Networking &Advocacy (NAA)

TERM PAPER

Topic: Right Food Campaign

Submitted to: Dr. C.Shambu Prasad

SUBMITTED BY

Achin Bansal (05) Murli Manohar (21)

Ipsita Das (18) Richa Rai (39)

Vijayesh Kr Pandey (57)

POST GRADUATE PROGRAMME IN RURAL MANAGEMENT

XAVIER INSTITUTE OF MANAGEMENT, BHUBANESWAR Abstract

The paper looks at the Right to Food Campaign from its evolution to its present stages and the future going forward. The paper looks at the genesis and the subsequent evolution of the campaign through its various stages. It also looks at the various important activities carried out and the methodology that the campaign has adopted to prosper further. The paper then analyses the functional aspects of the campaign and how it was made a success. It analyses the roles and contributions performed by the key actors in the campaign. It further looks at the current activities being carried out under the campaign and how the right to food campaign is associating and spreading its mandate. The paper also looks at the International scenario concerning the Right to Food campaign and takes a view of the various approaches. Finally it elaborates the impact that the campaign has actually had in the policy domain.

Right to Food Campaign Page 2 Index

Contents Page No

1. Introduction 5 2. India’s Legal obligation – Birth of the Right to 7 Food Campaign

2.1 Right to Food Campaign- The evolution 8 2.1.1 Issues 8 2.1.2 Activities under the campaign 8 2.2 Major Activities 9 2.2.1"Day of action on mid-day meals". 9 2.2.2 “Rozgar Adhikar Yatra” 10 2.3 The national Conventions 10 2.3.1 The first National Convention on Right to 10 Food & Work,Bhopal,2004

2.3.2 Second national convention on the Right to 12 Food and Work,Kolkata,2005

3. Management of the Campaign 13 3.1 Purpose and Import of the Advisory Group 14 4. Key Actors 15 4.1 How CSOs have contributed to implementing 15 the Right to Food Campaign in India.

4.1.1 Forceful assertion: the Case of MKSS 18 5. The Campaign scope widens 20 5.1 LAND, DIGNITY AND FREEDOM 20 FOOTMARCH- CHAURI-CHAURA DECLARATION

Right to Food Campaign Page 3 5.2 SIMLIPAL MALNUTRITION DEATHS FACT 20 FINDING REPORT

5.3 LAUNCH OF WEBSITE 21 www.mediaforrights.org

5.4 ICDS BOLANGIR SOCIAL AUDIT 21 6. Right to Food Campaign: a Global Perspective 23 6.1 The United Nations Organisation and Right to 23 Food

6.2 FIAN International 25 6.3 Action Against Hunger 26 6.4 Bread for the World 26 6.5 The International Food Policy Research 26 Institute

6.6 The National Council of Churches 27 6.7 The Silent Killer 27 7. The campaign impact on Policy 28 7.1 Antyodaya Anna Yojana 28 7.2 The Public Distribution System (PDS) 29 7.3 Mid-day Meals 29 7.4 Integrated Child Development Services 31 7.5 National Old Age Pension Scheme 32 7.6 National Family Benefit Scheme 32 7.7 Annapurna 33 7.8 National Maternity Benefit Scheme 33 7.9 Sampoorna Grameen Rozgar Yojana 34 7.10 The National Rural Employment Guarantee 34 Act

Right to Food Campaign Page 4 1. Introduction

Food is one of the basic necessities of human life and existence. While at the global level nation States rejoice their success of achieving self sufficiency in food production and the available food stocks, at the national level the state of food security is still dismal. The Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food in his recent report to the Commission of Human Rights expressed his grave concern that the number of undernourished people around the world has increased to 840 million. He further observed, “Over 2 billion people worldwide suffer from ‘hidden hunger,’ or micronutrient deficiencies, that is, for instance, that children fail to grow and develop normally, their bodies are stunted and sometimes deformed, as are their intellectual capacities and immune systems. Every day, every seven seconds, another child under the age of 10 dies from hunger or hunger-related diseases.” As Prof. George Kent puts it: “This is a silent holocaust, repeated year after year.”

Every human being has a right to be free from hunger and to have access to safe and nutritious food. As a matter of law, the Right to Food has, at least in formal terms, been accorded universal recognition as a human right. It is articulated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (hereafter UDHR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (hereafter ICESCR), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (hereafter CRC), and several other international instruments. States and the governments that are parties to these instruments have obligations and commitments to assure the realization of the right. Under the Rome Declaration of World Food Security 1996, the Heads of the States reaffirmed the right of everyone to have access to safe and nutritious food, consistent with the right to adequate food and the fundamental right of everyone to be free from hunger.

India has achieved self sufficiency in food production; however, there are still widespread chronic malnutrition and starvation deaths. The Indian Central and state governments violate the human right to food essentially due to their failure to ensure an equitable distribution system; to effectively utilize funds for social welfare schemes that could, and under the human rights law must, be used to help lift individuals and families out of hunger and poverty; to monitor and administer food security and poverty alleviation schemes; and to ensure means of the purchase Right to Food Campaign Page 5 of food. While India maintained high annual growth at a rate of 2.27% in the food grain production in the 1990s and achieved self-sufficiency in course cereals (wheat and rice), which account for 5–10% of total agricultural exports of the country, famines have disappeared, and per capita food supply has increased from 394.4 in 1951 to 458.0 in 2000, at the all-India level the total calorie intake per head in rural areas has fallen by 70 calories between 1983 and 1999– 2000

The Nobel Laureate in Economics, Prof. Amartya Sen observed that since independence India has accomplished many positive developments. First, pre-independence stagnating agriculture has been firmly replaced by an imposing expansion of the production possibilities in Indian agriculture through innovative departures and expansion of technological limits. However the Indian food consumption is held up today not because of any operational inability to produce more food, but a far-reaching failure to make the poor of the country able to afford enough food. Second, substantial famines that so plagued India until independence has been effectively eliminated: the last sizable famine occurred in 1943—four years before independence. And yet this credible record in famine prevention has not been matched by a similar success in eliminating the pervasive presence of endemic hunger that blights the lives of hundreds of millions of people in this country.

