UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Lock Box….blah

Lock Box 1ac...... 3-15

***Observation One***...... 16 Inherenecy- Emergency Diversion...... 17

***Advantage One***...... 18 Harms: Africa is on brink mass starvation...... 19-20 Hunger Root Casue- Poverty & Disease...... 21 Agriculture Key...... 22

***Scenario One- Wars***...... 23 Food Insecurity Risk War...... 24 Food Insecurity Causese conflict...... 25 Conflicts Spiral/Spread...... 26 Instability & War- Disease 2ac Module...... 27 Instability & War- Failed States 2ac Module...... 28-29

***Scenario Two- Terrorism***...... 30 Hunger Casues Poverty...... 31-32 Food Shortages Lead to Hunger...... 33 Hunger Causes Terrorism...... 34 Poverty Leads To Terrorism...... 35

***Scenario Three- Disease***...... 36 Malnutrition Increaseing...... 37 Food Insecurity Causes AIDS...... 38 Hunger Spreads AIDS...... 39 AIDS Causes Extinction...... 40 Disease Cause Extinction...... 41 Famine Casuses AIDS...... 42 Disease- Assistance Key Soft Power...... 43

***Scenario Four-Child Soldiers***...... 44 Hunger Casues Child Soldiers...... 45 Food Insecurity Causes Child Soldiers...... 46 Child Soldiers- Failed States 2ac Module...... 47 Child Soldiers- Soft Power 2ac Module...... 48

***Advantage Two- Soft Power***...... 49 Title II Increases Soft Power...... 50 Plan Increaes Soft Power...... 51 Foreign Aid Increases Soft Power...... 52 Soft Power Impacts...... 53 Soft Power- 2ac Afghanistan Module...... 54

***2ac Add-Ons***...... 55 Deforestation...... 56

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***Solvency***...... 57 Ag Development Solves Conflict & Economy...... 58 Ag Development Solves Hunger...... 59 Ag Development Solves Famine...... 60 Ag Development Solves Poverty...... 61 Title II helps the environment...... 62 Minimum Tonnage Solves...... 63 Minimun Tonnage Spurs Ag Development...... 64-65 Two Pronge Appraoch Solves...... 66 US action key...... 67 Aid and Ag development solve conflict...... 68 Must develop Ag/local procurement...... 69 Local procurement key...... 70 Buying Local = increase food...... 71 Lock Box checks aid diversion...... 72 Gotta have the Safe Box...... 73 Solvency: Safe box/Emerson Trust key to food security...... 74 Solvency: Safe Box key to food development...... 75

Off Case Answers T answers...... 76 Spending Answers...... 77 Plan Will Be Opposed...... 78 Politics: Bush supports plan- it’s a win...... 79 Politics: Lobbies backlash...... 80

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Observation One: Current funding allocation for Public Law 480, Title II, has allowed for agriculture development funds to be diverted for emergency food aid spending and programs. This creates inadequancies in food security development Federal News Service May 24, 2007 hearing of the subcommittee on Africa and global health of the house committee on foreign affairs; Subject: international food aid programs: options to enhance effectiveness” Chaired by: representative Donald Payne, lexis Food aid has traditionally been another tool to help achieve both long-term food security and to help in cases of emergencies. For better or for worse, however, during the past several years, more and more of our food assistance has been channeled toward emergencies. The amount of food aid dedicated towards building capacity in agricultural sectors of developing cultures has declined from ($)1.2 billion in fiscal year 2001 to ($)698 million in fiscal year 2006 -- going in the wrong direction. This is one cause for concern, and there's another: According to the Government Accounting (sic) Office, the average amount of food delivered to undernourished population has declined by 52 percent, due in part to increasing business and transportation costs. Clearly, the resources available for development programs are shrinking and the amount of commodities our resources buy is diminishing. And if we take a look at the increase in the cost of corn, where we're seeing the impact on milk and on beef and on the fact that more land is going to be used for corn, therefore decreasing land available for other crops, will therefore continue to increase the cost of food, which is going to be a real serious problem because our increase in funding will not keep up with the increase in the cost of food. And so we have a real dilemma facing us. Over half of the food aid delivered around the world comes from the United States.

And, Agriculture assistance from the U.S. has been decresing over the past two decades The Institute for International Integration Studies June 28 2005 “Policy Coherence in Trade & Agriculture”, The University of Dublin Trinity College, http://www.tcd.ie/iiis/policycoherence/index.php/iiis/development_cooperation/trends_in_agricultural_aid Equally important is how donors choose to allocate these funds, and in particular, the priority which is given to assistance to agriculture. This has been steadily falling over the past two decades. Bilateral aid to agriculture has fallen from 12% of total bilateral aid in 1980-81 to 6% of the total in 2000-2001. For individual donors, the fall is even more striking. For Canada, the fall was from 22 to 4%; for New Zealand, from 25 to 3%; for the Netherlands, from 21 to 3% and for the United States from 18 to 4%. The multilateral institutions have also reduced aid flows to agriculture, from 35% of their total flows in 1980-81 to 7% in 2000-01. Reasons why aid to agriculture is falling The declining interest of donors in providing assistance to agricultural development has been called 'agricultural aid fatigue', and there are numerous reasons for it. Donors and lending agencies have been put off by the high failure rate of agricultural projects, as well as the inherent complexity and risk and the high transactions costs (preparation, supervision and monitoring) involved in agricultural and rural development projects. The number of technically competent staff in agriculture employed by donor agencies has shrunk, making it even more difficult to design successful projects to claw back some of the share which was lost.

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Thus the plan:

The United States Federal Government should establish a safebox for P.L. 480 Title II Non- Emergency programs that assures 1,200,000 metric tons of food aid will be available each fiscal year. This amount should not be subject to waiver. The United States government should also require that 25% of P.L. 480 Title II funds be earmarked and used for purchase of local food in sub-Saharan Africa. The United States government should streamline and fully replenish the Bill Emerson Humanitarian Trust and designate it as an automatic emergency funding when Title II funds and/or resources are depleted.

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Advantage One: Food Insecurity sub-Sahara Africa is the most poverty-stricken region in the world. It is plagued by chronic hunger Robert H. Trudell (JD Candidate at Syracuse University College of Law) 2005 “Food Security Emergencies And The Power Of Eminent Domain: A Domestic Legal Tool To Treat A Global Problem,”, Syracuse Journal of International Law and Commerce, lexis Today, more than 842 million people - nearly three times the population of the United States - are chronically hungry. 43 "Chronic hunger is a profound, debilitating human experience that affects the ability of individuals to work productively, think clearly, and resist disease. It also has devastating consequences for society: it drains economies, destabilizes governments, and reaches across international boundaries." 44 The enormous number of chronically hungry people conjures up a critical question: how can we feed these people? While the rate of population growth has been leveling off in the developed, wealthy countries of the world, the populations of the poorest countries and regions of the world still grow at an alarming pace. 45 Population statisticians refer to this phenomenon as population momentum. 46 Of the seventeen countries whose women average six or more births in a lifetime, all but two are in Africa. 47 In sub-Saharan Africa, millions are undernourished and millions more live on a dollar a day, making it the most poverty-stricken region in the world today. 48 [*285] Chronic hunger and poverty are the rock-and-a-hard-place in between which the people of sub- Saharan Africa find themselves today. One tragedy endlessly feeds upon and exacerbates the other because a person needs money to buy food, but she (or he) cannot earn money when she is chronically hungry. 49 The food security issues of this region are a global concern. Silvio Berlusconi, Prime Minister of Italy, and Chairperson of the 2002 World Food Summit in Rome said, "Together with terrorism, hunger is one of the greatest problems the international community is facing."

Food insecurity in Sub-Saharan Africa is expected to quadrople; by 2010, every 3rd person will be food insecure. Per Pinstrup-Andersen, Rajul Pandya-Lorch, and Mark W. Rosegrant, December 1997, International Food Policy Research Institute, “The World Food Situation: Recent Developments, Emerging Issues, and Long-Term Prospects,” http://www.ifpri.org/pubs/fpr/fpr24.pdf Food insecurity is expected to diminish rapidly in East Asia and, to a lesser extent, in South Asia and Latin America, but it could accelerate substantially in Sub-Saharan Africa and West Asia and North Africa. Sub- Saharan Africa and South Asia, home to a projected 70 percent of the world’s food insecure people in 2010, will be the locus of hunger in the developing world. In fact, Sub- Saharan Africa’s share of the world’s food insecure population is projected to almost quadruple between 1969–71 and 2010 from 11 to 39 percent.4 By 2010, every 3rd person in Sub-Saharan Africa is likely to be food insecure compared with every 8th person in South Asia and every 20th person in East Asia. These disturbing figures reflect widespread poverty and poor health.

We will isolate 4 sceanarios

First, Instability and Wars 200 Million people in sub-Sahara Africa are chronically hungry Robert H. Trudell (JD Candidate at Syracuse University College of Law) 2005 “Food Security Emergencies And The Power Of Eminent Domain: A Domestic Legal Tool To Treat A Global Problem,”, Syracuse Journal of International Law and Commerce, lexis The most food-insecure countries of the world exist in the sub-Saharan region of Africa. 7 There, hunger devastates so many lives. 8 In sub-Saharan Africa, more than 200 million people live with chronic hunger - every single day, right now at this very moment. 9 The consequences of so many hungry people in one vast region are dangerous for us all because global security deteriorates in a food-insecure world. 10 Food security emergencies, or "food insecurity," also impact the developed, wealthy nations. For example, in the United States, 13 million children live in households struggling with hunger. 11 This issue will only compound itself, all around the globe, as the world's population grows in the decades to come. 12

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B. This food insecurity risks wars Ellen Messer (Professor of Nutrition Science and Policy at Tufts University) Marc Cohen (Special Assistant to the Director General at International Food Policy Research Institute) and Thomas Marchione (Nutrition Advisor at Bureau for Humanitarian Response, U.S. Agency for International Development) 2001 “Conflict: A Cause And Effect Of Hunger,” Ecsp Report Econometric studies provide additional empirical evidence of a link between food insecurity and violent conflict. These studies find a strong relationship between indicators of deprivation (such as low per capita income, economic stagnation and decline, high income inequality, and slow growth in food production per capita) and violent civil strife (Nafziger & Auvinen, 1997; Collier & Hoeffler, 1998). Mathematical models developed for a U.S. government study identified high infant mortality—the variable that most efficiently reflects a country's overall quality of material life—as the single most efficient variable for explaining conflicts between 1955 and 1994. Along with trade openness and regime type, infant mortality was one of three variables best correlated with the historical cases studied. It often interacts with lack of trade openness and repressive regimes to trigger state failure (Esty et al., 1995; 1998). In sum, political and institutional factors in interaction with environmental factors (such as drought and deforestation) are key indicators of potential conflict in Africa: well-being is affected not just by natural disasters, but also by how effectively a regime responds to them. Ineffective responses include inappropriate policies, such as those used by some Sahelian countries in the 1960s and 1970s: they both neglected agriculture and subjected it to disproportionate taxation relative to the allocation of public expenditure received. These policies greatly intensified the impact of the severe 1972-75 drought in the region (Christensen et al., 1981). Other ineffective responses include unwillingness to respond to disaster, as in Ethiopia in 1974 or Rwanda in 1993 (J. Clay et al., 1988; Uvin, 1996b), and deliberate use of food and hunger as weapons, as in the Horn of Africa in the 1980s and 1990s (Messer, Cohen, & D'Costa, 1998). These examples demonstrate that famine is a result of political choices as well as capabilities (Drèze & Sen, 1989). Ethnic and Political Rivalries, Hunger, and Conflict There is a high correlation between a country's involvement in conflict and its classification by FAO as a “ low-income food deficit ” country. Such countries have high proportions of food-insecure households. And, as already noted, conflict is also highly correlated with high rates of child mortality (see Figure 2), which is a common index for food insecurity. Nevertheless, a number of analysts have challenged the notion that food insecurity is a causal factor in conflict. Paarlberg, for instance, argues that environmental scarcities such as land shortage, land degradation, and rapid population growth—what he refers to as “eco-Malthusian emiseration”—are not generally a factor in African conflicts. Rather, Paarlberg notes, the level of conflict in Africa has been relatively stable since the end of the colonial era. In his view, “[a] far more convincing explanation for violent conflict in sub-Saharan Africa starts with the serious geographical mismatch, long noticed on the continent, between post-colonial national boundaries and ethnic boundaries.” (Paarlberg, 1999, page 1). More generally, Gleditsch (1998) has pointed out that most conflicts can be sufficiently explained as a result of political, economic, and cultural factors, without reference to environmental scarcities. In fact, neither viewpoint precludes a food-security connection. Even Homer-Dixon (1999), a leading figure in the environmental security field, concedes that environmental scarcity alone does not inevitably result in conflict. Instead, he stresses that resource constraints can have a profound influence on the social factors that eventually lead to conflict—as when elites monopolize control over scarce resources (such as water, cropland, or forests) and non-elites perceive themselves as unfairly deprived. As an example of how this works in practice, Uvin (1996b) argues persuasively that environmental factors in general—and food insecurity in particular—critically contributed to triggering the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. Per capita food production and availability had declined dramatically in Rwanda over the preceding decade. The collapse of the world price of coffee in 1985 greatly reduced local and national government revenues and sapped rural households' purchasing power, even as urban job opportunities grew scarce and food prices rose. Deteriorating living conditions made many Rwandans into a ready audience for government appeals to ethnic hatred. The basic, underlying, and trigger causes of conflict are not exclusively environmental, ethnic, or political-economic, but interactive. For policymakers, the relevant questions are: What finally triggers conflict? And at which points might international diplomats most effectively intervene? Unfortunately, even cutting-edge studies on conflict prevention in Africa focus almost exclusively on the immediate question of where engagement or diplomacy failed (e.g., Zartman, 2001). These studies explicitly do not address the underlying structural causes and thus ignore the crucial politics of food. In contrast to the 1970s, when foundations such as the Carnegie Corporation addressed concerns that the world was entering a neo-Malthusian crisis, today's institutional funders avoid the food-security connection to conflict. Yet the structural conditions of inequality and hunger that were present then persist today and contribute to the underlying causes of conflict. These underlying causal steps connecting food insecurity and conflict demand more attention. Moreover, microsimulation studies of the factors and clusters of factors linked to conflict (e.g., Esty et al., 1998) suggest that it should be possible to learn from peaceful cases in which environmental scarcities and food shortages did not spark or incite violence. Some agricultural specialists suggest that the critical factor in this regard is the ability of local people in resource-poor areas to intensify agricultural production or otherwise diversify livelihoods without degrading the environment. Social, cultural, and economic variables (such as proximity to markets or alternative employment opportunities) may also be relevant (Pender & Hazell, 2000). Since the 1960s and especially since the 1980s, food and nutrition policymakers have favored plans and programs that encourage participation by community-based organizations (Marchione, 1999). But there still are few case studies that show how peaceful development activities are mobilized at the community level. Nor are there many studies of how such community organizations can scale-up their activities to widen (a) the numbers of participants; (b) the functional areas they address (e.g., health and nutrition, water, education); and (c) the breadth and strength of their contacts with governments, NGOs, UN agencies, or other sources of technical or financial assistance

C. African conflicts and instability will spill over, drawing in superpowers, risking global nuclear war Jeffery Deutsch (Founder of Rabid Tiger Project Political Risk Consulting and Research Firm focusing on Russia and Eastern Europe) 2002 “SETTING THE STAGE FOR WORLD WAR III,” Rabid Tiger Newsletter, Nov 18, http://www.rabidtigers.com/rtn/newsletterv2n9.html) The Rabid Tiger Project believes that a nuclear war is most likely to start in Africa. Civil wars in the Congo (the country formerly known as Zaire), Rwanda, Somalia and Sierra Leone, and domestic instability in Zimbabwe, Sudan and other countries , as well as occasional brushfire and other wars (thanks in part to "national" borders that cut across tribal ones) turn into a really nasty stew. We've got all too many rabid tigers and potential rabid tigers, who are willing to push the button rather than risk being seen as wishy-washy in the face of a mortal threat and overthrown. Geopolitically speaking, Africa is open range. Very few countries in Africa are beholden to any particular power. South Africa is a major exception in this respect - not to mention in that she also probably already has the Bomb. Thus, outside powers can more easily find client states there than, say, in Europe where the political lines have long since been drawn, or Asia where many of the countries (China, India, Japan) are powers unto themselves and don't need any "help," thank you. Thus, an African war can attract outside involvement very quickly. Of course, a proxy war alone may not induce the Great Powers to fight each other. But an African nuclear strike can ignite a much broader conflagration, if the other powers are interested in a fight. Certainly, such a strike would in the first place have been facilitated by outside help - financial, scientific, engineering, etc. Africa is an ocean of troubled waters, and some people love to go fishing.

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Second, Terrorism via poverty A. Hunger is the driving force behind poverty in sub-Saharan Africa. Agricultural development is key to reverse the trend Michael R. Taylor (Sr. Fellow at Resources for the Future) and Julie A. Howard (Prof of Agricultural Economics at Michigan State University) 2005 INVESTING IN AFRICA’S FUTURE: U.S. AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE FOR SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA, FINAL REPORT—SEPTEMBER 2005, pg. RFF- RPT-AfricaAssistance.pdf Never before has the divide between the world’s rich and poor been more glaring. The problems are particularly acute in sub-Saharan Africa, where nearly half of the region’s 700 million people live on less than one dollar a day and a third lack basic food security. And sub-Saharan Africa’s situation is deteriorating: It is the only region of the world where poverty and hunger are projected to increase over the next two decades unless major new investments are made. Agricultural development is a critical catalyst for economic growth and poverty reduction in sub-Saharan Africa. Three-quarters of the population lives and works in rural areas and for every $1 generated through agricultural production, economic linkages add another $3 to the rural economy

B. Poverty is a breeding ground for terrorist recruitment and power Dipak K. Gupta (Department of Political Sciences) and Fred J. Hansen (Director, International Security and Conflict Resolution , San Diego State University) October 23, 2003, San Diego Union-Tribune “Terrorism and Humanity: What We Are Fighting For, and What We Are Fighting Against”, accessed June 24th 2007. http://www-rohan.sdsu.edu/faculty/dgupta/articles/Terrorism_and_Humanity.pdf Today we face the menace of an idea that holds out promises of Islamic paradise on earth to many, who have had little to rejoice and are besieged by an overwhelming feeling of losing out. The once proud Islamic nation that stretched from one end of the known world to the other, is now reduced to a number of countries, most of which are wracked by poverty, injustice, and an overarching feeling of desperation. Although aspects of economic are only peripherally linked to terrorism, they supply the essential foundation on which leaders can build their edifice of hate. It is not just economic poverty that gives rise to terrorism; it is the poverty of opportunity, political freedom, and a global outlook, which manifest themselves into acts of extreme violence. It is the poverty of basic human dignity that shapes the mindset of those who would consider the only way of affirming their own lives by ending them with a spectacular show of violence and destruction.

B. African terrorist recruits will lead to acts of international terrorism Susan Lang, Staff Writer, February 24, 2005“Per Pinstrup-Andersen: Warning of the dangers if neglect of Africa continues”, CORNELL CHRONICLE, Date Accessed May 15, 2007, http://www.news.cornell.edu/chronicle/05/2.24.05/AAAS.Andersen.Africa.html He pointed out that about one-fifth of the world's population lives in dire poverty, and the already very skewed gap between rich and poor keeps growing. Pinstrup-Andersen is the H.E. Babcock Professor of Food, Nutrition and Public Policy at Cornell, the 2001 World Food Prize Laureate and chair of the Science Council for the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research, a consortium of 15 international research agricultural centers that focuses on setting priorities for international agricultural research. Some 800 million people in the world don't have enough to eat, said Pinstrup-Andersen. The consequences of such destitution are malnutrition, environmental degradation and worldwide instability. These circumstances, he warned, also leave millions of people with nothing to lose, making them ripe for turning to international terrorism in their frustration. These people need to be heard, he said. Much of his research is focused on developing policies to improve the global food system for the benefit of the nutritional status of low-income people.

C. Terrorism risk extinction Alexander 2003 (Yonah prof and dir. of Inter-University for Terrorism Studies, Washington Times, August 28) Last week's brutal suicide bombings in Baghdad and Jerusalem have once again illustrated dramatically that the international community failed, thus far at least, to understand the magnitude and implications of the terrorist threats to the very survival of civilization itself. Even the United States and Israel have for decades tended to regard terrorism as a mere tactical nuisance or irritant rather than a critical strategic challenge to their national security concerns. It is not surprising, therefore, that on September 11, 2001, Americans were stunned by the unprecedented tragedy of 19 al Qaeda terrorists striking a devastating blow at the center of the nation's commercial and military powers. Likewise, Israel and its citizens, despite the collapse of the Oslo Agreements of 1993 and numerous acts of terrorism triggered by the second intifada that began almost three years ago, are still "shocked" by each suicide attack at a time of intensive diplomatic efforts to revive the moribund peace process through the now revoked cease-fire arrangements [hudna]. Why are the United States and Israel, as well as scores of other countries affected by the universal nightmare of modern terrorism surprised by new terrorist "surprises"? There are many reasons, including misunderstanding of the manifold specific factors that contribute to terrorism's expansion, such as lack of a universal definition of terrorism, the religionization of politics, double standards of morality, weak punishment of terrorists, and the exploitation of the media by terrorist propaganda and psychological warfare. Unlike their historical counterparts, contemporary terrorists have introduced a new scale of violence in terms of conventional and unconventional threats and impact. The internationalization and brutalization of current and future terrorism make it clear we have entered an Age of Super Terrorism [e.g. biological, chemical, radiological, nuclear and cyber] with its serious implications concerning national, regional and global security concerns.

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Third, AIDS Hunger increases the risk of infection for HIV/AIDS Clover, with the Africa Security Analysis Programme, Institute for Security Studies, 2K3 (Jenny, “Food Security in sub-Saharan Africa” African Security Review Vol 12 No 1 http://www.iss.co.za/pubs/ASR/12No1/FClover.html) HIV/AIDS, the unmitigated disaster, is not simply a health issue, but also of vital importance across a spectrum of issues including development, security, food production and life expectancy. The rapid spread of the epidemic is both a reflection of poverty, which does not cause it but certainly aggravates it, and it is in turn driving a ruthless cycle of impoverishment, resulting in a rapid increase in the number of poor and destitute families, reversing decades of development. The current food crisis is inextricably linked to the widespread HIV pandemic that has deepened the crisis. Sub- Saharan Africa is the hardest hit region, with nine per cent of the population infected. In Southern Africa, which is at the epicentre of the pandemic, infection levels average around 25% of the population, 58% of the affected being women. Where women participate in agricultural production, food security at the household and community level is being seriously threatened. All dimensions of food security— availability, stability, access and use of food—are affected where the prevalence of HIV/AIDS is high. Farming skills are being lost, agricultural development efforts are failing, rural livelihoods are disintegrating, productive capacity to work the land is declining and household earnings are shrinking. In the ten most affected African countries, labour force decreases ranging from 10–26% are anticipated. The UN estimated that 9.6% of Zimbabwe’s agricultural labour force was lost in 2000, Malawi losing 5.8%.19 What we are seeing in Southern Africa is that the food shortages are now exacerbating the downward spiral of health, both of those suffering from HIV/AIDS and children suffering malnourishment. Traditional safety nets are breaking down. The effects on households are significant and the African extended family is not able to cope with this double burden of care. In essence we see that the relationship of HIV/AIDS to food security is bi-directional: vulnerability and food insecurity feed into the very risk behaviour that drives the HIV/AIDS pandemic; and the impact of HIV/AIDS exacerbates food insecurity, which again feeds into risk.

B. Unchecked AIDS epidemic risks human extinction Mathiu 2000 (Mutuma, Africa News, July 15, lexis) Every age has its killer. But Aids is without precedent. It is comparable only to the Black Death of the Middle Ages in the terror it evokes and the graves it fills. But unlike the plague, Aids does not come at a time of scientific innocence: It flies in the face of space exploration, the manipulation of genes and the mapping of the human genome. The Black Death - the plague, today easily cured by antibiotics and prevented by vaccines - killed a full 40 million Europeans, a quarter of the population of Europe, between 1347 and 1352. But it was a death that could be avoided by the simple expedient of changing addresses and whose vector could be seen and exterminated. With Aids, the vector is humanity itself, the nice person in the next seat in the bus. There is nowhere to run and nowhere to hide. Every human being who expresses the innate desire to preserve the human genetic pool through the natural mechanism of reproduction is potentially at risk. And whereas death by plague was a merciful five days of agony, HIV is not satisfied until years of stigma and excruciating torture have been wrought on its victim. The plague toll of tens of millions in two decades was a veritable holocaust, but it will be nothing compared to the viral holocaust: So far, 18.8 million people are already dead; 43.3 million infected worldwide (24.5 million of them Africans) carry the seeds of their inevitable demise - unwilling participants in a March of the Damned. Last year alone, 2.8 million lives went down the drain, 85 per cent of them African; as a matter of fact, 6,000 Africans will die today. The daily toll in Kenya is 500. There has never been fought a war on these shores that was so wanton in its thirst for human blood. During the First World War, more than a million lives were lost at the Battle of the Somme alone, setting a trend that was to become fairly common, in which generals would use soldiers as cannon fodder; the lives of 10 million young men were sacrificed for a cause that was judged to be more worthwhile than the dreams - even the mere living out of a lifetime - of a generation. But there was proffered an explanation: It was the honour of bathing a battlefield with young blood, patriotism or simply racial pride. Aids, on the other hand, is a holocaust without even a lame or bigoted justification. It is simply a waste. It is death contracted not in the battlefield but in bedrooms and other venues of furtive intimacy. It is difficult to remember any time in history when the survival of the human race was so hopelessly in jeopardy.

