modem motor Dinghies Sloops power Mangrove Cay 27 8 4 (Lisbon Creek and Victoria Point) Man o' War Cay 6 0 55 Hope Town 19 1 51 Marsh Harbour 0 0 43
Chi Square Analysis
CoiiDDunity Traditional boars Modem boats
Mangrove Cay 4 Man o 1 War Cay 6 55 x2 obs=354.4 n=r __()f\1 ..,..._
Mangrove Cay 35 4 Hope Tow-n 20 51 x 2 obs= 37.2 p=.OOl
Mangrove Cay 35 4 Marsh Harbour 0 43 2 x obs=67.1 p=.OOl 63
signific~~t differences in boat types used be~ween the ~o communities of Mangrove Cay and all three communities of the Hope Towc District.
This is clearly an example of the different degrees of movement away from traditional boat building berween the two former centers of the activities.
Most of the change factors discussed in this thesis are attributed in a general sense to "developmental factors" (Foster
1962). Development has directly affected the supralocal and local economic systems in the Bahama Islands. It is this change in the economies that is responsible, directly or indirectly, for most of the other changes to be discussed. Rodgers states that economic change in the Bahamas is "both a cause and an effect, a cause in that it has led to other changes and an effect in that it, itself, was caused by the introduction of development" (1965:40).
The major economic change on the national, or supralocal, level was the transition from extraction of local resources, i.e., spc:~.ging, traditional boat building, and subsi.. tence farming and fishing, to an economic syst~ based on economic development, i.e., tourism, land development, foreign investment, business and commerce.
The influence of tourism and its rapid growth cannot be understated.
A government official estimated to me that 90% of the Gross National
Product of the Bahamas in 1973 was in some way related to tourism.
This dominance of the economy by tourism is similar to that of the sponge industry in the early years of the 20th Century. This movement from sponging to tourism as a national economic base has been a major influence on the decline of traditional boat building and the sea complex. 64
The changes in the national economy have been felt on the local
levels. In Lisbon Creek the effects of local economic development
are only recently hav~ng an influence. The absence of other local
economic choices to the extent that they are found in the Man o' War
cay area has resulted in the temporary retention of some traditional
economic activity. Boat building and fishing both for subsistence
.and cash are present. The fact that the younger males have not taken
the trades of their fathers leads to the reasonable conclusion that, with the passing of the present generation of boat builders and seamen, the traditional economic choices will no longer be practiced.
The younger generation has taken the option of migration away from the area and, as long as the growth of tourism continues, it appears that they will continue to do so.
In Man o' War Cay the effects of the national level economic changes are more apparent. The practice of boat building was not as closely related to sponging as in Lisbon Creek. This led to an earlier movement away from sponging in the 1920's. However, boat building continued as a major economic choice on the island until the
1950:s when local economic development of Abaco offered other alterna-
.-;,'J'OC! ;' 0 1·-ko--4'-n .. A••_.,__ \., •• -.:------.3 -----~- A- - ---~·, .._ --•-, -•-•7 ------0, -....,...., ...... ;li>ILU.) ""~'"'-4.4c;.~.;:ao, a.uu. '-Uuuut;;;.L\,;.C.e n;:, d. Lt::::tu.LL, the pr~ctice cf traditic~al beat building has all but disappeareci from the area. CHAPTER V
OCCu?ATIONAL PROFILES
A major shift and expansion in the national and local occupational profiles, an influence associated with the overall economic development of the B&;ama Islands, has contributed to the decline of traditional boat building and the sea complex. Tables
XII, XIII, and XIV provide evidence of the changes in the occupational profiles of. Ah~~o. Andros, and the entire Bahama Islands from 1931 to 1970.
The traditional occupational groups, i.e., fishermen, seamen, and farmers, have declined between 1931 and 1970. In 1931 fishermen and seamen were 48% of the male work force on Abaco, 72% on Andros, and 22% for all the Bahama Islands. The decrease from 1931 to 1943 was mainly a result of the collapse of sponging in the late 1930's.
The increase frc~ 1943 to 1953 cau be explained by the return of males from contract work in the United States and Nassau after World War II.
By 1970 the decline in seamen and fishermen had reached 15% of the male work force on Abaco, 14% on Andros, and 4% on all the Bahama
Islands.
Farming has experienced a similar decline. In 1931 farmers and farm laborers were 31% of the male work force on Abaco, 18% on
Andros, and 55% on ail of the !sl~ds. Farming appears to have temporarily absorbed, al~ng with contract work, the unemployed spongers
65 66
TABLE XII ABACO-QCCUPATIONAL STRUCTURE (Basic data taken from census reports)
Occupational Year Males Females Group II males % male fJ females % female work force work force Fishermen 1931 553 48 0 0 & seamen 1943 376 36 0 0 1953 514 57 0 0 1970 273 15 1 0
Farmers & 1931 352 31 463 57 related 1943 354 34 139 26 1953 87 10 63 21 1970 46 3 5 1
Carpenters 1931 18 1 0 0 & mechanics 1943 1953 108* 12* 0 * 0 * 1970 173 10 0 0
General 1931 147 13 78 10 laborers 1943 75 7 6 1 1953 36 4 12 4 1970 205 11 2 0 Tourist 1931 3 0 268 33 "JI. related 1943 10 1 182 ~ 1953 10 1 135 45 1970 193 ll 179 32
Construction 1931 40 3 0 0 trades 1943 21 2 0 0 1953 55 6 0 0 1970 418 23 1 0 Government 1931 26 2 0 0 service 1943 38 4 3 0 1953 43 5 10 3 1970 37 1 28 5
Other 1931 4 0 0 0 1943 170 16 209 39 1953 45 5 81 27 1970 473 26 341 62
Total work 1931 1,143 100 809 100 force 1943 1,044 100 539 100 1953 898 100 301 100 1970 1,818 100 557 100 * no data available 67
TABLE XIII ANDROS-QCCUPATIONAL STRUCTURE (Basic data taken from census reports)
Occupational Year ~.ales Females Group ii males % male I females % female work force work force Fishermen 1931 1,588 72 0 0 & seamen 1943 150 10 0 0 1953 517 34 0 0 1970 224 14 4 0
·Farmers & 1931 408 18 1,695 92 related 1943 1,104 75 1,418 88 1953 358 24 929 58 1970 162 10 254 30 Carpenters 1931 * * * * & mechanics 1943 1953 141* *9 0 * 0 * 1970 137 9 0 0 General 1931 36 2 63 3 laborers 1943 32 2 21 1 1953 162 11 63 4 1970 69 4 7 1
Tourist 1931 11 0 86 5 related 1943 22 2 67 5 1953 66 4 401 25 1970 156 10 226 27
Construction 1931 148 7 0 0 trades 1943 1 0 0 0 1953 128 9 0 0 1970 223 14 0 0 Government 1931 21 1 2 0 service 1943 23 i j 0 1953 30 2 12 1 1970 50 3 15 2 Other 1931 4 0 0 0 1943 140 9 101 6 1953 101 7 192 12 1970 552 36 334 40 Total York 1931 2,216 100 1,846 100 force 1943 1,472 100 1,610 100 1nC'~ .,. C'l\'\ ,1'\1'\ , c:n-, , 1'\1'\ ~7JJ J..'JVJ J..VV .,_,71 .I.VV 1970 1,573 100 836 100 * nc data available 68
TABLE XIV BAHAMA ISLANDS-oCCUPATIONAL STRUCTURE (Basic data taken from census reports)
Occupational Year ~.ales Females., Group fl males % male C females t. female work force work force Fishermen 1931 3,760 22 0 0 & seamen 1943 1,746 10 0 0 1953 2,588 12 0 0 1970 1,553 4 12 0
Farmers & 1931 9,325 55 10,549 58 related 1943 7,275 40 6,423 39 1953 3,741 17 5,217 26 1970 1,800 4 1,299 5
Carpenters 1931 108 1 0 0 & mechanics 1943 * * * * 1953 2,204 10 0 0 1970 2,912 7 14 0
General 1931 3,093 18 3,503 19 laborers 1943 1,648 9 257 2 1953 2,721 13 642 3 1970 2,941 7 229 1
Tourist 1931 238 1 3,662 20 related 1943 1,228 7 5,049 30 1953 2,424 11 9,185 46 1970 6,838 16 9,236 33
Construction 1931 87 1 41 0 trades 1943 531 3 0 0 1953 2,972 14 0 0 1970 7,403 18 44 0
Government 1931 263 2 367 2 .. ,.,,.. service .1.::1'+.J i16 4 17~ 1 1953 1,531 7 413 2 .. "_,... .1.::1/U 1,922 5 703 3
Other 1931 87 1 41 0 1943 4,955 27 4,749 28 1953 3,381 16 4,624 23 1970 16,419 39 16,466 58
Total work 1931 16,961 100 18,163 100 force 1943 18,109,_, 100 16,653 100 ?1__ <;:t:;?__ .,(\ 1\01 '11\1"1 1953 100 ,V,VU.L. .LVV 1970 41,788 100 28,003 100 *no data available 69
on Andros after the collapse of the industry in the late 1930's.