2. India’s Legal obligation – Birth of the Right to Food Campaign Right to Food Campaign Page 6 There are various international and domestic precedents that indicate that India is bound to uphold the Right to Food. India signed and ratified the international treaties, namely ICESCR (in 1979) and CRC (in 1992). Being a signatory of these instruments India is bound both by the provisions and the corresponding obligations arising under the Covenants, as discussed in the preceding sections of this chapter. At the World Summit 1996, India argued that it is the fundamental duty of free nations to ensure that every citizen is enabled to earn his or her daily bread and lead a productive and healthy life. Further, various other documents setting out the scope of the Right to Food, may not have the same import in terms of legally-binding obligations, but a formal commitment and the expansive effect to the concept of the Right to Food in these documents have an important hortatory value.

At the domestic level also there are precedents which indicate that the Right to Food has been articulated and recognized as a legal norm to be fulfilled by the Government of India (hereafter GOI). Judicial activism on the Right to Food was witnessed for the first time in India in the case of Kishen Pattnayak & Another v. State of Orissa.95 In the backdrop of drought and starvation in the Kishen Pattnayak case, the SC affirmed the individual’s Right to Food. The Right to Food was reaffirmed closer to the present in PUCL v. Union of India where the court held “…what isof utmost importance is to see that food is provided to the aged, infirm, disabled, destitute women, destitute men who are in danger of starvation, pregnant and lactating women and destitute children, especially in cases where they or members of their family do not have sufficient funds to provide food for them.” To this effect, the court recognized the Right to Food as a fundamental right under Article 21 of the Constitution of India (1950) and this was the birth of the Right to Food Campaign.

2.1 Right to Food Campaign- The evolution

Right to Food Campaign Page 7 The "Right to Food Campaign" is an informal network of organisations and individuals committed to the realisation of the right to food in India. The campaign began with a writ petition submitted to the Supreme Court in April 2001 by People's Union for Civil Liberties, Rajasthan. Briefly, the petition demands that the country's gigantic food stocks should be used without delay to protect people from hunger and starvation. This petition led to a prolonged “public interest litigation” (PUCL vs Union of India and Others, Writ Petition [Civil] 196 of 2001). Supreme Court hearings have been held at regular intervals, and significant "interim orders" have been issued from time to time. However, it soon became clear that the legal process would not go very far on its own. This motivated the effort to build a larger public campaign for the right to food.

2.1.1 Issues The campaign has already taken up a wide range of aspects of the right to food. Sustained demands include: (1) a national Employment Guarantee Act, (2) universal mid-day meals in primary schools, (3) universalization of the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) for children under the age of six, (4) effective implementation of all nutrition-related schemes, (5) revival and universalization of the public distribution system, (6) social security arrangements for those who are not able to work, (7) equitable land rights and forest rights. Some of these demands have already been met to some extent. For instance, the Indian Parliament unanimously enacted a National Rural Employment Guarantee Act in August 2005, and cooked mid-day meals have been introduced in all primary schools following a Supreme Court order of April 2004. Further issues are likely to be taken up as the campaign grows.

2.1.2 Activities under the campaign A wide range of activities have been initiated to further these demands. Examples include public hearings, rallies, dharnas, padyatras, conventions, action-oriented research, media advocacy, and lobbying of Members of Parliament. The Right to Food Campaign has been home to a spectacular variety of activities for the various reasons. One, hunger is a ‘bottom-line concern’ for people working in a variety of areas. Thus the campaign has got participants from large areas of work and regions. Two, hunger has an impact on most developmental issues e.g. education

Right to Food Campaign Page 8 and health. Thus established campaigns on these issues have a stake in the issue of right to food. Third, a large variety of institutions have been utilised by participants of the Right to Food Campaign adding to the diversity in the activities. The following, for example, have been used frequently: mass mobilisation, advocacy, social audits, courts – ranging from the Supreme Court to the district courts, human rights commissions, a monitoring system based on a commissioner with oversight powers over all food and employment schemes, research, seminars, media advocacy and public hearings.

2.2 Major Activities There were several step and mans to carry the campaign forward. Some of these are as illustrated below.

2.2.1"Day of action on mid-day meals". On 9 April 2002, activities of this kind took place across the country as part of a national "day of action on mid-day meals". This was the first significant step for India's Right to Food Campaign. The action day also saw many groups getting together in the states to forming a local co-ordination committee.This event was instrumental in persuading several state governments to initiate cooked mid-day meals in primary schools. Significant features of the campaign were:  The theme of the event , cooking of mid-day meal by the community was a form of demonstration. This was organised in places from the village schools to the cubban park of Bangalore. Miller school of Patna saw the largest of its kind with 5000 students participating in it. In Bhopal, 400 students had their fill and demanded 'energetically' the implementation of the programme in front of the CMs residence.  Demonstrations were held in all but one of the participating states. All these capitals of States had some action. PMG square of Bubanehwar saw a rally that had participation from all parts of the state. Miller School of Patna and the Town Hall of Ranchi saw a gathering of thousands of children. Children stood in the prominent MG road of Bangalore with empty plates asking for mid-day meals to be served in their schools.

Right to Food Campaign Page 9  Consultation with the government was another prominent feature of the campaign. In almost every state, there were consultations with the government on the mid-day meals issue. In Bihar, a team led by PUCL met the education minister to demand the immediate implementation of the mid-day meal programme. In Orissa, an appointment was sought with the CM, but they had to meet the Additional Secretary to the CM.

2.2.2 “Rozgar Adhikar Yatra”

Similarly, in May-June 2005, the campaign played a leading role in the “Rozgar Adhikar Yatra”, a 50-day tour of India's poorest districts to demand the immediate enactment of a national Employment Guarantee Act. The aim of this Yatra was to consolidate the campaign for a full- fledged, universal and irreversible Employment Guarantee Act. Beyond this, the Yatra sought to affirm the right to work as an aspect of the fundamental right to live with dignity.

The Yatra went through ten states (Haryana, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Bihar, West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh) before returning to Delhi on 2 July 2005. A series of public meetings, state conventions, cultural activities, public demonstrations, press conferences, etc., took place on the way.

2.3 The national Conventions

2.3.1 The first National Convention on Right to Food & Work,Bhopal,2004

A national convention on the right to food and work was held on 11-13 June 2004, in Bhopal (Madhya Pradesh). Organisations committed to the right to food and work joined from all over the country. The main purpose of this convention was to share experiences of grassroots action for the right to food/work, and to plan future activities. This was also taken as an opportunity to address the organisational issues that arise in building coordinated action for the right to food and work.

