A Brief History of India and Pakistan
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A BRIEF HISTORY OF INDIA AND PAKISTAN
(Q. & A. 711 to 1707 with solved Papers
CSS 1971 to date) bj: M. Sohail Bhatti.
^ A BRIEF HISTORY OF ISLAM
(Q. & A. Holy Life to Umayyads Period) bj- M. Sohail Bhatti.
> PAKISTAN AFFAIRS
(1857 to date) by: M. Sohail Bhatti. Note: It also covers Indian Historj Paper II.
/?.s 300
AS 150
7?s. 300
> OBJECTIVE/MCQ’S PAK STUDIES by: M. Sohail Bhatti. As 250
Note: It also covers objective/MCQ’s of Indian History Paper 1 and II (CSS)
> OBJECTIVE/MCQ’S INDIAN HISTORY bj: M. Sohail Bhatti. As 150
> POLITICAL AND CULTURAL HISTORY OF
MUSLIM SPAIN bv: Dr. Rashid Ahmad Shibli As 250
ESSAYS ON PAKISTAN bv: M. Sohail Bhatti.
R\ 150
CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN
PAKISTAN bj • A.G Cboudhary based on G.W. Choudharv ”s Rs. 250
HISTORY OF UMAYYADS & ABBASIDS bv M. Sohail Bhatti. As ISO
PREFACE
This is a companion volume to ”Administrative and Cultural Histor> of Islam” published in 1991. It has been \\ritten in response to a persistent demand of a large number of those readers who have studied my first book. The purpose of this book is to describe the political and cultural aspects of Islamic historj in a concise jet comprehensive vvaj This deals not onlj \\ith the political and cultural aspects but gives the full account of the economic and social historv from the Jahilya period to the Ottomans Empire.
The Cultural Historj of the Arabs virtuallv begins in the seventh centurj, which witnessed the rise of Islam and the northward expansion of Arab power-a power destined to dominate a large part of the inhabited world in less than a centurj. Not onlj did the new religion provided the Arabs with coherent \vorld view and enable them to transcend the narrow confines of their tribal existence, but it thrust them almost forciblj upon the cultural stage of the ancient Near East, setting before iliem dazzling treasures of older civilizations. The Arabs suddenly found themselves in possession of the chief monuments of ancient learning: Greek philosopln and science, Persian literary and politicat wisdom. Indian medicine and mathematics, especially under the Ma’mun.
Confronted with this rich and complex cultural legacy, they faced a major challenge-the need to reconcile Islam with the secular knowledge of their subject peoples and thus provide their faith with the same intellectual resilience that the two other great religions of the Near East, Judaism and Christianity, had achieved after centuries of strife.
Despite the numerous political and theological tensions that inevitablj arose, we can see in retrospect that the Arabs were able, throughout a period extending from the downfall of the Persian and Byzantine empires in the seventh century to the earh Renaissance in the fourteenth, to assimilate almost the whole of ancient learning, to integrate it into their own cultural life and to raise the level of knowledge in the fields of medicine, botanj’. agriculture, mathematics, physics, alcheim, astronomy and philosophv to unprecedented heights. In fact, they served for almost half a millennium as the sole custodians of Greek and other ancient learning, at a time when western Europe was plunged in darkness, having served all but the most tenuous connections with the cultures of the ancient world. i Arabs \\erc the medium through \\liicli ancient science and philosophv v\ere recovered, supplemented and transmitted in such a \\a_v as to make possible the Renaissance of western Europe and in .ill this Arabic Spam had a large share.
”Ihis book comprises ten parts-the first part begins v\ith ”\rabia before Islam” co\ers the political and social history of the \rabs. The second deals \\ith the e\enls in the life of Muhammad (PHI II). The third is the political and cultural history under the Orthodox Caliphate. The fourth describes the detail events under the L’mav.ads. I he fifth covers the political and cultural development under the Abbasids. The sixth is about the cultural and political heritage of Moors. The seventh is about the Fatimids of Egypt. The eighth covers the Safvids’ civilisation especiallv under the Shah Abbas I. The ninth one covers the historv of Ottomans. The last part deals uith the eminent scholars of Medieval Islam.
The purpose of this book is to provide readable material for University students and candidates for competitive examinations. I am proud of for having advices and assistance from my most respected teachers. Professor Dr. Sacliq Ali Gill. Professor Muhammad Aslam. Professor Syed Qamar Abbas. Professor Muhammad Iqbal Chawala and Professor Afzal Haq Qarshi.
It gives me great pleasure to thank Khalicl Javed, who worked for da> and night to make the book complete. 1 am equall> indebted to Professor Ghitlnm Qaciar Dogar. I pay my thanks to Javed Ahmad who made the layout of this book. I express my deep appreciation and thanks to Mr. Masood-ul-IIassan Sheikh who with special interest to improve this book. 1 will always welcome constructive criticism from the readers and hope that they well point out the shortcoming and the mistakes.
Author
CONTENTS
Preface , 5
ARABIA BEFORE ISLAM Chapter 1: Arabia Before Islam
Geography of Arabia 29
Climatic Conditions 30
Flora and Fauna 3 !
The Ancestors of Arabs 32
Inhabitants of Arabia V«
Arabia and Her Neighbours 34
Political Conditions 39
Tribal Solidarity 41
Economic Conditions 44
Religious Conditions 45
Social and Moral Conditions 47 Moral Degradation r 49
Status of Women 49
Cultural Conditions 51
HOLY PROPHET Chapter 2: Muhammad (PBUH) From Early Life to Prophethood
World Before Holy Prophet ,...’.. 53
Birth of Muhammad (PBUH) ’. 54
Infancy and Childhood 54
Death of Hasrat Aminah 55
Guardianship of Abdul Muttalib 55
Guardianship of Abu Talib 56
Journev to Svria 56
The WarofFijar 58
The League of Fuzul „ 59
Muhammad’s (PBUH) Marriage with Hazrat l\JiaJijali 59
Prophethood 60
Chapter 3: From Call to Second Pledge of I’qbali
The Earl> Converts 62
Persecutions 64
Public Preaching and Dar-e-Arqam 65
Hostility of Quraysh and its Causes 6”?