Andros farmers and farm laborers increased from 18% of the male
work force in 1931 to 75% in 1943. ~~ring the same time Abacc had
experienced a slight increase from 31% to 34% and the Bahamas in
general declined from 55% to 40%. The data from 1943 to 1970 indicate
a sharp decrease in farmers from 34% to 3% of the male work force on
Abaca, 75% to 10% on Andros, and 40% to 4% on all the Islands.
Concomitant with the decline of the traditional occupational
groups was the rise of occupational groups associated with economic
development, i.e., tourist related, construction trades, and the
"other" group. The "other" group is a miscellaneous category which
includes office workers, clerks, and other business and commerce
related positions. In 1931 tourist related occupations comprised
0% of the male and 33% of the female work force on Abaca, 0% and 5%
on Andros, and 1% and 20% on all the Bahama Islands. By 1970 tourist
related occupations comprised 11% of the male and 32% of the female work force on Abaco, 10% and 27% ln Andros, and 16% and 33% on all
the Islands. The increase in male participation in tourist related
occupations was apparently dua co absorpcion of males from the
declining traditional occupational g~oups.
Construction trades have increased as a result cf a land and
building development "boom" in the Bahamas since World War II. In
1931 construction trades comprised 3% of the male work force on
Abaca, 7% on Andros, and 1% on all the Islands. By 1970 construction
trades were 23% of the male work force on Abaca, 14% on Andros, and
18% on all of the Islands. This group also appears to have absorbed 70 males from traditional occupational groups.
In 1931 the "other" group comprised 0% of the male and 0% of the female work force on Abaco, 0% and 0% on Andros, and li. and Oio on all the Bahamas. By 1970 "other" occupations were 26% of the male and 62% of the female work force on Abaco, 36% and 40% on Andros, and 39% and 58% on all the Islands. Tourist related, construction, and "other" occupational groups represented approximately 82% of the total Bahamian work force in 1970. In 1931 these occupational groups were only 12% of the total Bahamian work force. On Abaco they were
16% in 1931 and 68% in 1970 of the total island wo=k force. On Andros they were 6% in 1931 and 61% in 1970 of the total island work force.
In summary, the shift from traditional occupa~ions to those associated with economic development has occurred on the national level in the Bahama Islands from 1931 to 1970. Evidence for this change is provided by an analysis of the occupational profiles for
Abaco, Andros, and the Bahama Islands in general. These changes in the national occupational profiles are even more pronounced at the local level of the Out Islands.
Table XV indicates the occupational profiles for Mangrove Cay,
Andros for the period of 1911 to 1943. Data on local occupations are not available after 1943. The data in Table XV present evidence of shifts in occupational profiles on Mangrove Cay during the first half of the 20th Century. It should be noted that between 1931 and 1943 a major change took place in the occupational profile. Seamen were
21% of the Mangrove Cay work force in 1931, but were only 1% in 1943.
This decline was obviously the result of the collapse of the sponge 71
TABLE XV OCCUPATIONAL PROFILE MANGROVE CAY DISTRICT
1911 1921 1931 1943
Total work force 1713 1775 1047 948 b Males 892 652 374 465 II Females 821 1123 673 483
II Seamen 586 255 233 10 '" I_, % Total ~crk force 34% .1..'+4 214 1% % Male work force 66% 39% 67% 2%
I Farmers 821 1193 704 814 % Total work force 487. 67% 67% 86% I Male farmers 221 325 11 388 % Male work force 25% 50% 21% 83% I Female farmers 600 868 627 426 % Female work force 73% 72% 93% 88%
I Other occuEations 206 327 110 124 % Total wc~k force 18% 18% 11% 13%
Sources: Report on the Census of the Bahama Islands (1911, 1921, 1931, and 1943). trade in the Bahamas and on Mangrove Cay.
Farming appears to have been the only other local choice after the collapse of the sponge industry. Tnere was 67% of the male work force in 1931 and 2% in 1943 that engaged in sea related occupations.
Concomitant witc this decrease in seamen was an increase in male farmers. In 1931 farmers were 21% of the male work force and in 1943 they were 83%.
The "other" group remained relatively stabl~ during the period from 1911 to 1943. This lack of "other" occupational possibilities was a consequence of the absence of economic development on the island.
Table XVI indicates the occupational profile for Hope Town
District for the period of 1911 ~o 1943. Tne early presence of ;;other;; 72
TABLE XVI OCCUPATIONAL PROFILE HOPE TOWN DISTRicr
1911 1921 1931 1943
Total work force 376 576 262 454 II Males 223 254 148 290 IJ Females 153 322 114 164
II Seamen 84 60 28 46 .,. % Total work force __??'7 10% 11% 10% % Male work force 38% ~4% 19% 16%
I Farmers 9S 135 136 190 % Total work force 26% 23% 52% 42% I Male farmers 58 95 81 150 % Male work force 26% 37% 58% 52% I Female farmers 41 40 55 40 % Female work force 277. 12% 48% 24%
I Other occuEations 193 381 98 218 % Total work force 51% 66% 37% 48%
Sources: Report on the Census of the Bahama Islands (1911, 1921, 1931, and 1943). occupations, i.e., 51% in 1911, contrasts with the early and continued smaller percentage of this occupational group on Mangrove Cay. The shift in Hope Town District was away from the ~raditional occupations to those of a "!!!.odern" occupational profile. Tables XII! and XIV indicate a similar shift for all of Abaco and the Bahama Islands in general.
In 1911 seamen and fishermen were 38% of the male work force in the Hope Town District. Three decades later, 16% of the 1943 male work force were seamen and fishermen. The early abandonment of sponge fishing by Abaconians in the 1920's led tc this decline. On Mangrove
Cay, Andros, 67% of the male work force were seamen and fishermen in
1931 because of the continuation of the sponge industry but, in Hope 73
Town District, only 19% of the male work force were engaged in fishing and sea related activity.
The great:er percentage of "Other occupations;; in Hope Town
District, as compared to Mangrove Cay District, should be noted. The data from each census year indicate a considerable difference between the percentage of persons engaged in the group. The greater avail- ability of other occupations to the people of Hope Town District contributed to the earlier abandonment of traditional boat building and sea related occupations in the area.
The field research provided more specific local data in th~ form of the present occupational profiles of Lisbon Creek and Man o'
War Cay. These profiles are described in Table XVII. A Chi Square
TABLE XVII MALE OCCUPATIONAL PROFILES-1974
Community Traditi~al Other local Migrated Occupations "modern" jobs for work
Lisbon Creek 9 2 18 ~~:::29
Man o' War Cay 2 16 2 =20
x2 obs=27.61 p=.OOl test indicates a significant difference in occupational profiles between the two communities at the .001 level of confidence. Lisbon
Creek, the community where traditional boat building is still present, has not felt the consequences of economic development to the extent of Man o' war Cay. Traditional occupations, i.e., fishing, farming, 74
boat building, and migration, are the major choices in Lisbon Creek.