Right to Food Campaign Page 10 The convention involved group discussion , training workshops, cultural activities, and more. Issues for discussion included guaranteed employment, the public distribution system, mid-day meals, land rights, and judicial action for the right to food and work, among others.

This convention was a follow-up of earlier discussions held at the World Social Forum in Mumbai (January 2004). It is facilitated by the support group of the “right to food campaign”, in collaboration with several country-wide networks such as the National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM), Bharat Gyan Vigyan Samiti (BGVS), Jan Swasthya Abhiyan (JSA), All India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA), National Federation of Indian Women (NFIW), Human Rights Law Network (HRLN), National Conference of Dalit Organisations (NACDOR), National Campaign Committee for Rural Workers (NCCRW) and People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL).

The convention discussed the following issues and held sessions on the same:

(1) Universalisation of the public distribution system. (2) ‘Food sovereignty’ and the right to food. (3) Dalits, Adivasis and the right to food. (4) Children’s right to food. (5) The right to work in all its aspects (employment guarantee, minimum wages, etc.). (6) Legal action for the right to food and work. (7) Linking the right to food and work with the right to information. (8) Imports of genetically modified food. (9) The Abhijit Sen Committee report. (10) Challenging the BPL survey and official claims of rapid poverty reduction. (11) Decentralised systems of food production and distribution. (12) Women’s role in food security. (13) WTO-related issues. (14) Role of the Commissioners of the Supreme Court.

Right to Food Campaign Page 11 About 120 organisations participated in the convention.

2.3.2 Second national convention on the Right to Food and Work,Kolkata,2005

The second “national convention on the right to food and work” was held in Badu (near Kolkata) on 18-20 November 2005. About 400 participants, representing a wide range of organisations working on these issues, joined from all over India. Some participation also came from countries like Bangladesh, South Africa, Sri Lanka and Brazil.

The convention was an opportunity to share experiences of struggle for the right to food and work, and to plan further activities. The main themes included the public distribution system, children's right to food, the Employment Guarantee Act, the Right to Information Act, legal action for the right to food, land rights, and forest rights, among others. It was an action-oriented event, structured around a series of parallel workshops, plenary meetings, training sessions, cultural activities, and more.

Right to Food Campaign Page 12 3. Management of the Campaign

The campaign has a small secretariat, which plays a basic facilitating role .The annual convention sets the agenda of the secretariat.

The work of the Secretariat is entirely funded from individual donations in rupees with no strings attached. At the moment the secretariat is operated by Gurminder Singh and Spurthi Reddy. Most of the work is actually done by volunteers. Aside from a large, floating group of "casual" volunteers, there is a team of committed volunteers who have specific responsibilities and are giving time to the Secretariat on a sustained basis.

The secretariat's work is guided by an "advisory group", consisting of one representative of each of the national networks that convened the Bhopal convention in June 2004, as well as members of the former "support group" of the campaign and some "invited members of local campaigns". The advisory group currently consists of the following persons:

 Annie Raja (National Federation of Indian Women)  Anup Srivastava (Human Rights Law Network)  Anuradha Talwar (Paschim Banga Khet Mazdoor Samiti, West Bengal)  Arundhati Dhuru (National Alliance of People’s Movement)  Asha Mishra (Bharat Gyan Vigyan Samiti)  Ashok Bharti (National Conference of Dalit Organisations)  Gangaram Paikre (Chhattisgarh Kisan Mazdoor Andolan)  Gautom Modi (New Trade Union Initiative)  Jean Drèze (former support group; Delhi School of Economics)  Kavita Srivastava (People Union for Civil Liberties)  Pramod Kumar (Vidya Sagar Samajik Suraksha Seva Evam Sodh Sansthan, Bihar)  Sachin Jain (Vikas Samvad, Madhya Pradesh)  Subhash Bhatnagar (NCC-USW)  Suchi Pande (National Campaign for People’s Right to Information)

Right to Food Campaign Page 13  Suresh Sawant (Anna Adhikar Abhiyan, Maharashtra)  Tanveer (NCDHR)  V B Rawat (former support group; Social Development Foundation)  Vandana Prasad (Jana Swasthya Abhiyan)

A "sub-group" of this advisory group was formed in July 2006 for the purpose of day-to-day guidance to the secretariat. This sub-group currently consists of Anuradha Talwar, Jean Drèze and Kavita Srivastava.

3.1 Purpose and Import of the Advisory Group

The advisory group has a crucial role to play. It has deliberately been made to incorporate bodies and people from direct backgrounds like advocating for women, dalits, trade unions, farmers’ bodies. It also has people like Jean Dreze and Anuradha Talwar that also maintain the interface with the policy making and Government functionaries.

This diverse set has served the purpose of the Right to Food campaign very efficiently over the years. The campaign spans the entire spectrum of the population touching the people and the Government at some level or the other.

The large variety of organizations in term of thematic areas, areas of operation and level of interface with different levels of the people and the Government ensures that it can run a campaign throughout the length and breadth of the country and also influence policy changes by frequently liaisoning with the Government and Administrative machinery.

Thus this vast span of people and organizations gives the campaign dept, breadth and also the functionality to make it function efficiently and efficiently right from the grass roots to the higher echelons of power.

Right to Food Campaign Page 14 4. Key Actors

The work of the Secretariat at the Right to Food Campaign’s office is as mentioned above guided by an "advisory group", consisting of one representative of each of the national networks that convened the Bhopal convention in June 2004, as well as members of the former "support group" of the campaign and some "invited members of local campaigns".

Though the "Common Minimum Programme" of the UPA government included a pledge to enact a rural employment guarantee act, the path to the NREGA has not been smooth. It has required sustained campaigning on the ground, lobbying with political parties, and an intellectual engagement with votaries of the "minimal state" in the corporate media.

4.1 How CSOs have contributed to implementing the Right to Food Campaign in India.

In May 2001 the People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) filed a petition against the Government of India at the Supreme Court in the wake of starvation deaths in Orissa. The Supreme Court affirmed that where people are unable to feed themselves adequately, the government is obliged to provide for them, ensuring at the very least, that they are not exposed to malnourishment and starvation. This gave birth to the "Right to Food Campaign" which is an informal network of organisations and individuals committed to the realisation of the right to food in India. They have been instrumental in following the outcomes of the Supreme Court judgement and providing a continuous external check on how State governments are following orders.