The Political Causes of the Hostility b> Ouraysh 68
Migration Towards Habsha 69
Social Boycott 72
A Great Personal Loss 72 Zeal for Da’wah 74
First Covenant of Uqbah 75
Second Covenant of Uqbah 75
Quraysh and the Covenant of Uqbah 78
Chapter 4: The Hijrah
Hijrah 79
Events 79
Migration as the First Step of Islamic Revolution 80
Refugees in Medina 81
Importance of Hijrah 82
Chapter 5: The Prophet (PBUH) at Medina
Hol\ Prophet at Medina 86
Establishment of a New Center for Islamic Da’vva 87
Muslim Brotherhood 89
The Charter of Medina .• 90
Background 90
The Authenticity of the Document 93
Political Clauses of the Charter 95
Importance 96
Chapter 6: The Battle of Badr
War Policy of the Holy Prophet 99
Regulations of War 100
Practice of the Holy Prophet 101
The Battle of Badr 101
Causes and Background of the Battle 102
Quraysh’s Threat to Muslims 102 The Growing Strength of Islam 102
Military Expeditions against Muslims 103
Role of Abdullah binObay 103
Conspiration of the Jews 103
Qura>sh’s Plan to Attack on Medina 104
Growing Power of the Hol> Prophet 104
Threat to Quraysh’s Social and Economic Leadership ’. 104
Decision to Clash with the Army instead of a Trade Caravan 104
Incident of Nakhlah 105
Events 106
Individual Combats 106
General Attack 107
Kindness with the Prisoner of War 108
Results 109
An Ideological War 109
10 10 10
.11
12
13 13
14
15
Firm Position of the Holy Prophet
A Great Victory
Triumph of Truth over Falsehood Effect on the Jews
Serious Disaster for Makkahans
Enhancement in the Physical Power of the Muslims
Glorious Spiritual Victor)
Decisive Battle in the History of Islam
Consolidation of Islam
Effects of the Battle of Badr on the Arabs
Chapter 7: The Battle of Uhud
Causes of the Battle
Events 118
Victory Turned into Defeat 119
Hol> Quran on the Battle of Uhud 121
A Great Lesson for the Muslims t 122
Effects of the Battle of Uhud 123
ChapterS: The Battle of Ahzab
Causes 125
Events 127
Results .-, 129
Chapter 9: The Treaty of Hudaibia
Muslims’ Preparation for Hajj , 133
Bait-e-Rizwan 133
Results 135
Importance 136
Treaty Proves Advantageous to the Muslims 136
Great Moral Victory 137
Chapter 10: Conquest of Khayber Jews of Khayber 139
Jens’ Plot Against Muslims 140
Preparation of Jews 140
Victor} 141
Jewish Despair and Collapse 142
Submission of the People of Fadak 145
Relations with Jews 145
Elimination of Jewish influence in Arabia 146
Opinions of Various Authors on Banu Qurai/ah’s Fate 147
Chapter 11: The Battle of Mutah
Causes 150
Events 150 Effects of the Battle of Mutali 151
Chapter 12: The Fall of Makkah
Events Leading to the Conquest of Makkah 152
Preparation for the Conquest of Makkah 153
The Ouravsh Taken by Surprise 154
The Conquest of Makkah 154
Exemplar. Forgiveness of the Enemies 155
Holv Prophet Enters Makkah 156
Opinion of Some Writers about the Holy Prophet’s Magnanimity I 57
The Address on the Victorv 159
Magnanimity Unparalleled in the Annals of Mankind 159
Chapter 13: The Battle of Hunain
Hauazin and Thaqif 160
The Holv Prophet Starts to Meet Havvazin and Thaqif 161
Battlefield 161
Victor} 162
Effects of the Conquest of Makkah and the Victorv of Hunain 163
Siege to Ta’if 164
Generositv of the Holy Prophet 165
Historical Speech to Ansar 165
Chapter 14: The Expedition oi’Talnik
Threats of Romans 167
Hardship in the Journey 168
The Response to this Appeal 168
Romans Retire to Syria 169
I lolv Prophet’s Speech at Tabtik 170 Chapter 15: Muhammad’s (PBUH) Last Message
Khutbah llajjatul Wacla I 72
Significance of the Address 1 77
Chapter 16: Administration Under the Holy Prophet (PBUH)
Sovereign 183
Secretariat 183
Revenue System 18-1
Military System of the State 185
Religious Organization 185
THE PIOUS CALIPHS
Chapter 17: Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A)
I. lie Before Islam 187
First Man to Accept Islam 187
Hardships for Da’wat 188
Miscellaneous Services for the cause of Islam in Makk.ih . 189
10
Abu Bakr (Rad.A) Gets the fitle of Siddique 190
Imam of Prophet’s Mosque 190
Caliphate 191
Abu Bakr (Rad.A) Chosen as the First Khalifah 192
Problems Faced by Hazrat Abu Bakr Siddique as a Caliph 194
Iranian’s Expedition 195
False Prophets 196
Asuad Ansi 196
Sajah bint al-Harith Musailimah Kazzab 196 Apostasy Movement 197
Start of Era of Conquest 199
Despatch of Eleven Expeditions 200
Orders for Regulating the Conduct of Commanders 201
The Real Aim of Mitigating Heresy 201
Expedition to Iraq 203
Battle of Chains 204
The Fall of Hira and Battle of Firaz .” 204
Ha/rat Khalid bin Walid 205
Expedition to Syria 206
Battle of Ajnadayn 209
Governors and their Duties ...,._.. 21 1
State Revenue , 212
Alms Tax ’<•’. 213
State Organization 213
Judiciary 214
Administration of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) 215
Democratic Way of His Government 215
Shura 215
Appointment of Officers 216
Bait-ul-Mal and Revenue Administration 217
Army and its Administration 218
Jurists 219
Judiciary 219
Punishments 219
Division of Arabia 219 Death and Review of His Achievements 220
Abu Bakr (Rad.A). A Saviour of Islam 222
Collection of the Holy Quran 222
Preaching of Islam 223
Character 224
Chapter 18: Hazrat I mar (Had. \)
Life Before Islam 22 Hazrat Umar’s Acceptance of Islam 228
Hazrat Umar (Rad. A) Gets the title of al-Farooq 229
Migration to Medina 229
Hazrat Umar (Rad. A) as the Second Caliph of Islam 230
Fall of Persian Empire 230
Battle of Namariq 231
Battle of Bridge 231
Battle of Buuaib 231
Change of Persian Ruler 232
Battle of Qadisiya 234
Fall of Mada’in 236
Battle of Jaliila 237
Muslim Rule Over the Persian Empire 237
Cities of Basra and Kufa 238
Battle of Yarmuk 238
Removal of Hazrat Khalid bin Walid 239
Fall of Jerusalem 240
Umar’s Mosque at Jerusalem 240
Conquest of Jazirah and Mesopotamia 241
Severe Famine and Plague 242
The Conquest of Egypt 242
Hazrat Umar the Pioneer of Islamic Democracy 246
Islamic Republic based upon Shura 245
Freedom of Opinion 246
Provincial Administration 247 it Judiciary 249
Department of Education 250
Police Department and Institution of Prisons 250
Bait-ul-Maal 251
Survey of Land in Iraq 252
Jizya 253
Personal Care of the Public and Stipends to Disabled
Persons and the Poor 254
Construction of Mosques and Establishment of School 254
Erection of New Cities 255
Special Care of Agriculture 255
Introduction of Islamic Calendar 255
Regular Armv 255
Preservation of Islamic Practice and Culture 257
Martvrdom of Ha/rat Umar (Rad.A) 258
Charactei 258
Piety 259
Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) as a Great Scholar 260
Preaching of Islam 261
Umar’s Period was the Golden Age of Islamic History 262
Chapter 19: Hazrat Usman (Rad.A)
Early Life 263
Acceptance of Islam 263
Usman (Rad.A) Gets the Title of 7hun Nlurain 264
His Other Services for the Cause of Islam before Caliphate 264
Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) as the Third Caliph 265 Administration of Svria 266
Roman Invasion of Alexandria 266
Administration of Egypt 267
Conquest of Anatolia 267
Administration of Iraq 267
Rebellion of Azerbaijan and Armenia 268
Administration of Iran : 269
Conquest of Afghanistan 269
Conquest of Khurasan and Tabrastan 269
Conquest of North Africa 270
Second Invasion of Alexandria bv Romans 270
Invasion of Spain .”!.’ 270
Internal Disorder :; 271
Conspiracy of Abdullah bin Saba 272
Allegations against Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) 274
Conference of the Governors 277
Tour of the Mission 277
Saba Gets Friends 277
Plan of the Sabaites 278
Martyrdom 280
Siege of Khalifah’s House 280
Consequences of Flazrat Usman’s (Rad.A) Assassination 283
Victories 284
Official Manuscript of the Holy Quran 284
Preaching 285 Construction of Buildings 285
Usman (Rad.A) as a Great Scholar 286
Administration of Hazrat Usman (Rad. A) 286
Shura 286
\dministration of the Provinces 286
Administration of the Armed Forces 287 Administiation of Public ”lieasuiv and Revenue
Chaiactei
Assessment
Chapter 20: Ha/rat Ah (Rad.\)
[ ailv I ile
Pioblems F aced bv Ha/iat Ah (Rad A) as a C aliph
Disobedience of Abdullah bin Saba and Otheis Sabaites
Haziat All (Rad A) Seeks to Aseeitam the Names ol
Haziat Usman (Rad A) Assassins
Ha/iat Ah (Rad A) Dismisses the Govemois
Ha/iat Amu Mu’avviv,a’s Demand loi \ssassnis
Ha/iat Aisha’s Demand toi C hastisement ol Assassins
Ha/i at Aisha goes to Basia
Civil Wai
Haziat Ah (Rad A) Seeks Peace
Battle of lamal
Change ot Capital
Ha/iat All’s final invitation to Ha/iat Mu’auiva
Battle of Sitfin
Aibitiation
Khavsanj