Other local "modern" jobs, i.e., tourism, shipyards, and construction,
are the major choices in }1an o' War Cay.
The shift, on both the national and local levels, from
traditional to "modern" occupations associated with economic develop
ment has influenced the decline of traditional boat building and the
sea complex throughout the Bahama Islands. The decrease -:.a the number
of seamen was directly related to a decrease in the demand for boats.
It can be logically argued that when there were fewer seamen there was less need for boat builders and their products.
In Lisbon Creek and Man o' War Cay there is a significant difference in male occupational profiles at the .001 level of confidence. Migration for jobs away from Lisbon Creek has ·apparently been substituted for the "modern" local jobs that are the major choice in Man o' l-iar Cay. The men of Lisbon Creek do not have the other local choices and they must migrate away from tte community if they do not choose the traditional boat building and sea trades. CF...,\PTER H
POPl.JLA TI o:;
TI1e growth of popu1~tion in the Baha~as is represented by
Table 1~·rrr. It should be noted that, as late as 1953, the population was only 84,841 for the entire archipelago of 5,468 square miles.
TABLE !-..""VIII POPL~\TIOX, CE~S~S YE,\RS-1720 to 1970
Census Total population Annual av;;. years of the Bahar.:as rate of increase (/~)
1720 1,100 1780 4,000 2.0 1800 15,00G 5.0 1838 21,794 1.0 1845 26,491 3.7 1851 27,519 0.5 1861 35,487 2.5 1871 39,162 0.9 1881 43,521 1.1
1891 47,565 0.8 1901 53,735 1.0 19E 55,944 0.3 1921 53,031 -0.4 1931 59,828 1.1 1943 68,846 1.1 1953 84,841 2.1 1963 130,220 4.3 1970 168,812 3.5
n,.., ... ,_ ...... -1...... r..-..-.- ...... __ n-t·-~-- T .... 1 --..l-- 11n-r""J\. .1."\....!-"V"' \... v..._ \...••~ Vl..:..i..L.,;),_...:> "'-'"" •-:.;.C: UG.I '".1 •l .1.,:0,.1.(...0. :u:::t \..1..:' I..)) e
has been concectr2t~d in :.;::ss2.u. The increase in ;;ord~tio~ dic-~ctly
75 76
affected the decline of sponging, and indirectly, led to a decrease
in the demand for traditional boats. Thesr. traditional sea related
activities were important when the population of the Islands was
relatively small and economic reliance on the sea was possible
without over-fishing. As the population grew and more Bahamians
came to depend on the sponging, the beds became over-fished.
·Apparently, the local ecosystem contained sponge resources that
could support only a limited number of fishermen. Years of over
fishing was one of the contributing influences in the sponge disaster
of the 1930's.
The rise of Nassau and New Providence Island as an urban
center has greatly influenced migration in the Bahama_ Islands. The
transition of Nassau from a sleepy colonial capital in 1900 to a
prosperous urban center in the 1970's has subsequently served as a
magnet to draw Out Islanders from their traditional activities. In
addition to being the impetus for changes in the national occupational
profile and economic system, the city of Nassau provides the mechanism
for other innovations of mental, organizational, and material culture
that have influenced the people of the Out Islands. Table XIX
provides evidence of Nassau's growth as an urban center since 1901.
The rapid growth of the city and New Providence since World War II
should be noted. Also, the relative stability of the land-man ratio
on Abaco and Andros is significant.
Table XX presents the population data for Andros Island from
1851 to 1953. The 1851 to 1901 period was one of population growth
stimulated by the flourishing sponge industry in the area. The periods 77
TABLE XIX POPULATION DENSITY
Year New Providence ".baco A."'ldros (Nassau) Total Pop. per Total Pop. per Total Pop. per pop. sq. mile pop. sg,. 'rile pop. sq. mile 1901 12,534 156.7 3,314 5.1 6,347 2.8 1911 13,554 169.4 4,463 6.9 7,545 3.3 1921 12,975 162.2 3,993 6.2 6,976 3.0 1931 19,756 247.0 4,233 6.5 7,071 3.1 1943 29,391 367.4 3,461 5.3 6,718 2.9 •1953 46,125 576.6 J,-.v1? IJ\"'1 5.2 7,136 3.1 1963 80,907 1,011.3 6,490 10.0 7,461 3.2 1970 101,503 1,268.7 6,501 10.0 8,845 3.8
Source: Report on the Census of the Bahama Islands (1973).
TABLE XX POPULATION OF ANDROS
Year Males Females Difference Total Annual avg. (males- rate of females) increase %) 1851 520 510 +10 1,030 1861 696 670 +26 1,366 2.8 1871 2,138 4.5 1881 3,434 4.8 1891 2,312 2,277 +35 4,589 2.9 1901 3,192 3,155 +37 6,347 3.3 1911 3,875 3,670 +205 7,545 1.7 f.. Q 7&. 1921 3,431 3,545 -114 -,~~..., -0.8 1931 3,577 3,494 +83 7,071 0.1 1943 3,156 3,562 -406 6,718 -0.4 1nc-""' .L:1..1~ 3,327 3,809 -482 7,136 0.6 Source: Otterbein (1966:10). of 1911 to 1921 and 1931 to 1943 indicate population decline. From 1910 tc the enforcement of U.S. immigration laws in the 1920's many males left the island to work in Florida and Central America. With regard to this clg!"atic::l, Clar-ke states; "T"nere has, in iate years, been an alarming exodus of our men to Florida and elsewhere, and nothing has 78 been done to induce them to stay at home. We cull from these facts
that capital is not what the sponging industry needs, but men" (1912:
9). "There is grow-ing desire to go to Florida, but I cannot see that it pays in the end. Happily, most of our men return after a year or so, but do not bring that abundance of money that allured them there. We have use for every man we have and Anciros Island can furnish a living for every soul who is prepared to work" (1912: 28) •
The decline in population size in the 1930's can be explained by the collapse of sponge fishing following a disastrous blight and hurricane of 1938 and the subsequent migration a~ay from Andros for jobs.
Abaco has been considered the "white" island in the Bahamas because of its large percen.tage of Caucasians, mainly of English descent. Many settlements were indeed populated by a majority of_ ,r---.
English descendants. In 1953 the population of Abaco was 3,407. Of this figure 1,144, or 33%, were Caucasian and 2,039, or 60%, were of
African origin. In contrast, Andros had a population of 7,136 of which i8 persons, or 1%, were Caucasian and 6,808, or 95%, were of
African origin (Bahamas Government 1953).
Toh1o VVT ------~- -~ ----- .-.-~ .... t"""',;;.~..;.u'-~ t.llC data uu population size for Abaco. on }~drcs, the decrease during the period of 1910 to 1920 was stimulated by the large scale migration away from the island for jobs.
The decline during the period from 1930 to 1940 can be explained by the continued migration of the Abaconians. Apparently, the English descendants living on Abaco were less affected by the United States immigration laws than the African descendants living on Andros. It 79
TABLE XXI __ POPULATION OF ABACO
Year Population Annual avg. size rate of increase (%)
1780 400 1800 490 1.0 1820 700 1.8 1840 1,000 1.8 1860 2,300 4.3 1880 3,500 2.0 1900 3,314 -0.2 1910 4,463 3.0 1920 3,993 -1.0 1930 4,233 0.6 1940 3,461 -2.0 1950 3,407 -o.l 1960 6,490 6.6 1970 6,501 0.01
Sources: Report on the Census of the Bahama Islands (1973); Sharer (1955:45). should be noted that from 1950 to 1960 the population of Abaco doubled.