The Right to Food Campaign began in mid-2001 when the prevalence of “hunger amidst plenty” took a new turn. The country’s stocks reached unprecedented levels while hunger intensified in

Right to Food Campaign Page 15 drought-affected areas and elsewhere. This situation prompted the People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), Rajasthan, to approach the Supreme Court with a writ petition on the right to food. The petition demanded that the country’s gigantic food stocks should be used without delay to protect people from hunger and starvation.

“ The idea is to make the ‘Right to Food’ campaign a mass movement and make hunger a political issue. Despite creating headlines drought after drought, hunger has not generated a debate and the problem is going unaddressed. If it becomes a political priority, there are chances that something will be done. However, at our level we are doing the best we can, roping in orgnaisations and individuals,” Jean Dreze (development economist-Delhi School of Econimics- and activist) asserts. He argues that the RTF Campaign is a decentralized network, which builds on local initiative and voluntary cooperation.

Dreze’s small support group of Colin Gonsalvez, Harsh Mander, Kavita Srivastava plays a basic facilitating role in the larger campaign. In January 2003, at a public hearing in Delhi on ‘the right to food testifies to a stark reality: basic prerequisites for a life of dignity are still beyond the reach of a majority of Indians’, on behalf of the Right to Food Campaign, human rights lawyer Colin Gonsalves informed the gathering about the progress on the petition for the right to food in the Supreme Court. The court has set up a monitoring mechanism for the better enforcement of all food schemes by Central and State governments, and the universal implementation of the mid-day meal scheme for schoolchildren all over the country. The campaign is pleading for an employment guarantee scheme as a statutory right and the universal coverage of all vulnerable groups with food transfers.

The print media is an important vehicle for public debate around the Right to Food. Over the years it has hosted a vibrant debate around the State's responsibility in actualizing this right. In addition, journalists have examined various government programmes, such as the Mid-day Meal Scheme and the Integrated Child Development Scheme, in some depth.

The Sangharsh Sabha for Food Work, the national convention organized by the All India Democratic Women’s Association demands for a new food policy, cheap rations and regular employment, extends its solidarity with all movements that protect and defend the interests of the

Right to Food Campaign Page 16 working people against the onslaught of liberalization policies. This convention primarily has the following demands:

Universalisation of the Public Distribution system. The right to cheap foodgrains through a strengthened rationing system should be made a fundamental right. As a first step towards dismantling of the targeted system, all BPL card holders to be given foodgrains at Rs. 3 per kg rice and Rs. 2 per kg wheat (Antodaya scheme prices). All widows, single adult women, disabled persons, persons over the age of sixty and female headed families, regardless of whether they have BPL cards or not be given immediate access to grains at these prices. The foodgrain component of all employment related schemes including food for work schemes be calculated at current Antodaya prices.

Anna Adhikar Abhiyan, Maharashtra undertook a study to get authentic data and facts on how and whether the SC order on provision of eight food security schemes into entitlements of the poor is being translated into action at the grassroots level and what the actual status of various food security schemes in Maharashtra is. On November 28, 2001, the Supreme Court passed a significant order on this petition. The order effectively converted the provision of eight food security schemes into entitlements of the poor. This process signifies a definite forward movement in the collective struggle for the right to food and the order opens up an opportunity to ensure that the benefits of welfare schemes reach the poor and marginalised.

However, in order to convert the legal entitlement into an actual improvement in food security, we must monitor the implementation of the Supreme Court Orders at the ground level. For this, authentic data and facts is needed on how and whether the SC order is being translated into action at the grassroots level and what is the actual status of various food security schemes. It is with this objective that a study was conducted by the Anna Adhikar Abhiyan in sample villages and urban settlements, in various districts of Maharashtra.

4.1.1 Forceful assertion: the Case of MKSS

A huge gathering of activists, campaigners and political workers attended a convention on the right to information at Beawar in Ajmer district of Rajasthan. The meeting took place in the Right to Food Campaign Page 17 shadow of a third successive year of scant rainfall in certain parts of the state. This caused acute livelihood stress and raised the probability of famine in certain parts of the state. Deaths from food deprivation and related diseases had already been reported. The conference was also attended by the then-Chief Minister of Rajasthan, Ashok Gehlot, who was perhaps keen to maintain an image of transparency and candour. A number of questions were raised to the chief minister about drought relief activities and the implementation of anti-poverty programmes, with regard in particular to the total entitlement of foodgrains for BPL people, given that state procures a mere 60 per cent from the central pool. In response to these queries, the Chief Minister reported that the government’s records were always open for inspection with regard to the specific concerns on the famine conditions that had been articulated in various parts of the state.

It was suggested that the National Campaign for the Peoples’ Right to Information, the umbrella organization sponsoring the Beawar convention, could nominate an individual of its choice to examine the state’s records if it would serve to assuage public misgivings. With these remarks, the chief minister left the convention venue.

Aruna Roy, founder of the MKSS (Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan) and recipient of Ramon Magsaysay award, came up with an appropriate response. Since the administration has proven that it was not amenable to discuss a matter involving the lives and livelihoods of millions, the agitation programmes, according to Roy, would have to be stepped up. MKSS decided to begin plans to lay siege to FCI’s warehouses where the central government’s burgeoning stocks of food were wasting away. The agitation was to continue until the government opened up the granaries and established a welfare programme to relieve the suffering of society’s most vulnerable sections. Later, a demonstration against the ‘paradox of apparent plenty amidst poverty’ took place in Udaipur. The tribal areas of Udaipur were among the worst affected by the drought prevailing in Rajasthan and have had a number of deprivation-related deaths. Three political parties had planned raids on the godowns well before the chief minister’s public display of reticence in Beawar. Following the Beawar event, the Udaipur demonstration attracted a substantial contingent from the MKSS.

Right to Food Campaign Page 18 On 12 April 2001 a large crowd assembled in the vicinity of the Udaipur District Collectorate. Some leaders had symbolically equipped themselves with hammers for breaking the locks that were perceived to be the obstacles to food security. Stopped a kilometre before their destination at the FCI warehouse, the procession of demonstrators broke through police barricades, courting arrest. As they were dispersed, they promised that the action was not to be the last of its kind (Muralidharan 2001). This agitation had resulted in a number of corrective governmental actions, albeit there is still a long way to go. (Source: Research Paper No. 2006/132: ‘Enforcing the Right to Food in India: Bottlenecks in Delivering the Expected Outcome’, George Cherian).