Ah (Rad A) Sends Hr Lmissaiv to khauaii]
Veidict of the Aibitiatois
Split in Muslim Coinmumtv
Khaiijite ”Tiouble
Unvvillingness to Maich to Syna Loss of Egypt
Umest in Basia and han
Pio-Mu’auijan Panics Invade Vanous Paits
Loss ol I lija/ and Yaman
Assassination ol Ha/iat Ah (Rad A)
Penodot His Kl ilatat
Chaiactei
Administiation ot lla/iat Ah (Rad A)
Watch foi Geneial Moials ot the Otfieeis
Bait-ul-Maal
Kindness to non-Muslims lustice
Administiation ol Aimv
Chapter 21: Basic Feature of the Go\ eminent of Khul(a-i- roundation of Khilatat
14
2K8 289 291
296 298
299 100 ”01 103 101 104 305 106 307 308 308 310 11 1 312 312 111 115 316 316 117 318 118 319 120 12^ 126 126 12^ 328 128 12S Raslndin
Goveinment Undei Khulfa-i-Rashidin
Election ot the Khalita
Khalita \\as Bound to the Holv Quian Shuia heedom ol Opinion Bait-ul-Maal Supiemacv of La\\ Khilatat v\as heated as 1 mst Chapter 22: Administration Under the Pious Caliphs The Caliph Ma|las-e-Shuia Administiation of the Pio\ mccs Governor Amil Qa/i Police Svstem System ot Jails Revenue System Militaiv Svstem Divvan Militaiy Oigamzation Chapter 23: The Khanjites Khanjiles Then Cieed Main 1 eaehmgs Main Sects Chief Tiaits THE UMAYYADS Chapter 24: The Uma>v.uls Rise ot the Umavyads Chapter 25: Ameer Mu’a>\i\a (Rad.A) Rise to Pov\ei Rulei of the \Vest Khalita of the Muslim I mpne Appointment of Governors Conquests ot Muauiva Wai with the Bv/antmes Conquest ot Africa Pnst Muslim Navv Mu’avviya as a King Administiation 311 332 333 334 335 335 336 318 338 318 339 140 340 140 341 341 342 343 340 Character and Achievements 364 Chapter 26: Yazid I Yazid 1 368 Tragedx of Karbalah 369 Battle of Harrali 371 Siege of Makkah 372 Consequences of the Tragedy of Karbalah 373 Assessment of Yazid 1 375 Mu’awKa II .’ 376 Maruan 377 Chapter 27: Abdul Malik Abdul Malik 378 Condition of Empire on the Eve of Abdul Malik’s Reign 379 Abdul Malik’s Accession 380 Kharijis Revolt 380 Muklitar’s Rebellion 38.1 Hajj Headed by Four Group Leaders 382 Pacification of Iraq and Arabia 383 Hajjaj bin Yousaf 384 Rebellion of Ibn al-Ashath 385 Submission of the Azraqis 386 Muhallab governor of Khurasan and Sijistan 387 War \\ith the Byzantines 387 Affairs in North Africa 388 Nomination of Walid as Heir-apparent 389 Reforms of Abdul Malik 389 Introduction of Arabic as Official Language 389 !mpro\ement in the Art of Arabic Writing 390 Introduction of New Arabic Coinage 390 Moral Pattern of Dome of Rock 391 Postal S\slem 391 Fiscal Reforms 392 Character 393 Chapter 28: Walid bin Abdul Malik Consolidation 394 Al-Hajjaj 395 Eastern Vicerovalty 395 Conquest in Central Asia 396 Expedition to India -. 397 Western Viceroyalty 398 Conquest of Spain 399 Character 403 Chapter 29: Sulayman Expeditions to Central Asia 406 War with Byzantine 407 Transfer of Capital* 408 Death of Sulayman 408 Chapter 30: Umar bin Abdul Aziz Umar bin Abdul Aziz 409 Umar’s Nomination’as Caliph 410 Reform in the Caliph’s own Life 411 Umar’s 11 Services to Islam 413 Socio-Religious Reforms 414 Umar II, not an Expansionist 416 As a Great Administrator 417 Prosperity and Financial Solvency 418 Reforms of Prison 420 Chapter 31: Yazid II Conditions of the Empire 424 Rising in Khurasan 426 Affairs in the Viceroyalty of Ifriqiyah 426 Risings of the Alids and Abbasids 427 Death ,..”.. 427 Chapter 32: Hisham Hisham 428 Khalid al-Qasri 429 Rebellions in Khurasan and Transoxiana 429 Yusuf bin Umar 432 Khazar Incursion : 433 Khariji and Berber Rebellions in North Africa 433 Battle of Tours „ 434 War with the Greeks 436 Character 436 Chapter 33: Marwan II Transfer of Capital 440 Marwan as-Governor and Military Commander 441 Racial Pride of the Arabs 442 Nasr and Abu Muslim 444 Marwan as a Ruler 446 Suppression of the Khawarij Revolt 447 Character 447 17 Chapter 34: Decline and Fall of the Umayyad Dynasty Causes of the Decline 45! Incapable Rulers 451 Indulgence in Luxuries 451 Tribal Jealousies and Resentment in Khurasan 452 Discrimination with Mawalis 453 Internal Feuds between Tribes 455 Mai administration 455 Hereditary Monarchy 456 Rebellion of Ibn Mu’awiya 456 Later Umayyad Caliphs 456 Rebellion of Sulayman 457 Rebellions of the Kharijis 457 Rise of the Abbasids 458 RoleofHarith 459 Role of Abu Muslim 459 Battle of the Zab 461 Preponderance of the Persians 462 Chapter 35: Administration Under the Umayyads Caliphate 465 Shura 465 Absolutism 466 Court 466 Central Board 467 Diwan-ul-Jund 468 Diwan-ul-Kharaj 468 Diwan-ul-Barid 469 Currency 469 Weight and Measures 471 Change of Language of Administration 471 Chapter 36: Social Structure Under Umayyads Social Structure 473 Mawali 476 Disparity 477 Chapter 37: Cultural Activities Under the Umayyads Education 478 Role of Mosque in Education 480 Umayyad Period 481 History 483 Arabic Literature 484 Oratory 486 18 Alchemy 486 Medicine 487 Astronomy 488 Paintings 489 Calligraphy 489 Music 491 Architecture 492 Dome of Rock 494 Mosque of the Umayyads 494 THE ABBASIDS Chapter 38: The Abbasid Revolution The Abbasid Revolution .< 496 Abu Muslim Khurasani -. 506 Early Life 506 Abu Muslim and Abbasids Revolution 507 Fall of Abu Muslim 510 Chapter 39: Abul Abbas al-Saffah Rise of the Abbasids to Power 511 Ascendancy of al-Saffah 513 Persecution of the Umayyads 514 Risings ;.-.-. 514 Saffah’s Plan to Kill Abu Muslim 516 Achievements 517 Chapter 40: Abu Jafar Mansur Succession 518 Real Founder of the Dynasty ..519 Risings in Khurasan and Tabaristan :..520 Rising of the Alids ...521 Enmity with Byzantines 522 Foundation of Baghdad ’. .-.5,22 Rise of the Umayyads at Cordova 524 Rising in Armenia and Khurasan 525 Rising in Mosul ”. 525 Byzantines Encroachment 525 Death of Mansur 525 Character and Achievements 526 Chapter 41: Al-Mahdi Rebellions 530 Zandiqs 530 Appearance of Veiled Prophet in Khurasan 530 War with the Byzantines 531 19 Death of Mahdi 53 | Chapter 42: Al-Hadi Succession 533 Foundation of the Idrisid Dynasty by an and 534 Chapter 43: Harun Al-Rashid Succession 535 Yahya al-Barmaki 536 Kharijis Revolt 535 War with Byzantines 535 Aghlabids 533 Yahya of Daylam 538 Barmakids 539 Harun’s Visit to Rayy 54] Rebellion of Rafi 54] Death 54] Achievements and Character 542 Chapter 44: Muhammad Al-Amin Amin 545 Amin Declares Deposition of Mamun 547 Rise of a Pretender 548 Siege of Baghdad 548 Tahir and Harthamah 548 Amin’s Death 549 Chapter 45: Abdullah Al-Mamun Mamun Ruled Baghdad from Merv 550 Rebellions in Baghdad and the West 551 Babak 552 Ali al-Raza Proclaimed Heir-apparent 552 Ibrahim Raised to the Throne of Baghdad 553 Mamun Arrives at Baghdad 554 Tahirids 555 War with the Byzantines 556 Mamun’s Liberalism 556 Achievements and Character 558 Chapter 46: Mu’tasim Succession 562 Turkish Soldiers 562 Samarra 563 Zatt’s Insurrections 563 Babak Pursued and Killed 563 War with Greeks 564 20 Ujayf Conspired Against the Caliph 565 Achievements and Character 566 Chapter 47: The Fall of Baghdad Fall of Baghdad 567 Chapter 48: Administrative Structure Under the Abbasids Caliph 575 Shura 578 Court 579 Wazir 579 Hajib 581 Central Board 581 Diwan-ul-Jund 582 Diwan-ul-Kharaj 583 Diwan-ul-Rasa’il 583 Diwan-ul-Khatam ,, 583 Diwan-ul-Barid 584 Diwan-uI-Azimmah 585 Diwan-ul-Nazir fil-Mazalim 585 Diwan-ul-Nafaqat 585 Diwan-ul-Sawafi and Diwan’d-Diya 585 Diwan-us-Sirr 586 Diwan-ul-Ard 586 Diwan-ul-Tawqi 586 Central Judiciary 587 Central Police 587 Prison Administration 588 Chapter 49: Scientific and Literary Progress Under the Abbasids Scientific Progress 589 Age of Translation 590 Biological Sciences 591 Internal and Medical Education 593 Hospitals and Medical Education 595 Ophthalmology and Eye Disease 596 Surgery, Anatomy and Physiology 597 Zoology and Veterinary Medicine 597 Pharmacy 598 Botany 600 Agricultural Science and Husbandry 600 Alchemy and Astrology 601 Astronomy 603 Mathematics 606 21 Botanical Sciences 610 Physics 612 Geology and Mineralogy 613 History 614 Geography 615 Mathematical Geography 616 Arabic Literature 618 Poetry 620 Philosophy 622 Kindi 626 Farabi 627 IbnSina 628 Ghazzali 630 Education 632 System of Education 633 Co-Education 634 Position of the Teachers 634 Music 635 Calligraphy 637 Architecture 638 City of Baghdad 639 Ukhaidir •„..- -. 640 Tariq Khana of Damghan ;640 Samarra 641 Qasr al-Jiss 641 Jausaq al-Kharqani 642 MUSLIM SPAIN Chapter 50: Literary and Scientific Development in Muslim Spain Umayyads in Spain 639 Literary and Scientific Activities under Moors 649 Medicine in Muslim Spain 650 Zahrawi 653 Ibn Maymun 654 Pharmacology 655 Botany .