This was mainly due to a rise in tourism, land development, and the establishment of a large timbering operation by Owens-Illinois Company in 1959.
Migration has been an important aspect of the population dynamics of the Bahama Islands throughout most of their history as is evident from Sharer's description (1955:116-18). In 1825 a United
States law was passed stating that wreckers operating in Florida waters had to be nationals. As a result, a small number of Bahamians began to take up permanent residence at Key West and adjoining cays although there were few living there before 1836. As early as 1838, the Bahamians often resorted to taking work in other parts of the 80
Caribbean as stevedores or laborers, the building of the Panama Canal and the Florida East Coast Railroad attra~ting many such men. In 1910 the Key West population of 20,000 was composed of 40% Caucasian
Bahamians and a small percentage of Neg~~ Bahamians. The wartime labor shortage in the 1910 to 1920 period attracted a large number of farm hands to the United States from the Negro population of the Ba~amas.
However, the United States Immigration Acts of the 1920's prevented the continuation of this migration to the United States for farm labor until World War II when the restrictions were eased for Bahamians of
African origin.
Migration has also been an important economic choice at the local level of Mangrove Cay and Lisbon Creek for most of the period from 1900 to 1974. Table XXI! provides data on the present day migration from Lisbon Creek. The data were obtained from a survey of five boat builders' families with regard to the occupation and status of their sons and daughters. The boat builders comprise the older generation while their children are the migrating younger generation.
TABLE XXII MIGRATION-LISBON CREEK
Total children Migrated In local ·work and (5 families) males females school live locally
30 14 4 9 3
Rodgers and Wal~ace report similar migration in Crossing Rocks:
The villagers were also asked about the relatively small ntmher of young and m;ddle-aged adults in the Crossing P~cks population. They asserted that this was because many individuals in these age groups had migrated to Nassau. w-nen asked if ~his migration was a new trend, they replied 81
that as long as they could remember young people had always migrated from Crossing Rocks. A check of the collected genealogies revealed that almost every adult in the community had one or more siblings who, although born in the community, presently lived elsewhere in the Bahamas. Informants further asserted that more people from Crossing Rocks were living away from the community than in it. This strongly suggests, though exact data are not available, that Crossing Rocks has had a high emigration rate for at least the last fifty years. When questioned about the reasons for this emigration, villagers uniformly replied that the emigrants left seeking jobs. They further asserted that most individuals had left Crossing Rocks because "they weren't owning anything" and because they wanted ''to get ahead:: (to accumulate money and goods). As they believed that jobs and wage labor were a necessary condition for "getting ahead" and as wage labor was absent in Crossing Rocks if one wished to be "successful," it was necessa:y ~o leave Crossing Rocks (1969:192).
Further, 11if wage labor jobs were available, few people would emigrate from the commun.ity" (1969:193).
This explanation for migration from communities with little wage labor available can apply, to a limited extent, to Lisbon Creek. ThP. absence of economic choices other than traditional boat building and the sea complex has apparently led to migration, both now and in the past, to Nassau and other places where wage labor is available.
The residents of Man o' War Cay have not, to any great degree, left their island for wage labor since World War II. This is due mainly to two reasons: the growth of the local economy to provide local wage labor, and their self-imposed segregation from the other areas of the Bahamas where the majority is not Caucasian. 1 A survey conducted during my field work indicated th~t, of 7 families on Man o' War Cay, only 4 out of 31 young adults were away at the time.
In summary, the population growth of the Bahama Islands has been centered in Nassau. This urb~n area ~~s operated ~s ~ ~gnat to draw Out Islanders away from traditional activities during the 20th 82
Century. By providing an option to traditional local occupations this migration has contributed to the decline of boat building and the sea complex. The data indicate variation in patterns of population growth and migration at the local level of Andros and Abaco Islands. Andros has experienced a relatively stable population size since the beginning of this century. Periodic fluctuations of increase or decrease were related to the economic conditions on the island. Abaco, particularly in the 1950's, has experienced a significant population increase, i.e., a 6.6% annual average rate between 1950 and 1960. This increase was given impetus by the economic development of the area during that period. The effects of migration for wage labor have been felt more in Lisbon Creek, where young adults have left the area, than in Man o' War Cay, where economic development has provided other local occupational choices. 83
Footnote
1There is little record of the happenings on Abaco and its cays during the 19th Century, except for the activities of the wreckers. Durrell {1972:49) states that nthe white communities stayed aloof from the Negro settlements, had little communication between each other, and struggled to keep alive. As one can imagine, in a place that had seen, until comparatively recently little of the outside world, the physical types remain quite distinctive." Man o' War Cay was described by Rigg (1959:43) as "a white man's island, no colored people can own property." This self-imposed isolation of the English descendants on Abaco was reported by early visitors to the area (~ulls 1887; Shattuck 1905). CHAPTER VII
COMMUNICATION, PUBLIC CONVENIENCES
A.~D TRANSPORTATION
An increase in communication, public convenience, and trans portation facilities between Nassau and the Ouc Islands is another factor influencing traditional boat building and the sea complex.
Prior to the late 1950's almost all travel to and within the Bahamas was by boat. Because of the geographical features of the Bahamas, land travel was possible only for short distances on certain islands.
The traditional sloops and dinghies built in the Bahamas served as the major means of travel throughout the islands. Communication was limited to mail boats, which were notorious for their late and irregular schedules. Public conveniences such as electricity were not available, except in Nassau, until the 1950's. In some areas public conveniences are still not available.
In recent years radio from Nassau and telephone stations in
Out Island commw>ities have established stronger communication net works between Nassau and the hinterland. Mailboats are still a means of transportation, but cargo ships and aircraft have assumed a major role. Air travel has become an important influence on the previously semi-isolated Out Islands. Regular commercial flights to almost all
~=e~s of the E~~~as •ere in effect by the late 1960!s. This opened up the urban influences of Nassau and tourism to the hinterland
84 85
communities to a greater degree, especially for family members of the
seamen and boat builders. Some islands have, since the 1960's,
experienced the effects of television reception from South Florida
stations. At the present time, many houses on New Providence, Grand
Bahama, Abaca, and North Andros have television sets.
Public electricity is available only in the major population
areas. In other areas, privately owned generators supply limited
power. This situation is changing and, within a few years, most of
the Out Islanders will probably have access to electricity and other
public conveniences.
At the present time the transportation, communication, and
public convenience facilities are more "developed" than ever. Regular
commercial air travel, telephone service, radio, and electricity have
reached almost all the major islands. Nassau serves as the focal
point of transportation, communication, and public convenience networks.
In Lisbon Creek the only traditional means of transportation was by boat. Air service was.not available to the area and roads were
local only for a few miles. By the 1960's commercial air service was
available to the !·!angrove Cay area. In the past the weekly mail boat
or individually ow~ed boats provided the only transportation l;n~s
to the outside world. Communication was by mail. There were no
telephones, televisions, or radios on the island. Public conveniences were, and are now, nonexiste~t. Only within the past five years have
local entrepreneurs bought and installed gasoline generators for their
guest houses. Water supply depends on the rain and water table. Power
tools were not used by boat builders and few materials were imported. 86
Local resources provided the tools and materials for their trade, except for hand tools bought in Nassau.
In Man o' War Cay transportation, communication, and public convenience facilities have traditionally been simil~r to those described for Lisbon Creek. However, as a consequence of the development of the area in the 1950's, ~2n o' War Cay has undergone changes in these three aspects. Regular commercial air service to the United States and Nassau, extensive road networks, motor powered boats, radios, televisions, telephones, and public electricity and water have bee~ commonplace to the area since the 1950's. The boat builders have used power tools and imported building materials for their trade since the 1950's.