Right to Food Campaign Page 19 5. The Campaign scope widens

The campaign for the right to food is inextricably connected with other campaigns and people's movements across the country. Here we include the few of the campaigns related with the right to food issues.

5.1 LAND, DIGNITY AND FREEDOM FOOTMARCH- CHAURI-CHAURA DECLARATION Land, Dignity and Freedom footmarch covered around 140 villages in four districts of Maharajganj, Kushingar, Deoria and Gorakhpur district on June 1st, 2007 and culminated at Chauri Chaura on June 22nd, 2007 with a total of 370 kilometers. It was organised by Uttar-Pradesh Land Alliance and led by Shri Vidya Bhushan Rawat, Director, Social Development Foundation, Delhi. Padyatra raised the issue of hunger, land, water and sustainable development. It also raised the issue of the failure of the previous government to deal with the issue of livelihood of marginalised communities and their continuous marginalisation through hunger, malnutrition, poverty and depression. It also voiced its concern over growing communalisation process as well as spreading of superstition among the poorer sections of society. At many places the marchers spoke to small gatherings, met people, visited affected areas and conducted social audits of schemes like NREGA.

5.2 SIMLIPAL MALNUTRITION DEATHS FACT FINDING REPORT In the 65 villages present in Similipal Sanctuary, the incidence of mass death takes place every alternate year or within an interval of two to three years. The reason of these deaths

Right to Food Campaign Page 20 being starvation, malnutrition, food poisoning and drinking polluted water. On 16th May 2007, death of 7 children was reported from Gudgudia Panchayat of Similipal Sanctuary in the one of the English daily ‘The Hindu’. The children all below five years of age were reported to have died due to fever and malnutrition. A Fact Finding team consisting of 11 members from different organizations and network groups visited the area on the 7th of June to find out the reasons of this regular phenomenon of infant deaths occurring in Gudugudia GP inside Similipal Sanctuary and suggest possible measures to curb the situation. During interaction with the local ward members they told that there is no such kind of problem here and gave a long list of the government’s welfare schemes and programmes being implemented successfully in that area. When the team enquired about the death of the children in the area, the main cause cited by them were lack of awareness, irregularities in giving medicines and blind belief prevailing in the area. Though all the mentioned govt. schemes and programmes are available at the village but gross irregularities were found in the implementation of these programmes. Job cards have been distributed to all the villagers under NREGS but when the team asked some villagers to show their job cards, they found the blank pages of the job card which indicated that no job has been provided to them till date. Some of their job cards were with the VLW.

5.3 LAUNCH OF WEBSITE www.mediaforrights.org The purpose of launching the website is to strengthen advocacy work at larger level. This website provided the information on social issue like poverty, media and rights, food rights, livelihood, disability, governance, globalization, health and social exclusion. Also it contains articles, reports, updates, case studies etc. Such kind of thing will support other organizations of the state in raising their concerns and will get their experiences to the larger world.

5.4 ICDS BOLANGIR SOCIAL AUDIT Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS) is an important scheme of the Central Government that ensures food security of vulnerable people and improves the health, nutrition status of infants, pregnant women and provides immunisation, education. A

Right to Food Campaign Page 21 social audit of the ICDS (Anganwadi Scheme) was conducted in Bolangir district, Orissa in June 2007. The social audit process revealed shocking irregularities in ICDS functioning like nonopening of 5 of 7 seven sub-centres for a long period, use of defunct weighing machine, arbitrary food distribution, irregular distribution of medicines, irregular functioning of preschool schemes, manipulation of attendance register to show more number of children than the actual attending in different villages of the panchayat. Even migrant children and old women were shown attending and receiving necessary food benefits from the centres. Moreover, when only 10 children in one Anganwadi centres attend, the official records show it as 21children. This shows how officials manipulate the records. Since the social audit programme is being taken out in remote areas, it would go a long way in better delivery of ICDS services in these areas. This social audit process also revealed low awareness among people about the ICDS, and irregularities at the field level.

Right to Food Campaign Page 22 6. Right to Food Campaign: a Global Perspective

From a public interest litigation in the supreme court of India in April 2001, the Right to Food campaign has come a long way and has spread into the seven continents of the world. There are a number of government, non-government and intergovernmental agencies working for the campaign. Their approaches are varied despite having the same goal- to ensure food for all, to wipe out hunger from the face of the earth. The foregoing discussion enlists some of the numerous organisations and provides brief accounts of their approaches and activities. It is important to compare and contrast the strategies adopted by them, especially from the point of view of networking and advocacy.

6.1 The United Nations Organisation and Right to Food

“In a world overflowing with riches, it is an outrageous scandal that more than 826 million people suffer hunger and malnutrition and that every year over 36 million die of starvation and related causes. We must take urgent action now.”

Jean Ziegler, April 2001, UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food

On December 10, 1948 the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted and proclaimed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Article 25(1) of the declaration states: «Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food………» To take forward this mandate of ensuring food for every human Right to Food Campaign Page 23 being, the UNO launched the World Food Programme in 1961. Today, it is the largest programme working in the world towards ensuring availability of food for each and every human. It focuses primarily on the disadvantaged- impoverished and conflict-stricken parts of the world. Taking the efforts forward, on 16 December 1966 the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights was adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by General Assembly resolution 2200A (XXI). The member signatories of the covenant recognized the fundamental right of everyone to be free from hunger, and agreed that they shall take, individually and through international co-operation, the measures, including specific programmes, which are needed:

(a) To improve methods of production, conservation and distribution of food by making full use of technical and scientific knowledge, by disseminating knowledge of the principles of nutrition and by developing or reforming agrarian systems in such a way as to achieve the most efficient development and utilization of natural resources;

(b) Taking into account the problems of both food-importing and food-exporting countries, to ensure an equitable distribution of world food supplies in relation to need. On 16 November 1974 by the World Food Conference adopted the UNIVERSAL DECLARATION ON THE ERADICATION OF HUNGER AND MALNUTRITION. In 1976 Entry into force of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights gave another impetus to the movement to free the world from hunger. In 1983, the UN Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities appointed a Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food. This was preceded by the establishment of the International Fund for Agriculture Development. In December 1992, FAO and WHO together organised an international conference on nutrition. The WORLD FOOD SUMMIT of 1996 brought out the landmark Rome Declaration on World Food Security. The World Food Summit Plan of Action laid the foundations for diverse paths to a common objective - food security, at the individual, household, national, regional and global levels. The next milestone was the Food Aid Convention, 1995 which had its objective of securing at least 10 million tonnes of food aid annually in the form of grain suitable for human consumption, and wishing to confirm their desire to maintain international co-operation on food aid matters among member governments. March, 2002 saw

Right to Food Campaign Page 24 the appointment of the UNCHR rapporteur on the right to food. Since that time, the rapporteur has been constantly championing the Right to Food campaign on the part of UNO.