-. 656 Agriculture 657 Mathematics 660 Astronomy 663 History 667 Geography and Travels 670 22 Calligraphy 671 Philosophy and Music 672 IbnHazm 675 IbnBajjah 675 IbnTufayl 676 IbnRushd 676 Ibn al-Arabi 677 Music 677 Ziryab 680 Ibn Firnas 682 Education 683 Grammar and Lexicography 684 Ziryab 686 Ibn Abd Rabbihi 687 IbnHani 688 Ibn Shuhayd , 689 IbnHazm 690 Ibn Zaydun 691 Al-Mu’tamid 692 IbnHamid 692 Ibn Khuzman ’. ;•;.- 694 Ibrahim Ibn Sahl „ 694 Ibnal-Khatib 696 Architecture 697 Great Mosque of Cordova 697 Alhamra Palace 699 Chapter 51: Moorish Art Moorish Sculpture in Spain and North Africa 702 Moorish Wood Carving 703 Moorish Ivory Carving 704 Moorish Metal Work of Spain , 705 Moorish Pottery 705 Islamic Textiles of Spain and Sicily 706 Moorish Rugs of Spain 707 Chapter 52: Society and Administration Society and Administration 708 Life Style of the People 710 Sports , 711 Status of Women 71 I Administration 713 Division of Spain 713 23 Nature of Government 714 Centralization 715 Hajib 716 Wazir 716 Katib 717 Qazi 717 Sahib al-Medina , 718 Sahib al-Suq 718 Sahib al-Asghal » 719 Institution of Military 719 Economic Policy 720 Coinage System 721 Revenue 721 Administration of Justice 721 Chapter 53: Muslims’ Contribution in the European Renaissance Muslims’ contribution in the European Renaissance 724 Cordova 728 Channels of Influence 729 Influence on English Literature 729 Scientific Progress 730 Translation Works 737 Philosophy 737 Averroism 738 Sufisin 739 Influence of Sufi Poetry on Western Thought 740 English Literature 741 Shelley 741 American Writers 742 Art and Architecture 742 Social Life 742 Some Scholar’s Views on Islam’s influence on Europe 744 THE FATIMIDS Chapter 54: The Fatimids Origin of the Fatimids 748 Imam Jafar Sadiq 749 Ikhwan as-Safa 752 Imam Ismail 752 Imam Muhamad bin Ismail 753 Mahdi 753 Qarmatians 754 Mahdi’s Journey < 755 24 .’ Abu Abdullah 755 The Last Days of Abu Abdullah 756 Fatimid Influence in other Centres 756 Qaim 757 Invasion of Egypt 758 Revolt of Abu Yazid 758 Mansur 759 Muizz 759 Conquest of Egypt 760 Journey of Muizz to Egypt 761 Administration 762 TheQaid 762 Qazi 763 Financial Administration 764 Wazir 764 Sahib ash-Shurta 765 Da’awa 765 Cultural Achievements under Muizz 766 Aziz 767 Qarmatians 767 Yaqub bin Killis 768 Death of Aziz .”..” 769 Chapter 55: Scientific Development Under the Fatimids Scientific Progress under Fatimids 770 Dar-al-Hikma 773 Astrology 773 Astronomy 773 Mathematics 774 Trigonometry 774 Physics and Optics 774 Ophthalmology 775 Chemistry 775 Chapter 56: Architecture Under the Fatimids Mosque of al-Azhar 777 Mosque of al-Jauyshi 779 Mosque of Salih Tala’i 780 Fatimids Houses 780 Fustat 780 Qa’at al-Qadir 781 Chapter 57: Minor Art Under the Fatimids Fatimids Sculpture in Egypt 782 Fatimid Wood Carving in Egypt and Syria 783 Fatimid Ivory 783 25 Fatimid Metal Work 784 Fatimid Pottery of Egypt and Syria 784 Fatimid Glass and Crystal 784 Fatimid Textiles 785 SAFAVIDS OF IRAN Chapter 58: Safavids Shah Abbas I 786 Assessment 791 Science and Medicine under Shah Abbas 793 Calligraphy 793 Music 794 Poetry 794 Chapter 59: Architecture of the Safavids Empire Buildings of Shah Abbas I 795 The Palace Complex at Isphan 796 AliKapu 796 Chehel Situn 796 Mosque at Isphan 797 Masjid-i-Shah 798 Chapter 60: Minor Art Under Safavids Safavids School of Paintings 799 Safavid Wood Carving 800 Metal Work 800 Ceramic Art 800 Pottery 801 Ceramics 802 Safavids Textiles 802 Rugs of Iran 803 OTTOMAN EMPIRE Chapter 61: Ottoman Empire Muhammad the Conqueror 804 Apogee of Ottoman Empire 805 Conquest of Constantinople 807 Organization of the Empire 809 Muhammad II’s Aims of World Domination 811 Conquests of Muhammad II , 814 New Wars in Europe 816 Character and Achievements 818 Economic Development 819 Legislation and Legal System 820 Chapter 62: Sulayman the Magnificent Alternating Campaign and Internal Problems 825 Conquests 826 26 Internal Reforms 834 Character and Achievements 838 Chapter 63: Ottoman State System and Their Decline State System and Their Decline 838 Janissaries 843 Ottoman Feudalism 844 Decline of the Ottomans 847 Attempts at Reforms 852 EMINENT SCHOLARS Chapter 64: Eminent Scholars of Medieval Islam Kindi 857 Razi 860 Tabari 863 Farabi 865 Ibn Miskawayh 865 Ibn Sina 865 Brethern of Sincerity 867 Ghazzali 868 Abu al-Walid Muhammad bin Rushd (Averroes) 871 Abu Ali al-Hassan bin al-Haytham 873 Ibn Tumart .•,., 876 Ibn Ammar <-...... 879 Hunain bin Ishaq 881 Nizam-ul-Mulk Tusi 882 IbnKhaldun 883 Method of History 887 Laws of Sociology 888 Logic 889 Dialectics 890 Dangers and Fallacies of Philosophy 890 Metaphysics 891 Appendix I Major Events in Islamic History 894 Appendix II Important Books and Their Authors 898 Appendix in Personalities 901 Bibliography 904 Index 908 Appendix IV Objective Question (Solved) (CSS 1986 to date) 91 I 27 225 100 100 100 100 150 175 &l 250 f iM I 120 (/U 14. Pakistan Affairs 15. Pakistan Studies (MCQs) 16. Pakistan Studies for F.A/FSc O-Level. 17. Pakistan Studies for B.A/B.Sc 18. General English (MCQs) 19. Encyclopaedia General Knowledge (MCQs) 20. Political and Cultural History of Islam 21. A Brief History of India 711-1707(Q & A) 12. Spoken English 23. Intelligence & Psychological Tests with Basic Arithmetic 24. Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 25. How States are Governed 26. Consitutional Development in Pakistan, by: A.G. Choudhry 27. World Consitutions - MCQs 28. Encylopaedia Everyday Science with solved paper 1972-to date 29. IQ Tests for All (0. General Knowledge (Question & Answer) 11. ASI Guide 12. Super Intelligence Tests 3. ISSB Tests 4. World Constitutions. 5. Unit ersity Aptitude Tests < 6. Current English & Urdu Essays 37. A Concise Everyday Sciencc/Q.A./MCQ’s 38. MCAT&ECAT 39. Know your own Personality ’ 40. PAF Master Guide ’ 41. PMA Long Course 42. Who is Who & What is What | 43. Modern Book of Idioms & Phrases ” 44. Modern Book of Synonyms <&’Antonyms Islamic Studiesjbr CSS ,... ia.dime studies for CSS 46. Income Tax Officer (ITO) -12 ICHAPTERl 1 ARABIA BEFORE ISLAM GEOGRAPHY OF ARABIA The great Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) was born in Arabia. So, to understand the History of Islam, one has to be acquainted with the nature of the land of the country and its people. Arabia occupied a unique position with regard to the continents of Asia, Africa and Europe. It is situated in Asia, yet nothing but the narrow Red Sea divides it from Africa, whilst one has only to cross the Suez Canal to be in the Mediterranean Sea and Europe. It is thus almost the centre of the three continents and yet stands apart from all of them. It is surrounded by water on all sides except a narrow strip of land on the north. It has the Red Sea in the west, the Indian Ocean in the south and the south-east, the Persian Gulf and the Euphrates on the northeast. The Arabs call it Jazirat-ul- Arab which literally means the Arabian Island. Yet this land surrounded by water on all sides except the north has no rivers of its own. Most of, it is an uninviting place, unfriendly too, from the physical point of view For miles around there appears to be no end to barren hills, no end to the glittering, blazing desert; no respite from the fiery heat except for the few green places which abound in palm and water and provided rest to the wandering tribes of the Arabs. The streams are few and seldom reach the sea. Most of them come to life only swelled by occasional rains and disappear in the sandy plains. According to Hitti, ”Arabia is the south-western peninsula of Asia the largest peninsula on the map of the world. But its total population is estimated at eight million only about one million of whom, live in al-Hijaz, two and a half in al-Yaman, two and a half in Najad and its dependencies, al-Hasa and al-Jawf one million and half 32 Political and Cultural History of Islam Arabia Before Islam 33 1 Mahra, but as articles of commerce they are now of virtually no value. Among animals the camel occupies a place analogous to that of the date palm among plants. The vast majority of Bedouins depend on the camel above all other material possessions. Along with camels most of the nomads keep sheep and goats, though not in great flocks like those of the northern steppes. Sheep and goats are valued for their milk, fleece, and skins.4 THE ANCESTORS OF THE ARABS The Arabs are the descendants of Hazrat Noah. The races which have peopled in Arabia