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Fourth, Child Soldiers A. Food Insecurity is the underlying cause of the rise in child soldiers Robert H. Trudell (JD Candidate at Syracuse University College of Law) 2005 “Food Security Emergencies And The Power Of Eminent Domain: A Domestic Legal Tool To Treat A Global Problem,”, Syracuse Journal of International Law and Commerce, lexis A. Fear This: Children as Soldiers Our concern of food insecurity is a concern for our future. The living embodiment of our future is our children, and food insecurity is one underlying cause of a great tragedy that young people face in our world today: the rise of armies of child soldiers. 60 In his book on this disturbing topic, P.W. Singer describes the connection a swelling world population has with the degradation of the environment, the depletion of safe drinking water, and the reduction of land suitable for agriculture. 61 Mr. Singer notes that a "third of all children in Africa suffer from severe hunger. By 2010, this figure may rise to as many as half of all African children." 62 Africa is rife with zones of human conflict. 63 Indeed, it is ironic that on a continent with [*287] countries "fabulously rich in natural resources, including agriculture," there are so many hungry people. 64 The worst areas of violence in Africa currently witness armed groups totaling over an estimated 100,000 child soldiers; these are soldiers who are often as young as twelve years old. 65 Many of these children are forced into service, but that is not always the case. 66 Singer states that, in Africa, up to sixty percent of the child soldiers "volunteer" to join, largely due to the economic forces of hunger and poverty. 67 For many of these children, becoming a soldier may be "the only way to guarantee regular meals, clothing, or medical attention." 68 Placing this horrifying scenario into a global perspective, Singer notes a similar ratio of children soldiers enlist in the conflicts in East Asia. 69 The causes of this new element of global conflict are as complex as the causes of food security, and, sadly, in many ways the same. 70 Again and again, there is a link between the pain of poverty and the horror of chronic hunger, and a growing world population that exists in between the two.

Child soldiers turn into killing machines, making warfare into a family tradition outlined by a widespread culture of violence J. Pearn, Department of Paediatrics & Child Health, Royal Children's Hospital, Brisbane, Queensland, Australia, April 2003, “Children and war” Journal of Paediatrics and Child Health , http://www.blackwell- synergy.com/doi/full/10.1046/j.1440-1754.2003.00124.x?prevSearch=allfield%3A%28child+soldiers%29, Date Volume 39 Issue 3 Page 166-172, DC The few studies of children in the aftermath of war21,23,26-30,40,42 and other catastrophic disasters24,25 have documented fear-conditioned responses to the experience of early violence. These include regressive or aggressive behaviour, another long-term legacy of early exposure to the violence of armed conflict. Most adults have had the experience of an unaccustomed food-smell or plant-odour giving one an instant flashback to one's youth. Normally these are pleasurable instant recollections − survivors in the human rhinencephalon of the highly developed 'smell-memories' of lower animals. Children who have survived war also experience these − but the triggers are the smell of burning, of bloody wounds and of high explosives. 'The mind in infancy is, methinks, like the body in embryo; and receives impressions so forcible, that they are as hard to be removed by reason, as any mark with which a child is born. …'39 A proportion of those who survive with life and limb intact inevitably carry the scars of war,40 of natural disaster,24,25 or of refugee existence32,41 into their lives and sometimes to the next generation. During conflict, in the protracted periods between shelling or hand-to-hand assaults, children live in fear of impending attack. Much has been written about the stress reactions of children trapped in such circumstances, especially of those under missile threat, such as occurred in the Gulf War.43-45 The influence of such stress starts from the time of birth. Research on the aftermath of the Bosnia−Croatia conflict of 1995 showed that the average birthweight of children and the nutritional indices of those infants who continued to be breastfed were reduced during periods of continued immediate threat.46 Of greater import is the fact that if children are exposed to the maiming and killing of war, they carry into their adult lives a new datum reference point − that violence is the basic relationship that characterizes humankind. Studies of child survivors of the Spanish Civil War of 1936,47 of the Nazi holocaust and of children who were victims of the London blitz, have revealed that the survivors of such terrifying experiences in childhood grow up to be more immune than their unexposed peers to the horrors of violence. There is a cognate message for children's exposure to television violence. There is a danger that the offspring of these child survivors of warfare will, in a quasi-genetic, second- and third-generation transmission, be exposed to influences where violence is more likely to be regarded as acceptable, or even regarded as the normal state of affairs. One of the most important attributes of childhood is the development of conscience. That is, the acquisition of a sense of higher-order morality and ethics. The development of this sense of what is right and what is wrong, of this sine qua non of supra-animalistic life, depends enormously on the experiences of childhood. It is especially related to experiences in early childhood. Exposure to violence, to cruelty and to the systems of war where the resolution of problems is perforce solved by force during the childhood years is inimical to the development of conscience. One precondition for conscience and the normal development of an evolving ethical and moral sense is 'sensitivity to people who do not belong to one's own narrow circle', as the German writer Christa Wolf 48 espoused in her autobiographical novel A Model Childhood.49 War- imposed terror and cruelty, directed against others but observed by the child determine the norm in the evolving conscience of a growing child. Post-traumatic stress disorder, with its morbidity of personal distress and agony,50 has been very much a featured disease of the late 20th and 21st centuries. Children are less likely than adults to talk about such episodes or to understand their genesis. Nevertheless, recurring obsessive thoughts of horror, flashbacks and recurring dreams either of stark reality or of symbolic illusion are some of the chronic symptoms of this childhood disorder. Because children do not write, while they are children,51 about their traumatic experiences, it is easy to overlook the immediate effects of war on them. We catch occasional glimpses of these effects through the eyes of children in such works as the 'Diary of Ann Frank', or in the published diaries of a 13-year-old girl who survived the atrocities (1990−1993) of the Serbian−Bosnian−Croatian War;52,53 or second-hand through the eyes of paediatricians who care for such children.54-58 The important issue here is to maintain advocacy that combat, especially that enjoined in civil war, brings with it a post-conflict debit, often unanticipated, but one that needs to be marked in red on the balance sheet of both victory and defeat.

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These conflicts exacerbate civil wars and result in the failure of these states. The result is an anarchic Africa where millions are left dead, destitute and desperate. This sparks refugee flows that disrupt the U.S. economy by cutting off oil supply. P.W. Singer, Senior Fellow in Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution. 2005. Children at War. Pg. 95-96. Child soldiers thus become one of the many forces lessening civil order and undermining weak state institutions, leading to what has become known as the “failed state” phenomenon. The rise of new armed groups in the context of weakening state institutions has repeatedly been the spark for coups, revolts, and other political and ethnic struggles to secure control over resources. As the recent collapse of the DRC illustrates, warlords, plunderers, and other violent actors then often emerge to fill the void left by a failing government. These groups all recruit children to help them build their personal power. That the child soldier phenomenon is concentrated in areas that are undergoing tenuous political transitions, such as Africa and Southeast Asia, only heightens its threat of instability and state failure. It is important to add that, while the West often imagines itself able to stand aside from failed states, the realities of the global system no longer permit this. Since the 1990s more than eight million people have been killed in failed states like Somalia, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and the DRC (all where child soldiers were present) and millions more have become refugees. Within these countries, hundreds of millions more have been deprived of basic human needs, such as security, health care, and education, which then feed back upon the problem. For many, the resulting scenes of chaos and tragedy create a moral imperative to take action. These occurrences may create a strategic mandate to act as well. The failure of local states can destabilize entire regions, create refugee flows that wash upon our doorsteps, or sometimes even endanger valuable financial or political assets. Some claim that the United States, for example, has equal or greater economic investments in areas of Africa that are at risk than either in the Middle East or Eastern Europe. These include critical supplies of oil (roughly one fifth of all U.S. oil imports) and strategic minerals.

Oil-induced economic decline causes extinction. Lt. Col, Tom Bearden, PhD Nuclear Engineering, April 25, 2000, http://www.cheniere.org/correspondence/042500%20-%20modified.htm Just prior to the terrible collapse of the World economy, with the crumbling well underway and rising, it is inevitable that some of the [wmd] weapons of mass destruction will be used by one or more nations on others. An interesting result then---as all the old strategic studies used to show---is that everyone will fire everything as fast as possible against their perceived enemies. The reason is simple: When the mass destruction weapons are unleashed at all, the only chance a nation has to survive is to desperately try to destroy its perceived enemies before they destroy it. So there will erupt a spasmodic unleashing of the long range missiles, nuclear arsenals, and biological warfare arsenals of the nations as they feel the economic collapse, poverty, death, misery, etc. a bit earlier. The ensuing holocaust is certain to immediately draw in the major nations also, and literally a hell on earth will result. In short, we will get the great Armageddon we have been fearing since the advent of the nuclear genie. Right now, my personal estimate is that we have about a 99% chance of that scenario or some modified version of it, resulting.

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Advantage Two: United States Soft Power

A. United States Soft Power is declining now Joseph S. Nye, Jr (Dean, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University) 2004 "Soft Power." http://www.cfr.org/publication/6939/soft_power.html AO3/10/07] One is the way you frame your policies, which is what you just described. If you frame your policies in a way that's broad, that includes the interests of others, [then] they feel they've been consulted, [and] you are more likely to be seen as legitimate, more likely to get cooperation. But soft power also grows out of your values and ideals, like democracy and human rights, when you live out of them . And it also grows out of your popular culture, everything from Hollywood to Harvard, when it's attractive to others. I think the problem that we see in the polls that are reported in the book is that our attractiveness to others has declined quite dramatically in the last couple of years. We've lost about 30 points on average in European countries, including ones like Britain and Italy and Spain that supported us in the war. But it's even more dramatic in the Islamic world. In the largest Islamic country, Indonesia, three-quarters of the people said they were attracted to the United States in 2000; and that dropped to 15 percent—one, five—in May of last year. And it hasn't gotten better. The latest Pew [Research Center for People and the Press] poll shows, if anything, it's gotten worse. So in that scorecard I would say that we're not doing too well. These are the people that we're going to need when we're trying to struggle against [Osama] bin Laden or al Qaeda, or Jemaat-al-Islamiyya [an Egyption terrorist group]. And the fact that we have lost our attractiveness is, I think, a real problem for us. And I think, without sounding partisan about it, when you just read the poll evidence, and you ask people why have they lost this feeling about the United States, and you ask them, “Is it American culture or is it American policies?” It's American policy. So in that sense , you've gone to the heart of where we've lost our soft power .

B. A new Foreign aid program targeted for development and poverty reduction increases US softpower by boosting credibility Katherine Sibley, St. Joseph’s University, 2002 “Foreign Aid,” Encyclopedia of American Foreign Policy vol. 2, ed. Alexander DeConde, et al. p. 102 Nicholas Eberstadt argues that a chief reason for the inefficacy of U.S. aid is because it has not supported policies that are congruent with American values, including “the defense of liberty” and “the promotion of justice.” Instead, the United States has too often relied on a “materialistic” policy limited to financial aid to oppressive regimes, overlooking the plight of those who continue to live under them. Yet Carol Lancaster, a former deputy administrator of USAID who readily admits the failure of aid in many African countries, contended in a 2000 article that foreign aid nevertheless has been “an extremely useful tool of U.S. diplomacy.” She points to progress in lowering the rate of poverty worldwide, from 28 percent in the late 1980s to 24 percent a decade later, and to the trend of rising living standards in Europe, Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America. By the end of the twentieth century, these trends had yet to affect much of Africa. Further, she argues that a new policy of foreign aid, one that emphasizes humanitarian relief, democracy, human rights, and development—the latter to be limited to the poorest countries—is precisely the mechanism to further an American “diplomacy of values.” Such aid will bring “soft power” to the United States, enhancing “the credibility and trust that the U.S. can command in the world.”

Strong soft power is key to U.S. hegemony Ivo Daalder (senior fellow in Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution) and James M Lindsay (Director, Robert S. Strauss Center, University of Texas) September 26, 2004 “A Radical Change.” Minneapolis Star-Tribune. Accessed online, http://www.cfr.org/publication/7405/radical_change.html This, ultimately, is the real danger of the Bush revolution. America's friends and allies might not be able to stop Washington from doing as it wishes, but neither are they necessarily willing to come to its aid when their help is wanted or needed. Indeed, the more others question America's power, purpose and priorities, the less influence America will have. In that respect, an unbound America could become a less secure America. Bush's way is not America's only choice. In fact, Washington has chosen differently before. When America emerged from World War II as the world's predominant power, Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman could have imposed an imperium commensurate with America's power. They instead created the United Nations and NATO to help ensure international peace and security, set up the Bretton Woods system to help stabilize international economic interactions and spent vast sums of money to help rebuild countries (including vanquished foes) that had been devastated by the war. Rather than hobbling American power, these efforts legitimated and sustained it, building up a reservoir of goodwill that made it easier for the United States to act unilaterally, as on occasion it inevitably would have to. Our task today is similar to that of 60 years ago -- to use our power and leadership to forge international institutions and cooperation to meet the challenges we now face. If we continue to work against rather than with our friends we will miss our opportunity to make the world a safer and better place.

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US Leadership decline causes global nuclear war Zalamay Khalilzad (US Ambassador to the United Nations) 1995 Washington Quarterly, Spring Under the third option, the United States would seek to retain global leadership and to preclude the rise of a global rival or a return to multipolarity for the indefinite future. On balance, this is the best long-term guiding principle and vision. Such a vision is desirable not as an end in itself, but because a world in which the United States exercises leadership would have tremendous advantages. First, the global environment would be more open and more receptive to American values -- democracy, free markets, and the rule of law. Second, such a world would have a better chance of dealing cooperatively with the world's major problems, such as nuclear proliferation, threats of regional hegemony by renegade states, and low-level conflicts. Finally, U.S. leadership would help preclude the rise of another hostile global rival, enabling the United States and the world to avoid another global cold or hot war and all the attendant dangers, including a global nuclear exchange. U.S. leadership would therefore be more conducive to global stability than a bipolar or a multipolar balance of power system.

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Increases in Title II funds are critical to sustain current levels of development and food aid assistance. Only 25% of the budget is being used for development projects, but funds are currently being diverted to emergencies around the world. Allocating a target goal of 2 billion in funding will solve for current funding shortfalls and shipment delays. A mandated food “safe box” will preventing trade-offs with emergency aid and development projects. 25% of food purchases should come from African farmers. By making the Emerson trust fund the back up for emergency it ensures the emergency disasters will be addressed without trading off with development programs Annemarie Reilly (Chief of Staff for Catholic Relief Services) May 2007 “CRS Congressional Testimony On Food Aid”, Catholic Relief Services Speeches and Testimony, http://www.crs.org/newsroom/speeches-testimony/entry.cfm? id=838 Title II resources are used to set up feeding programs in desperately poor communities around the world and are often coupled with agriculture projects, village banking schemes or other livelihoods enhancement efforts. Social safety net programs feed orphan-headed households and people who are too old or too sick to function in the local economy. Title II also provides food for maternal/child programs that combine food aid with prenatal and postnatal education and support. This is only a small sample of the variety of programs Title II supports to fight chronic hunger. Title II programs are extremely important to the families, communities and even nations that they serve. Although these are significant efforts, there remains a huge unmet need. According to Food For Peace, the US government feeds only about 50 to 70 million of those 850 million chronically hungry people. We don’t expect the US government to feed all of the world’s hungry. CRS is working on recommendations for improvements to the Food Aid Convention, due to be renegotiated, which could ensure that more resources will be made available worldwide to fight hunger. We also invest significant private resources and funding from other donors to support livelihood systems that address chronic food needs. But given the enormity of the hunger program, more must be done. Yet, more and more of our Title II resources are being diverted away from programs that address chronic hunger in order to fund an increasing number of emergencies around the world. Catholic Relief Services and other private voluntary agencies are very supportive of the US government stepping up to the plate to address emergencies, but not at the expense of the chronically hungry. We are offering some proposals to continue this vital work in responding to food emergencies, while at the same time protecting resources for programs that address chronic hunger and the underlying causes of that hunger. As you are well aware, current law requires that 75% of Title II food aid resources be devoted to development (non-emergency) programs. Over the past several years, however, the Administration has consistently used the emergency provision to waive the 75% rule. The program percentages have now been reversed as development food aid programs are diminished or eliminated in many countries so that about 75% of commodities are used for emergencies year to year, while only about 25% remain for development. I. Recommendations from CRS, CARE, Save the Children, Mercy Corps We believe that the Bill Emerson Humanitarian Trust (BEHT) has played an important role in responding to acute hunger. Our first recommendation is that with some adjustments the Emerson Trust could become an invaluable tool in addressing food emergencies. Catholic Relief Services, along with our PVO colleagues CARE, Mercy Corps and Save the Children, propose that Congress change both the way the Bill Emerson Humanitarian Trust is used and the way it operates. When Title II emergency resources have been exhausted in a given fiscal year, additional emergency funding would automatically come from the Emerson Trust. We also propose that the resources available for emergencies be increased to 50% of Title II. Using the Emerson Trust first as an emergency back-up will also protect non-emergency developmental programs. Of course, to make this system work, we need to ensure that the Emerson Trust is replenished in a timely fashion. Catholic Relief Services is currently drafting specific proposed fixes for the Emerson Trust that would make it a more effective component in the food aid arsenal in our fight against global hunger. The current mechanism for realizing the benefits of the Emerson Trust is cumbersome, the underlying authority is vague, long-term availability is uncertain, and the legal and policy constraints on accessing the Trust may conflict with long-term economic development goals. The Emerson Trust is in need of reform and the overall goal of such reform should be to make it a reliable source of food resources in emergency situations and one that may be accessed easily to mitigate the detriment to planned non-emergency development funding under Title II. CRS is working with others to design three significant changes to the Bill Emerson Humanitarian Trust: (1) the orderly liquidation of current stocks in the Emerson Trust, so that it will hold only cash to acquire commodities as needed; (2) establishing a true trust by allowing the cash to be invested in conservative short-term instruments; and (3) providing limited authority to Commodity Credit Corporation to replenish the Emerson Trust in a fiscal year. Second, it is our position that if more cash were available through Title II, we would have greater flexibility in carrying out our programs to fight world hunger, both chronic and in emergency settings. The real causes of global food insecurity and hunger are complex and cannot be solved over the long term by the provision of food assistance alone. Responding more appropriately means that additional resources in the form of cash, both within and outside of Title II, are essential to support a variety of targeted activities that can more effectively address the root causes of vulnerabilities and risks that afflict hungry and food insecure populations. Current Section 202 (e) law permits a small percentage of Title II to be used for program logistics, management and related costs. However, these allowable uses do not go far enough to serve as an effective critical cash support mechanism. Section 202(e) needs to be amended to allow greater flexibility in the use of the funds to include administrative, management, technical and program related costs to enhance the effectiveness of Title II commodities. The percentage of funding in an expanded Section 202(e) also needs to be increased to no less than 25% of the Title II program levels. We could more flexibly use commodities and/or cash in Title II by using language patterned after the McGovern/Dole Food for Education and Child Nutrition Program. The McGovern/Dole Food for Education and Child Nutrition Program addresses the issue of cash resources with simple language that allows for a mix of commodities and cash for implementers to use to carry out the program. This has worked well as implementers are discouraged from monetizing commodities because it is much easier and more cost effective to use cash. II. Additional Recommendations from CRS

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Continued….. The third recommendation for fighting chronic hunger is that the Congress must appropriate adequate funds for Title II. The consistent under- funding of Title II has required the annual passage of supplemental appropriations bills to cover some of the shortfall. These kinds of piecemeal appropriations for food through supplemental appropriations are disruptive to well-planned developmental programs and hamper emergency response. Repeatedly, Title II export shipments are bunched together early in a fiscal year with the result that delays occur and shipping costs increase due to the increased demand for vessel space. One of the reasons for this “bunching” of shipments is that availability of funds for a fiscal year is not often known early enough to allow for efficient programming commitments and planning of purchases. Under our proposal, the Administrator can rely on the availability of CCC funds to contract for commodities and freight to meet programming needs in the next fiscal year prior to the actual enactment of an appropriation. Of course, CCC would be reimbursed promptly from the Title II appropriation or continuing resolution when it becomes available. Fourth, we ask that Congress appropriate a realistic annual target of $2 billion per year for Title II. Furthermore, we propose that a minimum of $600 million or 50% of total Title II resources, whichever is greater, be dedicated exclusively to development food aid to address chronic hunger – in a word, to put this money for developmental food aid in a “safe box.” The $2 billion figure is consistent with the U.S. share of annual needs for the last several years. Sufficient funding up front would simplify programming in the field, eliminate delays and extra storage and transportation expenses, and ensure more effective and dependable links with partners who look to the U.S., above all others, for life-saving aid. Designated funding would guarantee that we don`t lose the fight against chronic hunger by diverting almost all food aid to emergency uses. Fifth, CRS supports the Administration`s request for flexibility in the use of a portion of the Title II budget for local or regional purchase of food. CRS endorses and undertakes the local purchase of commodities as a cost-effective tool for some emergency and non-emergency programs, when analysis of markets indicates it is feasible. CRS also engages in the use of vouchers to promote beneficiary acquisition of local food. CRS believes local purchase is an option worthy of congressional support in situations where it can bolster local food security and/or contribute to faster and more appropriate response to an emergency. It can be a more effective and efficient use of American resources.

Minimum tonnage requirements ease the burden on local farmers leading to agriculture development. This is the only effective long-term strategy for combating hunger David Evans (Vice Chair Alliance For Food Aid) May 24 2007 House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee: Africa And Global Health Headline: International Food Aid Programs Establish a safebox for Title II non-emergency programs that assures 1,200,000 metric tons will be made available each for non- emergency Title II programs each fiscal year. This amount would not be subject to waiver. Section 204(a)(2) of PL 480 directs USAID to make available 1,875,000 metric tons of commodities for Title II non-emergency programs each fiscal year. The law permits USAID to waive this minimum after the beginning of the fiscal year if there are insufficient requests for programs or the commodities are needed for emergencies. This implies that USAID should seek proposals for the full non-emergency minimum tonnage and only waive the minimum under extraordinary circumstances. Instead, months in advance of each fiscal year USAID acknowledges that non- emergency programs will be limited to about 750,000 MT and does not make the minimum tonnage available. We therefore recommend only allowing USAID to waive up to 675,000 MT of the non-emergency minimum tonnage level, which would assure that USAID makes available at least 1,200,000 MT each year for multi-year food for development programs - reestablishing America's commitment to help those suffering from chronic malnutrition and hunger. This is less than the minimum tonnage required under law for these programs (1,875,000 MT), but more than the amount USAID is actually providing (750,000 MT). Programs that address the underlying causes of chronic hunger include mother-child health care, agricultural and rural development, food as payment for work on community infrastructure projects, meals in schools and take-home rations to encourage school attendance, and programs targeting HIV/AIDS-affected communities. Chronic hunger leads to high infant and child mortality and morbidity, poor physical and cognitive development, low productivity, high susceptibility to disease, and premature death. Reducing these programs has been counterproductive, as developmental food aid helps improve people's resilience to droughts and economic downturns. Giving people the means to improve their lives also provides hope for a better future and helps stabilize vulnerable areas. Valuable expertise of PVOs to help these communities and to respond to food crises is being lost as they must stop their food aid activities, leave their local partners and lose their strategic networks in these vulnerable areas. Giving people the means to improve their lives also provides hope for a better future and helps stabilize vulnerable areas.

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Fully funding and streamlining the Emmerson Trust Fund for emergency spending will prevent agriculture development diversion Sean Callahan (vice -president for Overseas Operations at Catholic Relief Services) May 2006 “Testimony before the House International Relations Committee, Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights and International Operations”, Catholic Relief Services Speeches and Testimony, http://www.crs.org/newsroom/speeches- testimony/entry.cfm?id=459 Meanwhile, the concentration on acute rather than chronic needs is one of the factors contributing to the shortening of intervals between emergencies. I have witnessed this in Ethiopia and parts of Southern Africa. The Bill Emerson Humanitarian Trust (BEHT) is designed to meet immediate emergency needs and prevent emergency programs from using the resources of development and safety net programs. There has not been adequate funding to replenish the BEHT, leading to disruptions in emergency, development and safety net programs. CRS supports the restructuring of emergency response mechanisms so that aid can be delivered quickly and effectively. The Bill Emerson Humanitarian Trust should be used first to forestall taking food from ongoing multi-year Title II development programs. The replenishment mechanism for the Trust needs to be streamlined and made automatic – as opposed to requiring an appropriation.

And, we actually got a US key warrant- Only US aid and development programs can prevent hunger David Evans (Vice Chair Alliance For Food Aid) May 24 2007 House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee: Africa And Global Health Headline: International Food Aid Programs Food security is negatively affected by a wide range of issues, including poor agricultural productivity; high unemployment; low and unpredictable incomes; remoteness of farm communities; susceptibility to natural disasters, civil unrest and instability; wide discrepancies between the well-off and the poor; chronic disease; and lack of basic health, education, water and sanitation services. Thus, rather than just distributing food to needy people, US food aid has evolved into a multi-faceted program that addresses the underlying causes of hunger and poverty. This mixture of food and support for local development is the program's strength and was reinforced in the 2002 Farm Bill. However, the Administration was given wide berth to set priorities and waive requirements, which has taken food aid down a different road than anticipated in 2002. Policy changes over the past five years have essentially reduced overall food aid levels (particularly by eliminating Section 416 surplus commodities and Title I appropriations), shrunk development-oriented programs to 42% their 2001 levels (according to an April 2007 GAO report) , and exposed the lack of contingency planning for food emergencies. While the 2002 Farm Bill called for increased levels of PL 480 Title II development programs to 1,875,000 metric tons, instead these programs were reduced and are now about 750,000 metric tons. The 2002 Bill also called for upgrades and improvements in governmental management and information systems, but instead the level of programming has become less predictable; program priorities and proposal review processes have become more opaque; the "consultative" nature Food Aid Consultative Group process has deteriorated; Title II procedures are making it more difficult for PVOs to access funding; and commodity quality control systems have not been renovated to modern standards. Meanwhile, the world's efforts to meet the Millennium Development Goal of cutting hunger in half by 2015 is far from reach - the number of people suffering from chronic hunger increased from 1996 to 2004 from under 800 million to 842 million -- and international appeals for emergency food aid are under-funded. While US food aid alone cannot resolve this sad and complex problem, it is a critical component of an international food security strategy and is particularly effective in countries with chronic food deficits and for vulnerable, low-income populations.