So far, we had a timeline view of the actions taken by the UNO to ensure access of food for every individual in the world. If we critically analyse the approach of UNO on the issue from the point of view of networking and advocacy, we can observe that-

>>UNO has used its position of being a world forum where almost all the countries come together to bring in resolutions towards ensuring freedom from hunger. It has advocated the adoption of such policies by its members that ensure food for every citizen in the respective countries.

>>It has established special mechanism to take the issues related to access to food forward. The appointment of the UNCHR rapporteur in recent years and the establishment of FAO and WFP years back are examples which illustrate this approach.

>>UNO has also tried to use its network to mobilize the richer and more powerful countries of the world to provide food aid to the poorer and marginalized part of the world.

To conclude, we can say that by utilizing the network of over 185 nations of the world, that UNO is, UNO has been advocating the adoption of a multi-pronged strategy to tackle the problem of hunger.

6.2 FIAN International

FIAN International, the FoodFirst Information and Action Network, is the international human rights organization that advocates for the realization of the right to food. FIAN International consists of national sections and individual members in over 60 countries around the world. FIAN is a non-partisan not-for-profit organization and has consultative status to the United Nations. FIAN analyzes and documents concrete cases of violations of the right to food. It raises awareness on the right to food among social movements, non-governmental organisations and governments. It responds to requests from victim groups whose right to food is threatened or has been violated and mobilise support. Through protest letter campaigns, advocacy and recourse to

Right to Food Campaign Page 25 the law, it exerts public pressure in order to hold governments accountable for violations of the right to food that they have committed. It follows up on cases until the victims get appropriate redress. Within the United Nations system and other legal regimes, it advocates for respect of human rights in order to strengthen and improve the system of human rights protection.

6.3 Action Against Hunger

The mission of Action Against Hunger is to save lives by eliminating hunger through the prevention, detection, and treatment of malnutrition, especially during and after emergency situations of conflict, war and natural disaster. From crisis to sustainability, it tackles the underlying causes of malnutrition and its effects by using our expertise in nutrition, food security, water and sanitation, health and advocacy. By integrating its programs with local and national systems it further ensures that short-term interventions become long-term solutions.

6.4 Bread for the World

Bread for the World is a 54,000-member Christian citizens' movement against hunger. Founded in 1974, Bread for the World's members have lobbied Congress and the administration to bring about public policy changes that address the root causes of hunger and poverty in the United States and overseas. Bread for the World is a non-partisan organization supported by 45 denominations and many theological perspectives.

6.5 The International Food Policy Research Institute

The International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) was founded in 1975 to develop policy solutions for sustainably meeting the food needs of the developing world. Research, capacity strengthening, and policy communications at IFPRI concentrate on achieving economic growth and poverty reduction in low-income countries, improving food and nutrition security of poor people, and managing the natural resource base that supports agriculture. IFPRI is one of the 15

Right to Food Campaign Page 26 Future Harvest Centers and receives its principal funding from governments, private foundations, and international and regional organizations known as the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research.

6.6 The National Council of Churches

The National Council of Churches, USA, founded in 1950, is the leading force for ecumenical cooperation among Christians in the United States. Its 36 member denominations represent all the major Protestant, Anglican, Orthodox, historic African American and Living Peace faith groups, and include 45 million persons in more than 100,000 local congregations across the nation.

6.7 The Silent Killer

SILENT KILLER begins in the 100-degree heat of South Africa's Kalahari Desert. Three members of the Khomani San tribe-commonly called Bushmen-search for, and find, the Hoodia, a cactus-like plant with appetite-suppressant properties. The razor-thin San use the cactus to fend off hunger, but now, a pharmaceutical firm has patented the appetite-suppressant properties of Hoodia and is using it to make a diet product for obese Americans and Europeans. The Hoodia is a metaphor for a world where some people have too much food, but millions of others have far too little.

Comparing the approaches of the different action groups, activities and organisation, one gets a glimpse of how diverse they could be in addressing the same problem, in this case hunger. The approach of the National Council of Churches (USA) is that of mobilizing resources by using its network of followers and possibly sensitizing them of the problems faced by the poorer people in getting food. On the other hand, organisations like FIAN and Action Against Hunger advocate the cause at international as well as local level (whenever there is a need) by mobilizing different

Right to Food Campaign Page 27 organisations and people from all over the world. They carry out a host of activities including policy research, capacity building and spearheading the on the ground actions.

The silent killer is a totally distinct approach of advocating for the cause. It relies on the power of media; it uses a film (that it is) to sensitise and mobilize the different stakeholders towards aceivement of the goal of the campaign.

7. The campaign impact on Policy

The first major interim order of the Supreme Court in this PIL was issued on 28th November 2001. This order focuses on eight food-related schemes:

 Entitlement feeding (Integrated Child Development Services [ICDS], Mid-Day Meal Scheme [MDMS])  Food subsidy programmes (targeted Public Distribution System [PDS] including Antyodaya and Annapurna Yojana)  Employment programmes (National Rural Employment Guarantee Act [NREGA], Sampoorna Grameen Rozgar Yojana.)  Social security programmes (National Maternity Benefit Scheme, National Old Age Pension Scheme and National Family Benefit Scheme).

Essentially, the interim order of 28th November 2001 converted the benefits of these eight “schemes” into legal entitlements. The basic idea of this order was that, at the very least, the government should be held accountable to what it claims to be doing to protect the right to food, i.e. implement these food-related schemes. The schemes have been individually dealt below.