are divided into three sections: (1) ArabBaida (2) Arab A’rabia (3) Arab Mustariba (1) Arab Baida Arab Baida were all descendants of Laz son of Sam, son of Hazrat Noah. They have been divided into tribes, the names of which are: (1) A’d (2) Samud (3) Umaim (4) Abail (5) Jurham (6) Ainalaqa (7) Hadarmaut (8) Tasm (9) Hadur (10) Judais (11) AbdZakham According to Dictionary of Islam, ”Arab Baida, are the old ”lost-Arabs”, of whom tradition has preserved the names of several tribes as well as some memorable particulars regarding their extinction.” According to the different accounts, the most famous of the extinct tribes were those of A’d, Samud, Jadis and Tasm, all descended in the third or fourth generation from Sam. A’d, the father of his tribe, settled, according to tradition in the Great Desert of alAhqaf soon after the confusion of tongues. Of the Adites and their succeeding princes, nothing certain is known, except that they were dispersed or destroyed in the course of a few centuries* by the sovereigns of Yaman. The tribes of Tasm and Jadis settled between Makkah and Medina. (2) Arab A’rabia It appears that at some ancient time, another family of the Sam, son of Hazrat Noah, migrated into Arabia and adopted the Hitti. P.20. I I language of the land, viz Arabia. Accordbig to Dictionary of Islam, ”The pure Arabs are those who claim to be descended from Qahtan, whom the present Arab regard as their principal founder. The members of this genuine stock are styled as Arab A’rabia the genuine Arabs.” (3) Arab Mustariba The Arab Mustariba, the mixed Arabs, claim to be descended from Hazrat Ismail and the daughter of al-Muzaz, king of al-Hijaz whom he took to wife, and was of the ninth generation from Jurham, the founder of that kingdom. Syed Ameer Ali says, ”Arabia has at various times been peopled by various races. The earliest settlers are said to have been some stock as the ancient Chaldaeans. They attained great civilization, the rema.ns of which are still observable in southern Arabia and are supposed even to have extended their power into Egypt and Mesopotamia. They seem to have built huge palaces and ternples; and the famous tanks which still exist near Aden are ascribed to them.”5 INHABITANTS OF ARABIA The people of Arabia have always been divided into two classes viz. ”The dwellers-of cities,” and ”the dwellers of the desert”, - the Bedouins. The dwellers of the cities settled ir one place and they know how to till the lands and grow corn. They have their business transactions within their country as well as other countries. They are more refined and civilized that the Bedouins who do not like the idea of settled life. The Bedouins live in tents and with their families and flocks roam over the deserts and table-lands in search of pasturage. They have different tastes of life. To them, sheep and camel raising, horse breeding hunting and raiding are the only occupations worthy of a man. Hasan Askari says, ”As most of the Arab peninsula was a. desert, the way of life, most natural in such circumstances, nomadic and pastoral. The noma ’,ic mode meant ’nobility, sometimes slow and sometimes fast, eithe- in search of greenery or a place of refuge. Both in peace and war, ttie Arab was on the move. Perhaps during the second millennium before the Christian era, the camel, an animal ideally suitable for the desert, was domesticated. The camel was not only a means of transport but also a source of livelihood. The Arab was almost a parasite on the camel. As the rains came, the Arabs ’ Syed Ameer Ali, A Short History of Saracens, Lahore, 1995, P.3. 34 Political and Cultural Histon/ of Is>am went on to the areas made green by the waters, and during draught they clung to the permanent water holes where vegetation survived. Cereals were of course grown at a few places, but the chief cultivation was of the date palm whose fruit and every single part were utilized. It provided for the destitute Eiedouin his staple food along \sith the camel’s ii.;’k.”6 Arabia and Her Neighbours There is a general impression that Islam originated in a nomadic and pastoral society which was completely isolated from the then civilized world. This statement, though true within limits, must by supplemented and qualified by t le fact that the Arabs were in full contact with the Persian and Roman Empires and that they had developed extensive trade relations with the surrounding countries. Arabia was no longer a country only of nornads at the birth of Islam. It was the seat of an extenswe commerce. Agriculture also flourished in the fertile parts of the country. Thus Anbia at that time contained all the thsee layers of society -- pastoral, agricultural and commercial ~ and was in full contact with the civilization then existing Let us begin with international relations of Arabia at that time. At .he time when Islam made its appearance, the Byzantine Empire, to the northwest of Arabia, was in a state of in*ernal confusion. After the death of Justinian in 363 A.D., the Eastern Roman Empire suffered many attacks from the barbarL,.o and its internal stability was shaken by internecine quarrels. The Persian Empire on the northeast of Arabia, which included Iraq and Mesopotamia, had long been a rival of the Byzantine in the east. The fifty-year peace agreed upon towards the end of the reign of Justinian had not been kept. Taking advantage of the weakness of Byzantine, Khusrau II of Persia declared war, on the pretext of avenging the murder of the Emperor Maurice, who had helped him gain the throne of Persia Phocas, who had succeeded Maurice, was not in a position toward off the Persian attack, and Asia Minor was overrun. In 610 A.D., Heraclius, son of the governor of North Africa, replaced Ph-jcas, and after twelve years of preparation, undertook a campaign against the Persians and compelled them to withdraw from Asia Minor, Egypt and Syria, by using his sea power. In 627 A.D., Khusrau’s palace was captured and ’ Hasan Askari, Islamic State and Society, India, 1990, P 9 Arabia Before Islam 35 sacked, he had to flee from his capital. Peace was made in the following year. None of these empires, adjacent to Arabia, ha£antum, respectively. Similarly, Yaman, the southern part of Arabia, was coming under the influence of Byzantium through OIQ Christian Kingdom of Abyssinia. These were the three channels through which the cultural and spiritual influences of the outside world reached Arabia. The Gnassanids triced their descent from an anricnt south Arabian tribe. They settled in the region southeast of Damascus and displaced the Salih who were, the first Arabians to found a kingdom in Syria. The Banu Ghassan were gradually christianized and Syrianised. They did not however, abandon their native tongue, Arabic, although they spoke under the Byzantine political Bsdou-n hords. ”Facing the Byzantine empire they did, the Ghassanids adopted a form of Christianity which, though of the interests’’. The” Ghassanid kingdom reached the highest peak of prosperity in sixth century after Christ under al-Harith II, Ibn Jabalah of Ghassan, whom the Byzantine Emperor, Justinian, appointed Lord over all the tribes of Syria as a reward for defeating his Lakhmid rival alMundhir, who was an ally of the Persians”. On the eve of the rise of Islam the subsidies hitherto paid by Byzantine to the Ghassa’”-*i were stopped by Hercules as a measure of economy...and the Muslims consequently found Ghassan in a state of resentment and disloyalty to Byzantine. There was another Arab kingdom in the northeast bordering on Persia. Its capital was Hirah which lay aboufr three miles south of Kufah. The dynasty at Hirah was of south Arabian or Yamanite origin and called itself Tanukh. The native population of Hirah was Christian whom the Arabs called ”Ibad or worshippers. In the latter part of the third century, a new dynasty, the Lakhmids, came to rule over Hirah. Among the important kings of 36 Political and Cultural History of Islam the Lakhmids dynasty was al-Mundhir I who acquired considerable influence in the affairs of Persia. But the most illustrious ruler of the Lakhmids was al-Mundhir in who gave much trouble to Roman Syria. But he was defeated by his Ghassanid rival al-Harith who was an ally of Byzantium the last king of the-Lakhmid dynasty was alNu’mai> who became a Christian, though under Persian suzerainty, the Lakhmids remained on integral part of the Arab community, they sent delegates to all the great