Today there are differences between Lisbon Creek and Man o'
War Cay with regard to transportation, communication, and public conveniences. In Lisbon Creek, commercial air service and some automobiles are available, but the major means of travel is still the traditional sloop or dinghy. In Man o' War Cay the traditional boats are seldom used by the local inhabitants. Instead, they use automo biles, motor powered boats, and commercial aircraft. Communication facilities are similar in boLh communiLies. Radio, ~1 boats, televisions, and telephones are the methods used for communication with the world outside the two communities. The difference in the availability of public conveniences between Lisbon Creek and Man o'
War Cay is considerable. Man o' War Cay has access to public electricity and water supply, but Lisbon Creek does not.
The changes in means of transportation throughout the Bahamas, and particularly in the areas of traditional boat building, has lowered 87
the demand for the boat builders' products. In Man o' War Cay
traditional boats are not used for transportation and, therefore, the
only orders come from tourists who use the boats for recreational
purposes. In Lisbon Creek traditional craft are still used for
fishing, travel locally and to Nassau, and transporting goods.
There is, therefore, still a demand in the community for the tradi-
tional boat builders' products. Boat building has declined to the
greatest extent in the community that has abandoned the traditional
craft as a means of transportation, i.e., Man o' War Cay.
The advantage of public conveniences, particularly electrical power for tools, in Man o' War Cay does not appear to have aided in the retention of the traditional boat building practice. In fact, the opposite may have occurred. Lisbon Creek, where electrical power is not available, has retained boat building to a greater extent than
Man.o' War Cay. Perhaps, this is because conveniences such as electricity are associated with development and the economic and occupational changes that result.
In summary, transportation and public conveniences changes have influenced the decline of traditional boat building in the Bahama
Islands. Changes in communication faciliti~s do uot appca~ significantly between Lisbon Creek and Man o' War Cay. However, increased communication with the outside world by both of the commun- ities has apparently been associated with development in each.
Transportation, communication, and public convenience changes have opened up the previously semi-isolated Out Islands to tourism and its subsequent effects. In Man o' War Cay, tourism has replaced boat 88 building as an economic base of the community. In Lisbon Creek the growth of tourism has been limiced by the absence of public conven- iences in the area and traditional beat building has been retained as an economic base. CHAPTER VIII
GOVERNMENT POLICY
The decline in traditional boat building and the sea complex has been influenced by an absence of encouragement or aid to the boat builders and seamen from the Bahamas government to continue their trades. The government policy appears to encourage and aid tourism, land development, and farming; but nowhere did my research find indications of encouragement and aid to boat builders or seamen. The lack of encouragement to spongers has been primarily due to an absence of demand in international markets resulting from the introduction of synthetic mass produced sponges. For many years after the disasters in the 1930's, the sponge beds were closed by the government to enable them to grow back. Today, however, there is little interest or market for sponges in the Bahama Islands. Foraging for crawfish and scalefish is still important in some areas of the Bahamas, but large scale commercial op~ratious ar~ uot pr~s~nt.
The government's emphasis on formal education, with vocational and adult programs being introduced recently, is designed to meet the needs of the expanding economic and occupational structure on the national level. Farming is the only traditional activity that is stressed. However, there is little evidence of vocational training in the ed~cational system for fishermen, seamen, and boat builders--those traditional occupations that have been a ~jor influence on the Bahamian
89 90 economy for 200 years.
The residents of Man o' War Cay had, in past years, greater acceds to power and wealth through their influence in the colonial government. Its c,nsequences were the dinghy construction plan and access to other jobs and capital controlled in Nassau by the power elite. With the change to a government representing the majority in the 1960's, this access has been reduced.
The people of Lisbon Creek's new access to power and influence in the Bahamas Government occurred only in the past decade. The gain of power and influence in Lisbon Creek was counterbalanced by the loss of power and influence in Man o' War Cay. The full effect of the delivery of political power into the hands of the majority Negro party has not yet been felt in either community. Still, it appears that the centuries of discrimination and control by the Caucasian political minority toward the Negro majority have ended, with only isolated exceptions. This has contributed to the increase in educa tional, occupational, and economic opportunities for the Negro and has, consequently, encouraged migration from areas like Lisbon Creek to Nassau. The reaction i~ Man o' ~ar Cay has included a separatist movement, a lack of large scale migration to Nassau, and a desire to remain isolated from other Bahamians.
Governmental policy, or the absence of it, has influenced the
~ecline of boat building and the ~ea complex. When the political power was in the hands of the Caucasian m-tnority, the boat builders of Man o' War Cay had greater opportunity for economic development than did those of Lisbon Creek. This lack of access to power and its 91 consequences in Lisbon Creek limited the opportunities for other occupations to replace the traditional ones. With the transition to a government representing the Negro majority in the 1960's there ~ere increased opportunities for the people of Lisbon Creek to participate in the national economy. The people of Man o' War Cay experienced local development two decades ago, but the people of Lisbon Creek are encouraged to migrate away from the community to participate in the national economy. The new government's almost total reliance on tourism and its failure to encourage the traditional trades of boat building and fishing has contributed to this situation. CHAPTER IX
FESTIVALS AND CEREMONIES
The Family Island Regatta, held at George Town, Exuma, every
April, is a national event which represents the boat builders and
seamen from all the major communities where traditional boats were built, except those on Abaco. The number of boats participating in the 1974 Regatta are presented in Table XXIII. This festival activity serves the function of maintaining continued interest in beats and the sea, as well as providing recreation. The Family Island Regatta, and other regattas like the August Monday on Mangrove cay, are a place where boats and seamanship skills are tested and displayed. It is also a time of renewing friendship and kin ties between islands and communi ties.
TABLE XXIII FAMILY ISLAND REGATTA-1974
Hnm~___ nnrt-r--- Number of boats of boat participating
South Andros (Lisbon Creek, The Bluff) 8 Mangrove Bush, Long Island 10 Exumas 19 Ragged Island 1 New Providence 2
Total-40
.._.,;41
92 93
The festival activity in Lisbon Creek was centered around the sea in the past. As early as the 1920's, races and regattas were held on Mangrove Cay. Tne prestige of the builder, owner, and community was tied to the perfor.nance of a boat in a race. The festivals were annual events in the ritual calendar of the people. Usually, the major event was scheduled in October for three or four days and was a time for drinking, dancing, and competition between individuals and communities.
Another acti~~ty connected with boat building was the launching
~eremony. The magnitude of the ceremony depended on the builder and the size of the boat being launched. The entire community where the boat was built had watched its daily progress from the laying of the keel to completion. The ceremony lasted two or three days beginning with the stepping of the mast on the first day. The word was spread to all the local communities and the day of the launching was announced.
The night before the launching was one of drinking and fcsti~~ty.
The next day the people gathered at the place of the launching. The boat, which was on rollers, was hauled into the sea after the minister had started the ceremony. The name of the boat was shouted as it slid into the sea and a bottle of spirits was passe4.
The launching ceremonies, the local and Family Island regattas, and other festival activities associated with traditional boats and boat building are still important on ~1angrove Cay, and particularly in
Lisbon Creek. The boat launching ceremony remains a major festive event in Lisbon Creek. However, participation in the ceremony is not as great as in the past, according to informants. The frequency of the ceremonies has been limited by the decreasing number of boats 94 being built.
Unlike Mangrove Cay, Man o' War Cay did not have the same frequency of ceremonies and regattas related to boat building.
Informants report a lack of interest in ceremonies and regattas in the past. The only mention was of a boat launching ceremony of a lesser ma3Uitude than that of Mangrove Cay. Launching parties, festivals, and regattas related to boat building are not presa~t in
Man o' War Cay today.