7.1 The Public Distribution System (PDS)

Right to Food Campaign Page 28 (PDS) is a means of distributing foodgrain and other basic commodities at subsidised prices through “fair price shops” to families supposed to have a ration card. Both BPL and APL category has different entiltlements. Both are entitled to 35 kgs of grain per month, but the issue price is higher for APL households. In fact, it is so high that most APL households do not buy grain from the PDS.

The Supreme Court directed State Governments “to complete the identification of BPL families, issuing of cards and commencement of distribution of 25 kgs. grain per family per month latest by 1st January, 2002. .Supreme Court directed the States to see that all the PDS shops, if closed, are re-opened and start functioning within one week from today and regular supplies made. To ensure accountability of PDS dealers Supreme court decided that the licenses of PDS dealers and shop-keepers would be cancelled if they failed to provide regularly grains to BPL families strictly at BPL rates and if found engaged in black marketing. Arrangements must be made to “permit the BPL household to buy the ration in instalments. The Central and State Governments have been directed to “frame clear guidelines for proper identification of BPL families.

7.2 Antyodaya Anna Yojana In 2001 Antyodaya cards were introduced as a sub-category of BPL cards. However, the Supreme Court later stated that the Antyodaya programme should not be restricted to those with a BPL card. Thus, Antyodaya cards have become a separate card and households are entitled to special grain quotas at highly subsidised prices - 35 kg of grain per month, at Rs 2/kg for wheat and Rs 3/kg for rice.

Supreme Court Orders related to PDS also apply to Antyodaya Anna Yojana (AAY). In addition the State Governments were requested to consider providing grain free of cost to those who are so poor that they are unable to lift their quota, even at the highly subsidised AAY prices. On 2nd May 2003, the Supreme Court declared that all households belonging to six “priority groups” (stress on aged, destitute men and women, pregnant women, widow, disabled adult, primitive tribes.) would be entitled to Antyodaya cards. In October 2004, the State Governments were directed to complete the identification of AAY families and the distribution of AAY cards “by the end of the year”, and to begin the distribution of grain to AAY cardholders “immediately”.

Right to Food Campaign Page 29 7.3 Mid-day Meals The State Governments /Union Territories to implement the Mid Day Meal Scheme by providing every child in every Government and Government assisted Primary Schools with a prepared mid day meal with a minimum content of 300 calories and 8-12 grams of protein each day of school for a minimum of 200 days. Mid-day meals also serve many other useful purposes - promoting regular school attendance, undermine caste prejudices, reduce the gender gap in school participation, provide an important source of employment for women, and liberate working women from the burden of having to feed children at home during the day. Aside from this, mid-day meals can be seen as a source of economic support for the poorer sections of society, and also as an opportunity to impart nutrition education to children. For all these reasons, the Supreme Court order on mid-day meals has been widely welcome, especially among disadvantaged sections of society.

This was supposed to be done within six months. A series of stern reminders were issued by supreme court to State Governments from time to time (e.g. on 2nd May 2003 and on 20th April 2004 ) to speed up the implementation. The orders stressed on timely compliance and provision of quality meal free of cost. Priority to be given to SC/ST cooks and helpers and in drought- affected areas, mid-day meal shall be supplied even during summer vacations. The Food Corporation of India (FCI) is to “ensure provision of fair average quality grain” for mid-day meals.

In October 2004 the feedback received from the States made it clear that implementation was being held up by a lack of funds in many cases. The Court then directed the Central Government to provide financial assistance of “one rupee per child per school day” to meet cooking costs. The Court also clarified that the responsibility to monitor the implementation of the mid-day meal scheme “essentially lies with the Central Government”

The Supreme Court orders have led to lively “campaigns” for mid-day meals all over the country. The implementation of these orders has been a long and arduous process, but over time, most State Governments have fallen in line. Today, about 10 crore children are getting a cooked mid-day meal at school every day. However, the quality of mid-day meals remains quite poor in many states: the content of the meal is inadequate, health safeguards are lacking and social

Right to Food Campaign Page 30 discrimination is common. Also, nothing has been done to extend mid-day meals beyond the primary stage. Further action is required to consolidate the gains that have been made and to ensure that mid-day meals live up to their promise.

This order, however, received very little attention for several years. Virtually nothing was done to implement it. In April 2004, several marathon hearings on ICDS were held in the Supreme Court and detailed orders were issued, followed by further orders on 7 October 2004. For example some of them were

7.4 Integrated Child Development Services

ICDS seeks to provide young children with an integrated package of services such as supplementary nutrition, health care and pre-school education. The programme also extends to adolescent girls, pregnant women and lactating mothers. These services are provided through ICDS centres, also known as “anganwadis”. Today there are 7 lakh anganwadis in the country, covering 40 million children. This is less than one fourth of all children in the 0-6 age group. The coverage of ICDS is therefore far from universal. Further, the quality of ICDS services is very low in most states.

The Supreme Court orders on ICDS are essentially aimed at achieving “universalisation with quality” within a reasonable time frame. Supreme Court directed State Govts. / Union Territories to implement the (ICDS) in full and to ensure that every ICDS disbursing centre in the country shall provide Each child up to 6 years of age to get 300 calories and 8-10 gms of protein, each adolescent girl to get 500 calories and 20-25 grams of protein and many other provisions. New orders were issued on 7 October 2004. For example some of them were: increase the number of anganwadis from 6 lakh to 14 lakh habitations, government to reconsider the “one rupee per child per day” norm for supplementary nutrition. In fact, it effectively directed this norm to be raised to “two rupees per child per day”, with the Central Government and State Government contributing one rupee each. All sanctioned AWCs were to be made fully operational immediately. All SC/ST habitations should have an anganwadis “as early as possible. BPL shall

Right to Food Campaign Page 31 not be used as eligibility criteria for ICDS. Contractors shall not be used for supply of nutrition in Anganwadis and preferably ICDS funds shall be spent by making use of village communities, self-help groups and Mahila Mandals for buying of grains and preparation of meals. The Central Government and States/UTs shall ensure that all amounts allocated are sanctioned in time. All State Governments/UTs shall put on their websites full data for the ICDS schemes including where AWCS are operational, the number of beneficiaries category-wise, the funds allocated and used and other related matters.