Arab fairs, and their lead carried weight throughout Arabia. Through them the Peijsian government was able to exercise some supervision over desert tribes and obtain information as to their movements and through them a great deal of Hellenistic culture flowed down through Arabia. The Christians of Hirah acted as teachers of Heathen Arabs, who had acquired the knowledge of Syriac in addition to their own Arabic and taught them to read and write. Thus the Arabs of al-Hirah were not as illiterate as those of Arabia proper. In 605 A.D., the Lakhmid dynasty came to an end. Strained relations existed between Numan and the Persian king and Numan thought it prudent to take refuge among desert tribes; then he ventured back to plead his case before Khusrau but was put to death in 620 A.D. The Persian king then appointed lyas of tribe of Tayy, but this resented by the Banu Bakr who moved out of their settlements i’1 a body and migrated to Bahrain, where for some years they lived in open revolt against Persia and thus cut off communication between Persia and the East and the South Arabia. After the death of lyas in 614 A.D., Hirah was taken over by the Persians who began to rule over it directly by appointing their own governor. This was very strongly resented by the Arabs of Hirah and rendered them disposed to welcome the armies of Islam In the southern part of Arabia, known as Yaman, there had been a constant rivalry between Persia and Byzantium to establish their influence over the Arabs. The first Himyarite kingdom was established in Yaman in about 115 B.C. with its capital at Zafar. Its power depended upon commercial prosperity and the monopoly acquired by the South Arabian over the maritime trade of the Red Sea. Yaman was a power that was respected and feared in the East and the West. The mental development of southern Arabs can be estimated from the fact that besides a number of historical -monuments and magnificent castles, they built a dam of Ma’rib in the Arabia Before Islam 37 2nd century B.C. which being a masterpiece of engineering and architect ranked with the glorious wonders of the world. But when Rome conquered Egypt from the Ptolemies, they introduced their own merchant shipping in the Indian ocean. This was a heavy blow to the Himayarite commercial activity. About 300 A.D. the second Himyarite dynasty was established in Yaman with its capital at San’a. The Himyarites king of the second period were known as Tubba. It was in this period that Christianity and Judaism were introduced into Yaman. The fiist to send a Christian embassy to South Arabia was emperor Constantius. The real motive behind the mission lay in the international, politics of the day and the rivalry between the Roman and Persian empires for spheres of influence in South Arabia. Najran became the centre of the Christians in the South Arabia. Judaism also gained considerable following in Yaman during this period. In the early part of the sixth century the last Himyarite king, Dhu Nuwas became a Jew. Rivalry between the Arabian Jews and Christians led to active hostility. It is said that Dhu Nuwas massacred the Christians of Najran in October 523 A.D. Surviving Christians implored justice for aid, the Byzantine Emperor at that time being regarded as the protector of Christians everywhere. The Emperor wrote to the Negus of Abyssinia who sent an army across the Red Sea to South Arabia. The campaign was really directed to bring th; South Arabian tribes under the Byzantine influence and rouse them against Persia. The Abyssinians fought two battles and were victorious on both occasions The leader in the second campaign was the famous Abrahah. With the success of the Abyssinians, the ancient Himyarite dynasty came *o an end. The Abyssinian remr’nod in control of South Arabia from 525 to 675 A.D. Abrahah, llie Aovssinian viceroy, built in Sana’s one of the most magnificent * athed, s of the age for the purpose of creating a rival to Ka’bah in th° oith whicl attracted a very large number of pilgrims every year from all pa’ts of Arabia, and v.as therefore, a source of income to the inhabitants of Makkah. But the move did not succeed where upon Arabia led a disciplinary expedition against Makkah. The incident too!, place in the year of the birth of the Holy Prophet and is called the year elephant. But the Abyssinian army was miraculously destroyed and Ka’bah was saved.7 7 M Mazheruddm Siddiqi, Development or’Islamic State and Society. Lahore, 1982. P.5 33 Political and Cultural iistcn/ ofl’lam The Abyssinian role in South Arabia produced a national reaction against foreign hegemony. Himyar sought the help of Byzantine but never succeeded against Abyssinian. Saif bin Yazdan, a prince of old Himyar line, sought the aid from Sasanid court in alMada’in. Persian army fought for the Saif and defeated the Abyssinnn. After this a system ov joint administration was introduced with Saif as the titular h^a’. But soon Yaman was converted in to Persian province and the St uth Arabians realized that the) had only exchanged masters.8 THE JAHILIYAH PERIOD (450 A.D. -- 570 A.D.) The term Jahiiiyah jsually rendered ”time of ignorance”’ or the ”barbarism”’, in reality means cr. period in v nich Arabia had no dispensation, no inspired Prophet, no revealed book; for ignorance and barbarism can hardly be applied to such a cultured and lettered society as that developed by the South Arab.,. Ayyani-nl-Arab Unlike the South Arabians the vast majority of the population of North Arabia, including al-Hijaz and Najad, is nomadic. The history of the Bedouins is in the main a record of guerilla wars called Ayyam-ai-Arab (the Days of Arabians), in which there was a great deal of raiding and p.undering but little bloodshed.9 The Ayjani-al-Arab were inter-tribal hostilities generally origin fiom dispute- o1 ir cattle, pasture-lands or springs. TIie> afforded imple opportunity fni plundering and raidir; for tue manifestation of single- handed deeds of heroism by the champions of the contending liibea Uijc! for the exchange of vitriolic statures on the part c1’ the poets, the spokesman of the warring parties. The course of events on each of these ”days”, are reported to us, follows somewhat the same pattern. At first only a few men came to blows with one another inconsequence of some border dispute or personal insult. The quarrel of the few then becomes the business of the whole peace is finally restored by the intervention of some neutral party. The tribe with the fewer casualties pays its adversary blood money for the surplus of dead. One of the earliest and most famous of these Bedouins wars was the Harb-al-Basus, fought toward the’end of the fifth century of our era between”the Banu-Bakar and their kinsmen the Banu-” aghlib Sbid hitti, P.87 Arabia Before Mam 39 in north-eastern Arabia. Both tribes were Christianized and considered themselves descendants of Wali. The conflict arose over nothing more than a she-camel, the property of an old women of Banu-Bakar named Basus, which had been wounded by a Taghlib chief. According to the legendary history of the Ayyam this war was carried on for forty years with reciprocal raiding and plundering, which its flames were fanned by poetical exhortations. Same was the cas» of Dahis and Ghabra.’0 CONDITIONS OF THE ARABS DURING THE JAHILIYAH PERIOD Political Conditions Arabia during the ore-Islamic days was in a very low state of civilization. Av.’fu! ssiDerr.tltio.” Slic4 if^’atrv i-re^ii-H •f”£ryv»!v:t. The Arabs had no idea of a territorial or nations; state The various tribes were in constant and perpetual warfare. The absence of any During ihis period, the whole ot Arabia except certain portions of the north which were under the subjugation of the Persian and the Roman Empires enjoyed complete independence. There was no systematic law in pre-Islamic Arabia, ”Might is Right” was the law of the land. The whole country was divided into innumerable petty states, each tribe forming a separate and independent political unit. Tribal solidarity was an essential characteristic for survival in desert conditions. Politically, Arabia at the advent of Muhammad (PBUH) was torn into pieces by the rivalries of its own unruly tribes, by the intrigues of its neighbouring states and by the rapacity of its Jewish colonists. The Arabs were divided into many tribes. Each tribe had its own elder (ash-Shaykh) as its ruler. Nobility of birth, seniority in age and other personal distinctions