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Currently Title II food aid is being diverted to emergency situations, trading off with food aid needed for long term agricultural development Sean Callahan (Vice-President for Overseas Operations of Catholic Relief Services) June 16, 2005 “Testimony Before the House Committee On Agriculture, Subcommittee on Specialty Crops And Foreign Agriculture Programs” , http://www.crs.org/about_us/newsroom/speeches_and_testimony/releases.cfm?ID=25 Because of the diversion of Title II development assistance to emergencies, the development relief concept has been incompletely implemented; the balance has been tipped toward short-term emergency interventions, leaving limited opportunities for programs that can have a lasting impact. Scarce development resources are spent on emergencies. Rather than having development resources to build food security in the Horn of Africa, we are forced to react to acute food insecurity in places such as Ethiopia and Sudan. While we appreciate and strongly support the role of Title II in emergency relief, we believe sacrificing long-term sustainable development for short-term emergency relief is counter-productive. The result is that instead of building community capacity to cope better with the next emergency, and so reducing the need for emergency assistance, we perpetuate the cycle of disaster and famine with our reactive responses. Providing too little, too late is disrespectful of the dignity of these most vulnerable people.

Congressional funding shortfall cause delay in food shipments and allow for diversions in food supplies in times of emergency, this trades-off with title II development funding and projects. The total food aid budget must be increased in order to prevent diversion spending from undercutting development Federal News Service May 24, 2007 hearing of the subcommittee on Africa and global health of the house committee on foreign affairs; Subject: international food aid programs: options to enhance effectiveness” Chaired by: representative Donald Payne, lexis The American people are to be commended for providing some $1.2 billion in emergency food aid in 2006, but that amount is 60 percent of our total food assistance. This percentage is not what Congress had intended. Title II of the P.L. 480 specifies that 75 percent of commodities provided under that title, which constitutes 80 percent of total U.S. food aid, must be used for development projects. However, USAID has avoided that requirement by resorting to a legislative waiver that applies in cases of emergency. My proposal is not to ignore the emergencies, but we cannot continue to divert resources from desperately needed food development initiatives. Unless we increase the total food aid budget so that more resources can go to non-emergency food aid, we may well see the percentages for emergencies increase and the possibilities for long- term solutions diminish accordingly. In addition to the amount that Congress appropriates for food aid programs overall, I would strongly urge my colleagues to start being realistic about the amounts appropriated in the regular budget. We have settled into a well-established pattern of allocating approximately $2 billion each year for food assistance. However, we have been given only a percentage of that in the regular budget, and then providing additional amounts and supplemental appropriations relying on (non-replenishment roles ?) from the Bill Emerson Humanitarian Trust. This has occurred despite the fact that ongoing emergency needs are usually clear when the regular budget is being considered. Organizations that provide food aid have indicated that their assistance programs are significantly impacted by insufficient initial appropriations, delays to chronic hunger programs due to diversion of resources to emergency needs, and slow approval of supplemental appropriations. They are faced with extremely difficult operational dilemmas, such as diverting funds from other critical programs to bridge gaps until anticipated U.S. government resources come through and ensuring that local markets and production are not harmed due to delays in the arrival of food shipment. One of the worst difficulties I can imagine is when these providers must reduce the number of those who are receiving assistance as well as local personnel overseeing the programs for an interim period until full funding is available.

Food emergencies are diverting money from agriculture development projects Catholic Online May 11 2007 “Don’t fund emergencies on backs of chronically hungry, CRS urges U.S. Congress” http://www.catholic.org/national/national_story.php?id=24063 The recent U.S. government practice of meeting global food emergencies by diverting aid resources threatens the chronically hungry and efforts to fight the underlying causes of hunger and poverty, said an official of an U.S. Catholic international humanitarian agency. In May 10 testimony before the U.S. House of Representatives Agriculture subcommittee, Catholic Relief Services Chief of Staff Annemarie Reilly urged Congress to take needed action toward ending the funding of global food emergencies at the expense of depleting resources for long-term developmental food aid that addresses chronic hunger.

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The Lock Box is the Safe Box 18 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Harms: Africa is on brink mass starvation

International assistance to Africa has failed to prevent wide spread hunger putting millions of lives at risk Makwana, Director of Share the World’s Resources Global Policy Forum, 2K7 (Rajesh, “International aid and economy still failing sub-Saharan Africa” June 11th, http://www.globalpolicy.org/socecon/develop/africa/2007/0611subsaharanafrica.htm accessed July 26, 2007) A recent report by the United Nations has revealed that not a single country in sub-Saharan Africa is on track to achieve the internationally agreed target for halving extreme poverty by 2015. This dire failure is unsurprising given the G8’s undelivered aid commitments, the inability of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) to negotiate development-friendly trade rules, and the financial burdens imposed on many African countries by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and The World Bank. According to the report, published at the midway point in the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) process, the number of people living on less than one dollar a day has barely changed over the past seven years, declining less than 5 per cent to 41.1%. As much of a concern is the increasingly slow rate by which the number of people living in extreme poverty is reducing. In line with this disappointing trend there has been little change in the number of children under five who remain hungry and underweight; a mere four per cent decrease was observed between 1990 and 2005. Over the same 15 year period, mortality rates for children under five dropped by less than three per cent and only an additional five per cent of the population have gained access to basic sanitation, leaving 37% of people without this necessity. The number of deaths from AIDS is also accelerating - a staggering two million people in 2006. The report also highlights the impact of global warming which is already being felt throughout the region. Recent examples include the intensification of droughts and desertification in Kenya, the accelerated melting of ice field peaks in Tanzania, and the increased flooding experienced in the Niger Delta. The effect of climactic change in sub- Saharan Africa inevitably heightens the scarcity of resources such as food and water, fuels conflict and exacerbates poverty. For instance, only 42% of the rural population presently have access to clean water but this, according to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), could soon include up to 250 million Africans. Despite important yet limited improvements in education, healthcare and agricultural productivity in a few countries, the overall trends for poverty reduction, access to clean water and basic healthcare are continuing to plummet. The G8 leaders concur in theory that nothing could be more important than preventing the imminent deaths of millions of Africans who are being indirectly denied the right to these essential resources. Yet as the failed Gleneagles promises for increased aid to Africa demonstrate, global political priorities and economic policy address poverty indirectly, if at all, focusing instead on creating economic growth and a strong corporate sector. G8 ministers managed to placate many campaigners at the end of the 2006 Gleneagles Summit with inflated promises for more aid. The conclusion of this year’s Heiligendam summit, however, has once again united civil society in its condemnation of the G8’s apparent self interest. According to the UN, the MDG to half extreme poverty will only be achieved if the current pace of aid donation is doubled. Not only is such commitment extremely unlikely, but research also shows that economic growth and international aid will never be sufficient to address poverty to any meaningful extent. The Chronic Poverty Research Centre has calculated that even if the Millennium Development Goal for poverty and hunger is achieved by 2015, 900 million people will still be living on less than one dollar a day.

Over A Third Of All People Living In Sub-Saharan Africa Are Malnourished The Earth Institute At Columbia University, July 6th, 2004 (“UN Secretary General Calls for 21st Century African Green Revolution”, Accessed 7/24/07, Google, http://www.earthinstitute.columbia.edu/news/2004/story07-06- 04.html, GC) Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, July 5, 2004 -- United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan called for the launch of a "twenty-first century African Green Revolution" to end chronic hunger on the continent. Speaking at a special meeting of African heads of state and leading policymakers organized by the Ethiopian Government and the Hunger Task Force of the UN Millennium Project — an independent advisory body to the Secretary-General — Annan noted that, "Nearly a third of all men, women and children in sub-Saharan Africa are severely undernourished. Africa is the only continent where child malnutrition is getting worse rather than better." "Hunger is a complex crisis," said the Secretary-General. "To solve it we must address the interconnected challenges of agriculture; health; nutrition; adverse and unfair market conditions; weak infrastructure; and environmental degradation. "Knowledge is not lacking," he noted. "What is lacking, as ever, is the will to turn this knowledge into practice."

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 19 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Harms: Africa is on brink mass starvation

Twenty-seven sub-saharan african countries are in need of “urgent food assitance” Martin Plaut, BBC Africa Analyst, January 31st, 2006 (“Afirca’s Hunger-A Systematic Crisis”, Accessed 7/24/07, Google, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4662232.stm, GC) More than half of Africa is now in need of urgent food assistance. The UN's Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) is warning that 27 sub-Saharan countries now need help. But what appear as isolated disasters brought about by drought or conflict in countries like Somalia, Malawi, Niger, Kenya and Zimbabwe are - in reality - systemic problems. It is African agriculture itself that is in crisis, and according to the International Food Policy Research Institute, this has left 200 million people malnourished. It is particularly striking that the FAO highlights political problems such as civil strife, refugee movements and returnees in 15 of the 27 countries it declares in need of urgent assistance. By comparison drought is only cited in 12 out of 27 countries. The implication is clear - Africa's years of wars, coups and civil strife are responsible for more hunger than the natural problems that befall it. In essence Africa's hunger is the product of a series of interrelated factors. Africa is a vast continent, and no one factor can be applied to any particular country

The deficit of food in Sub-Saharan Africa will triple by 2020 in the status quo. Per Pinstrup-Andersen (Director General of the International Food Policy Research Institute John Pesek Colloquium in Sustainable Agriculture at Iowa State University) March 26 2002, “Towards a Sustainable Global Food System: What Will It Take?” http://www.ifpri.org/pubs/articles/2002/pinstrup02_01.pdf The food supply picture varies regionally. South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa are of special concern. The gap between production and market demand for cereals is forecast to widen from 1 million tons in 1990 to 24 million tons in 2020 in South Asia, and to triple to 27 million tons in 2020 in Sub-Saharan Africa. Unless poverty is significantly reduced, the gap between food production and need will be much larger. Sub-Saharan Africa in particular is unlikely to have the capacity to commercially import the difference between their food needs and production. The central challenges in the next twenty years are to develop the global capacity to produce adequate food in an environmentally sustainable manner, and to increase the capacity of poorer countries to produce food, not only to increase their food supply, but to generate personal income and employment through agricultural growth.

Without significant policy changes, Africa’s hungry population will increase substantially. Per Pinstrup-Andersen (Director General of the International Food Policy Research Institute John Pesek Colloquium in Sustainable Agriculture at Iowa State University) July/August 2001, Director General of the International Food Policy Research Institute, “Feeding the World in a New Millenium,” http://www.ifpri.org/pubs/articles/2001/pinstrup01_02.pdf The largest number of hungry people is in the Asia-Pacific region, especially South Asia (the Indian subcontinent). The other global hunger hot spot is sub- Saharan Africa, the only region in which the number of hungry people is expected to increase during the next 20 years. If the international community does not make significant policy changes, the developing world’s hungry population will only fall to 650 million by 2015, with hunger even more concentrated in Africa and South Asia. This is far short of the 1996 World Food Summit goal, agreed to by the United States, to reduce hunger by half by 2015. Malnutrition among preschool children is of particular concern. Each year, it contributes to 5 million deaths of children less than 5 years old in the developing world—this is ten times the number of people that die from cancer annually in the United States. Even when they reach their fifth birthday, malnourished children frequently suffer impaired physical and mental development. The silent scourge of malnutrition robs the human family of countless artists, scientists, community leaders, and productive workers. Currently, there are 150 million malnourished preschoolers in developing countries (27 percent of the total number of children less than five years old there). Malnourished mothers frequently have low-birthweight babies who are vulnerable to malnutrition, in effect passing hunger across generations.5 The International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) projects that by 2020, without any changes in national and international policies, the number of developing country malnourished preschoolers will still be 135 million (25 percent). The number will increase substantially in Africa, and 77 percent of all hungry preschoolers will live there and in South Asia.6 Acute malnutrition is rare among children in the United States, but USDA estimates that 40 percent of people in the United States who are food-insecure— 12 million—are children. The reduction in global child malnutrition between 1990 and 2020 will not reach 25 percent, even though the World Summit for Children in 1990 pledged to halve preschooler malnutrition by 2000.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 20 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Hunger Root Casue- Poverty & Disease

Hunger and Malnutrition Are The Root Causes Of Poverty, Illiteracy, Disease, and Mortality FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations) November 2005 “Hunger Slows Progress Towards Millennium Development” Hunger and malnutrition are killing nearly six million children each year - a figure that roughly equals the entire pre-school population of a large country such as Japan, FAO said in a new edition of its annual hunger report, The State of Food Insecurity in the World, published today. Many of these children die from a handful of treatable infectious diseases including diarrhoea, pneumonia, malaria and measles. They would survive if their bodies and immune systems had not been weakened by hunger and malnutrition. Hunger and malnutrition are among the root causes of poverty, illiteracy, disease and mortality of millions of people in developing countries, the report said. The FAO hunger report focuses on the critical importance of hunger reduction, which is the explicit target of the 1996 World Food Summit (WFS) and of the first Millennium Development Goal (MDG 1) calling for the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger. The report stresses that hunger reduction is also essential for meeting all other MDGs.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 21 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Agriculture Key

70% of Africa is dependent on agriculture for survival. Crop-yields are extremely low Segenet Kelemu (Centro Internacional de Agricultura Tropical) and Kwasi Ampofo (Agricultural Technology Development and Transfer Project) 2003 “Harmonizing the agricultural biotechnology debate for the benefit of African farmers,” African Journal of Biotechnology Vol. 2 (11), pp. 394-416, November 2003 Despite natural genetic wealth, many parts of Africa are crippled by poverty and chronic food shortages exacerbated by natural and man-made disasters. About 70% of the continent’s population lives in rural areas and depends largely on agriculture (UNECA, 2002). Most are small farmers with few or no resources and using very few agricultural inputs if any. Many grow low-yielding landrace varieties on nutrient depleted soils. Diseases, pests and weeds cause heavy yield losses. As a result, crop and livestock yields are far lower than they could be. For example, average cereal yields in Africa are half of those in the rest of the developing world (FAO 2001b; Ongaro, 1999), indicating the potential for improvement using existing conventional methods like plant breeding, soil-fertility management, and disease, pest, weed and other constraint management. Deforestation for agricultural expansion, firewood and building materials has further contributed to environmental degradation. Pg. 397

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 22 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* ***Scenario One- Wars***

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 23 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Food Insecurity Risk War

Hunger leads to political instability and internal conflicts Ellen Messer (director of the Alan Shawn Feinstein World Hunger Program at Brown University) 2002 “Conflict: A Cause and Effect of Hunger” Environmental Change and Security Project http://www.fao.org/righttofood/kc/downloads/vl/docs/ECSP7-featurearticles-1.pdf accessed on 07/25/07) In sum, conflict has an enormous impact on human (food, economic, health, environmental personal, community, and political) security (UNDP, 1994)—an impact well beyond the immediate conflicts and combatants. Food insecurity can also contribute to the outbreak of conflict. In the Horn of Africa in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, droughts devastated already food-insecure, politically- oppressed populations, triggering chronic famines and civil wars. Ethiopia is a case in point: in the 1970s the failure of Emperor Haile Selaissie's government to respond to food shortages touched off his overthrow. Famines in the Sahelian nations of Upper Volta and Niger in the 1970s also triggered coups when governments proved unwilling or incapable of responding to these conditions or made only selective responses.

Lack of food security cause failed states in Africa which treaten American security Taylor and Cayford, 03 (Michael R, Jerry, American Patent Policy, Biotechnology, and African Agriculture: The Case for Policy Change, RFF Report, November 2003, pg 7-8, http://www.rff.org/rff/Documents/RFF-RPT-Patent.pdf) The countries of sub-Saharan Africa face daunting social, economic, and health challenges. Achieving basic food security is the central one for many countries and individuals in that region. If basic nutritional needs are not being met, the consequences are seen, certainly, in individual suffering, but also in the failure of societies to thrive socially and economically. Food security, economic development, and poverty reduction are thoroughly intertwined. So too are the interests of the United States and developing countries in Africa and elsewhere. In the post-September 11 environment, U.S. leaders increasingly recognize that the lack of food security outside the United States is related to our quest for physical security inside the United States. There is also an increasing recognition in the U.S. media and policy circles that a wide range of U.S. policies affects the efforts of developing countries to address food security and other basic development problems. These include U.S. agricultural and trade policies, development assistance and food aid policies, and the approaches the United States takes in the international arena to address trade and other development-related policy issues.

Famine causes the mass migration of people leading to instability James T. Morris (Executive Director, World Food Programme) June 30 2005 Statement of the Executive Director to the Security Council: Africa's Food Crises as a Threat to Peace and Security United Nations World Food Programme, http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/EVOD-6DYHCW?OpenDocument) In Dar Zagawa, insecurity has pushed people northwards, placing unbearable strains on scarce supplies of water and wild foods. In March an interagency mission warned that without more aid there would be further displacement and growing tension between host and IDP communities over water and we could see famine-like conditions. In southern Sudan, access to food was used as a weapon at the height of the civil war and the Bahr El-Ghazal famine in 1988 cost a quarter of a million lives. Now that there is a peace agreement, ironically support for food aid has dwindled and this may well undermine the peace. Paradoxically, because of food shortages and inter-clan violence in the south, exacerbated by disputes over sparse grazing land and water, there are now more displaced Sudanese fleeing into neighboring Kenya and Uganda as refugees than returning home. Donor support for food assistance in southern Sudan has plummeted, which is ironic given the investment of over $2 billion in humanitarian aid in Operation Lifeline Sudan before the peace agreement. The continuing presence of large numbers of IDPs and refugees is inherently a threat to both political and economic stability and the threat of hunger presents significant complications in resettling them. It is difficult to persuade a family in Angola, for example, to return to their home village if they do not have sufficient food tide them over to the next harvest. WFP invests heavily -- when we get the funding -- in repatriation packages that allow ex-combatants to feed themselves and their families while they get re-established at home. Food aid has been a critical component in disarmament, demobilization and reintegration efforts in Africa. In the last five years alone, we have targeted 800,000 combatants in Liberia, Burundi, Somalia, DR Congo, Sierra Leone, Rwanda and Angola. Just this past week we approved a new demobilization aid package for 150,000 former army and militia combatants in the DR Congo where pressure to demobilize and disarm has grown in recent months. In the West Africa, where thousands are still displaced by over a decade of war, food aid is used to help restore social and economic sectors. As one WFP report noted, "today's stability is fragile, and progress is impossible if people lack basics like food, shelter, and the means to keep their families healthy.” WFP food aid is now a tool to support education, help rebuild communities and give people the means to safeguard their own welfare. Although a peace deal brokered by South Africa has encouraged some optimism with regard to Cote d'Ivoire, the country remains dangerously divided. Disarmament was due to start this week but will be a challenge. WFP operations target 922,500 people in the region 700,000 in Cote d'Ivoire itself and the remainder in neighboring Burkina Faso, Mali and Ghana. WFP is providing general rations to 26,500 predominantly Liberian refugees and others displaced within the country in several locations. The fighting in Cote d'Ivoire ostensibly began over political disenfranchisement. Here again competition for limited agricultural resources played a role as the economy sputtered, living standards fell and the number of internal migrants began to rise.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 24 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Food Insecurity Causese conflict

Food insecurity can lead to conflict Parliamentary Office of Science and Technology December 2006 “Food Security in Developing Countries”, http://www.alphagalileo.org/images/postpn274.pdf, GB Conflict can be both a cause and result of food insecurity. It can cause food emergencies, reverse economic growth, destroy schools, roads and hospitals, and force migration. Of the 34 countries furthest from reaching the MDGs, 22 are in or just coming out of conflict10. Hunger and large relative differences in nutrition can reduce social cohesion and lead to conflict.

Food insecurity cause Wars Kathryn C. Troyer (The University of Denver) 4/5/2006 The Mental-Health Needs of Child Soldiers in Uganda: A Case Study of Structural Violence In order to better understand why Africa has been plagued with conflict, it is necessary to study some different theories on the causes of war. Jessica Tuchman-Mathews (1995) argues that overpopulation causes resource inequities, internal migration, multiple ethnic groups, and incapable governments, which are all ingredients for war. The International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRS) has found in its initial review that environmental scarcities and food security can also lead to conflict when accompanied with a natural disaster or economic crisis (Cohen, Marchione, and Messer 2005).

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 25 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Conflicts Spiral/Spread

African Conflicts spillover and become regional, involving International Organizations and other nations Severine M. Rugumamu 2002 United Nations, “Conflict Management in Africa Diagnosis of Current Practices and Future Prospects”, July 25, 2007, http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/CAFRAD/UNPAN009062.pdf, CB) Widespread societal conflicts in Africa are often played out against the backdrop of deep poverty, illiteracy, and weak systems of governance. Undermined by unfavorable terms of trade, indebtedness and administrative failures, most states in Africa have failed to respond adequately to the critical social needs of their citizens. In the most extreme cases, Africa's insecurity has been reflected by the traumatic episodes of collapsed and collapsing states. Almost invariably, state collapses are products of long-term degenerative politics marked by a loss of control over the economic and political space. As would be expected, collapsed states in Africa have had harmful spillover effects on neighboring countries. The overflow of refugees, heightened ethnic tensions in some cases, and the resulting diplomatic conflicts, have engaged substantial resources and efforts from the relatively stable countries that share borders with collapsed states (Zartman, 1995:1-5). In the process, what were once thought to be mere domestic conflicts, out of the purview of international organizations like the United Nations (UN) and regional organizations like the Organization of African Unity (OAU), have now been internationalized. External actors have been drawn into what was technically civil war in order to restore peace and security. It has become increasingly apparent that Africa should develop the capacity to deal with its growing domestic security problems.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 26 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Instability & War- Disease 2ac Module

Food insecurity threatens to collapse African states and spread war, economic destitution, and disease outbreaks across the continent Mariam Bibi Jooma (Researcher with the African Security Analysis Program at Institute for Security Studies) 2006 “Africa in 2006: The humanitarian hangover?,” African Security Review, http://www.iss.co.za/index.php? link_id=3&slink_id=3464&link_type=12&slink_type=12&tmpl_id=3 The question of food security nevertheless goes to the heart of issues surrounding chronic poverty and underdevelopment. At the time of writing an estimated 11 million people in East Africa and the Horn of Africa are facing critical food shortages owing to a prolonged drought – some 1.75 million people in southern Ethiopia’s Somali and Oromiya regions alone. Experts predict that the coming rains will be insufficient. The food debate is not a new one. From the 1970s development theory of agricultural underproduction to Amartya Sen’s more nuanced appreciation of the gaps between production and access to food, the new millennium feels all too familiar for large parts of the continent. Seen in the larger context, food security in the Horn resonates not only with the compromise of human dignity of individuals, but also with a severe collapse of social capacity that is likely to destabilise political institutions. So, while the current flash appeals for aid will make the headlines, it is the longer-term structural violence of poverty that undermines the ‘democratisation’ project. Out of more than 850 million chronically hungry people globally, an estimated 10 million will die every year of hunger – this accounts for more than tuberculosis, malaria, and HIV/AIDS combined. According to Stephen Devereux of the University of Sussex, mass starvation is only one result of famine. Others include a drop in fertility, economic destitution, community breakdown, distress migration, and outbreaks of disease

Failure to confront infectious disease risk human extinction. Only US leadership and assistance can prevent this disastrous scenario Solomon Benatar (Professor of Medicine and Bioethics @ University of Cape Town) and Renee Fox (Professor of Sociology and Bioethics @ University of Pennsylvania) 2005 “Meeting Threats to Global Health: A call for American leadership,” Perspectives in Biology and Medicine 48.3 There is a "back to the future" irony in the fact that the eruption and spread of a multitude of "old" and "new" infectious diseases has become the most serious global threat to the health of humankind (Benatar 2001a; Garrett 1994). The current epidemics of infectious diseases—including the "white plague" of tuberculosis that was supposed to have yielded to the powers of antibiotics—take their greatest toll on populations of so-called developing countries, and also among disadvantaged groups in privileged "developed" societies (Benatar 2001b; Gandy and Zumla 2003). The recent epidemic of severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS; Lee et al. 2003) is a small-scale example of the new, acute, rapidly fatal infectious diseases that may, like the 1918–1919 flu epidemic, sweep through the world with high mortality rates in all countries, with accompanying profound social and economic implications. This paper, by a South African physician and an American medical sociologist, considers challenges that face global health, health care professionals, and governments at the beginning of the 21st century. Our reflections rest on three major premises: that global health problems pose major medical, social, and economic threats to all countries; that it is in the long-term self-interest of wealthy nations to address the forces that significantly affect the health of whole populations; and that at this historical juncture, the United States is the country with the most potential for favorably influencing global health trends. In addition to discussing the nature of threats to global health, we explore some of the major impediments to efforts that could be undertaken to foster alterations in policies that would effectively address the tragic discrepancies in health care and research that currently exist, and to overcome global apathy to the HIV/AIDS pandemic (Hogg et al. 2002). These obstacles involve a confluence of important American values, exemplified by political ideologies that have global as well as national health import; the prevailing ethos of bioethics in the United States; and the current views of many other countries towards the international policies and actions of the United States. As sociologist Robert N. Bellah (2002) has provocatively stated, in and through the "relentless" process of globalization, the United States has become a "cultural model and economic dynamo" as well as a military superpower, and more "by default" than by intention, a country with "imperial power." In our view, because of its singularity in these respects (for better or for worse), the United States not only has the scientific, political, and economic capacity to assume major responsibility for improving world health, but also the moral obligation to exemplify and implement values in action that are conducive to this advancement. We make this statement with two caveats. First, we are wary about [End Page 345] unduly promoting the dominance of American influence in the world by encouraging its moral hegemony in global health. Second, as noted above, we are mindful of the cultural and political factors that curtail the readiness and willingness of the United States to assume such a leadership role, and that contribute to health inequities in the American health care system that call for reform rather than emulation. We believe, however, that these caveats should be superseded by the moral imperative of facing up to national and global threats posed by disparities in health and emerging epidemics. Moreover, we believe that the long-term interests of Americans, and indeed of all privileged people and their societies, will be served by major improvements in global health (Benatar 2003).