7.5 National Old Age Pension Scheme

This scheme was launched in 1995 to provide “old age pensions” to senior citizens (aged 65 years or more) with no assured means of subsistence. The pensions are given in cash, with the Central Government contributing Rs 75 per month, often supplemented with a contribution from the State Government (e.g. in Rajasthan the old age pension is Rs 200 per month). The main problem with this scheme is its small coverage: plenty of applications, but funds are limited. In 2002-3, NOAPS became part of State Plans, i.e given cash grant by Centre but implemented entirely by state.

Supreme Court has ordered the state governments to complete the identification of persons entitled to pensions under NOAPS, and to ensure that the pensions are paid regularly (7th day of each month). The scheme must not be discontinued or restricted without the permission of the Supreme Court. However it is particularly relevant to schemes such as NOAPS, because these schemes are quite “fragile”: there are no strong lobbies to defend them, and they often come under the financial axe when State Governments face a financial crisis. The NOAPS grants paid by the Central Government to the State Governments under “Additional Central Assistance” should not be diverted for any other purposes.

Right to Food Campaign Page 32 7.6 National Family Benefit Scheme

This scheme, like NOAPS, is part of the National Social Assistance Programme. It provides for cash assistance i.e Rs 10,000 for accidental deaths and Rs 5,000 to BPL families on the death of a primary breadwinner, if he or she is aged between 18 and 65 years to the “surviving head” of the household.

Supreme Court Orders that BPL families are to be paid Rs 10,000 within four weeks through the local Sarpanch when the breadwinner dies. This scheme is not to be discontinued or restricted in any way without the permission of the Supreme Court. So far, the National Family Benefit Scheme has not received much attention in the Supreme Court hearings, interim orders and Commissioners’ reports. Little information is available about how it works on the ground.

7.7 Annapurna

The Annapurna Scheme was launched on 1st April 2000. The target group consists of “senior citizens” who are eligible for an old age pension under the National Old Age Pension Scheme (NOAPS), but are not actually receiving a pension. The beneficiaries, to be identified by the Gram Panchayat are entitled to 10 kgs of grain per month free of cost through the Public Distribution System (special ration cards). Supreme Court order of 28th Nov 2001 called for identification of the beneficiaries by state government and UT and distributes the grain latest by 1st January, 2002. This scheme is not to be discontinued or restricted in any way.

7.8 National Maternity Benefit Scheme It was introduced in 1995 as part of the National Social Assistance Programme, and later transferred to the Health Ministry. Under NMBS, pregnant women from BPL families are entitled to lump-sum cash assistance of Rs 500, up to two live births. The payment is to be made 8-12 weeks before delivery, but in practice there are long delays, partly due to the complex application procedures. Further, the coverage of this scheme is very low: according to official figures, the number of women who actually received cash payments under NMBS in 2003-4 was as low as 4.3 lakhs - less than 2 per cent of the total number of births in that year.

Right to Food Campaign Page 33 Supreme Court order of 28th November 2001 calls for prompt implementation of the National Maternity Benefit Scheme and this scheme is not to be discontinued or restricted in any way without the permission of the Supreme Court. On 9th May 2005, the Supreme Court refused to allow the Government of India to phase out NMBS and provide maternity benefits under a new scheme, Janani Suraksha Yojana (JSY). The reason for this refusal is that it is not clear whether the new scheme preserves all the benefits available under NMBS, as the government claims.

7.9 Sampoorna Grameen Rozgar Yojana The initial PUCL petition, submitted in April 2001, argued that assured employment at a living wage is the best protection against hunger. Sampoorna Grameen Rozgar Yojana (SGRY) is a centrally-sponsored employment scheme. It was initiated in August 2001, and officially aimed at generating 100 crore person-days of employment each year. The SGRY is open to all rural poor who are in need of wage employment and desire to do manual and unskilled work in and around his/her village/habitat and is aimed at infrastructural development in rural areas.

Important orders pertaining to SGRY were issued by the Supreme Court on 28th November 2001, 8th May 2002, 2nd May 2003, and 20th April 2004. These include speedy implementation, release of funds on time and fully utilised without any diversion. The programme should focus on the priority groups ((agricultural wage earners, non agricultural unskilled wage earners, marginal farmers and, in particular, SC and ST persons and women)

On 2nd May 2003 and also in 2004, the Court directed the government to “double” the scale of SGRY, both in terms of allocation of food-grain and cash for the months of May, June, and July in view of drought conditions prevailing in large parts of the country. Further there should be timely wage payments and ban on contractors and on labour-displacing. Gram Panchayats enhanced to frame employment generation proposals. Gram Sabhas are entitled to conduct social audits of SGRY and all public documents should be accessible for greater transparency.

Right to Food Campaign Page 34 7.10 The National Rural Employment Guarantee Act India's UPA Government enacted the NREGA on August 25, 2005. The NREGA provides a legal guarantee for one hundred days of employment in every financial year to adult members of any rural household willing to do unskilled manual work at the statutory minimum wage.

Central Government shall meet the cost towards the payment of wage, 3/4 of material cost and certain percentage of administrative cost. The Gram panchayat registers households after making enquiry and issues a job card. Registered person can submit an application for work in writing (for at least fourteen days of continuous work) either to panchayat or to Programme Officer. The employment will be provided within a radius of 5 km: if it is above 5 km extra wage will be paid.

If employment under the scheme is not provided within fifteen days of receipt of the application daily unemployment allowance will be paid to the applicant. The scheme starting from February 2, 2006 in 200 districts (out of a total of 593 in the country) will cover all districts in five years. The government announced the addition of another 130 districts in the financial year 2007-8. For financial year 2006-2007 budgetary support for NREGA is Rs 11300 crs.

Right to Food Campaign Page 35 Appendix

Sample of Campaign Material of Right to Food Campaign

Right to Food Campaign Page 36 Right to Food Campaign Page 37 References An unconventional Convention, Jean Dreze, Frontline, Vol 21, July,2004 The Right to Food: A campaign for Guaranteed Employment, Universal School Feeding and Childcare in India, Conference Documents  THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE RIGHT TO FOOD AT THE NATIONAL LEVEL: A CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF THE INDIAN CAMPAIGN ON THE RIGHT TO FOOD AS AN EFFECTIVE OPERATIONALIZATION OF ARTICLE 11 OF ICESCR, POOJA AHLUWALIA  Democracy and Right to Food by Jean Dreze; EPW April 24, 2004.  Does the Right to Food Matter by Raghav Gaiha; EPW October 4, 2003  http://www.righttofoodindia.org/

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