or accomplishments w«re the qualities for rulership in a clan. The Arabs in general and the Bedouins in particular, were thoroughly democratic in spirit. They would not submit to the arbitrary- rule of the Shaykh. Hence he had to make his decision in a council uf the elcter of the clan or tribe. There was no ’/’abornte machinery of government, no officials, no offices. There were very fev-- civil litigation. ”~i\it disputes vvesc usually 40 Political and Cultural History of Islam referred to Qazis. In criminal matters, life for life and limb for limb was the recognized principle among the Arabs. There were no state machinery- for the punishment of the crime which was an affair of the aggrieved tribes. A murdered within the tribe was handed over to the heirs of the murdered who could put him to death, or set him free on receipt of blood money, or give him liberty by granting a free pardon. If a murdered, who committed a murder within the clan itself, escaped, lie was declared an outlaw. As between clans or tribe was responsible or tribes, every clan for the conduct of its members. Raiding the enemies’ camp or stealing their property was hailed as an act of lieioism. in the tribe itself there were not many thefts; for the tiiixTl affinity or clan spirit (al-Asabiyya) was so strong that improper behaviour, in the face of possible social ostracism, was rare. s TC ^ .t - u;;T to ;.-..., --. ^-^..^ vvd and distinct idea ^Tihis Asabiyya as it is called - this deep, limitless, steadfast fidelity of the Arab to his fellow-clansman; the honour and giory of the community wnerein he was born and will Hie. The sentiment is not parallel by patriotism, as we understand that termror that is .-.n emotion which appears to the fiery Bedway but fljkewami- it rs aticive and over-power mg passion and at tne same time the first and most sacred of duties; in c. word, it is the true religion of the desert.”1’ Power within the tribe was invested in the hands of chief. Leadership in traditional Arab society was both hereditary and elective. Leaders were chosen from a ruling kin or lineage within the tribe bc.t among the members of the lineage, power was exercised by the most able and effective, rather than by the eldest son of the previous holder of power. The powers of the chief were very limited and were dependent on his abilities for their maintenance. His functions were to arbitrate in disputes, to find adequate grazing for his followers and to defend their wells and beasts against the depredations of rivals. A reputation for wisdom and generosity brought more power and influence than the accumulation of treasures or animals. The tribal chief had no coercive power. The ideal of Muruwah played an important part among the Arabs. They respected those who had to some extent realized it, and the families in which there ;was a habit of reaching it. Authority depended largely on the respect in which a man was held and that in Dozy. Spanish Islam, London, !994, K7. Arabia Before Islam 41 turn depended on his personal qualities, the degree of his Murwah. There was no rule of succession by primogeniture among the Arabs for obvious reasons; if the eldest son of a chief was inexperienced when his father died, the tribe coald not jeopardize its every existence by having such a man as leader. The chief must be a man of wisdom and sound judgement and so was usually the most respected male in the leading family. According to Dr. Ata Mohyuddin, ”On the social side the Arabs were split up in to various tribes and were fighting with each other. The death of a tribesman at the hands of another tribesman led to a series of civil war, the sole aim of which was to retaliate with fun/. Such wars lasted months and years and brought the greatest chaos to the country, ever}’ tribe living in a perpetual state of warfare. As there was no orderly government, lawlessness prevailed throughout the peninsula.”12According to Syed Ameer Ali, ”They possessed no civij rights or political privileges. There were the monopoly of the rich and the powerful, or the sacerdotal classes. The law was not the same foi the weak and the strong the rich and the poor, the great and the lowly.”13 According to Encyclopedia of Seerah, ”The Arabs had -no central government and lived, a mainly nomadic life, in their ”respective tribes and were often engaged in tribal feuds among themselves. Thus «i political sense they had practically no influence at all. The Romans and the Persians treated thrt Arabs as their subjects though none of them had ever occupied their land or attacked them.”14 Politically, therefore, Arabia in the sixth century worst possible state that could be imagined. Having no ruler or king of its own, it was torn into pieces by the rivalries of its own unruly tribes and by the intrigues and feuds of its neighbouring foreign states and by the greed and rapacity of its Jewish colonists. Tribal Solidarity Tribal solidarity is an essential for survival in desert conditions. A man requires the help of the others, both against the forces of nature and against his’huma:: rivals.15 Each main or first class tribe was independent of every other and acknowledged no political juperior. It might therefore conceivably and often in fact did find itself at war with any neighbouring tribe. In this situation in 12 Dr. Ata Mohyuddin, The Arabian Prophet, Lahore. 1975. P.60. 13 Syed Ameer an. The Spirit of Islam, Lahore, 1995, P.268. 14 Encylopaedia of Seerah, London, 1988, Vol. I, P 9. 15 W.M. Watt, Muhammad at Makkah. Karachi. 1994. P. 17. 42 Political and Cultural History of Islam Arabia Before Islam 43 ARABIA Land surface feature* Bnictiah Miles o so 100 Cultivated land, and available f>tr cultivation Stepp« i rrrrn .« L-liLl Desert ,t which a man’s hand will be against every man and every man’s hand against him, the security of a tribe and even its mere existence dsperds on its military power. Only by force can herds be kept safely, for raiding is the national sport of the Arabs. The blood feud illu,trates the place of tribal solidarity.16 The tribal complex co isisted of c’nrs r°’s*ed to one another through a comr*on bond of kinship connected in some distant past to their eponymous ancestor. To quote W.R. Smith: ”At that time the tribal bond ali over the Arabia, so for as our evidence goes, was conceived as a bond of 1 inship. All the members of the group regarded themselves as of one blood. This appear most clearly in the law of blood feuu, which in Arabia as among other early peoples affords the means of measuring the limits of effective kinship. A kindred group is a group within which there is no blood-feud. If a man kills one of his own kin he finds no one to take his part. Either he is put to death -by his own people or he become an outla_w and must take refuge in an alien group. On the other hand, if the slayer and slain are of different kindred groups a blood-feud at once arises and the slain man may be avenged by any member of his own group on any member of the group of the slayer. The vOnstant intertribal feuds, sometimes over the murdered individual who belonged -to another kindred group and most of the time over amenities of subsistence which also took the form of looting and plundering of mercantile Caravan led to tremendous killing uninterrupted over months, involving a great tooi of human lives. Such a vendetta was one of the ordinary patterns of inter-tribal living. But more than the blood which was shed during inter-tribal feuds, it was not difficult to suppose that the blood, as both reality and symbol, constituted the highest bond of belonging and trust, affinity and sentiment. A society based on the kindred group and male kinship presupposed a basic equality between its members. Equality as such required a system of authority to sustain it wherein the persona! prestige of the leader combined with his virtues of ^erierosily, hospitality, benevolence and moderation also rested on the number and the equality of his allies and dependents. The leader was called upon to assent to the unspoken will of those whom he liked to Ibid 44 Political and Cultural History of Islam Arabia Before Islam 45 govern. This was possible by virtue of his personal valour and authority and also on the basis of his noble ancestry. The kinship system, the identification of each individual with a group which will protect him against another, rival, group, is a logical response to the condition of non-government. In