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 27 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Instability & War- Failed States 2ac Module

Famine causes war and an exodas of people to cities, leading to failed states James T. Morris (Executive Director, World Food Programme) June 30 2005 Statement of the Executive Director to the Security Council: Africa's Food Crises as a Threat to Peace and Security United Nations World Food Programme, http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/EVOD-6DYHCW?OpenDocument) In much of Africa, the prevalence of hunger is an accurate barometer for the level of social instability. It does not matter whether that instability is caused by civil conflict, drought, AIDS, poor governance, or any combination of those factors -- hunger almost always comes with it. A UN review of a half dozen conflicts in Africa over a 20 year period showed an absolute correlation between armed conflict and reduced agricultural production, on average by 20 percent, and with that a rise in the prevalence of hunger. Conflict clearly can cause hunger, but what about the reverse? The relation between hunger and conflict is similar to the relation between hunger and poverty. Hunger is both a cause and an effect of poverty. It is also both a cause and effect of political conflict, though hunger is usually only one of a number of factors at play. All told, one African in three is malnourished and there has been little sign of change in that over the last decade. In Central Africa where war in the DR Congo has disrupted the region, the percentage of undernourished people rose from 53 percent in 1995 to more than 70 percent today. In other areas where conflict has been less of a factor, the nutritional situation of the people has improved -- Ghana, Nigeria, Malawi and Madagascar. WFP, FAO, USAID and others engage in an exercise called vulnerability mapping in which we use various indicators such as market prices, rates of malnutrition and household food consumption patterns to put together maps showing hunger "hot spots". The correlation we see between these hot spots and political violence in places like Somalia, the Sudan, and northern Uganda is striking. Chronic hunger in the African countryside is a destabilizing influence that undermines political stability and security. It spurs the continuing migration of rural people into cities, where the existence of at least some basic social services -- including subsidized or free food -- acts as a lure. There is a chance that as ARVs become more widely available -- undoubtedly first in urban areas -- they too will act as a magnet in rural-urban migration. Waves of AIDS orphans are fleeing the countryside and arrive in cities without any means of economic support, often contributing to social disintegration and crime. Hungry children are far more easily recruited as child soldiers in places like northern Uganda. We need a dedicated effort through school feeding and other activities to keep these children in rural areas and in school. Projections for urban population growth in sub-Saharan Africa are among the highest in the world with cities like Nairobi, Lagos and Lusaka experiencing growth rates of over 6 percent per annum. The impact of rural-urban migration on employment in Africa has been precisely the opposite of Western Europe and the United States -- it has led to higher rather than lower rates of unemployment and social instability. At a certain point the capacities of municipal governments are stretched to the limit and social demands are not met, aggravating internal political and social tensions, especially among competing ethnic groups perhaps not accustomed to sharing the same political space. There is little concerted investment to encourage Africans to remain in the countryside. African Governments and international donors have neglected investment in agriculture which aggravates the problem of poverty. In countries like Uganda and Kenya, for example, over 80 percent of the poorest people are rural. Yet if you look at ODA statistics, the percentage of funding devoted to agriculture has dropped from 12 percent in the early 1980s to a mere 4 percent today. The current terms of trade for the continent's agricultural products are also poor, further undermining rural economies. This, by the way, makes progress in the Doha Round on dismantling subsidies and other trade distorting practices critical for rural Africans. Competition for limited food resources can ignite violence and instability. The fact that African agriculture is still so dependent on rainfall and there are comparatively large pastoral populations contributes to population movements that can also incite conflict. The violence in Darfur, for example, has reduced the movements of nomads and led to overgrazing in areas with insufficient water, and the result has been drought-like conditions. We have seen this problem for decades not just in Sudan, but in Mauritania, Senegal and other countries as well. When families can neither plant nor market livestock products, they begin to move. The economy in North Darfur is now in shambles. Most markets are closed, fighting has reduced cultivation, and cereal prices have skyrocketed.

State failure is the primary impetus for U.S. military interventionism Jeffrey Sachs, director of the Center for International Development and Galen L. Stone Professor of International Trade in the Department of Economics at Harvard, Summer 2001, The Washington Quarterly If we compare the dates of U.S. military engagement with the timing of state failures according to the State Failure Task Force, we find that virtually every case of U.S. military intervention abroad since 1960 has taken place in a developing country that had previously experienced a case of state failure.7(For these purposes, military intervention includes any use of U.S. troops abroad, whether for direct combat, peacekeeping, evacuation of civilians, or protection of U.S. property, and so forth.) In many cases, the linkages from economic collapse to state failure to U.S. military engagements could not be clearer. Yugoslavia collapsed in part because of dire macroeconomic instability at the end of the 1980s, a point noted recently by the U.S. ambassador at the time, Warren Zimmermann.8Of course, security considerations now include much more than the engagement of military forces to encompass terrorist threats and arms proliferation

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 28 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Instability & War- Failed States 2ac Module

Disproportionate U.S. response to conflicts risks Armageddon David Moberg, senior editor at In These Times and a senior fellow of the Nation Institute, 7/7/2003, In These Times Over the past century, the destructive nature of war has changed dramatically. As a result, argues Jonathan Schell, the world now faces two stark options: continuing along a path of military coercion to settle disputes, a path that leads toward eventual armageddon, or pursuing a nonviolent, political path toward new and more democratic institutions—including a revised notion of national sovereignty—to resolve conflict. It’s a choice facing people everywhere in the world, but because of the overwhelming power of the United States, the most fateful decision will be whether that country chooses to be an empire or a republic. Given the increasingly open defense of a new American empire, there’s an urgency to Schell’s argument. But he offers an incomplete roadmap for avoiding the dire alternative of global annihilation. Schell, a Nation Institute fellow and author of the bestselling The Fate of the Earth, contends that violence has now “become dysfunctional as a political instrument. Increasingly, it destroys the ends for which it is employed, killing the user as well as his victim. It has become the path to hell on earth and the end of the earth.” His evidence includes the deadly battles of World War I, as well as the concentration camps and nuclear bombs of World War II. But the prospect of nuclear conflict clearly is the main reason why he believes war is dangerously obsolete. Beyond the spread of weapons of mass destruction, he writes, the big dangers facing the world today are the proliferation of ethnic, religious, national and class-based conflicts and the risk of disproportionate response to these conflicts by the United States.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 29 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* ***Scenario Two- Terrorism***

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 30 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Hunger Casues Poverty

Hunger Is The Leading Cause Of Poverty Catherine Bertini (Executive Director Of The World Food Programme) February 17 1999 The Resurgence Of Hunger among The World’s Poor, Accessed 7/23/07, Google, http://www.wfp.org/BertiniBio/bertini/speeches/resurgence.htm, GC You know, we know, that poverty leads to hunger. But sometimes we forget that the opposite is also true, that hunger leads to poverty. Hunger is the leading cause of poverty because the hungry poor lack the physical strength and the energy to fight their way out of poverty. Sometimes they can barely survive and, sooner or later, chronic hunger takes its toll and people die young, and they never escape poverty. But just think, for healthy people with enough food, what it means not to have food even for one day. If, for some reason, you are not feeling well or you are traveling or for some reason you have not eaten in one whole day, what does that do to your body? You are tired. You are dragging, you might not feel well. There is a pain in the bottom of your stomach. But you and I are only hungry for one day. Think of the people who are hungry for a lifetime. How can they possibly make a difference in their lives unless they have food to consume, food to be able to eat, to feed their children, to eat when they are pregnant, to eat when they are breast-feeding, to be able to help their children to grow.

Hunger Decreases Work productivity, Lowering incomes and the poor’s work capacity United Nations Development Group, No Date (UNDG, “The Hunger Trap”, July 24, 2007, http://www.undg.org/archive_docs/3098-The_Hunger_Trap.pdf, CB) From a nutritional perspective, physical work capacity can be defined as the maximum work per unit of time someone is capable of doing. People who are undernourished – as reflected by inadequate physical growth in both height and weight -- tend to suffer from depressed levels of maximal oxygen uptake5 and, hence, depressed levels of ability to perform physical activity.6 In addition, hunger has psychological effects: it takes away motivation and breeds hopelessness. The net impact of these effects is low work capacity and low productivity. The relationship between nutritional status and physical work capacity is valid within any community or ethnic group. The relevant question is whether a well-nourished person in a given community has greater work capacity than an undernourished counterpart in the same community. This is a key developmental question because of the observation that adults and children from disadvantaged areas of developing countries are considerably smaller than upper-class adults and children from the same countries.7 Low nutrition, low incomes Many studies have examined how physical productivity of labor and, thereby, incomes are related to nutritional status. For example, significant determinants of the tonnage of sugarcane delivered by Colombian sugarcane cutters were workers’ height, weight and lean body mass.8 The stature of Guatemalan laborers appears to influence the amount of coffee beans picked per day, the amount of sugarcane cut and loaded, and the time taken to weed a given area.

Hunger is the chief cause of poverty, debilitating workers United Nations Development Group, No Date (UNDG, “The Hunger Trap”, July 24, 2007, http://www.undg.org/archive_docs/3098-The_Hunger_Trap.pdf, CB) Hunger causes poverty by denying its victims opportunities to enhance their lives. It debilitates people physically, physiologically and psychologically. Those who are weakened by hunger find themselves trapped in a vicious cycle of hunger-poverty-hunger. Once a household falls into the hunger trap, escape is difficult even if an improved overall economic environment offers new opportunities. Hunger and poverty are thus assured for future generations. The world’s hungry poor need help to break out of this vicious cycle and enter main- stream development for self-reliant growth. For many, this help is most useful when it comes in the form of well-targeted food assistance. Such assistance is an investment in the future.

Hunger destroys worker and economic productivity, continuing a cycle of poverty Bread for the World, June 6, 2007 (“Hunger Facts: International”, July 24, 2007, http://www.bread.org/learn/hunger-basics/hunger-facts-international.html, CB) In 2004, almost 1 billion people lived below the international poverty line, earning less than $1 per day. 9 Among this group of poor people, many have problems obtaining adequate, nutritious food for themselves and their families. As a result, 820 million people in the developing world are undernourished. They consume less than the minimum amount of calories essential for sound health and growth. Undernourishment negatively affects people’s health, productivity, sense of hope and overall well-being. A lack of food can stunt growth, slow thinking, sap energy, hinder fetal development and contribute to mental retardation. Economically, the constant securing of food consumes valuable time and energy of poor people, allowing less time for work and earning income. Socially, the lack of food erodes relationships and feeds shame so that those most in need of support are often least able to call on it.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 31 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Hunger Casues Poverty

Countries with high rates of starvation are impoverished Bread for the World, June 6, 2007 (“Hunger Facts: International”, July 24, 2007, http://www.bread.org/learn/hunger-basics/hunger-facts-international.html, CB) 854 million people across the world are hungry, up from 852 million a year ago. Every day, almost 16,000 children die from hunger-related causes--one child every five seconds. In essence, hunger is the most extreme form of poverty, where individuals or families cannot afford to meet their most basic need for food. Hunger manifests itself in many ways other than starvation and famine. Most poor people who battle hunger deal with chronic undernourishment and vitamin or mineral deficiencies, which result in stunted growth, weakness and heightened susceptibility to illness. Countries in which a large portion of the population battles hunger daily are usually poor and often lack the social safety nets we enjoy, such as soup kitchens, food stamps, and job training programs. When a family that lives in a poor country cannot grow enough food or earn enough money to buy food, there is nowhere to turn for help.

Hunger harms people’s ability to learn and work, diminishing a nation’s economy BBC News Service October 16, 2001 (BBC World Service, “World Food Day: Fight hunger to reduce poverty”, July 24, 2007, http://www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/people/highlights/011016_hunger.shtml, CB) Hunger not only kills people, but it also takes away the ability to work and learn. According to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), hunger ‘undermines the peace and prosperity of nations and traps individuals in a vicious cycle of poor nutrition, ill health and diminished capacity for learning and work that is passed on from one generation to the next.’

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 32 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Food Shortages Lead to Hunger

Food Shortages Lead To Poverty Africa News October 2005 “Poverty Robs Humanity of Dignity”, One recent classic example of the entrenched "laissez faire" attitude of the rich world towards the suffering of the poor is the Niger crisis where hunger and poverty in the world's poorest nation was only seriously noticed almost six months after the disaster unfolded. Reuters news agency says: "Niger's food crisis shows how the world often only reacts to pleas for help from the poorest countries after missing earlier opportunities to avert disaster forcing donors to pay for much costlier emergency aid." According to the news agency's Niger crisis timeline, poor rains in August last year triggered famine and death in Africa and the world's worst poverty-stricken nation. By October, wilting crops had been devoured during the country's worst locust invasion in 15 years. The government estimated then that because of the drought and locust plague, it meant that the country had a 223 000-tonne food deficit and 3,7 million people would need aid.

Poverty Leads To Hunger Samuel Loewenberg Elsevier Science Business Journals, Should the World Food Programme focus on development? June 2007 At the same time, WFP had received only about half of the money it needed to feed 9 million people across southern Africa. But that story, which did not involve a high-profile war and refugee crisis, failed to attract much notice. The hunger in southern Africa was due mostly to long-term poverty, and was not deemed newsworthy by mainstream media. The shortfall in funding meant WFP was forced to cut feeding programmes for 4•3 million people. "Africans at war get far more attention than Africans at peace", said James Morris, who recently stepped down as head of WFP, in an address to world leaders. "Occasionally I have thought the worst place for a hungry child to live in Africa today is a country at peace and stable, but just plain poor." In fact, 90 of the people who die as a consequence of malnutrition are not in the kind of high profile crises that make the evening news. Yet the funding for WFP, which is based solely on donations, is weighted in exactly the opposite direction, with most funds directed towards heavily-publicised crises, and only 10 set aside for development. Raising money for war refugees and catastrophic disasters like the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami or the Pakistani earthquake is relatively easy, Morris told The Lancet. But the chronic poverty that affects most of the world's hungry continues to be largely ignored, despite the repeated promises of national leaders to address the problem. "It's a mystery to me how the world makes big decisions", he said. The Millennium Development Goals, the international pact to reduce poverty, aims to cut hunger in half by 2015. But the outlook is not good. In the past decade the number of hungry in sub-Saharan Africa has doubled.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 33 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Hunger Causes Terrorism

Hunger is a root cause of terrorism Business Recorder February 1, 2007 Global News Wire, “The Right Response to Terrorism”, July 24, 2007 Speaking at the World Economic Forum's session on "The Comprehensive Response to Terrorism", Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz pointed to an important fact often ignored by the West in its anti-terrorism rhetoric Pakistan has been linked with terrorism mainly due to its geographical location, it being the neighbor of Afghanistan. Both the problem and its solution, he correctly averred, lie within Afghanistan. Referring to the wider issue, the Prime Minister reiterated that terrorism should not be linked to any faith or religion; it breeds where the people think they are being deprived of their due rights. Hence "only security measures would not help curb terrorism ... but addressing the root cause would help checking terrorism on longer term basis." He also listed poverty and hunger among the root causes. Poverty and hunger do make it easier for extremists to recruit foot soldiers for their fights, but the primary motivating force is related to the denial of political rights and the attendant humiliation. This is obvious enough from the credentials of the individuals involved in various acts of terrorism, including those responsible for the 9/11 tragedy as well as the Madrid and London bombings. It has nothing to do with Islam, either. It is true that some Muslims were involved in a number of despicable acts of violence in the West as also various Muslim countries, including Pakistan. The suicide bombers who attacked Western targets, as per their own admissions recorded on video tapes left behind, cited political injustices meted out to their Muslim brethren in different trouble spots rather than a religious obligation to do what they did. In fact, it is common human behaviour to harbour sympathies with others on the basis of ethnic/religious ties, and, if possible, to avenge a perceived humiliation. One may recall here the example of the French general who, after conquering territories now part of Iraq, made it a point to go to the grave of Saladin, who had defeated European Crusaders some six centuries ago in 1187, reclaiming Muslim control over Jerusalem, to call out to him "Saladin, we're back!" The mother of all root causes of Muslim extremists' violence, it is increasingly recognised even in the West, is the great injustice done to the Palestinian people by the Zionist state with the active support of the US in particular and other Western nations in general. Notably, a number of recommendations that the bi-partisan Iraq Study Group recently presented to President George Bush and the US Congress to stabilise the situation in Iraq, identified it as a major problem and urged an early resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Indeed, the world's most wanted terrorist Osama bin Laden and his deputy, Aiman al-Zwahiri, have been repeatedly invoking the US supported Israeli usurpation of the Palestinian rights to fan the fires of anti-US sentiments in the Muslim world and to exhort extremist elements to attack Western targets. The illegal and immoral invasion and occupation of Iraq which has led to the killing of more than 650,000 Iraqis, and torture and humiliation of thousands others in US-run prisons in Iraq as well as Afghanistan have further exacerbated the Muslim sense of anger. The solution lies not, as Shaukat said, in more 'security measures' In fact, when people are ready to blow themselves up in order to harm whom they regard as enemy, there is not much by way of security measures or resort to military power that can be done to stop them. The only right and rational approach would be to remove the causes that generate so much hate and violence in the world. That, of course, would also be in consonance with the demands of universally recognised norms of justice and fairness.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 34 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Poverty Leads To Terrorism

It is empirically observed that poverty creates a context and motive for terrorism Ahmed Khan 2004. http://www.yespakistan.com/terrorism/poverty.asp Poverty can lead to terrorism very simply because of the lack of options presented to the terrorist. If someone has nothing to lose because that person can claim nothing but ideas, then it is easy to stand up and fight. However, give that person a home, land, and education, the ideals may still remain, but the means by which the person will fight for them will change. And this is the problem facing people today. Lots of people that enter terrorist training camps, join fanatic religious organizations, or extremist political parties, have often times been left with no other option. They are ignorant to the ways of the world, and indeed the ways of their own fellow human beings, but because of their situation, feel they have no other option but to take up arms and fight the ones whom they feel have done them wrong and created that environment in the first place. This is where the industrialized nations of the world need to assist governments to a much greater degree in preventing these havens of instability from forming. It is imperative that civil society become proactive in eradicating disease, famine, and poverty from all corners of the globe. For if there is genuine concern, followed by action, shown by everyone as opposed to a general lack of empathy, there will be less left to fight for, resulting in fewer amounts of conflicts. This is perhaps the greatest responsibility on the world’s shoulders.

Poverty is the breeding ground for terrorism Ahmed Khan 2004. http://www.yespakistan.com/terrorism/poverty.asp Terrorism is a disease that has afflicted all nations, and civilized nations have done their best to eradicate it. However, there are factors that promote terrorism, and the desperation that begets terrorism-- poverty, suffering, and lack of fundamental services. The linkage of poverty with terrorism and violence seems to exist in all places, whether developed or under-developed, and it is easy to see why: people who might not have too much to live for are more willing to take up arms and fight for causes that seem unjust to many, than those of us who live comfortable lives with access to basic services such as healthcare, housing, and steady supply of food and clean water. In addition, some of those in lower socio-economic positions might also feel more committed to fundamental ideologies fostered by lack of education; and more willing to hold on to the ideologies which provide an enemy to target, rather than learn about the teachings of tolerance and peace.

Poverty causes terrorism Francis Fukuyama, International Relations Professor @ Johns Hopkins, America At The Crossroads: Democracy, Power, And The Neoconservative Legacy, 2006, p. 141 The practical motive has to do not with terrorism but with the background conditions that facilitate terrorism and other threats to global order. The September 2002 National Security Strategy of the United States puts the issue quite well: "Poverty does not make poor people into terrorists and murderers. Yet poverty, weak institutions, and corruption can make weak states vulnerable to terrorist networks and drug cartels within their borders". The effort that the United States is seen to put into development affects how the country is perceived around the world. The United States is increasingly seen as isolated, self-absorbed, and interested in other countries' problems only when its own citizens are in some way involved. There are many middle-sized and smaller countries that could get away with this kind of posture. But it is difficult for the United States to do so if it wants to lead by example and be an inspiration to others.

If Poverty and Lack of Agricultural development continues millions will turn to terrorism. Cornell Chronicle 2005 “Per Pinstrup-Andersen: Warning of the dangers if neglect of Africa continues” http://www.news.cornell.edu/Chronicle/05/2.24.05/AAAS.Andersen.Africa.html If the developed world fails to invest more in African agriculture and rural infrastructure to benefit the poor and help them escape poverty, the world will become a much more dangerous place, Cornell economist Per Pinstrup-Andersen said at the American Association for the Advancement of Science in Washington, D.C., on Feb. 21. Investment in productivity-increasing agricultural research, he said, is particularly important because at present agricultural science and investment generally benefit affluent farmers and consumers. He pointed out that about one-fifth of the world's population lives in dire poverty, and the already very skewed gap between rich and poor keeps growing. Pinstrup- Andersen is the H.E. Babcock Professor of Food, Nutrition and Public Policy at Cornell, the 2001 World Food Prize Laureate and chair of the Science Council for the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research, a consortium of 15 international research agricultural centers that focuses on setting priorities for international agricultural research. Some 800 million people in the world don't have enough to eat, said Pinstrup-Andersen. The consequences of such destitution are malnutrition, environmental degradation and worldwide instability. These circumstances, he warned, also leave millions of people with nothing to lose, making them ripe for turning to international terrorism in their frustration. These people need to be heard, he said. Much of his research is focused on developing policies to improve the global food system for the benefit of the nutritional status of low-income people.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 35 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* ***Scenario Three- Disease***

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 36 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Malnutrition Increaseing

Child malnutrition kills 10 million a year – sub-Saharan African is uniquely at risk Per Pinstrup-Andersen (Director General of the International Food Policy Research Institute John Pesek Colloquium in Sustainable Agriculture at Iowa State University) 2002 http://www.ifpri.org/pubs/articles/2002/pinstrup02_01.pdf TOWARDS A SUSTAINABLE GLOBAL FOOD The failure of a large share of the world population to meet food needs is a reflection of widespread poverty. Of the 1.2 billion people (about 20 percent of the world population) who earn less than a dollar a day, 800 million are food insecure, that is, they do not know where they will find their next meal. About 165 million preschool children (one-third of all preschool children in developing countries) are malnourished and they do not grow to their full potential. Five to ten million of them die every year from nutrition-related illnesses. Although some progress has been made during the last 20 years, the future is still not bright. At the World Food Summit in 1996, high-level policymakers from more than 180 countries, including many heads of governments, agreed to the goal of reducing the number of food insecure people by half to 400 million by 2015. Developments since the summit indicate that this goal will not be achieved. During the 1990s, only one-half of the countries managed to reduce the number of food insecure people while one-third of the countries experienced an increase. A sample of developing countries for which data were available showed that the number of food insecure people decreased by 40 million, which is only about one-half of the rate of decrease needed to achieve the goal by 2015. However, the decrease in China alone was 80 million. Thus, for these developing countries as a group (less China) the number of food insecure people increased by 40 million. The number of malnourished preschool children is basically the same as it was 20 years ago but International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) projections show a slight decrease to about 135 million by 2020. At the other end of the nutrition spectrum we find a rapidly increasing incidence of obesity. In the United States, the proportion of the population that is obese increased from 15 to 27 percent during the 1990s; now, more than half of the U.S. population is now either overweight or obese. The increase is even more pronounced in many developing countries. Every year during the 1990s an additional 0.5 percent of the population in the United States and Western Europe became obese, compared to one percent in China and 2.5 percent among Mexican women. In the United States, Western Europe, and middle-income developing countries, the prevalence of obesity is higher among the poor than the non-poor. In the poorest developing countries, obesity is primarily still found among the non-poor. Undernutrition and obesity are now frequently found in the same families. For example, a large survey in Indonesia found that 10 percent of the families had members who suffered from both obesity and undernutrition. Obesity and the resultant cardiovascular diseases and diabetes are becoming serious public health problems that are a significant drain on scarce health care resources not only in the United States and other industrialized countries, but also in China, India, and a number of other developing countries. The primary causes of this impending epidemic are dietary changes towards more refined sugar and fats and reduced physical activity. Mismanagement of natural resources The food supply picture varies regionally. South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa are of special concern. The gap between production and market demand for cereals is forecast to widen from 1 million tons in 1990 to 24 million tons in 2020 in South Asia, and to triple to 27 million tons in 2020 in Sub-Saharan Africa. Unless poverty is significantly reduced, the gap between food production and need will be much larger. Sub-Saharan Africa in particular is unlikely to have the capacity to commercially import the difference between their food needs and production.