In summary, the ceremonies and festivals practiced in Lisbon
Creek have provided a means of attaining prestige, recreation, and a testing ground for the boats and crews. It can be argued that the activities have aided in the ~etention of traditional boat building and the sea complex in Lisbon Creek. When the ceremonies and festivals are not present, i.e., in Man o' War Cay, the extent of the decline of traditional boat building and the sea complex has been greater. CHAPTER X
FAMILY STRUCTURE AND RELATIONSHIPS
A factor possibly associated with the decline of boat building and the sea complex is the shift in family structure in the Out Island communities d~ring the 20th Century. This shift was a consequence of temporary and permanent migration and has occurred mainly in the
Negro Bahamian families. The three generational family found in traditional Negro cOmmunities has undergone a transition to nuclear 1 and atomistic forms. This transition has been associated with development and, specifically, the migration of one or more parents away from the community. The increasing availability of jobs in
Nassau, Freeport, and the United States has encouraged migration of males and, recently, females away from the traditional seafaring communities and their trades. The Negro Out Island community still appears to be a place where most persons are related ~d kin ties are an influence, but the composition of the family has become atomistic due to the large scale migration since the 1940's (Rodgers 1965:56-67;
Otterbein 1970:274). Figure VI attempts to explain the relationship of migration to Negro Bahamian family structure.
The structure of Caucasian families in Man o' War Cay did not undergo the change to atomistic forms. Instead, the three generation family occurs most £requen~ly and migration for jobs is not an influence. rne present adult generation, however, has modified its
95 96
FIGURE VI
EXPOSURE TO DEVELOP~lENT
EXPOSt.TRE NONP..BSORPT!ON HOUSEHOLD TO -----...;)~ OF WIDOWED ----~>:a ATOMISM DEVELOPMENT PARENTS I I t I •I I I t I !NC~A~ED ! I.,_ ------~>:~~ SEPARATION J' RATE I I I' I I I I 'I I I I I I INCREASED FEMALE MALE 'MIGRATION -----..~~ SEX Source: Rodgers (1967:256). RATE IMBALANCE occupations to tourism, which now is the basis of the local economy.
Young adults in Man o' War Cay have remained in the community and have taken available tourist related jobs.
In Lisbon Creek and Man o' War Cay informal education was traditionally based on the learning of a vocation that the male members of a family had worked in the past. Particularly in the Out Islands, the young males had little choice but to learn the skills of their family. Et~~ohistoric statements from informants, ho~ever, indicate that temporary migration from the local communities had a disruptive effect on the acceptance of traditional vocations. Seamanship and boat building skills were passed from generation to generation in both communities since the early 19th Century. Thus, the family was the traditional basis for informal education. Every young male learned the skills of his father and grandfather in additior1 to the amoun_t of forwal educatic::. that he 97
received. Formal education did not have the value that it has now,
as is evident in this statement by the Commissioner of Mangrove Cay
in 1912:
It is amusing to see how elastic some parents can make their children's ages, when they want to absent them from school. The allurement of the ready advances in the sponge outfitting shops, and the anxiety to man the sponging vessels, cause the parents to lose sight of the beliefs which a good common school education might be to their children. (1912:25).
After the collapse of sponging and the economic crisis of the early
1940's, the change in attitudes toward formal education began. "In
this day, no argument is needed in support of adapting the education
system of the colony to its agricultural needs" (Forsyth 1949:11).
Today, the relationships between father and son are strained
during the son's late adolescent years in Lisbon Creek, where all the
family heads are still boat builders and seamen. The sous have not
taken the trade of boat building from their fathers and, consequently,
the lack of apprentices is acute. The yotmg men's desire for "getting
ahead" via working wage labor is scorned by the elder boat builders,
whose contempt for working for a 11bossmann is well voiced.
Until the recent change of political power in the 1960 1 s
education opportunities than the residents of Lisbon Creek. The
political and ethnic backgrounds of Man o' War Cay residents enabled more students to achieve admission to Government High School in Nassau
(Bethell 1973:44-45). Informal education was centered around the
family occupation and the community as it was in Lisbon Creek. The absence of large scale migration by the young in ~~n o' War Cay at the present time has contributed to the continuity of the three generation 98
families. Relationships between fathers and sons are apparently less
strained than in Lisbon Creek since the sons generally take the trade
of their fathers. According to informants, there was a period of
strained father-son relations in the 1950's when they did not accept
traditional boat building as a trade. Many did build boats on a
part-time basis until the growth of tourism related work did not allow
time for boat building. Only two young men, the sons of the last
traditional boat builder, build "modem" style motor powered runabouts.
In the 1970's the nuclear family appears to be increasing in frequency
as the prosperity of the community enables young couples to build or
obtain a house. At the time of my visit there was no evidence of
atomistic families.
The family structure changes that have occurred in Lisbon Creek
could, when considered in that single instance, lend support to an
argument that they were related to the decline in boat building.
However, the data from Man o' War Cay indicate that the decline in
boat building and a concomitant change in family structure are not
always the case. It is, therefore, difficult to present a sound
argument for the influence of family structure change on the practice
of boat building. Within the local subculture in Lisbon Creek the
transition to nuclear and atomistic families has been associated with
a lack of apprentices and the abandonment of traditional family
occupations by the younger members of the community. In the Man o' War
Cay subculture the extent of the decline of boat building has been greater, although the extended family remains the most frequent form.
!he presence of local economic development, separationis~ sentiment, 99 and the loss of national political power have resulted in the absence of migration away from the area. These circumstances have preserved the three generational family to a greater extent than in Lisbon
Creek and other Negro communities. However, a sound argument was not found for family structure change as a factor directly influencing boat building in Man o' War Cay. 100
Footnote
~odgers defines an atomistic household as "a house that is inhabited by individuals th~t do not compose nuclear or extended families but only the constituent elements of such families, such as: lone men, lone women, mothers and their children, or fathers and their children" ; . ?65 :58). CHAPTER XI
VALUE CHANGES
Rodgers has described the value changes associated with
development in the Bahama Islands as a movement from equalitarian
sr.arL~g end mutual community dependence to conspicuous consumption
and striving to "get ahead" (1965 :118-119). Value changes are
considered by this research as a factor related to development, but not as a causative agent in the decline of boat building. 1 The only
aspects of value systems in the Bahama Islands to be considered here 2 are vocational preference and means of achieving prestige.
A change in vocational preference has occurred with the
transitions of the national and local economic systems and occupational profiles. Specific quantitative data on changes in vocational preferences in Lisbon Creek and Man o' war Cay were not collected.
However, a study by Rodgers in the Negro communities of Crossing Rocks
.Ann Hnrnhv 'int.n'L Ah:::arn. ;,.,,;; r:::at-<>c:: t-h<> <>ff<>rt-c:: nf <>rnnnm;,. n<>~T<>1nnm<>nt------c ·-J -- ··-7 ------7 ------·------.. ---c---- on vocational preference. Table XXIV provides data from the study.
In Crossing Rocks, the more isolatec, traditional community, the occupations of fishermen and farmer ranked 7th and 9th of 10 choices offered to males under 30 years. Of those males under 30 in Murphy
Town, a "developing community," the occupations of farmer and fisherman ranked 7th and lOth. Males over 50 in Crossing Rocks ranked farmer and fisherman 6th and 7th. In Murphy Tc~T., :ales ever 50 ranked the
101 102 two occupations 3rd and 8th. Rodgers' data indicate that occupations such as contractor, preacher, teacher, lawyer, and carpenter are preferred over the traditional trades (1969:274-276}.
TABLE XXIV RANK ORDER OF VOCATIONAL PREFERENCES BY TEMPORAL/ SPATIAL GROUPS IN TWO OUT ISLAND CO:HMUNITIES
Rank Under age 30 Age 30-50 Over age 50
Crossing Rocks 1 Preacher Preacher Preacher 2 Teacher Teacher Teacher 3 Contractor Contractor Policeman 4 Carpe:tter Policeman Contractor 5 Policeman Lawyer Carpenter 6 Lawyer Carpenter Farmer 7 Fisherman Fisherman Fisherman 8 Laborer Farmer Laborer 9 Farmer Laborer Lawyer 10 Barkeeper Barkeeper Barkeeper Murphy Town 1 Preacher Contractor Preacher 2 Contractor Preacher Contractor 3 Teacher Barkeeper Farmer 4 Lawyer Lawyer Lawyer 5 Barkeeper Carpenter Carpenter 6 Carpenter Farmer Teacher 7 Fanner 'i't:acher Laborer 8 Policeman Fisherman Fisherman 9 Laborer Policeman Policeman 10 Fisherman Laborer Barkeeper
Source: Rodgers (1969:275).