SSA is the only area with expanding child malnutrition, risking substantial health problems – aid solves Pinstrup-Andersen – IFPRI Director – 2001 http://www.ifpri.org/pubs/jhu/fed21century/fed21century_chapter01.pdf Meeting Food Needs in the 21st Century How Many and Who Will Be at Risk? PER PINSTRUP-ANDERSEN AND RAJUL PANDYA-LORCH Child malnutrition is an important indicator of who and how many will be at risk of food insecurity in the future. If they survive childhood, many malnourished children will suffer from impaired immune systems, poorer cognitive development, and lower productivity. As adults, their ability to ensure good nutrition for their children could be compromised, perpetuating a vicious cycle. About 160 million children under five years of age in the developing world are malnourished (Figure 1.2). A little more than 51 percent of them live in South Asia, 22 percent in East Asia, and about 20 percent in Sub-Saharan Africa.[Insert Figure 1.2 about here.] The International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) projects that, under the most likely or baseline scenario,2 135 million children will be malnourished in 2020, just 15 percent fewer than in 1995 (Figure 1.2).3 One out of every four children in developing countries will still be malnourished in 2020, compared with every third child in 1995 (Pinstrup-Andersen, Pandya-Lorch, and Rosegrant 1999). Child malnutrition is expected to decline in all major developing regions except Sub-Saharan Africa, where the number of malnourished children is forecast to increase by about 30 percent to reach 40 million by 2020. In South Asia, home to half of the world’s malnourished children, the number of malnourished children is projected to decline by 18 million between 1995 and 2020, but the incidence of malnutrition is so high that, even with this reduction, two out of five children could remain malnourished in 2020 (Figure 1.3). With more than 77 percent of the world’s malnourished children in 2020, up from 70 percent in 1995, Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia are expected to remain “hot spots” of child malnutrition in 2020. Many of the countries in these two regions are among the least-developed countries in the world; they will require special assistance to avert widespread hunger and malnutrition in the years to come.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 37 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Food Insecurity Causes AIDS

Food insecurity leads to AIDS Wilson Center 2006 Food Security and Its Impact on International Development and HIV Reduction, 10-16 http://www.wilsoncenter.org/index.cfm?topic_id=116811&fuseaction=topics.event_summary&event_id=201764 Suneetha Kadiyala, a scientist at the International Food Policy Research Institute, argued that food insecurity—a situation in which people cannot get enough food to lead fully productive lives—increases the risk of exposure to HIV/AIDS through factors such as increased migration and transactional sex. Conversely, she said, HIV/AIDS can exacerbate food and nutrition insecurity: HIV/AIDS-related illness and the diversion of resources to AIDS treatment result in labor and capital shortages that threaten food supply. Additionally, AIDS deaths degrade formal and informal rural organizations, leading to a loss of farming knowledge. In food-scarce areas, HIV-positive individuals are more susceptible to malnutrition, as HIV raises energy requirements by 10-30 percent in adults. Of the 25 countries with the highest prevalence of HIV/AIDS, 21 are receiving assistance from the WFP. Kadiyala noted that malnutrition is not only associated with a decrease in immune function, it also compromises effectiveness and increases toxicity of anti-retrovirals. Due to the strong connections between the prevalence of the virus and malnutrition, Dey said that food security should be a priority for donor organizations, specifically those with large AIDS funding arms. The 2007 budget for the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), for example, exceeds $4 billion, some of which Dey believes should be rerouted to improving nutrition: “There is a growing body of literature that indicates nutritional support is a vital part of a comprehensive response to HIV/AIDS.” One attendee pointed out that USAID’s nutrition and agriculture budgets were already miniscule compared to the AIDS budget, and asked, “How do we keep our food aid from being poured into the HIV/AIDS problem?” Kadiyala called for HIV programs to dedicate more effort to nutrition and food programs to prevent the unnecessary spread of the virus. Supporting her point, Dey invoked Dr. Paul Farmer’s observation that providing medicine without also providing food is like washing your hands and then drying them in the dirt.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 38 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Hunger Spreads AIDS

Hunger leads to weakened immune systems and refugee movement, driving the spread of disease Dr. Stephen Devereux (fellow at the University of Sussex) 2001 “Sen’s Entitlement Approach: Critiques and Counter-critiques” Oxford Development Studies, Vol. 29, No. 3 One is to attribute vulnerability even to communicable diseases to heightened susceptibility due to undernutrition (weakened biological resistance). Nutritionists such as Young & Jaspars (1995, p. 105) favour this view, arguing that de Waal underestimates “the synergism between malnutrition and morbidity” which they regard as best explaining famine mortality. The second defence is to assert that people who become exposed to communicable diseases (for instance, displaced populations in refugee camps) left their villages and migrated in search of relief precisely because they had lost their entitlements to food. Ravallion (1996, p. 9), for instance, suggests that the relationship between food shortage and morbidity or mortality outcomes reflects “behavioural synergies” (which might include increased exposure due to famine-induced distress migration) as well as “biological synergies” (increased susceptibility to infection). In terms of both explanations, exposure to disease is accepted as the proximate cause of death, but the underlying cause of death remains as “entitlement failure”. A reconciliation of this debate might be to accept the merits of both explanations.18 Famine mortality reflects both increased susceptibility and increased exposure to diseases, some of which are hunger-related while others are not—but both reflect a common origin in disrupted access to food.

Hunger forces people to sell themselves and their children for food, leading to AIDS spread Lancet Baleta “Southern Africa famine crisis complicated by HIV/AIDS epidemic”11/16/2002 Press reports from Zambia note that desperate parents are being forced to take drastic measures. It's a vicious cycle that begins with parents selling their children for labour, prostitution, or early marriage, and then ends with the parents selling themselves to earn money for food. The high-risk behaviour leads to HIV/AIDS, which in turn leads to decreased productivity and famine. Families are also forced to use precious resources to care for sick relatives and to pay for funeral costs. A recent report by the UN Special Envoy for Humanitarian Needs in southern Africa said that HIV/AIDS was the single greatest threat to the region. Agricultural production has fallen significantly

Hunger causes disease and poverty Smita Narula (Assistant Professor of Clinical Law and Faculty Director, Center for Human Rights and Global Justice, New York University School of Law) 2006 The Right to Food: Holding Global Actors Accountable Under International Law NARULA ARTICLE 5/9/2006 Almost sixty percent of annual deaths worldwide—roughly 36 million—are a direct or indirect result of hunger and nutritional deficiencies.17 More than 840 million people worldwide are malnourished.18 Over ninety-five percent live in the developing world.19 153 million of them are children under the age of five.20 Hunger is both a cause and consequence of poverty. Hungry workers produce less and therefore earn less. In turn, their poverty exacerbates their hunger.21 Malnourishment is also the largest single contributor to disease. Undernourished mothers give birth to underweight children who are more susceptible to diseases that lead to their premature deaths.22 Children who are sick and hungry also do poorly in school.23 As a result they are more likely to end up as unskilled laborers, who do not earn enough to feed themselves or their families. The cycle of poverty, disease, and hunger continues.

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A rapid expansion of African AIDS causes extinction Michael Kibaara Muchiri (Staff Member at Ministry of Education in Nairobi) 2000 “Will Annan finally put out Africa’s fires?” Jakarta Post; March 6; L/N The executive director of UNAIDS, Peter Piot, estimated that Africa would annually need between $ 1 billion to $ 3 billion to combat the disease, but currently receives only $ 160 million a year in official assistance. World Bank President James Wolfensohn lamented that Africa was losing teachers faster than they could be replaced, and that AIDS was now more effective than war in destabilizing African countries. Statistics show that AIDS is the leading killer in sub-Saharan Africa, surpassing people killed in warfare. In 1998, 200,000 people died from armed conflicts compared to 2.2 million from AIDS. Some 33.6 million people have HIV around the world, 70 percent of them in Africa, thereby robbing countries of their most productive members and decimating entire villages. About 13 million of the 16 million people who have died of AIDS are in Africa, according to the UN. What barometer is used to proclaim a holocaust if this number is not a sure measure? There is no doubt that AIDS is the most serious threat to humankind, more serious than hurricanes, earthquakes, economic crises, capital crashes or floods. It has no cure yet. We are watching a whole continent degenerate into ghostly skeletons that finally succumb to a most excruciating, dehumanizing death. Gore said that his new initiative, if approved by the U.S. Congress, would bring U.S. contributions to fighting AIDS and other infectious diseases to $ 325 million. Does this mean that the UN Security Council and the U.S. in particular have at last decided to remember Africa? Suddenly, AIDS was seen as threat to world peace, and Gore would ask the congress to set up millions of dollars on this case. The hope is that Gore does not intend to make political capital out of this by painting the usually disagreeable Republican-controlled Congress as the bad guy and hope the buck stops on the whole of current and future U.S. governments' conscience. Maybe there is nothing left to salvage in Africa after all and this talk is about the African-American vote in November's U.S. presidential vote. Although the UN and the Security Council cannot solve all African problems, the AIDS challenge is a fundamental one in that it threatens to wipe out [humanity] man. The challenge is not one of a single continent alone because Africa cannot be quarantined. The trouble is that AIDS has no cure -- and thus even the West has stakes in the AIDS challenge. Once sub-Saharan Africa is wiped out, it shall not be long before another continent is on the brink of extinction. Sure as death, Africa's time has run out, signaling the beginning of the end of the black race and maybe the human race.This evidence is gender modified.

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Disease outbreaks and mutations risk extinction South China Morning Post 1996 (January 4, “Leading the way to a cure for AIDS”) Despite the importance of the discovery of the "facilitating" cell, it is not what Dr Ben-Abraham wants to talk about. There is a much more pressing medical crisis at hand - one he believes the world must be alerted to: the possibility of a virus deadlier than HIV. If this makes Dr Ben-Abraham sound like a prophet of doom, then he makes no apology for it. AIDS, the Ebola outbreak which killed more than 100 people in Africa last year, the flu epidemic that has now affected 200,000 in the former Soviet Union - they are all, according to Dr Ben-Abraham, the "tip of the iceberg". Two decades of intensive study and research in the field of virology have convinced him of one thing: in place of natural and man-made disasters or nuclear warfare, humanity could face extinction because of a single virus, deadlier than HIV. "An airborne virus is a lively, complex and dangerous organism," he said. "It can come from a rare animal or from anywhere and can mutate constantly. If there is no cure, it affects one person and then there is a chain reaction and it is unstoppable. It is a tragedy waiting to happen." That may sound like a far-fetched plot for a Hollywood film, but Dr Ben -Abraham said history has already proven his theory. Fifteen years ago, few could have predicted the impact of AIDS on the world. Ebola has had sporadic outbreaks over the past 20 years and the only way the deadly virus - which turns internal organs into liquid - could be contained was because it was killed before it had a chance to spread. Imagine, he says, if it was closer to home: an outbreak of that scale in London, New York or Hong Kong. It could happen anytime in the next 20 years - theoretically, it could happen tomorrow. The shock of the AIDS epidemic has prompted virus experts to admit "that something new is indeed happening and that the threat of a deadly viral outbreak is imminent", said Joshua Lederberg of the Rockefeller University in New York, at a recent conference. He added that the problem was "very serious and is getting worse". Dr Ben-Abraham said: "Nature isn't benign. The survival of the human species is not a preordained evolutionary programme. Abundant sources of genetic variation exist for viruses to learn how to mutate and evade the immune system." He cites the 1968 Hong Kong flu outbreak as an example of how viruses have outsmarted human intelligence. And as new "mega-cities" are being developed in the Third World and rainforests are destroyed, disease-carrying animals and insects are forced into areas of human habitation. "This raises the very real possibility that lethal, mysterious viruses would, for the first time, infect humanity at a large scale and imperil the survival of the human race," he said.

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Famine leads to AIDS Deborah Fahy Brycesona (Oxford University) and Jodie Fonsecab (Save the Children) 2006 “Risking death for survival: Peasant responses to hunger and HIV/AIDS in Malawi” World Development Volume 34, January Famine threatens peasant households and village communities in an immediate sense whereas HIV/AIDS threatens individuals and the peasant population in a more long-term, insidious way. The imperative of safeguarding against food shortages is deeply embedded in the cultural psyche of the peasant society whereas the AIDS threat, although readily apparent to villagers, is more recent and seemingly uncontrollable. Certainly, we were told time and again that the most fundamental problem faced by the villagers was hunger. “HIV/AIDS is not very threatening compared to the hunger which most households face. In fact it is hunger, which is contributing to the rise in HIV infections in the area (CARE Social Pathways study, Interview with Christian religious leader, patrilineal village 60 km from Lilongwe, December 8, 2003).” Malawi smallholder peasants’ lack of agrarian assets, and lack of both a subsistence food fallback and a cash-earning fallback has led to an extremely high level of daily food insecurity, culminating in the 2001–02 famine.9 In Malawi one sees deagrarianization in the specific form of “depeasantization”—the unraveling of an economic, social, and cultural way of life, now manifested in desperate transactions in which men are relinquishing control over their remaining land assets, and women are forced into exploitative casual labor and the sale of sexual services for food. Transactional sex through women’s ganyu labor contracts risks death to alleviate hunger. The question of agency—who is making the decision and why—goes beyond the question of which social, political, and economic processes increase the likelihood of HIV infection. Risk assessment involves knowledge and the capability to choose by weighing the odds and acting on them. In this case, the Malawian peasantry, specifically peasant women, are consciously buying time. In the face of an end game of declining assets, income, and food security, they forestall death by engaging in what could be termed the most essential exchange: sex for food. Thus, de Waal and Whiteside’s (2003) concept of “new variant famine” focuses on only half of an on-going process of economic impoverishment, social disintegration, and physical suffering. Just as HIV/AIDS is increasing vulnerability to famine, famine is increasing vulnerability to HIV/AIDS among Malawi’s peasant farming population. This is the way local villagers see it. “Poverty leads to hunger that leads to unprotected sexual encounters that leads to HIV/AIDS that leads to an increased number of orphans that leads to hunger again. This is the vicious cycle we are enclosed in. (CARE Social Pathways study, Village Action Committee FGD, patrilineal village 30 km from Lilongwe, December 4, 2003.)” In this article, we have sought to highlight the responses of peasant producers’ whose land access and household labor coherence are undergoing severe erosion. In terms of public policy, efforts must be directed at short-circuiting the vicious cycle of disease, agrarian dispossession, and impoverishment analyzed above. Universal or near-universal free input supply, along the lines of the starter pack program,10 is far preferable and ultimately less expensive than national government and international donors’ humanitarian response to frequent famine. The first priority must be food security involving efforts to bolster peasants’ subsistence fallback. Thereafter, the agrarian crisis requires both agricultural and nonagricultural policy responses. There is a pressing need to facilitate rural dwellers, particularly women and youth, in their quest to diversify their income-earning activities on a self-employed basis to offset their current vulnerability to highly exploitative labor contracts, which incorporate sexual demands. In other words, policies should address the supply and demand sides of Malawian peasants’ “essential exchange” of sex for food.

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AIDS assistance and efforts to combat it in Africa are Key to US soft power Joseph S. Nye Jr. 2005 “Rice Must Deploy more Soft Power” The Daily Star Joseph S. Nye, a former U.S. assistant secretary of defense, is Distinguished Service Professor at Harvard and author of "The Power Game: A Washington Novel." But effective follow-up is essential. Bush's prior announcements of increased development assistance and stronger efforts to combat HIV-AIDS in Africa were not only moral imperatives, but also important investments in American soft power. Unfortunately, the funds needed to implement these initiatives have not flowed as rapidly as the rhetoric. Equally important, none of these efforts at relief or public diplomacy will be effective unless the style and substance of U.S. policies are consistent with a larger democratic message.

Fighting disease will increase United States soft power. Smith 2007 (Pamela, former member of the US Foreign Service, research associate at Georgetown University’s school of US Foreign Service “The Hard Road back to Soft Power” http://www.publicdiplomacy.org/76.htm) Several steps by the U.S. government, combined with more vigorous support from the American public, can begin to reverse the damage to the U.S. image overseas. Karen Hughes's most pressing task is to persuade the president of the need for rebuilding credibility, an effort that will fail without his buy-in. Shifts in policy, the prime factor in forming public opinion, are the first priority. The Bush administration's marginal retreats from its first-term doctrines of preemption and unilateralism have failed to mollify our critics or nullify the threat anti-Americanism poses to U.S. security. Consequently, further U.S. work within international institutions, treaties, and alliances will be helpful, along with conspicuous fair play in trade relations. The U.S. government must take responsibility for mistakes it has made, punish those at fault, and move to rectify the consequences. Reviving the U.S. role as honest broker between the Israelis and the Palestinians is also crucial. Ultimately, the U.S. government will bolster its image abroad by treating other nations with renewed respect; listening to world opinion; and matching policy more consistently with American ideals and values such as fairness, the rule of law, human rights, opportunity, and humility. To address the next priority, rebuilding soft power, the U.S. government should re-establish its good global citizenship by deploying American knowhow to solve global problems: fighting poverty, disease, tyranny, and environmental degradation as well as terrorism.

AIDS assistance is key to strong American soft power Joseph S. Nye, Jr (Dean, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University) 2003 “U.S. Power and Strategy After Iraq.” Foreign Affairs, July 2003 - August 2003 The willingness of other countries to cooperate in dealing with transnational issues such as terrorism depends in part on their own self-interest, but also on the attractiveness of American positions. Soft power lies in the ability to attract and persuade rather than coerce. It means that others want what the United States wants, and there is less need to use carrots and sticks. Hard power, the ability to coerce, grows out of a country's military and economic might. Soft power arises from the attractiveness of a country's culture, political ideals, and policies. When U.S. policies appear legitimate in the eyes of others, American soft power is enhanced. Hard power will always remain crucial in a world of nation-states guarding their independence, but soft power will become increasingly important in dealing with the transnational issues that require multilateral cooperation for their solution. One of Rumsfeld's "rules" is that "weakness is provocative." In this, he is correct. As Osama bin Laden observed, it is best to bet on the strong horse. The effective demonstration of military power in the second Gulf War, as in the first, might have a deterrent as well as a transformative effect in the Middle East. But the first Gulf War, which led to the Oslo peace process, was widely regarded as legitimate, whereas the legitimacy of the more recent war was contested. Unable to balance American military power, France, Germany, Russia, and China created a coalition to balance American soft power by depriving the United States of the legitimacy that might have been bestowed by a second UN resolution. Although such balancing did not avert the war in Iraq, it did significantly raise its price. When Turkish parliamentarians regarded U.S. policy as illegitimate, they refused Pentagon requests to allow the Fourth Infantry Division to enter Iraq from the north. Inadequate attention to soft power was detrimental to the hard power the United States could bring to bear in the early days of the war. Hard and soft power may sometimes conflict, but they can also reinforce each other. And when the Jacksonians mistake soft power for weakness, they do so at their own risk. One instructive usage of soft power that the Pentagon got right in the second Gulf War has been called the "weaponization of reporters." Embedding reporters with forward military units undercut Saddam's strategy of creating international outrage by claiming that U.S. troops were deliberately killing civilians. Whereas CNN framed the issues in the first Gulf War, the diffusion of information technology and the rise of new outlets such as al Jazeera in the intervening decade required a new strategy for maintaining soft power during the second. Whatever other issues it raises, embedding reporters in frontline units was a wise response to changing times. ALLIANCE A LA CARTE Proponents of the neoconservative strand in the new unilateralism are more attentive to some aspects of soft power. Their Wilsonian emphasis on democracy and human rights can help make U.S policies attractive to others when these values appear genuine and are pursued in a fair-minded way. The human rights abuses of Saddam's regime have thus become a major post hoc legitimization of the war. Moreover, as indicated earlier, the Bush administration has made wise investments in American soft power by increasing development aid and offering assistance in the campaign against HIV/AIDS. But although they share Woodrow Wilson's desire to spread democracy, the neo- Wilsonians ignore his emphasis on institutions. In the absence of international institutions through which others can feel consulted and involved, the imperial imposition of values may neither attract others nor produce soft power.

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Hungers leads to child soldiers P. W. Singer (Author/Senior Fellow The Brookings Institution) Washington Post June 12, 2006 http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/discussion/2006/05/22/DI2006052200785.html) Some children choose to join an armed group of their own volition. However, to describe this choice as "voluntary" is misleading. Leaving aside that they are not yet of the age considered able to make mature decisions, many are driven into conflict by pressures beyond their control, usually economic in nature. Hunger and poverty are endemic in conflict zones and children, particularly those orphaned or disengaged from civil society, may volunteer to join any group that guarantees regular meals. The same factors may also drive parents to offer their children for combat service.

Children turn to becoming a soldier because they are being fed Peter Singer Commissioned by the Human Security Centre “Child Soldiers: Cause and Symptom of Human Insecurity” 10/12/2005 Often separated from home and family, most child soldiers are ‘recruited’ through offers of food, camaraderie and protection; some are abducted. Such are the privations facing children in war zones, that opting to join a rebel, or official, armed group may actually seem attractive – at least then they are fed and provided with a measure of protection.

Child soldering is desensitizing and dehumanizing Mark Andrew Hetzel “Mini-Dissertation Proposal” Supervisor: Prof. A. Du Toit June 2007 Likewise, the promise of food and other basic needs is another strong lure into militarization. Once lured, children face desensitization to violence and severe dehumanization as they are compelled to commit atrocities. Given children’s exploited vulnerability and their base motivations for entering armed service, questions arise as to what degree they can be prosecuted. Mawson(2004) discusses the inadequacy of punitive justice on child soldiers as it does not take into account the structural realities facing children that compel them to join armies out of survival. He highlights Ugandan support for granting of amnesty to children who have most times been forced to commit atrocities. Different standards of justice must be put in place that consider the vulnerable status of children in conflict.

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Lack of food security cause failed states in Africa which treaten American security Taylor and Cayford, 03 (Michael R, Jerry, American Patent Policy, Biotechnology, and African Agriculture: The Case for Policy Change, RFF Report, November 2003, pg 7-8, http://www.rff.org/rff/Documents/RFF-RPT-Patent.pdf The countries of sub-Saharan Africa face daunting social, economic, and health challenges. Achieving basic food security is the central one for many countries and individuals in that region. If basic nutritional needs are not being met, the consequences are seen, certainly, in individual suffering, but also in the failure of societies to thrive socially and economically. Food security, economic development, and poverty reduction are thoroughly intertwined. So too are the interests of the United States and developing countries in Africa and elsewhere. In the post-September 11 environment, U.S. leaders increasingly recognize that the lack of food security outside the United States is related to our quest for physical security inside the United States. There is also an increasing recognition in the U.S. media and policy circles that a wide range of U.S. policies affects the efforts of developing countries to address food security and other basic development problems. These include U.S. agricultural and trade policies, development assistance and food aid policies, and the approaches the United States takes in the international arena to address trade and other development-related policy issues.

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Failed states quickly degenerate into anarchy, enabling terrorist groups to thrive. Child soldier regimes in Africa are especially accommodating to terrorists and dramatically increase the risk of terrorism. P.W. Singer, Senior Fellow in Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution. 2005. Children at War. Pg. 95-96. More important than lost investments is that these weak or failed zones tend to become havens for transnational terrorist groups. The collapse of governance in Afghanistan may have mattered little to the United States in the 1980s and 1990s, but it was an issue that came back to haunt us on September 11, 2001. As the UN Special Envoy Lakhdar Brahimi noted, the 9/11 attacks were “a wakeup call, [leading many] … to realize that even smaller countries, far away, like Afghanistan cannot be left to sink to the depths to which Afghanistan has sunk.” The decay of local law and order in these states give outside extremist groups freedom of operation. These zones then become a magnet for global terror groups that are seeking to take advantage of the local void in governance. As al Qaeda’s basing in Afghanistan illustrates, terrorism tends to thrive where failing or failed states are too weak to stamp it out. Indeed, even state failures that are seemingly disconnected to this threat can still have dangerous consequences. For example, policymakers in Washington were unconcerned by Sierra Leone’s collapse in the 1990s, as they saw little strategic value in the tiny country. Its state failure also had more to do with the child soldiers of the RUF than al Qaeda or any other terrorist groups. Nonetheless, the tiny West African country served as a critical node in the fund-raising efforts of Osama bin Laden’s al Qaeda network. The group used the chaos of Sierra Leone’s war to hid its own activities, including the conversion of al Qaeda cash into more easy to smuggle diamonds in the period just before the 9/11 attacks. In addition, three al Qaeda members reputed to have been involved in the 1998 bombings of the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania also took refuge in Charles Taylor’s Liberia in the summer of 2001. This illustrates that stability even in far away West Africa, which child soldier groups endanger, should be a concern of American national security.

Terrorism causes a nuclear attack and extinction Los Angeles Times, June 18, 2002 Even the experts among us, Foggy Bottom wonks and think-tank philosophers, had dared to dream of a world free of the damoclean sword of mutual assured destruction. "The simple truth is that people simply forgot about nuclear danger for about a decade, and there were some pretty good reasons for doing so. I had a feeling like that myself," says Jonathan Schell, whose hair-raising tome, "The Fate of the Earth" (Knopf, 1982 ), helped fuel the nuclear freeze movement of the early 1980s. But in the bleak months since Sept. 11, the phantom menace of nuclear catastrophe has come back with a vengeance--stalking our imaginations, confounding our leaders, confronting us with a host of atomic terrors hitherto barely imagined: hijacked airliners rammed down the throats of nuclear power plants; "dirty bombs" spraying lethal radiation and rendering huge swaths of cities uninhabitable for years to come. Looming over these lesser catastrophes is the threat of an actual nuclear weapons attack. After the lull of the '90s, we're learning to start worrying and fear The Bomb all over again. Only now America must face the possibility of dealing with more than just one or two mega-adversaries capable of sending our entire country up in a mushroom cloud. Now we're conjuring up visions of a suitcase bomb detonated at Times Square, a 10-kiloton dose of megadeath delivered in a truck to downtown Los Angeles or Chicago. Or a regional conflict, like the present one pitting India against nuclear rival Pakistan over the disputed Kashmir territory, escalating into global Armageddon. On the one hand, we're being confronted anew with the sublime terror of extinction; on the other, with the banality and ridiculousness of a threat to our lives and our civilization from something that may be lurking in a briefcase, a pair of Hush Puppies or, as in the new Hollywood blockbuster "The Sum of All Fears," a cigarette-vending machine.

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The United States has shed its responsibility to protect children from combat. Shannon McManimon, member of the American Friends Service Committee. November 1999. “Use of Children as Soldiers” – Foreign Policy in Focus – Volume 4, Number 27 accessed at [http://www.fpif.org/briefs/vol4/v4n27child_body.html] A.G. The U.S. must take responsibility for the ways in which its own laws and practices foster the use of child soldiers and warfare against children. Congress should explore how U.S. weapons aid and training facilitate the use of child soldiers. Accordingly, it should monitor the entire process and investigate the end use of U.S. weapons shipments, including both weapons given as aid and arms that various government bodies have authorized for legal sale by U.S. manufacturers. This oversight is particularly important in curbing the vast illegal weapons trafficking (especially of small arms), upon which armed opposition groups rely. Additionally, U.S. aid should focus on universal access to basic education, food security, and primary health care, which are important factors in keeping children out of conflict. Rehabilitation and reintegration of child soldiers into their communities is crucial in ensuring both lasting peace and stable communities. Just as the decommissioning of arms is now seen as a crucial—though often missing— component in cease-fires and peace accords, the resettlement and reintegration of child soldiers and other combatants should be critical elements. Children’s basic needs must be addressed, along with education and family reunification. For instance, Christian Children’s Fund (CCF) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), with help from the U.S. Agency for International Development, have developed locale-specific programs to demobilize and return Angolan children home. To continue and expand this work, Congress should increase funding for the rehabilitation and reintegration of disarmed and demobilized child soldiers. The U.S. should also be willing to grant asylum to former child soldiers unable to return home and to youngsters fleeing wars or conscription.

A focus on reducing the use of child soldiers will increase the U.S.’s soft power. Ramesh Thakur and Steve Lee, Mr. Thakur is vice rector of the United Nations University in Tokyo and Mr. Lee is executive director of the Canadian Center for Foreign Policy Development in Ottawa, January 19, 2000, The International Herald Tribune, 6/28/07, http://www.unu.edu/hq/ginfo/media/Thakur13.html Foreign policy attention to child soldiers, children as war victims, and child poverty represent another element of a shift from "national security" to "human security." This shift presents a great challenge to national diplomats, nongovernmental organizations and the United Nations to work in partnership. All three sets of actors are being challenged to reinterpret and use the UN Charter in pursuit of security for the peoples of the world, if necessary against the member governments of the world body. For diplomats, the old order of state-to-state relations, pursuit of national interest and formal alliances is giving way to ad hoc "coalitions of the willing" in pursuit of agreed international goals. "National security" is now more of a slogan for political mobilization than a helpful concept. It breaks down when the state itself becomes a threat to the security of its citizens. When the pursuit of national security by Serbia and Indonesia threatened the human rights of Kosovars and East Timorese, the outside community felt compelled to intervene. To many Tamils in Sri Lanka and Muslims in Kashmir, the state is the principal security threat. To others who are the victims of secessionist violence, the failure of state protection is the basic threat to personal security. Prolonged civil wars and failed states undermine the concept of national security. When rape is used as an instrument of war, or when thousands are killed by their own security forces, then the concept of national security is immaterial and of zero use. Being wedded still to national security may be one reason why half the world's governments spend more to protect their citizens against undefined and improbable external military attack than to guard them against the omnipresent enemies of good health. On environmental and human rights issues in particular, the people of the world, in whose name the UN was founded, have grown tired of years of negotiations leading to a final product that may be accepted or rejected by countries. They look instead for a rolling process of self-adjusting agreements that can respond quickly to growing scientific understanding. Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi of Japan has declared that human security will be one of the essential principles for the conduct of Japanese foreign policy. Foreign Minister Lloyd Axworthy of Canada, acting in concert with nongovernmental organizations and like-minded countries, is among those who seek to embed in international institutions the idea that the state exists for the security and well-being of its citizens. The shift to human security also underlines what Joseph Nye of Harvard University calls soft power, or the attraction of a way of life and the supremacy of the liberal internationalist ideology as embedded in major multilateral institutions like the European Union and the International Monetary Fund.

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Title II food aid and development projects are critical to increasing Unites States public diplomacy which is key to United States soft power. Only through making Title sustainable can we maintain credibility boost Sean Callahan (vice -president for Overseas Operations at Catholic Relief Services) May 2006 “Testimony before the House International Relations Committee, Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights and International Operations”, Catholic Relief Services Speeches and Testimony, http://www.crs.org/newsroom/speeches- testimony/entry.cfm?id=459 Section 12 of the 9/11 Commission Report includes numerous references to the need for the United States to communicate its basic values and its humanitarian concerns. The commission called upon us to create “opportunities for people to improve the lives of their families and to enhance the prospects for their children’s success.” Food aid communicates our humanitarian spirit while improving people’s lives and prospects – each bag is marked with a USAID logo and the words, “Gift from the people of the United States.” Within the context of public diplomacy, food aid bridges the gap between cultures. CRS is an American face on thousands of tons of food aid delivered to Muslim populations in Indonesia, Pakistan, India, Southern Sudan, Senegal, Northern Ghana and elsewhere. As an American organization, our presence reinforces the message that the food aid used in school feeding programs and well baby clinics comes from the American people. When we stay the course, great changes happen. Food aid works best when it is part of longer term, multi-year programs aimed at making generational changes. Examples of the generational approach are food assisted child survival coupled with a school-feeding program carried out within the same village over the course of a decade. Together these programs boost immunization rates, improve child nutrition and improve school attendance. They result in a generation of healthy and educated parents whose children are even better fed, better educated and healthier. The danger today is that we don’t stay the course. It is too tempting to take a “hot spot” approach to food aid. The hot spot approach throws resources at the CNN disaster of the month, depriving resources from the quieter, school feeding, child survival and natural resource management programs that work more effectively in the long-term. More than $2 million in Title II resources were diverted this year from Haiti alone to meet other more noticeable hot spots such as Sudan. The point is that we need resources for both struggling countries. Saving Peter by starving Paul is a recipe for disaster. Naturally, the federal government cannot shoulder the burden by itself but it must do more.

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U.S. public health assistance is key to soft power Ilona Kickbusch 2002 Project HOPE–The People-to-People Organization. Terms and Policies http://content.healthaffairs.org/cgi/content/full/21/6/131 In the face of a global health crisis, Nye’s paradox can help to define a new role that America can play. This role would imply strengthening the U.S. soft-power role in health by moving beyond both a national-interest paradigm and an international disease-control model based on macroeconomic arguments. A key dimension of this new global health strategy would be to address the larger issues of social justice, democracy, and law that are paramount to health in the context of globalization and that are part of U.S. political tradition. The global community expects the United States to take soft-power leadership. The repeated suggestion of a new Marshall Plan or the call to contribute more generously to the new Global Fund on AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria is not just about more dollars. It is the plea of the global community that the United States apply the strength of vision and determination that it has shown in other historical crises to health and development today. 2

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The United States has destroyed its influence on foreign policies. The only way to recover its influece is through more foreign assistance. The Brookings Institution July 12, 2007 (Transforming Foreign Aid for the 21st Century; accessed July 25, 2007; www3.brookings.edu/global/foreign_aid_one-page.pdf ) The next U.S. president will have the opportunity to refashion the image America presents to the world and the way we seek to influence it. In a world transformed by globalization and challenged by terrorism, foreign aid deserves attention as a critical instrument of American power and a key determinant of the face of America seen by people around the planet. With hard power assets stretched thin and facing 21st century threats from global poverty, pandemics, and terrorism, the U.S. must deploy its soft power more effectively. However, America's weak aid infrastructure hampers our ability to do so. Our next president, in collaboration with Congress, should be able to capitalize on the growing consensus which recognizes the need to fundamentally reform the way U.S. foreign assistance is mandated, funded, and managed.

Foreign aid dramatically improves U.S. perception. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations June 12, 2007 (Foreign Assistance Reform: Successes, Failures, and Next Steps; accessed July 25, 2007; http://www.brookings.edu/printme.wbs? page=/pagedefs/bf2bdb943df3ff417fff31f40a1415cb.xml) In a world transformed by globalization and challenged by terrorism, foreign aid deserves attention as a critical instrument of American soft power and a key determinant of the face of America seen by poor people around the world ith hard power assets stretched thin and facing 21st century threats from global poverty, pandemics, and terrorism, the U.S. must deploy its soft power more effectively. But America's weak aid infrastructure hampers our ability to do so. Recent polls underscore the importance of getting this right. Abroad, Terror Free Tomorrow found that foreign aid dramatically improved public perceptions of the United States in Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Indonesia , for a sustained period following U.S. generosity in the wake of the tsunami and the Pakistan earthquake. Here at home, a majority of Americans appreciate that linkage: the Program on International Policy Attitudes/Knowledge Networks found that fully 57 percent of Americans favor "building goodwill toward the US by providing food and medical assistance to people in poor countries." When designed and executed well, foreign assistance is not just soft power but smart power, working to advance national security, national interests and national values . It works best when there is clarity about the objectives it is designed to serve and well aligned with the other instruments of American engagement. Unfortunately, at present clarity and alignment are the exception rather than the rule.

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30 regional conflicts will go global in a world without US soft power. Joseph Nye, Washington Quarterly, Winter 1996. “Conflicts after the Cold War.” While generally less threatening to U.S. interests than global or regional balance of power conflicts, communal conflicts are the most likely kind of post-cold war conflict and have thus far proved the most frequent. Less than 10 percent of the 170 states in today's world are ethnically homogenous. Only half have one ethnic group that accounts for as much as 75 percent of their population. Africa, in particular, is a continent of a thousand ethnic and linguistic groups squeezed into some 50-odd states, many of them with borders determined by colonial powers in the last century with little regard to traditional ethnic boundaries. The former Yugoslavia was a country with five nationalities, four languages, three religions, and two alphabets. As a result of such disjunctions between borders and peoples, there have been some 30 communal conflicts since the end of the Cold War, many of them still ongoing. Communal conflicts, particularly those involving wars of secession, are very difficult to manage through the UN and other institutions built to address interstate conflicts. The UN, regional organizations, alliances, and individual states cannot provide a universal answer to the dilemma of self-determination versus the inviolability of established borders, particularly when so many states face potential communal conflicts of their own. In a world of identity crises on many levels of analysis, it is not clear which selves deserve sovereignty: nationalities, ethnic groups, linguistic groups, or religious groups. Similarly, uses of force for deterrence, compellence, and reassurance are much harder to carry out when both those using force and those on the receiving end are disparate coalitions of international organizations, states, and subnational groups. Moreover, although few communal conflicts by themselves threaten security beyond their regions, some impose risks of "horizontal" escalation, or the spread to other states within their respective regions. This can happen through the involvement of affiliated ethnic groups that spread across borders, the sudden flood of refugees into neighboring states, or the use of neighboring territories to ship weapons to combatants. The use of ethnic propaganda also raises the risk of "vertical" escalation to more intense violence, more sophisticated and destructive weapons, and harsher attacks on civilian populations as well as military personnel. There is also the danger that communal conflicts could become more numerous if the UN and regional security organizations lose the credibility, willingness, and capabilities necessary to deal with such conflicts. Preventing and Addressing Conflicts: The Pivotal U.S. Role Leadership by the United States, as the world's leading economy, its most powerful military force,, and a leading democracy, is a key factor in limiting the frequency and destructiveness of great power, regional, and communal conflicts. The paradox of the post-cold war role of the United States is that it is the most powerful state in terms of both "hard" power resources (its economy and military forces) and "soft" ones (the appeal of its political system and culture), yet it is not so powerful that it can achieve all its international goals by acting alone. The United States lacks both the international and domestic prerequisites to resolve every conflict, and in each case its role must be proportionate to its interests at stake and the costs of pursuing them. Yet the United States can continue to enable and mobilize international coalitions to pursue shared security interests, whether or not the United States itself supplies large military forces. The U.S. role will thus not be that of a lone global policeman; rather, the United States can frequently serve as the sheriff of the posse, leading shifting coalitions of friends and allies to address shared security concerns within the legitimizing framework of international organizations. This requires sustained attention to the infrastructure and institutional mechanisms that make U.S. leadership effective and joint action possible: forward stationing and preventive deployments of U.S. and allied forces, prepositioning of U.S. and allied equipment, advance planning and joint training to ensure interoperability with allied forces, and steady improvement in the conflict resolution abilities of an interlocking set of bilateral alliances, regional security organizations and alliances, and global institutions.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 53 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Soft Power- 2ac Afghanistan Module

U.S. soft power is key to cooperation with European allies over Afghanistan Joseph S. Nye, Jr (Dean, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University) November 15 2004 “America needs a strong Europe; Tapping soft power.” The International Herald Tribune. Accessed online, LN. Finally, on the bottom board are transnational issues that cross borders outside the control of governments -- like infectious diseases, international crime, or transnational terrorism. Here power is chaotically distributed and it makes no sense to speak of American empire. America cannot manage these transnational threats without the help of other countries, especially Europe. That is why a strategy of weakening Europe would be mistaken. Indeed, America's efforts to do so would simply reinforce the loss of U.S. soft power among European populations and further reduce the leeway that leaders have to help the United States. European soft power has an important role to play in the struggle against terrorism. Opening Europe's doors to Turkey helps to strengthen one of the most moderate Muslim countries, and European aid for democracy reinforces America's objectives. In some cases, there can be a beneficial division of labor in which Europe's soft power and America's hard power combine in a good cop-bad cop routine. Elements of this can be seen in the current approach to Iran's nuclear program. But such a dynamic is effective only if both cops know they are playing the same game and coordinate their strategy. Specifically, Bush should promptly restate American support for European integration, ideally at a meeting with European leaders. He should look for "easy victories" like cooperation on support for African peacekeeping or human rights violations in the Sudanese region of Darfur. Appointment of a high-level representative or a new initiative for the Middle East peace process would also help. On Iraq, it is unlikely that Europeans will send more troops at this point, but they can be persuaded to increase their economic support, and increase the size of their training missions. Moreover, by reinforcing their forces in the Balkans and Afghanistan (where NATO troops now serve under a French general), European countries can reduce the burdens on America's armed forces. Most important, despite European-American differences on some issues, more than any other ally, Europe shares America's deepest values, such as democracy, individual freedom and human rights. As the author Robert Kagan has noted , the United States requires legitimacy to sustain its foreign policies. Polls show that the American people turn to other democracies for approval, and many of those democracies are in Europe. That is why President Bush would be wise to act now.

European cooperation is key to successful Afghan reconstruction and stability Joe Biden (Democratic senator from Delaware) October 16, 2003 “Opening Statement: Afghanistan: In Pursuit of Security and Democracy.” http://biden.senate.gov/newsroom/details.cfm?id=213501&& Well, thank God for our allies. The Germans are already supplying more than 2,000 troops to the NATO peacekeeping force, and they’ll now be supplying 450 more. Other NATO allies are ready to step up to the plate and take on additional peacekeeping duties—IF we’re willing to give them the support that they need. We in Congress have already made clear where we stand: The Afghanistan Freedom Support Act authorized $1 billion for the expansion of ISAF. If the Administration wants to back up the President’s words with action, all they have to do is request appropriation of these funds. Let’s remember the key issue here: expansion of ISAF is a way to decrease our own burden for bringing security to Afghanistan. Our allies are willing to lighten our load. Any additional resources we put into this endeavor will be more than matched by the benefit we receive. The UN peacekeeping effort is a force multiplier: every German, French or Turkish soldier deployed to bring security to the Afghan countryside potentially frees up an American soldier to fight the Taliban, hunt down Al Qaeda, or (God willing) maybe even rotate home sooner. This is a turning point—a moment of great danger, but also of great opportunity. The danger lies in doing nothing—just letting current trends continue, idly permitting our victory in Afghanistan to turn into a long-term defeat. The opportunity lies in taking action—actively supporting the expansion of ISAF, using it to stabilize the country and lay the groundwork for reconstruction. The President’s massive $87 billion spending request also provides us with an opportunity: if we spend a tiny fraction of this money on Afghanistan’s recovery—if we provide adequate funding for reconstruction efforts and for expanded peacekeeping operations—we can help safeguard our own national security.

Instability in Afghanistan spills over to Kashmir, causes nuclear war between India and Pakistan Haider 2001 Masood, “CIA warns of Nuclear war threat in South Asia: Report to be presented to Bush, January http://www.dawn.com/2001/01/22/top1.htm In assessing the security situation in the region, the CIA says "continued turmoil in Afghanistan and Pakistan will spill over into Kashmir and other areas of the subcontinent, prompting Indian leaders to take more aggressive preemptive and retaliatory actions. India's conventional military advantage over Pakistan will widen as a result of New Delhi's superior economic position. "India will also continue to build up its ocean-going navy to dominate the Indian Ocean transit routes used for delivery of Persian Gulf oil to Asia. The decisive shift in conventional military power in India's favour over the coming years potentially will make the region more volatile and unstable. "Both India and Pakistan will see weapons of mass destruction as a strategic imperative and will continue to amass nuclear warheads and build a variety of missile delivery systems. The changing dynamics of state power will combine with other factors to affect the risk of conflict in various regions. Changing military capabilities will be prominent among the factors that determine the risk of war. "In South Asia, for example, that risk will remain fairly high over the next 15 years. India and Pakistan are both prone to miscalculation. Both will continue to build up their nuclear and missile forces," it said.

Indo-Pak nuclear war will escalate globally and destroy the planet Caldicott 2002 (Helen- Founder of Physicians for Social Responsibility, The New Nuclear Danger: George W. Bush’s Military-Industrial Complex) The use of Pakistani nuclear weapons could trigger a chain reaction. Nuclear-armed India, an ancient enemy, could respond in kind. China, India's hated foe, could react if India used her nuclear weapons, triggering a nuclear holocaust on the subcontinent. If any of either Russia or America's 2,250 strategic weapons on hair-trigger alert were launched either accidentally or purposefully in response, nuclear winter would ensue, meaning the end of most life on earth.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 54 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* ***2ac Add-Ons***

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 55 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Deforestation

Food insecurity in Africa drives deforestation, threatening health, warming, and biodiversity – sustainable agriculture is key to solvency Pinstrup-Andersen – IFPRI Director – 2002 http://www.ifpri.org/pubs/articles/2002/pinstrup02_01.pdf TOWARDS A SUSTAINABLE GLOBAL FOOD Deforestation has important local and global consequences, ranging from increased soil and water degradation to greater food insecurity (especially among indigenous peoples who depend on forest products for food, fiber, medicines, or income), escalating carbon emissions, and loss of biodiversity. Small-scale, poor farmers clearing land for agriculture to meet food needs accounted for roughly two-thirds of the world’s deforestation in the 1980s and 1990s. This conversion of forested areas, driven by food insecurity, will continue over the next twenty years, particularly in Africa, unless farmers have alternative ways of meeting food needs. Furthermore, these needs will accelerate with population growth in rural areas. Commercial logging interests account for much of the remaining deforestation, especially in East Asia and West Africa. Although there is no consensus on the amount or location of forest that this generation should bequeath to the next, there certainly is evidence that the world’s forests are neither properly managed nor, when converted into other assets, sufficiently productive to allow future generations to meet their needs.

Deforestation risks extinction Vicky Collins (Staff Writer). March 21, 2006. “Man Causing worst extinction since dinosaurs.” The Herald. HUMANS are responsible for the worst spate of extinctions since the dinosaurs, according to a United Nations report published yesterday. Deforestation, over-fishing and the destruction of habitats is continuing at an "alarmingly high rate", despite global commitments to slow biodiversity decline by 2010. The UN Convention on Biological Diversity report, which was launched at the start of a meeting in Brazil, also warned human demand for resources now outstripped the earth's capacity to replenish these resources by 20-per cent. "In effect, we are currently responsible for the sixth major extinction event in the history of earth, and the greatest since the dinosaurs disappeared, 65 million years ago, " stated the 92-page report.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 56 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* ***Solvency***

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 57 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Ag Development Solves Conflict & Economy

Food security solves for conflict and economic growth Food & Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (MULTI STAKEHOLDER DIALOGUE: Food, Security, Justice and Peace,” 2002 http://www.fao.org/worldfoodsummit/msd/Y6808e.htm#P43_14217) Eliminating hunger is not just a moral imperative: it also makes economic sense, increasing productivity, raising incomes, creating jobs and adding to the demand for goods and services throughout the economy. It is also a necessary contribution to the many avenues that need to be followed to reduce violence and promote lasting peace. As concluded in a study commissioned by Future Harvest, a foundation established by former US President Jimmy Carter, "rehabilitation of agriculture is a central condition for development, reducing poverty, preventing environmental destruction -and for reducing violence. Poor conditions for agriculture hold grave implications for socio-economic development and sustainable peace. We also see good governance as crucial in building healthy conditions for agriculture, and thus in breaking the vicious cycle of poverty, scarcity and violence. The central issues are not merely technical: they relate directly to the way human beings organize their affairs and how they cope with natural and man-made crises" Policies need to be put in place to promote growth and distribute its benefits broadly across society. Agricultural development, as part of economic and social changes that give the poor greater power over the productive resources and the social factors that shape their livelihoods, is indispensable to the enhanced food security of the rural population and to a more peaceful and stable environment. Equitable growth and pro-poor policies are critical not only to prevent the outbreak of conflicts but also in immediate post-conflict situations.

70% of sub-Sahara Africa is agriculturely-dependent. Increasing agricultural productivity facilitates economic growth and food security Michael R. Taylor and Jerry Cayford (Sr. Fellow & Researcher at Resources for the Future) 2003 American Patent Policy, Biotechnology, and African Agriculture: The Case for Policy Change, RFF Report, NOVEMBER, RFF- RPT-Patent.pdf There is no single solution to the problem of hunger in Africa or other developing regions. A common reality in many developing and food-insecure countries, however, is that a large majority of the people depends on agriculture for their livelihood, directly or indirectly. In sub- Saharan Africa, 70% of the people are rural and largely agriculture-dependent.17 Although industrialization has fueled growth and hunger reduction in some Asian economies, it is generally recognized among experts that the poor countries of sub-Saharan Africa must improve their agriculture and food systems to achieve economic growth and food security.18 Moreover, according to the World Bank, global food production will have to double by 2050 to meet rising demand.19 By improving agricultural productivity and local food processing and distribution systems, developing countries can increase locally available food stocks to feed their people and also generate income to purchase food in the marketplace, as needed to supplement local production. Improvement in developing country agricultural and food systems is critical to meeting the world’s long-term food needs. But in sub-Saharan Africa especially, any solution to food insecurity will require increased agricultural productivity, to which biotechnology can contribute.

More African food production creates economic growth in other sectors Smita Narula (Assistant Professor of Clinical Law and Faculty Director, Center for Human Rights and Global Justice, New York University School of Law) 2006 The Right to Food: Holding Global Actors Accountable Under International Law NARULA ARTICLE 5/9/2006 For many developing countries, improved agricultural productivity can also be an engine of nonagricultural growth.25 A noted difference between Asia’s economic successes and Africa’s economic stagnation is Asia’s high and rising food production per capita during recent decades.26 Nutritional gains were also a critical factor in economic growth in Europe over the past two centuries.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 58 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Ag Development Solves Hunger

Agricultural development is key to reducing poverty and hunger in Africa Michael R. Taylor (Sr. Fellow at Resources for the Future) and Julie A. Howard (Prof of Agricultural Economics at Michigan State University) 2005 INVESTING IN AFRICA’S FUTURE: U.S. AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE FOR SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA, FINAL REPORT—SEPTEMBER 2005, pg. RFF- RPT-AfricaAssistance.pdf The recommitment to poverty reduction has been accompanied by a reaffirmation of the essential role of agriculture. For millennia, agriculture provided the foundation for economic well-being and growth worldwide, and it has reemerged today as the key driver of strategies to reduce poverty and hunger in Africa. Today, there is widespread recognition among African leaders, international institutions, and leaders in the United States and other donor countries that improving the productivity and income-generating capacity of agriculture is essential if goals to reduce poverty and hunger—and increase broad- based economic growth—are to be achieved. This recognition is grounded in the great potential of Africa’s vast land and creative people to produce not only an abundance of food but genuine wealth through modern, marketoriented agriculture and agribusiness. The challenges are real, including the lack of roads and other essential market infrastructure, the lack of capacity to apply modern technology to Africa’s farming challenges, policies in need of reform, and public institutions in need of improved performance. But these challenges can be overcome by investment in the same “public goods” that any modern agricultural economy needs to succeed—investment that, to achieve the necessary scale and effectiveness, must come from both African and external sources.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 59 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Ag Development Solves Famine

Increasing Africa’s agricultural production is key to reduce poverty and prevent famines Segenet Kelemu (Centro Internacional de Agricultura Tropical) and Kwasi Ampofo (Agricultural Technology Development and Transfer Project) 2003 “Harmonizing the agricultural biotechnology debate for the benefit of African farmers,” African Journal of Biotechnology Vol. 2 (11), pp. 394-416, November 2003 Agriculture is the single most important sector in the economies of most low-income countries, accounting for one-fourth to one-half of the gross domestic product (GDP) and the bulk of export earnings. About 75% of Africans depend solely on income from agriculture and agribusiness, which, in turn, constitutes 40% of the GDP of African nations (Machuka, 2003). Productive agriculture, with concomitant increases in incomes, is needed to raise food-purchasing power and to reduce poverty. Poor people’s links to the land are critical for sustainable development. The front line of any successful assault on poverty and environmental degradation must therefore have a focus on agriculture and rural development. Africa’s current population is projected to rise to 1700 million by 2050 (Pinstrup-Andersen and Pandya-Lorch, 1999). Demand for imported food—mostly cereals and legumes—will increase from 50 to 70 million tons per year. If the current economic situation of Africa does not improve, food-deficit nations are unlikely to have the resources to purchase such a huge volume of food on a commercial basis. Several countries are already regular recipients of food aid. Even if food aid continues, it often misses the rural poor. To prevent future human catastrophes, African countries will have to develop and implement strategies for increasing agricultural productivity.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 60 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Ag Development Solves Poverty

Poverty is on the rise. Agriculture is vital to check its expansion Dr Christie Peacock (Chief Executive of FARM-Africa) 2004 “Reaching the poor: a call to action - Investment in smallholder agriculture in sub-Saharan Africa” Spring 4. Annex Table 1 also shows that only in sub-Saharan Africa and in the much smaller Middle East and North Africa region are the numbers of people in absolute poverty are expected to rise between now and 2015. For the foreseeable future poverty is likely to remain widespread within sub-Saharan Africa, with hunger a recurrent problem in several countries. Large numbers of people in more remote areas are also likely to remain heavily dependent on semi-subsistence agriculture for their livelihoods for some time to come. Thus, while this paper sets out a vision for renewed agricultural growth in sub-Saharan Africa, agriculture’s vital contribution to food security and welfare for the poor (particularly the chronic poor in remote areas) should not be forgotten.