In Lisbon Creek the preference for vocations is toward "easy work" among the young males. The older males say that they prefer
"hard work" but my observations indicated that they were doing some
"easy work." Their argument for "hard work" is that it enables them
"to be their own bossman." Values favoring the traditional boat 103 building and sea complex are still present, especially among the elders of the community. The boat builders were all in agreement that their work was better than "having a bcss'"a"." They expressed regret their sons did not share this preference and that they were the last generation of boat builders.
Traditionally, the people of Lisbon Creek had a strong feeling of identity and prestige associated with boat building and the sea complex. Each male was a seaman by expectation and necessity. He developed his skills early by association with his father. A boat builder's son would become his apprentice at 12 to 14 years of age.
Farming was "the work of women and children" and was left to them.
Even today the men of the community do not farm to any extent. At the time of my visit there was still a strong identity with the traditional trades in the community, but the effects of national level development were beginning to influence even the elder boat builders and seamen.
However, the preference of young people in Lisbon Creek is to get formal education, a "good job," "get ahead," and live in Nassau or
Freeport.
In Man o' W~r Cay the vocational preferences and means of achieving prestige appear to have changed in the 1940's and 1950's when local economic development came to the area. A cash economy and conspicuous consumption are the norm and the means of achieving prestige.
The preferences for vocations of the males is tourist related "easy" occupations. Boat building and going to sea are not preferred vocations, but are thought of as a part of the history of the community.
The ~bse~ce of cer2:c~!es ~~d f2stivals ralated to toat 104
building in Man o' War Cay is indicative of the lack of interest of
the people in the trade. Although they identify with their heritage,
their values are tied to development and its consequences.
Conspicuous consumption is apparent and every person sees "getting
ahead" as the accumulation of goods and wealth. Boat building is
not a preferred means of "getting ahead." rn summary, the values of the people of Lisbon Creek are
becoming similar to those of Man o' War Cay. The elder generation of
boat builders still hold the traditional vocational preferences and
means of achieving prestige, but the younger generation in Lisbon Creek
and the people of Man o' War Cay value "getting ahead" and accumulation
of material goods. Although value changes are not a factor considered
to be a causative agent in the decline of boat building, the transition
from equalitarian sharing and community cooperation to values associated with development are, perhaps, the last step in the abandonment of
the traditional trades. 105
Footnotes
1Foster (1962:19) notes that a value system gives stability to a culture and that values seem to change more slowly than other aspects of culture.
2 For a more complete consideration of value changes in the Bahama Islands refer to Rodgers (1965:103-133; 1969:275). CHAPTER XII
SUMMARY ~~D CONCLUSIONS
Conclusions from the data
In general, the decline of traditional boat building and the sea complex in the Bahamas has occurred as a result of the combination of two factors: the collapse of the sponging industry and the truck system in the 1930's, and the introduction of development to most areas in the 1950's and 1960's. Developmental consequences, such as a cash economy and international market influence; a complex occupational profile based on wage labor; urban growth and migration from the hinterland to the city; increases in communication, trans portation, and public conveniences; governmental policy favoring economic development; family structure changes; a decline in participation in traditional festivals and ceremonies; and value shifts to conspicuous consumption and "getting ahead," have been considered in this research for their influence on the decline of traditional boat building and the sea complex. A sound argument was presented for the influence of all of the above factors except family structure.
If not for the unique circumstances of Man o' War Cay, i.e., the separationist sentime~t of the Caucasian residents, an argument for the influence of family structure changes could be made.
Lisbon Creek and Man o' War Cay have experienced different degrees of transition from the traditional activities of boat building
106 107 and the sea complex to a development economy. At the time of my visit to Man o' War Cay t~e cnly ~c3t building activity was one dinghy under construction by an old gentleman who, for reasons of health: will take no more orders. He has a sign on the door of his work shed to this effect. His two sons, having devoted all their attention this year to house construction, built only two motor powered runabouts this year. It should be mentioned that data on the actual number of boats built each year are both scanty and of questionable validity. However, the available data do indicate a decline from 108 boats built between
1855 and 1864 (over 10 boats per year) on Abaco to one dinghy and two runabouts built in 1974 on Man o' War Cay, the only remaining site of boat building on Abaco.
As of my visit to Lisbon Creek, the only remaining site of boat building on Mangrove Cay, a sloop and a dinghy were in the final stages of construction and 8 other boats were in various stages of construction or repair. Although this may indicate that the degree of the decline has not proceeded as far as on Man o' War Cay, the lack of apprentices portends the loss of boat building in L±sbon Creek with the passing of the alder generation. The Cowmissionerjs Report for
~~grove Cay states that, in 1937, 8 sloops and numerous dinghies were built in the area. This was during the height of boat building on the island and production will not match this level again.
The early aban~onment of sponging, the greater access to power and wealth in the colonial government, the earlier presence of economic development, the availability of "other" local occupations, and an absence of festivals and ceremonies related to boat building are factors 108
that contributed to the greater degree of movement away from the
traditional activities in Man o' rlar Cay. Strong ties to the sea
and reliance on sponging until 1940; unequal access to power, wealth,
technology, and formal education; the importance of festivals and
ceremonies related to boat building and the sea; vocational preferences
and means of achieving prestige tied to the traditional activities; and
an absence of "other" local economic choices and econcmic development are factors that influenced the greater continuation of boat building in Lisbon Creek.
It can be concluded that the difference between the two
communities is due to development differentials and exposure to its
consequences.
Implications for future research
Each factor analyzed in this research could provide the basis for further study. The attempt to investigate the problem on both the local and supralocal levels has been appropriate. It is difficult to understand how a study of cultural change in a situation like that of the Bahama Islands could be accomplished to any reasonable degree of validity without such analysis. Any present or future researcher in the cultural system of the Bahama Islands must not at~~pt to apply only local level methodologies. Tne nature of the problem requires consideration at the supralocal level as well. Equally, synchronic analysis would have been incomplete without the attempt at diachronic or historical reconstruction.
The Bahama Islands and their people have, for the most part, been ignored by anthropologists. Perhaps this is because the people 109 and their cultural system do not fit easily as accepted objects of anthropological research, i.e., peasant or tribal societies. The
Bahama Islands, nevertheless, represent a challenge to social scientists because of their unique circumstances, at present and in the past. APPENDIX Lisbon Creek Traditional Andros nloop ......
Maurice Albury's \torkp:Lace Work shed--Man o' War Cay Man o' War Gay .,,~ I .
Rupert Bain's workplace Leroy Bannister and Alfred Bain aboard the "Avenger" ....t-' 1'-)
Captain no al: work A "looking glass" Bahamas Police Force Band A sloop underw1y ~ r.-.t Family Island Regatta ~ w ·, . . .. .,....-: / rl; ._, "'i - --~.. ,1~ •.• l-;i,_,...... (;·~·~ ,,,.:~. ~'"' , ..•. ~-·~-lto . ·1 m:~~c\:l.jf, ~- ~i~h41til~Wt.""-ki iri ~ :,.<•'11tit' t' • • I I H 1 ! f:~;H I' I ·iJ! I '.I ,j 1:' '' I ' . •' I ,Ill_! I ,· • I. ; £ '\1· • •'I. " . . . . II. .' ' . .. ,,.. '.. . t• ~ .,. r,"• - ·'' . '. l. 1... f. ;;._J t' I i -· : ,•, ,,]' t ' ~ 1·' t.. "j ·I· ~~"~ i',. J. :1:·: I' ' I I ' f ~ I j I I I'~~ l' ' '', I . I' : . I i . 'I . I '. ' ' I I .• . • I . I I • j 1 • ' ·I: • I " . . I ... ' ' .. ' ' I '\ { ~ /-·, .. ~··, i.· • . i ~. ,_ , I . ~ :: ./ . II I \ l;f·,'\ .. ' lt::h,,- ... ' ' ' ! " . .-I'. ' :: ::_ ~- .. · t - .. 1 , ··;! ~r !;;.; ' ' The starting gun Government build:Lng--George Town BIBLIOGRAPHY , BIBLIOGRAPHY ....