Only investment in sub-Sahara’s agricultural sector will solve Dr Christie Peacock (Chief Executive of FARM-Africa) 2004 “Reaching the poor: a call to action - Investment in smallholder agriculture in sub-Saharan Africa” Spring The fact that one in every five people still lives in absolute poverty is totally unacceptable. Whilst this is clearly recognised, at present the international community is not on target to meet the Millennium Development Goals on poverty reduction by 2015. Major efforts are required that impact on rural poverty, especially in sub–Saharan Africa.61. Poverty reduction during the latter part of the last century, principally in Asia, was associated with initial agricultural sector development, including increased productivity, higher incomes, falling real food prices and rising agricultural wage rates. The impact on poverty reduction was further enhanced where broad–based agricultural growth, based on smallholder production, created the conditions for expansion in manufacturing and services. Smallholder agriculture can still provide the drivers for economic growth and poverty relief in Africa today. Indeed, not only is it the best option, it may be the only option that can provide these necessary pro-poor drivers.62. In order to increase progress in meeting the Millennium Development Goals, agriculture must have an increased profile in development policy leading to much higher levels of direct investment in the sector. At the micro level a variety of government, NGO and local initiatives have demonstrated that agricultural pathways out of poverty are possible in Africa, but greater investment is needed to scale-up these successes to impact on poverty reduction at the national level. This paper advocates targeting investment at the meso-level to create and develop the enabling institutional environment that allows smallholders to increase production and supply the expanding markets. Crucial elements of this enabling environment include the provision of coordinated support services such as credit, input supplies, technical support, access to information, access to markets and market services. 63. Smallholders are also more likely to succeed if they operate in an environment in which their voice is more widely heard, where a fair trading system exists, rural infrastructure is improved and they are provided with incentives and protection to allow innovation.These conditions provide the crucial support for the success of a poverty-reducing, equity-enhancing smallholder agricultural growth strategy. Clearly, support for smallholder agriculture cannot succeed in isolation and must be complemented with basic investments in education, health and good governance, together with facilitation of non-farm activities acting as supporters to spread growth benefits within rural societies. However, it is agriculture that is best placed to provide the initial kick-start to self-sustaining growth and poverty reduction. 64. This paper has argued that despite its difficulties, smallholder agricultural growth offers for much of sub-Saharan Africa the best option for initiating the sustained poverty-reducing growth that its people so desperately need. Analysis of these options, with lessons from successes and failures in Africa and in Asia, sets out a clear set of policies required to stimulate both demand and supply in the smallholder agriculture sector. International donors, multilateral agencies, regional organisations in Africa and African governments need to move forward with a clear commitment to pro-poor agricultural development and to the implementation of these policies. There are opportunities for donors and governments to address the problems currently constraining smallholder agriculture in Africa and these opportunities must be grasped, urgently. This course of action is not without major challenges, as it requires substantial long-term political and financial commitment while grappling with new problems. However, unless commitments are made to address these problems, the prospects for the African poor remain bleak.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 61 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Title II helps the environment

Title II agriculture practice are key to protecting the environment Annemarie Reilly (Chief of Staff for Catholic Relief Services) May 2007 “CRS Congressional Testimony On Food Aid”, Catholic Relief Services Speeches and Testimony, http://www.crs.org/newsroom/speeches-testimony/entry.cfm? id=838 According to the World Food Program, more than 850 million people on our planet are suffering from chronic hunger. The American people should be proud that the US government, through PL480 Title II resources, is the largest food aid donor in the world. These programs assist millions of people living on the edge to meet their daily food needs while also strengthening their livelihood systems to help them to help themselves over time. For example, with five years investment of Title II food and funds, CRS worked through a local partner to reverse severe environmental degradation and improve the livelihoods of 570 poor households in Legedini, a rural community in eastern Ethiopia. Through support provided by USAID and CRS, this community has been able to use small-scale irrigation to grow marketable vegetables. They have also used this investment to develop small livestock herds and increase sales of milk, improve water and sanitation management, increase the engagement of women in microenterprise, and improve the nutritional content of family meals. Participants in a women’s group have begun to save and to invest their savings in business activities that diversify their assets. One woman, Nuria Umere, has been able to purchase an ox, a cow and seven goats, and she is able to send one of her three children to school and help her husband meet their household food needs. The success of this program is a direct result of the effective combination of food aid to meet immediate needs and cash to support complementary livelihood support activities.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 62 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Minimum Tonnage Solves

The minimum tonnage requirement of plan is vital to food security and crisis response David Evans (Vice Chair Alliance For Food Aid) May 24 2007 House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee: Africa And Global Health Headline: International Food Aid Programs Mr. Chairman, we thank the Congress for its unrelenting support of food aid over the years. Food aid is our nation's principal program supporting food security in the developing world. It contributes to meeting the Millennium Development Goal of cutting hunger in half by 2015 and is critical for saving lives in the face of disaster. Some improvements and upgrades are needed in administrative programmatic procedures and greater efficiencies can be built into procurement and transportation procedures. However, most important for the 2007 Farm Bill is assuring predictable levels for both chronic and emergency needs in order to support good program planning and implementation and to reverse the downward trend in multi-year developmental programs.The Alliance has three core recommendations for the 2007 Farm Bill - Assure adequate amounts of food aid are available from the Bill Emerson Humanitarian Trust and it is available to respond quickly in the face of food shortages, civil unrest, and other crises. Increase resources for multi-year programs that improve the food security, health and welfare of populations that suffer from chronic hunger by (1) making available at least 1,200,000 MT of food aid each year for Title II non-emergency programs that promote food security and protect against the erosion of health and incomes, and (2) lifting the transportation cap on Food for Progress so 500,000 MT can be provided to developing countries that are implementing reforms in the agricultural economies.

Changing PL 480 is key to ensuring the necessary program flexibility that allows for adequate responses to hunger. Only changing US food aid policies can prevent damage to exporters and local farmers Christopher Barrett (Co-Director of the African Food Security and Natural Resources Management Program at Cornell) and Daniel G Maxwell (expert global food aid) 2004 “PL 480 Food Aid: We Can Do Better” Global Policy Forum http://www.globalpolicy.org/socecon/hunger/relief/2004/1203foodaid.htm accessed 07/25/07 Over the years, it has become clear that although direct distribution of food can address acute hunger in emergencies, it is not sufficient to address the causes of hunger. Almost 60% of PL480 resources—and most other US food aid shipments—are not for emergencies. To increase the flexibility of food aid, the US government permits the sale of food in recipient countries to generate cash resources for other programs addressing the causes of hunger—a practice known as monetization. Monetized food has been a valuable, flexible resource that many PVOs have put to good use in combating poverty and hunger over the years. Levels of monetization of nonemergency Title II food aid have increased dramatically in the past decade, from 10% in 1991 to 70% in 2001. However, because it is bulky and expensive to ship, food is a terribly inefficient way to generate cash resources for programs that fight global poverty. Additionally, monetized food aid increases the risks that food aid will displace commercial sales by American agribusinesses or will discourage food production by farmers in recipient countries. In addition, because it is sold on the open market and thus not at all targeted at food-insecure subpopulations, there is no guarantee that such food reaches the most vulnerable people that American taxpayers aim to help. Converting just a fraction of the current PL480 budget into direct cash grants to supplement the work of nonprofit development agencies working to prevent humanitarian emergencies and reduce chronic poverty and hunger around the world would address the resource requirement for more sustainable development programming. It also would help eliminate some of the unintended consequences of food aid that hurt commercial food exporters, farmers in recipient countries, or both. American policy needs to focus more on food security through poverty reduction and less on food as a resource. The USAID's new draft strategic plan for Food for Peace and the World Food Programme's new four-year strategic plan articulate this clearly. However, this requires greater flexibility in resource programming—not just a greater volume of food resources. That will require legislative reforms to existing US food aid policies.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 63 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Minimun Tonnage Spurs Ag Development

Minimum tonnage requirements ease the burden on local farmers leading to agriculture development. This is the only effective long-term strategy for combating hunger David Evans (Vice Chair Alliance For Food Aid) May 24 2007 House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee: Africa And Global Health Headline: International Food Aid Programs Establish a safebox for Title II non-emergency programs that assures 1,200,000 metric tons will be made available each for non- emergency Title II programs each fiscal year. This amount would not be subject to waiver. Section 204(a)(2) of PL 480 directs USAID to make available 1,875,000 metric tons of commodities for Title II non-emergency programs each fiscal year. The law permits USAID to waive this minimum after the beginning of the fiscal year if there are insufficient requests for programs or the commodities are needed for emergencies. This implies that USAID should seek proposals for the full non-emergency minimum tonnage and only waive the minimum under extraordinary circumstances. Instead, months in advance of each fiscal year USAID acknowledges that non- emergency programs will be limited to about 750,000 MT and does not make the minimum tonnage available. We therefore recommend only allowing USAID to waive up to 675,000 MT of the non-emergency minimum tonnage level, which would assure that USAID makes available at least 1,200,000 MT each year for multi-year food for development programs - reestablishing America's commitment to help those suffering from chronic malnutrition and hunger. This is less than the minimum tonnage required under law for these programs (1,875,000 MT), but more than the amount USAID is actually providing (750,000 MT). Programs that address the underlying causes of chronic hunger include mother-child health care, agricultural and rural development, food as payment for work on community infrastructure projects, meals in schools and take-home rations to encourage school attendance, and programs targeting HIV/AIDS-affected communities. Chronic hunger leads to high infant and child mortality and morbidity, poor physical and cognitive development, low productivity, high susceptibility to disease, and premature death. Reducing these programs has been counterproductive, as developmental food aid helps improve people's resilience to droughts and economic downturns. Giving people the means to improve their lives also provides hope for a better future and helps stabilize vulnerable areas. Valuable expertise of PVOs to help these communities and to respond to food crises is being lost as they must stop their food aid activities, leave their local partners and lose their strategic networks in these vulnerable areas. Giving people the means to improve their lives also provides hope for a better future and helps stabilize vulnerable areas.

Plan’s MT requirement allows for development of African agriculture. The US must take the lead in order to ensure food security throughout Africa. Donald Payne (chair Subcommittee On Africa And Global Health Of The House Committee On Foreign Affairs) 2007 Hearing Of The Subcommittee On Africa And Global Health Of The House Committee On Foreign Affairs; Subject: International Food Aid Programs: Options To Enhance Effectiveness Food aid has traditionally been another tool to help achieve both long-term food security and to help in cases of emergencies. For better or for worse, however, during the past several years, more and more of our food assistance has been channeled toward emergencies. The amount of food aid dedicated towards building capacity in agricultural sectors of developing cultures has declined from ($)1.2 billion in fiscal year 2001 to ($)698 million in fiscal year 2006 -- going in the wrong direction.This is one cause for concern, and there's another: According to the Government Accounting (sic) Office, the average amount of food delivered to undernourished population has declined by 52 percent, due in part to increasing business and transportation costs. Clearly, the resources available for development programs are shrinking and the amount of commodities our resources buy is diminishing.And if we take a look at the increase in the cost of corn, where we're seeing the impact on milk and on beef and on the fact that more land is going to be used for corn, therefore decreasing land available for other crops, will therefore continue to increase the cost of food, which is going to be a real serious problem because our increase in funding will not keep up with the increase in the cost of food. And so we have a real dilemma facing us. Over half of the food aid delivered around the world comes from the United States. Given the considerable role we play, it is imperative that Congress and the executive branch work together to make sure we're doing it right. It seems to me that Congress must help the administration do two things as it relates to the current programs: one, fix the mechanisms that already exist, such as the Bill Emerson Humanitarian Trust, so that they are more effective; and two, create new mechanisms. The administration has proposed using some of the money available in P.L. 480 for local purchase rather than shipping commodities from the United States.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 64 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Minimun Tonnage Spurs Ag Development

Changing Title II tonnage requirements solves hunger and leads to agriculture development across Africa John Gillcrist (chairman Bartlett Milling Company) May 10 2007 House Agriculture Subcommittee: Specialty Crops, Rural Development, And Foreign Agriculture Headline: Food Aid And Trade Programs CQ Congressional Testimony We also visited a water catchment project south of Addis Ababa. Villagers had hand dug a large water retention basin to capture water during the rainy season and to hold it throughout the year. This development project provided clean water for the village and reduced the time and energy women and children spent carrying water every day when they no longer needed to walk 12 miles. US aid provided food during the construction of this catchment. Development programs like these are critical to the goal of reducing chronic hunger and addressing the underlying causes of hunger and poverty, which is the intended focus of PL 480 Title II. In fact, Congress requires that of the 2.5 million metric tons of commodities that must be procured for food aid, 75% or 1.875 million metric tons must be committed to development programs in areas such as child nutrition, agricultural development, HIV/AIDS and micro-enterprise. In recent years, however, the PL 480 Title II development programs have not had a stable and secure funding stream because the Administration is waiving this Congressional mandate routinely instead of using their waiver authority, as it was intended, on rare occasions. We suggest that the Administration only be permitted to waive up to 675,000 metric tons of their development-tonnage requirements so that it can be assured that 1.2 million metric tons will be used for these critical programs. The crippling impact of HIV and AIDS in African communities makes the need for stable sources of funding for multi-year programs that much more imperative.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 65 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Two Pronge Appraoch Solves

Linking emergency relief with assistance for chronic hunger will increase nutrition and spur infrastructure development Technical Cooperation Department, operating arm of the UN’s FAO, 2K2 (“Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme” in FAO Corporate Document Repository http://www.fao.org/docrep/005/y6831e/y6831e-02.htm#P117_27706 accessed July 25th 2007) While benefits arising from investments in rural infrastructure and major water and land developments as well as those in research and development will clearly need some time to materialise, in terms of impact on productivity, agricultural growth and consequent poverty reduction, of accelerated production programmes for food security and the rehabilitation and development of small-scale irrigation systems will be more immediate. If these are deliberately linked to programmes for reducing chronic hunger, they will bring about rapid improvements in nutrition and hence in the productive potential of the population. When it materialises, the impact of the rural infrastructure and trade-related capacities for improved market access programme will, however, be significant through its mitigation of the current constraints placed on the region's competitiveness by geography and the difficulty of accessing markets. Other direct benefits will arise, in the short- and medium-term, through the construction of rural infrastructure - stimulating output and employment, promoting domestic market activity and market integration, and facilitating access to regional international markets. In order to have an immediate impact on hunger, these production-related investments need to be complemented by targeted safety nets and measures to address food emergencies. A school- feeding programme based mainly on community-managed school gardens for 100 million children, for instance, would cost US$2-3 billion and there is ample shared experience among FAO, IFAD and WFP in implementing such programmes. Provision of safety nets is important in allowing the weak and vulnerable to participate in long-term development.

US food aid is key to immediate hunger relief as well as spurring long term community development while strengthening the agriculture base USAID in 95 (“Food Security and Policy Paper” 3/17/95 http://www.usaid.gov/our_work/humanitarian_assistance/ffp/pnabu219.pdf accessed on July 27, 2007 pg. 17-19) Title II and Title III of P.L. 480--the food aid programs USAID administers directly--total nearly $1 billion per year. Food aid is a very flexible resource and can be used to support improved food security in a variety of ways. However, food aid is also a specialized resource which requires careful consideration of programming circumstances and careful management. A. The Nature of Food Aid Food aid is a resource transfer which can be conveyed in kind or monetized. In past, food aid has served a wide range of U.S. government purposes: surplus commodity disposal, relief aid and diverse development interventions. It has proven flexible enough so that it can be used in a variety of forms: balance of payments support, local currency for projects, or in directed feeding programs. In many cases, food-aid sales transactions within the recipient country have, in their own right, been an important development tool, helping to strengthen markets and encouraging policy change. U.S. private voluntary organizations (PVOs) manage more than half of USAID administered food aid. Drawing on their own resources and management capacity, PVOs provide a unique and invaluable capacity to manage local, community-based programs which directly reach the poor. Local currency generated from the sale of food commodities provides an important complementary resource the PVOs can reinvest in activities designed to improve food security. 1. Special Strengths: One of the obvious strengths of food aid is its immediate application in feeding people--either as part of a humanitarian relief effort, as part of a recovery strategy or as part of a broader development effort. In situations where food-as-food is critical to humanitarian or development progress, food aid is the preferred USAID resource. Food aid can also enhance the effectiveness of other development programs such as nutrition education, family planning, child survival, and community development projects. This can be accomplished either through directed feeding or through "monetization" to generate local currency. An historic advantage of food aid was it was "cheap" in terms of costs to the U.S. foreign assistance budget. For nearly four decades, food aid helped dispose of U.S. domestic agricultural surplus. It provided real benefits to American farmers, and reduced storage and handling costs to the U.S. government. However, with the onset in the late 1980s of new agricultural policies designed to reduce surpluses, (now embodied as well in the Uruguay Round of GATT), surplus commodities have and will continue to decline precipitously. No longer can food aid be considered a cheap resource for development and relief. The budget for food aid is now equally subject to the constraints which confront the overall U.S. foreign assistance budget. A dollar spent on food aid is a dollar not spent on "development assistance" and vice versa.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 66 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* US action key

Food security is worsening and an increase in US aid is vital to any international effort to prevent hunger David Evans (Vice Chair Alliance For Food Aid) May 24 2007 House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee: Africa And Global Health Headline: International Food Aid Programs Food security is negatively affected by a wide range of issues, including poor agricultural productivity; high unemployment; low and unpredictable incomes; remoteness of farm communities; susceptibility to natural disasters, civil unrest and instability; wide discrepancies between the well-off and the poor; chronic disease; and lack of basic health, education, water and sanitation services. Thus, rather than just distributing food to needy people, US food aid has evolved into a multi-faceted program that addresses the underlying causes of hunger and poverty. This mixture of food and support for local development is the program's strength and was reinforced in the 2002 Farm Bill. However, the Administration was given wide berth to set priorities and waive requirements, which has taken food aid down a different road than anticipated in 2002. Policy changes over the past five years have essentially reduced overall food aid levels (particularly by eliminating Section 416 surplus commodities and Title I appropriations), shrunk development-oriented programs to 42% their 2001 levels (according to an April 2007 GAO report) , and exposed the lack of contingency planning for food emergencies. While the 2002 Farm Bill called for increased levels of PL 480 Title II development programs to 1,875,000 metric tons, instead these programs were reduced and are now about 750,000 metric tons. The 2002 Bill also called for upgrades and improvements in governmental management and information systems, but instead the level of programming has become less predictable; program priorities and proposal review processes have become more opaque; the "consultative" nature Food Aid Consultative Group process has deteriorated; Title II procedures are making it more difficult for PVOs to access funding; and commodity quality control systems have not been renovated to modern standards. Meanwhile, the world's efforts to meet the Millennium Development Goal of cutting hunger in half by 2015 is far from reach - the number of people suffering from chronic hunger increased from 1996 to 2004 from under 800 million to 842 million -- and international appeals for emergency food aid are under- funded. While US food aid alone cannot resolve this sad and complex problem, it is a critical component of an international food security strategy and is particularly effective in countries with chronic food deficits and for vulnerable, low-income populations.

The US must amend PL 280 with a minimum tonnage requirement- this will ensure vital nutrition and solve poverty Cary Wickstrom (Immediate Past President of the Colorado Wheat Administrative Committee on behalf of U.S. Wheat Associates’ Food Aid Working Group) May 10 2007 http://agriculture.house.gov/testimony/110/h70510b/Wickstrom.doc accessed 07/25/07) The United States is the most generous nation in the world when it comes to food aid. As noted by Agriculture Secretary Mike Johanns during his speech at the International Food Aid Conference in April, we give half of the world’s food aid, followed by ten percent given by the European Union, the second largest contributor. Of the food aid that the United States provides, wheat is by far the largest commodity supplied. It makes up from 40-50 percent on average of all food aid tonnage and went to 30 different countries last year. Sixty-two percent of that wheat in the 2005/06 marketing year is of the hard red winter and hard white winter classes. These are the two classes of wheat that I produce. Funding The wheat industry encourages reauthorization of Title I of PL 480 funding as an additional tool to fund Food for Progress (FFP). We recommend no less than 1,200,000 metric tons (MT) under Title II programs, which would require roughly $600 million to provide commodities and support funds. Specifically for FFP programs the wheat industry supports a minimum level of 500,000 MT and a freight expense cap (currently $40 million) high enough to allow this. The freight cap should not limit approval of FFP projects. We also support the expansion of McGovern-Dole and the full replenishment of the Bill Emerson Humanitarian Trust (emergency food aid). Wheat Donations Save and Improve Lives With a global presence, the U.S. wheat industry is intimately familiar with the impact that the agricultural community has on improving the quality of life for so many people in difficult conditions worldwide. The wheat industry has a strong commitment to food aid and humanitarian assistance. In Ghana for example, wheat donations provided funding for local NGOs to reduce food and livelihood insecurity in 10 vulnerable farm districts in Ghana with a goal of reaching some 130,000 households in 250 farmer communities in the next two years. Involvement by the U.S. wheat industry through USDA food aid programs contributed to improving the quality of life in rural communities including construction of schools and day care centers, on-site school feeding for over 40,000 undernourished children, and over 60,000 girls enrolled in primary schools. Studies indicate the direct link between alleviation of poverty and food insecurity through formal and information education of girls and women. Development programs like these are critical to the goal of reducing chronic hunger and addressing the underlying causes of hunger and poverty, the focus of PL 480 Title II programs.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 67 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Aid and Ag development solve conflict

Africa’s food insecurity leads to conflict and instability- only sustained food aid which promotes agricultural development can solve Jenny Clover (Africa Security Analysis Programme Institute for Security Studies) 2003 “Food Security in sub- Saharan Africa” African Security Review Vol 12 No 1 http://www.iss.co.za/pubs/ASR/12No1/FClover.html) In its response the UN Security Council acknowledged its concern that Africa’s food crisis is a threat to peace and security. Africa, which reversed from being a key exporter of agricultural commodities into being a net importer,7 has the highest percentage of undernourished people and has shown the least progress on reducing the prevalence of undernourishment in the last 30 years. Chronic food insecurity now affects some 28% of the population—that is, nearly 200 million people who are suffering from malnutrition. Acute food insecurity in 2003 is affecting 38 million people in Africa who are facing the outright risk of famine, with 24,000 dying from hunger daily. Famines are the most visible and extreme manifestation of acute food insecurity. Of the 39 countries worldwide that faced food emergencies at the beginning of 2003, 25 are found in Africa. The African continent is now the continent receiving most food aid, with some 30 million people requiring emergency food aid in any one year. Sixty per cent of the WFP’s work now takes place in Africa. Aid officials have estimated that their budget for Africa is $1.4 billion for feeding those who will face starvation in the coming months if they do not receive considerable food assistance.8 It is of great concern that only $700 million had been raised by the end of 2002.9 The hunger crisis spans the entire continent and has grown particularly acute in the wake of two major, simultaneous regional emergencies in the past year. Southern Africa is facing the most severe crisis in which, according to Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO) latest figures, 16.7 million people are in need of emergency assistance to survive until the next harvest in April 2003. This has been a crisis that has emerged in slow motion, the extent of which has become apparent only gradually although the first warning bells were rung as early as mid-2001. During the course of 2002, Malawi, Zimbabwe, Zambia and Lesotho each declared a national disaster and appealed to the international community for help. The most dangerous situation is developing in Zimbabwe, a country which until recently was a surplus food producer. Developments in Swaziland and Mozambique are also of great concern. The continuing response to the food crisis has not stabilised food security and with the 2002/03 crop already compromised and food shortages likely to increase, the current emergency conditions are worsening. This crisis is not going to disappear even with improved climatic conditions; these countries will need ongoing assistance for many years to come in agriculture and health.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 68 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Must develop Ag/local procurement

Food aid alone will not solve for the root cause of food insecurity and hunger- must incorporate agriculture development programs and local procurement of food- Local procurement Federal News Service May 24, 2007 hearing of the subcommittee on Africa and global health of the house committee on foreign affairs; Subject: international food aid programs: options to enhance effectiveness” Chaired by: representative Donald Payne, lexis There is evidence and understanding also that food aid alone will not stop hunger. Today, despite the investments and the progress made over the past 50 years, globally an estimated 820 million people are still food-insecure. Giving food to people will save lives, address short-term hunger needs, but it will not, by itself, save livelihoods or end hunger. How can we improve our food aid programs? Food aid programs need to be able to respond quickly and flexibly to support increasingly more vulnerable and desperate populations, and also integrated with other resources to more effectively halt the loss of livelihoods and try to address the multiple causes of vulnerability. Let me just quickly talk about six areas where we are focusing to improve food aid programs. First, local procurement: I think the most important change that the administration has been seeking in recent appropriation requests and in the administration's farm bill proposals is the authority to use up to 25 percent of the Title II funds for the local or regional purchase of food to assist people threatened by a food crisis. Let me assure you that our U.S.-grown food will continue to play the primary role and will be the first choice in meeting global needs. If provided this authority by the Congress, we would plan to use local and regional purchases judiciously in those situations where fast delivery of food assistance is critical to saving lives.

Increase in food emergencies around the globe has cut into Title II development programs- Only with two pronge approach can long term solvency be guaranteed Federal News Service May 24, 2007 hearing of the subcommittee on Africa and global health of the house committee on foreign affairs; Subject: international food aid programs: options to enhance effectiveness” Chaired by: representative Donald Payne, lexis So much attention is paid on how to bring food into the country, and I'm kind of wondering, do we need a two- pronged approach -- one, the short term that actually has to respond to emergencies, and the second one on how we could prepare and prevent, on the long term, these emergencies from happening in the first place? You know, give a person a fish, they have a meal; teach him how to fish, they have more than one meal. And then our world is beyond that now. In the modern world, we have to -- how to protect the environment so that we can have fish or wheat or corn or water and rain, or whatever it's going to take to be able to have food in the first place. So what programs do you see the United States government being involved in and introducing to encourage sustainable, renewable food production? How can the international community and private, volunteer organizations become more involved? MR. HAMMINK: Thank you very much. This is really a tough one, and your predecessor mentioned this as well. In many of these countries with a growing number of chronically vulnerable people -- Ethiopia, there are other places -- you really need a two-pronged approach simultaneously; one is to bring in the emergency food where it's needed but do it, again, very wisely so that you're not disrupting markets where it's needed for people who are kind of right on the edge or over the edge. And in some countries, that's being done through what's called a safety net program focused on the chronically food-insecure population. And at the same time, through our development food aid programs and, again, linked to other programs where there's development assistance funds, child survival funds, really trying to attack, again, these underlying causes of the food insecurity, especially at the local level -- local and community level. And so you need both of those programs going on simultaneously. The international community is very engaged. All of our partners are American NGOs and, in some cases, local NGOs from the country, and we work very closely with them to both assess the needs and make sure that we're focusing on the development impact. I guess you'll be hearing from some of our NGO colleagues later on the development impact that they've seen. MR. MELITO: The two-prong approach you referred to is actually U.S. policy. It's just that the increasing amount of emergencies has swamped the budget so that for Title II right now, only 20 percent of the budget is available for non-emergency use. So we're having increasing need to spend money on emergency resources, leaving less and less available for non-emergencies, which then puts us further behind. So it's a very difficult situation.

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Procurement of local food solves for transportation delays and conflict zones Federal News Service May 24, 2007 hearing of the subcommittee on Africa and global health of the house committee on foreign affairs; Subject: international food aid programs: options to enhance effectiveness” Chaired by: representative Donald Payne, lexis Could you explain for us the administration's rationale for its proposal to allocate up to 25 percent of the funds available for P.L. 480 Title II funds for local or regional purchases to meet emergency food aid needs? And secondly, as you think about that, how much money would that be approximately? And given that the majority of the emergency food aid is channeled to Africa and that in Africa there is very little surplus to buy, would it be better or could we spend that money in fiscal year on regional purchases of food more effectively? MR. HAMMINK: As you can read in the administration's farm bill proposals, this is something that the administration has been requesting for several years. The rationale revolves mainly around trying to save lives. There are instances where a cease- fire might open up a pipeline to get food in quickly to people who are right on the edge. There are instances where conflict comes up quickly, or a natural disaster hits where food is just not available -- our U.S. food is just not available. And the idea behind this would give us the flexibility, give us that authority to quickly get in there and get food in where it's needed for people who need it quickly before our food can arrive from either the "pre-po" sites or from the United States.

Local food procurement will not increase food prices or undercut US producers Federal News Service May 24, 2007 hearing of the subcommittee on Africa and global health of the house committee on foreign affairs; Subject: international food aid programs: options to enhance effectiveness” Chaired by: representative Donald Payne, lexis The Maritime Aid Coalition claims that cash for local purchase will undercut support for P.L. 480 and will likely result in a decline in food aid. And I wonder, from USAID's standpoint, is there any validity to that claim from the administration's point of view? MR. HAMMINK: The request is for the authority up to 25 percent of the appropriated amount of Title II. That's in -- kind of when a major emergency hits. Even at that level, it still represents or would otherwise be very, very small -- less than 1 percent of overall U.S. agricultural exports -- so we don't think so.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 70 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Buying Local = increase food

Locally purchasing food aid would double food stuff stockpiles while decreasing US costs Mousseau is the senior fellow and Mittal is the executive director at the Oakland Institute, a policy think tank, 2K6 (Frederic and Anuradha “Food sovereignty: ending world hunger in our time” The Humanist Lexis) Food aid needs drastic changes if we really want to diminish worldhunger. If kept separate from trade and other political interests and supported by a consistent aid budget, the replacement of in-kind food aid with local and triangular purchases would double the amount of food available. The current U.S. food aid budgets could be cut in half without a decrease in the overall volume delivered if the food were procured locally.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 71 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Lock Box checks aid diversion

Increase finding levels to 2 billion, 25% of budget for purchase of African food, creation of a lock box are critical to prevent food diversion and solving for food insecurity Ken Hackett (Executive Director of Catholic Relief Services) April 2007 “U.S. Assistance for a Hungry World: Looking Forward”, Catholic Relief Services Speeches and Testimony. http://www.crs.org/newsroom/speeches- testimony/entry.cfm?id=462 I believe if more cash were available through Title II, we would have greater flexibility in carrying out our programs to fight chronic world hunger. More cash through Title II would also help us address emergencies more efficiently. With more cash, there would be less need to monetize food aid. We see monetization as inefficient and often risky. What we need is a food aid budget that is sufficiently robust to cover the needs of emergency programs. The budget must also be powerful enough to combat the causes of chronic hunger with whatever combination of cash and imported commodities is appropriate. This would give us greater flexibility. This solution allows us to decide when and where we want to engage in local or regional purchase. Our bottom line is that we should have no less than $2 billion in resources available from the United States to help meet the needs of the hungry. And we should have it upfront. Piecemeal appropriations for food through supplementals disrupt well-planned programs and provide too little, too late for emergencies. The Administration, in the name of efficiency and flexibility, is proposing to use up to 25% of the Title II budget for the local purchase of commodities during emergencies. Let me very clearly state our position. CRS supports the Administration’s request for greater flexibility through local purchase. Let me add that this proposal would be even stronger if it included local development purchase for developmental, non- emergency programs. In the media, PVOs have been unfairly portrayed as being opposed to the local purchase of food aid commodities. The subtext, when it is not stated outright, is that we’re simply protecting our bottom lines. But the fact is, many PVOs that distribute U.S. food aid also buy food locally when that is the most responsible and appropriate thing to do. Between 2000 and 2005, Catholic Relief Services carried out more than 50 local purchases in 10 countries for commodities. They were valued at nearly $7 million, most of that using our own private funds. However, the fact remains that local purchase is not a panacea. We simply cannot buy all the food we need to feed hungry people in the countries we serve. There are times when local purchase is not feasible because there simply isn’t enough food available locally. Sometimes the food available locally is not of high-enough quality. Sometimes such a large purchase of local food would distort the market and drive up food prices. This turns families who were just getting by into more food aid recipients. At times like these, we must have the ability to import food from elsewhere. There are other ways we can use our food aid dollars more efficiently. We can ensure that the burden of emergency spending does not divert resources from non-emergency development Title II programs. One way to do that more effectively is to use the Bill Emerson Humanitarian Trust. We would like to see the Farm Bill mandate that once Title II resources have been drawn down, additional funds would automatically come from the Emerson Trust, rather than from developmental food aid resources. In other words, developmental food aid would be placed in a “safe box.” We also favor a mechanism to automatically replenish the Trust if tapped for emergencies. The Emerson Trust, with modest changes, can offer a much needed buffer for developmental Title II programs. It can provide a more effective mechanism for addressing extraordinary emergency needs.

The Lock Box is the Safe Box 72 UMKC SDI 2007 Lock Box Affirmative Louie & Todd *P.L. 480 Title II* Gotta have the Safe Box

Safe box for minimum tonnage requirement is critical to keep the minimum tonnage being met Federal News Service May 24, 2007 hearing of the subcommittee on Africa and global health of the house committee on foreign affairs; Subject: international food aid programs: options to enhance effectiveness” Chaired by: representative Donald Payne, lexis Thus we recommend establishing a safe box under the Title II emergency program that assures 1.2 million metric tons will be made available for non-emergency food programs each fiscal year. This will not incur additional outlays as the funding is subject to appropriations and would come out of the total Title II budget. In value terms, this would be approximately $600 million or about 40 percent of recent Title II program levels. Current law directs USAID to make available 1.8 million metric tons of commodities for Title II non-emergency programs each fiscal year. They are permitted to waive this minimum requirement after the beginning of the fiscal year if there are sufficient requests for programs or the commodities are needed -- I'm sorry, insufficient requests for development programs or the commodities are needed for emergencies. This implies that USAID should seek proposals for the full non- emergency minimum tonnage and only waive the minimum under extraordinary circumstances. Instead, months in advance of each fiscal year, USAID decides that non-emergency programs will be limited to about 750,000 metric tons and does not make the minimum tonnage available.

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Emergency relief crushes ag development programs- The establishment of a safe box supported by automatic funding from the Emerson Trust is key to local procurement which produces food security across Africa Federal News Service May 24, 2007 hearing of the subcommittee on Africa and global health of the house committee on foreign affairs; Subject: international food aid programs: options to enhance effectiveness” Chaired by: representative Donald Payne, lexis Over the past several years, support to development programs has dropped significantly as food aid resources have been diverted to meet emergency needs. Catholic Relief Services and other private voluntary agencies support the U.S. government's commitment to emergency response, but we should not help those suffering from acute hunger at the expense of the chronically hungry. Instead, making the Title II food program more effective and more efficient will promote total food security in the partner nations where we serve. I would like to share with you three recommendations that Catholic Relief Services has developed in collaboration with our sister PVOs CARE, Mercy Corps and Save the Children. First, we believe that improving the operation of the Bill Emerson Humanitarian Trust will bolster our response to emergencies. The current mechanism for utilizing the Emerson Trust is far too cumbersome. Delays and red tape create more food insecurity, instead of curbing it. We propose that when Title II emergency resources have been exhausted in a given fiscal year, additional emergency funding would automatically come from the Emerson Trust. Of course, we would also need to ensure that the Emerson Trust is replenished in a timely fashion through immediate refunding from the Commodity Credit Corporation. Second, we propose a bridging mechanism to ensure that there are no funding breaks in the food aid pipeline. We believe the USAID administrator should be authorized to draw on CCC funds to contract for commodities and freight to meet programming needs in the next fiscal year, if the agricultural appropriations bill has not become law by October 1st of the new fiscal year. The CCC would be reimbursed promptly upon enactment of the regular appropriation or permanent continuing resolution. This reform would avoid the need to make small-scale commodity purchases and shipments under continuing resolutions early in the year. Such arrangements push up both commodity and freight costs. They generally force PVOs to scale back and stretch out program resources to try to minimize food insecurity, and they harm participants enrolled in plans and approved programs. Third, Catholic Relief Services and our partners have determined that if more cash were available through Title II we could better fight world hunger. We recommend that Section 202(e), Title II cash resources be increased to 25 percent of the overall Title II budget and that the law be amended to allow greater flexibility in its use for food aid program support. Catholic Relief Services would make three additional recommendations to share with you today. First, we ask that Congress appropriate in a timely way a realistic annual target of ($)2 billion per year for Title II. This amount reflects the actual average of total annual appropriations in the past five years. While this committee can't drive the appropriations schedule, it can intervene by authorizing the bridge financing noted before. Second, we propose that a minimum of $600 million or 50 percent of total Title II resources, whichever is greater, be dedicated exclusively to developmental food aid to address chronic hunger -- in a word, a safe box to ensure that developmental food aid is not routinely diverted to emergency needs. I'd like to share a brief anecdote from when I was the regional director in southern Africa, which illustrates how developmental food aid can address long-term, chronic hunger needs. In Misutu (ph), CRS worked with our local partner to meet the urgent food needs of vulnerable population suffering from a devastating drought while implementing simple but effective measures to address longer-term food security. For example, some of the most vulnerable in Misutu (ph) are those affected by HIV and AIDS. The chronically ill do not have the physical strength to work their fields as they used to when healthy, but instead of relying solely on food aid distribution, our program took the additional step of building simple keyhole gardens. These are a type of kitchen garden in the shape of a skeleton key on a raised platform that allows the grower to cultivate vegetable crops from a standing position. It also uses household waste compost systems to provide cheap but effective fertilizer. This kind of developmental activity contributes to longer-term food security, diminishing the need for food aid over time. Third, Catholic Relief Services supports the administration's request for flexibility in the use of a portion of the Title II budget for local or regional purchase of food. Local purchases from local producers can bolster local food security in certain circumstances and contribute to a faster and more appropriate response to an emergency.

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Title II reforms and the safe box are key to agriculture development in Africa- this is the only solution to chronic hunger and the prevention of emergncies Charles Sandefur (Chairman of the Alliance for Food Aid President, ADRA International) March 21 2007 “Examining the Performance of U.S. Trade and Food Aid Programs for the 2007 Farm Bill”, http://agriculture.senate.gov/Hearings/hearings.cfm?hearingid=2637&witnessId=6170 Food security is negatively affected by a wide range of issues, including poor agricultural productivity; high unemployment; low and unpredictable incomes; remoteness of farm communities; susceptibility to natural disasters, civil unrest and instability; wide discrepancies between the well-off and the poor; chronic disease; and lack of basic health, education, water and sanitation services. Thus, rather than just distributing food to needy people, US food aid has evolved into a multi-faceted program that addresses the underlying causes of hunger and poverty. This mixture of food and support for local development is the program’s strength and was embraced in the 2002 Farm Bill. However, the Administration was given wide berth to set priorities and waive requirements, which has taken food aid down a different road than anticipated in 2002. Policy changes over the past five years have essentially reduced overall food aid levels (particularly by eliminating Section 416 surplus commodities and Title I appropriations), shrunk development-oriented programs to half their 2002 levels, and exposed the lack of contingency planning for food emergencies. While the 2002 Farm Bill called for increased levels of PL 480 Title II development programs to 1,875,000 metric tons, instead these programs were reduced and are now about 750,000 metric tons. The 2002 Bill also called for upgrades and improvements in governmental management and information systems, but instead the level of programming has become less predictable; program priorities and proposal review processes have become more opaque; the “consultative” nature Food Aid Consultative Group process has deteriorated; Title II procedures are making it more difficult for PVOs to access funding; and commodity quality control systems have not been renovated to modern standards. Meanwhile, the world’s efforts to meet the Millennium Development Goal of cutting hunger in half by 2015 is far from reach – the number of people suffering from chronic hunger increased from 1996 to 2004 from under 800 million to 842 million -- and international appeals for emergency food aid are under-funded. While US food aid alone cannot resolve this sad and complex problem, it is a critical component of an international food security strategy and is particularly effective in countries with chronic food deficits and for vulnerable, low-income populations. Several food aid statutes set tonnage minimums – to assure that food is provided in times of high prices. These requirements are important, but they need to be updated and supported by sufficient appropriations. With these factors and trends in mind, we offer recommendations to improve the quality and predictability of food aid, and to assure the United States has a plan and effective methods to address both chronic and emergency needs. PL 480 Title II – the Core US Food Aid Program: 1. Importance of Assuring Adequate Funding and Predictable Tonnage Levels: We recommend maintaining the Title II minimum tonnage, and urge you to consider increasing the level. Administered by the US Agency for International Development (USAID), Title II provides food aid donations for development programs and emergency needs through PVOs and the UN World Food Program. Just to maintain minimal levels of food intake in 70 needy countries monitored by the USDA Economic Research Service, annual worldwide food aid needs are 15,200,000 MT. The law sets a minimum tonnage level of 2,500,000 metric tons for Title II, which meets only 16% of annual chronic needs identified by ERS. From FY 1999 through FY 2002, most emergency food aid was provided through the Section 416 surplus commodity program. However, as the attached funding chart shows, availability of Section 416 surplus commodities diminished since FY 2001. While Title II funding has been increased since FY 2001, this increase is insufficient to make up for the loss of Section 416 and cannot maintain adequate levels for both emergency and non-emergency requirements. This has resulted in cutbacks in developmental food aid programs and increased reliance on supplemental appropriations to fill gaps in emergencies. In several recent years, after supplemental appropriations were provided, actual Title II program levels reached 3,000,000 metric tons. Increasing the minimum tonnage can help to leverage adequate appropriations at the beginning of the fiscal year, rather than waiting for supplemental appropriations. On-time appropriations would allow orderly program planning and more timely and efficient delivery of commodities throughout the year, without program disruptions. While some emergencies, such as sudden natural disasters and outbreak of civil war, are not anticipated before the beginning of the fiscal, many are anticipated, although the exact levels needed may not be clear. For example, areas such as the Horn of Africa that are prone to drought, flooding, locusts or other natural disasters are monitored through a variety of early warning systems. Other emergencies, such as ongoing conflict in Sudan, are expected to continue until the source of the problem is resolved. Because the Administration does not ask for adequate funding to meet these anticipated emergency needs, funds have been withheld from the nonemergency programs for several months as USAID adjusts its budget and waits to see if there will be supplemental funding. As a result, there are gaps in food aid deliveries for both emergency and nonemergency programs, PVOs must cover local costs while programs are on hold, and some programs are, de facto, cut back. In several recent years, after supplemental appropriations were provided, actual Title II program levels reached 3,000,000 metric tons. Increasing the minimum tonnage could help to leverage adequate appropriations at the beginning of the fiscal year, rather than waiting for supplemental appropriations. On-time appropriations would allow orderly program planning and more timely and efficient delivery of commodities throughout the year, without program disruptions. When adequate sums are available, more commodities can be pre-positioned off-shore for more timely deliveries if an emergency arises. The procurement can be spread out throughout the year, which will allow USDA to plan its procurement to get the best prices possible for commodity and inland transport. 2. A Safebox for Developmental Food Aid Programs: We recommend requiring no less than 1,200,000 metric tons or $600 million for non-emergency Title II programs each fiscal year, and that this minimum cannot be waived. A consequence of trying to provide all emergency food aid out of the Title II budget is a reduction in non-emergency food aid programs. Section 204(a)(2) of the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act sets a minimum tonnage of 1,875,000 metric tons for Title II non-emergency programs. The law permits USAID to waive this minimum after the beginning of the fiscal year if there are insufficient requests for programs or the commodities are needed for emergencies. However, no attempts are being made by the Administration to seek proposals for 1,875,000 metric tons and preemptively, it is known that it will be waived. The program is effectively being capped at $350,000,000 for the cost of commodities, ocean freight, delivery (called internal transportation, storage and handling, or “ITSH”) and related support costs (called “section 202(e) funds”), or about 750,000 metric tons. As a result, programs that address the underlying causes of chronic hunger, such as mother-child health care, agricultural and rural development, food as payment for work on community infrastructure projects, school meals, take home rations for poor and hungry families, and programs targeting HIV/AIDS-affected communities are being curtailed. Chronic hunger leads to high infant and child mortality and morbidity, poor physical and cognitive development, low productivity, high susceptibility to disease, and premature death. We believe this is counterproductive, as developmental food aid helps improve people’s resilience to droughts and economic downturns. Giving people the means to improve their lives also provides hope for a better future and helps stabilize vulnerable areas. Reports accompanying appropriations bills for the past 5 years admonish the Administration to meet the Title II non-emergency minimum tonnage and to rely on the Bill Emerson Humanitarian Trust for urgent needs. However, this language has had no perceivable effect. Therefore, we ask the Committee to create a safebox for non-emergency programs within Title II to assure a reasonable minimum level is provided each year and this level cannot be waived. As a first step, we recommend the safebox include 1,200,000 metric tons and sufficient funds to support these programs, for a total value of commodities, freight, delivery and support costs of $600 million. We also note with alarm that due to budget constraints, in 2006 USAID established a policy to limit non-emergency food aid to fewer countries in order to “focus” the remaining resources. Under this policy, non-emergency programs are being phased out in 17 countries and cutback in others and programs will be allowed in only 15-18 selected countries. Concentrating food aid resources in areas where there is high prevalence of food insecurity and vulnerability is appropriate and is also anticipated in the USAID Food for Peace Strategic Plan, 2006- 2010. However, the current policy eliminates too many areas where chronic hunger is prevalent and was driven by the decision to reduce the budget for non-emergency programs. Many poor, vulnerable populations will be excluded from receiving food aid, even though their needs are as compelling as those populations that will be served.

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A paradigm shift has happen. Food insecurity is now considered a public health issue C.N. Mwikisa (Director of the Division of Healthy Environments and Sustainable Development at WHO Regional Office for Africa) 2005 FINAL REPORT: FAO/WHO Regional Conference on Food Safety for Africa, 3–6 October 2005, Harare, Zimbabwe pg. http://www.fao.org/docrep/meeting/010/a0215e/A0215E20.htm#ann5 Globally, there is a paradigm shift, which will no longer only consider food as an agricultural/trade commodity but also as a public health issue. At the international level, the 1992 FAO/WHO International Conference on Nutrition recognized that ‘access to nutritionally adequate and safe food as a right of each individual’. As a basic human right, food safety was endorsed by the World Health Assembly in May 2000 and accepted by all Ministries of Health as an essential public health function. WHO in consultation with its Member States developed a Global Strategy for Food Safety, which provides guidance to WHO and countries' activity in this area. At the regional level, Resolution AFR/RC53/R5 endorsed by the WHO Regional Committee for Africa in 2003 urged the Regional Director and Member States to strive to improve food safety programs in order to assure the safety of the food of the people in the region.

Food is an essential public health issue (T) Canadian Nurses Association 2000 www.cna- nurses.ca/CNA/documents/pdf/publications/PS51_Food_safety_security_Nov_2001_e.pdf Food is not only an agricultural and trade commodity but also an essential public health issue. There are three food-related health hazards: malnutrition, contamination of food products and food additives. CNA believes that addressing each of these hazards will improve the overall health of the population, reduce the need for health care and increase productivity.

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Average budget has been 1.8 billion- plan will not be perceived as huge budget increases Federal News Service May 24, 2007 hearing of the subcommittee on Africa and global health of the house committee on foreign affairs; Subject: international food aid programs: options to enhance effectiveness” Chaired by: representative Donald Payne, lexis MR. HAMMINK: Thank you, Mr. Chairman, members of the subcommittee. I'm very pleased to be here today with you to examine the performance of U.S. Title II Food Aid Programs managed by USAID. The Title II Food for Peace program is a 53-year-old institution -- thank you -- institution that has saved the lives of many, many millions of people around the world. It is an institution that Americans across the country recognize and can be extremely proud of. As was mentioned, the last three years' average for our Title II program was almost $1.8 billion for more than 2.3 million metric tons of food.

2 billion will allow for Title II to meet emergency needs and agriculture development projects Sean Callahan (vice -president for Overseas Operations at Catholic Relief Services) May 2006 “Testimony before the House International Relations Committee, Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights and International Operations”, Catholic Relief Services Speeches and Testimony, http://www.crs.org/newsroom/speeches- testimony/entry.cfm?id=459 To provide a nutrition supplement to the most undernourished 10 percent of the world’s population would cost $3.3 Billion a year. An authorization of $2 billion a year in the 2007 Farm Bill for PL 480 Title II would meet 60% of these needs. We would expect European, Asian and even African donors to make up the remaining shortfall. The U.S. share of total global food aid has ranged from 40% in the early 1990s to approximately 60% in recent years. The U.S. food aid contributions for PL 480 Title II (regular appropriations plus supplementals) have neared or exceeded$2 Billion several times since 2001. This is not a large amount in historical terms either. If we adjust for inflation, in real dollars the United States spent more than $8 billion a year in food aid during the mid-60s. In 1988 the Congress passed and President Ronald Reagan signed a measure that stated that food aid should not be less than one-third of all United States foreign economic assistance. We can’t expect you to match one-third of the FY 07 Foreign Operations budget for development and economic assistance with food aid. But if we were to honor the spirit of the law, we would have the $2 billion in annual appropriations, an amount necessary for Title II to meet the most urgent emergency needs while preserving our ability to carry out quality, sustainable development programs.

2 billion is necessary to maintain Title II programs Sean Callahan (vice -president for Overseas Operations at Catholic Relief Services) May 2006 “Testimony before the House International Relations Committee, Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights and International Operations”, Catholic Relief Services Speeches and Testimony, http://www.crs.org/newsroom/speeches- testimony/entry.cfm?id=459 Mr. Chairman, I next want to highlight this morning the effectiveness of PL 480 Title II feeding programs and the need for this committee to support a $2 billion authorization for Title II. This level will allow the U.S. to meet our share of relief and development commitments around the This $2 billion level needs to be authorized and appropriated “up front” in the budget process and not be done piecemeal through an under funded regular bill followed by one or more supplemental appropriations.

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Giving food aid to Africa is Roadblocked by Congress Celia W. Dugger October 12, 2005 NY Times “African Food for Africa's Starving Is Roadblocked in Congress” It seemed like a no-brainer: changing the law to allow the federal government to buy food in Africa for Africans facing starvation instead of paying enormous sums to ship it from the American heartland, halfway around the world. Not only would the food get to the hungry in weeks instead of months, the government would save money and help African farmers at the same time. Fundamentally, because the proposal challenges the political bargain that has formed the basis for food aid over the past half century: that American generosity must be good not just for the world's hungry but also for American agriculture. That is why current law stipulates that all food aid provided by the United States Agency for International Development be grown by American farmers and mostly shipped on United States-flag vessels. More practically, however, it is because the administration's proposal has run into opposition from three interests some critics call the Iron Triangle of food aid: agribusiness, the shipping industry and charitable organizations.

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Bush proposal to use 25% of budget to buy African nation produced food would save a million people. Congress had blocked the proposal twice because of lobbies Celia W. Dugger (Saff) April 7, 2007 “Even as Africa Hungers, Policy Slows Delivery of U.S. Food Aid”, http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/07/world/africa/07zambia.html? ex=1333598400&en=7481956658df4509&ei=5088&partner=rssnyt&emc=rss But the law in the United States requires that virtually all its donated food be grown in America and shipped at great expense across oceans, mostly on vessels that fly American flags and employ American crews — a process that typically takes four to six months. For a third year, the Bush administration, which has pushed to make foreign aid more efficient, is trying to change the law to allow the United States to use up to a quarter of the budget of its main food aid program to buy food in developing countries during emergencies. The proposal has run into stiff opposition from a potent alliance of agribusiness, shipping and charitable groups with deep financial stakes in the current food aid system. Oxfam, the international aid group, and other proponents of the Bush proposal say it would enable the United States to feed more people more quickly, while helping to fight poverty by buying the crops of peasants in poor countries. The United States Agency for International Development estimated that if Congress adopted the Bush proposal, the United States could annually feed at least a million more people for six months and save 50,000 more lives. But Congress quickly killed the plan in each of the past two years, cautioning that untying food aid from domestic interest groups would weaken the commitment that has made the United States by far the largest food aid donor in a world where 850 million go hungry.

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Politics Links- Lobbies will backlash Celia W. Dugger (Saff) April 7, 2007 “Even as Africa Hungers, Policy Slows Delivery of U.S. Food Aid”, http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/07/world/africa/07zambia.html? ex=1333598400&en=7481956658df4509&ei=5088&partner=rssnyt&emc=rss Representative Tom Lantos, Democrat of California and chairman of the House Foreign Relations Committee, warned last year at a food aid conference in Washington that decoupling food aid from American maritime and agribusiness interests was “beyond insane.” “It is a mistake of gigantic proportions,” he said, “because support for such a program will vanish overnight, overnight.”

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