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Geertz, Clifford 1962 "Studies in Peasant Life: Community and Society" in Biennial Review of Anthropology, 1961, edited by Bernard Siegel, Stanford: Stanford University Press, pp. 1-41.
Gcggin, .J chn ~- 1939 "An Anthropological Reconnaissance of Andros Island, Bahamas," f..merican Antiquity 1:21-26.
Great Britain Colonial Office 1946 Bahamas; a Report. London: H.M.s.o.
Hassam., John Tyler 1899 The Bahama Islands. Cambridge: J. Wilson & So~.
Herskovits, Melville J. 1967 Cultural pz~amics. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Johnson, Doris L. 1972 The Quiet Revolution in the Bahamas. Nassau: Family Islands Press. 120
Johnson, William R. 1973 Bahamian Sailing Craft. George Town, Exuma: Explorations, Ltd.
Langbein, !-f.ary H. 1970 Economy and Family Structure, Port Howe, Cat Island, B.W.I. (M.A. thesis, Florida A~lan~ic Universi~y.)
Leeds, .Anthony 1973 "Locality Power in Relation to Supralocal Power Institutions," in Urban Anthropology, edited by Aidan Southall, New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 15-43.
MacPherson, John 1963 Caribbean Lands: A Geography of the West Indies. London: Longmans, Green, & Company.
Martyr, Peter 1912 De Orbe Novo (1511), Translated by F. A. McNutt, New York: Burt Franklin.
McCartney, Timot~y 0. 1971 Neuroses in the Sun. Nassau: Executive Printers of the Bahamas.
McKinnen, Daniel 1804 A Tour through the British ~est Indies. London: J. White.
Miller, W. Hubert 1945 "The Colonization of the Bahamas, 1647-1670," iVilliam and Mary Quarterly 2:33-46.
Mills, T. Wesly 1837 "The Study of a Small and Isolated Community in the Bahama Islands," P..merican Naturalist 21:875-85.
Moseley, l'f.ary 1926 The Bahamas P~ndbook. Nassau: The Nassau Gardian.
Murdock~ George P. 1971 "How Culture Changes" in Man, Culture, and Society, edited by Harry L. Shapiro, New YorK: Oxrora University Press, pp. 319-32.
Northrop, Alice R. 1910 "Bahamian Trip, General Notes," in A Naturalist in the Bahamas: John S. Northroo, edited by Henry F. Osborn, New York: The Columbia University Press, pp. 1-24.
Oldmixon: John 1741 The Isle of Providence. Nassau: The Providence Press. 121
Otterbein, Keith P. 1959 "Setting of Fields: A Form of Bahamian Obeah," Philadelphia Anthropological Society Bulletin 13:3-7.
1963 "Household Composition of the Andros Islanders~" Social and Economic Studies 12:78-83.
1~64a "Prh1ciples Governing the Usage of In-Law Terminology on Anc'.ros Island, Bahamas," Man 49:54-55.
1964b "The Courtship and Mating System of the Andros Islanders," Social and Economic Studies 13:282-301.
1964c "A Comparison of the Land Tenure Systems of the Bahamas, Janai ca, cu""ld Barbacios," International Archives of Ethnography 50:31-42.
1966 The Andros Islanders, a Study of Family Organization in the Bahanas. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press.
1970a "Cooper's Town, Bahamas: a Statistical Survey," Social and Economic Studies 19:263-77.
1970b "The Developmental Cycle of the Andros Household: a Dychronic Analysis," American Anthropologist 72: 1412-19.
1973 r;Believers and Beaters: a Case Study of Supernatural Beliefs and Child Rearing in the Bahama Islands," American Anthropologist 75:1670-81.
Peggs, Deans A. 1959 A Short History of the Bahamas. Nassau: Deans Peggs Research Fund.
Peters, Thelma Peterson 1960 The American Loyalists and the Plantation Period in the Baftama !sl:!!lds. (M.A. thesis, University of Florida.)
~latt, Raye R.; John K. Wright; John C. Weaver; Johnson E. Fairchild 1941 Eurooean Possessions in the Caribbean ~xea. New York: American Geographical Society.
Powles, Louis Diston 1888 Land of the Pink Pearl; or, Recollections of Life in the Bahamas. London: S. Low, Marston, Searle, & Riving ton.
Rawson, (Sir) R. 1865 Report on the Bahamas. London: H.M.S.O. 122
Richardson, J. H. 1944 Review of Bahamian Economic Conditions and Post-War Problems. Nassau: Nassau Guardian.
J:igg, J. Linton 1959 Bahama Islands. Princeton: Van Nostrand Company.
Rodgers, W. B. 1965 The Wages of Change: An Anthropological Study of the Effects of Economic Development on Some Negro Communities in the Out Island Bahamas. (Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University.)
1966a "Development and Specialization: A Case from the Bahamas," Ethnology 4:409-14.
1966b "Environmental Modification and Cultural Adaptation: Abaca 1964" (unpublished).
1967a "Changing Gratification Orientations: Some Findings from the Out Island Bahamas," Human Organization 26:200-05.
1967b "Household Atomism and Change in the Out Island Bahamas," Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 24:244-60.
1969 "Developmental Exposure and Changing Vocational Preferences in the Out Island Bahamas " Human Organization 28:270-78. ' ---
Rodgers, W. B., and John M. Long 1968 "Male Models and Sexual Identification: A case from the Out Island Bahamas," Human Organization 27:326-31.
Rodgers, W. B. and Richard E. Gardner 1969 "Linked Changes in Values and Behavior in the Out Island Bahamas," American Anthropologist 79:21-35.
Rudgers, W. B. and C. H. Wallace 1969 "Development and Changes in Population Distribution in the Out Island Bahamas, 11 Anthropologica XI (2) 189-201.
Rubin, Vera (Ed.) 1956 Caribbean Studies: A Si~posium. Kingston: University of West Indies.
Schoepf, Johann David 1911 Travels in the Confederation, 1783-1794. Philadelphia: Wm. J. Campbell. Sharer, C. J. 1955 Population Gro~th in the Bahamas. (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan.) 123
Shattuck, George (Ed.) 1905 The Bahama Islands. New York: MacMillan Co.
Smith, M. G. 1953 !!Some Aspects of Social Structure in the British Caribbean About 1820," Social a.'1.d Economic Studies I\4):56-79.
Stark, James 1891 History and Guide to the Bahamas. Boston: James Stark Publishers.
Steward, Julian TT-':...... -- • 'ri-~ ...... --~ -· - C 1955 Theory cf Culture Ch~ge. ""'&.""'~• \.JU. ..tr.'+IC. • .:t..&..t..J V.&. Illinois Press.
Wakefield, A. J. 1942 Report on Agricultural Development in the Bahamas. Nassau: Government Printing Office.
Weiss, Sara 1966 "Notes on Cat Island" (unpublished).
Wilkinson, Henry C. 1950 Bermuda in the Old Empire. London: Oxford ·university Press.
Wright, James M. 1915 "Wrecking System of the Bahama Islands," Political Science Quarterly 30:618-44.
Wylly, t:i lliam 1789 A Short Account of the Bahama Islands. London: H.M.S.O. 124
Footnote
1This bibliography contains references cited together with the remainder of the meager ethnographic literature on the Ba~ama Islands, as a guide to that literature.