pre- Islamic Arabia, there was no law enforcement agency to protect persons and property, and safety was provided not by the state but by the kin and ihe principle of retaliation; if a man was robbed or murdered, then his kin were obliged to seek revenge or compensation. In this way a measure of security for life a.id property was obtained without any formal structure of government but it meant that the obligations of kinship were very important since no one could survive without being a member of or protected by an effective kin.’7 Economic Conditions The land of Arabia was barren. There were no agricultural and mineral products. The Arabs in general were economically depressed. They earned tl.Jr livelihood by tending cattle. The Arabs had to wander from one placs to another in search of green pastures. In their nomadic life camel played an important role and as ”a ship of the desert” brought about great change • i.i their wanderings. According to Abdul Hameed Siddiqui, ”Before the recent gush of oil and the gold thtt it has brought, the Arabs were living a life of extreme poverty. Their soil was poor; and constant tilling enabled them to wring onl> a precarious substance.” They earn their livelihood either by rearing camels, horses, cattle and sheep pitching their tents within certain limits where water and pasturage were most abundant, or they were engaged in the transport of merchandise along the trading routes through the desert.18 M. Mazheruddin Sidiqui described the commercial activities of the Arabs in these words, ”The pre-Islamic Arabs were the carriers of the international trade of the time. Arabia was famous for its spices and frankincense and the Byzantine cities obtained these commodities through Arabian traders.”19 Spices as sentiments and for burning as incense had become necessities and had to be produced at all lost: alike in the ceremonial of the court and in the ritual of the church incense was firmly < .*» Hasan Askari, P.l£. Abdul Hameed Siddiqui, The Life of Muhammad (PBUH). Lahore. 1989. P.4 M Mazheruddin Siddiqi, P 6. established and the requisite spices could be obtained only through Arabian and Indian trade. ”The Greek and Romans,” says Hitti, ”evidently presumed that all the commodities in which the Arabians dealt were native products of their own land, so jealously did the merchants guard the secrets of their other sources in Abyssinian and India and so strict was the monopoly.” The Arab merchants imported balm, spices, myrrh .and other articles from Western India and exported them to Egypt and Palestine. They imported Indians and Chinese articles through Yaman, Syria and Egyptian goods through the border towns of Syria and Persian products such as silk, cotton and linen goods, arms, cereals and oil through Mesopotamia. The main articles of import were skins, leather, currant, ingots of gold and silver, perfumes, spices, aromatics, germs drugs etc. Gems, gold, silver, sandal wood, ebony and spices were exported to Palestine. The Arab ships used to sail in the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean which was the field of great enterprise. Gharra was the chief port for the Indian trade in East Arabia. So trade and commerce made much progress in those days of pre-Islamic Arabia. Makkah was the big centre of trade and commerce. Traders carried on inland and foreign trade through routes which enabled the city of Makkah a great trade centre. Makkah being at the cross- roads of routes from Abyssinia to Iraq and Yaman to Syria had a special economic importance for the tribes living in the neighbouring districts. Their services were utilized .by the merchants as trackers and suppliers of provisions. The chiefs of the tribes were paid for safe-conduct through their territories. The prosperity of Makkah meant their own. Their attachment with Makkah was strengthened further by having shares in the joint-s ock companies of Makkah and matrimonial alliances with the Makkan chiefs. There were small industries in the Hijaz and Taif was known for its leather work. Yaman was famous for its agricultural products. Such were the economic conditions of pre-Islamic Arabia. Religious Conditions The pre-!slamic Arabia had a variety of religions, developing in a different parts of the peninsula, such as idolatry. Judaism, Christianity, Magianism, Sabianisrn and Paganism. The religious conditions of the ,*iaKs oresented a dismal and lamentable picture. There was a small n>j:nber of Jews and Christians scattered 46 Political and Cultural History of Islam throughout the Arabian peninsula. The most of the Arabs were steeped in idolatry. There were 360 idols in Ka’bah. There was little prospect of religious reform as there was little chance of political unity. The foundation of idolatry was so deep-rooted that the heathen Arabs were not prepared to give it up. Before Islam, each kindred group, the tribe had its own divine guardian, protector and benefactor. But above all these separate and even conflicting divinities was the supreme Godhead, Allah, the personification of the divine world in its highest form, creator of the universe and keeper of sworn oaths. In Hijaz5 three goddesses had pride of place as the ’daughters of Allah’. The first of these was Allat, which Herodotus called Alilat, simply meaning ’the godess’ standing for one of the aspects of Venus, the morning star, though the Arabs under Hellenistic influence sometimes associate her with Athens, next came Uzza, the all-powerful and the third was Manat, the goddess of the fate. She held the shears which cut the thread of life. She had shrines aftei her name along the sea-shores. The great god of Makkah was Habal, an idol made of red cornelian. M.M. Sharif described the religious conditions of the Arabs, ”These Arabian deities, which were of diverse nature, fell into different categories. Some of them were personifications of abstract ideas, such as Jadd (luck), said (Fortunate), rida’ (Favour, goodwill), wadd (friendship), and manaf (Height, High Place). Though originally abstract in character, they were conceived in a thoroughly concrete fashion. Some deities derived their names from the places where they wen* -c/.crated.”20 The deities of heathen Arabia were represented by idols, sacred stones and other objects of worship. Sacred stones served at the same time as altars; the blood of the victims was poured over them or smeared over them. The Arabs sacrificed camels, sheep, goats and less often kine. Christian ity, as a faith, could not get popularity during the lifetime of its founder, Jesus Christ. Rather his disciples and later on his followers were persecuted both by Jews and by the Romans. Christianity started gaining its ground and gradually it achieved a way into the Roman state affairs. In the heart of Arabia also we find followe-s of Christianity. In their faith, like others, the Christians of Arabia generally believed in Trinity of God, shared by Jesus Christ and the holy Spirit. Christianity existed in demoralized forms and as M M. Sharif, The History of Muslim Philosophy, Vol. I, Karachi, 1992. P. 128 Arabia Before Islam 47 such the efforts for improving the material and spiritual conditions of the people met with failure. Christianity as a religion couldn’t however, succeed in making a permanent hold in Arabia and could not supersede idolatry The Jews who fled in great numbers into Arabia from the fearful destruction of their country by the Romans made proselytes of several tribes, those oTKinanah, al-Hariry Ibn Ka’b and Kindah in particular and in time became very powerful and possessed of seveidi towns and fortresses. The Jews of Medina were culturally and intellectually mucu aupen’or to the Arab tribes of Medina. But the Jewish religion was not unknown to the Arabs at least about a century before. In the Holy Qiir’an, the word Sabi occurs only at three times which signifies that this religion also existed in Arabia. In the basic tenets of this, seems to be a belief in God, the uenial of prophecy etc. The followers of this faith considered the stars as the means to attain proximity to God. According to Dr Ata Mohyuddin, ”The Arabia of those days suffered morally, socially and spiritually. In the realm of theology, the Arabs had debased themselves by the worship of idols and of the powers of nature like the Sun, Moon and Stone. They attributed false notions to the divine being and had created a system of superstitious ceremonies and beliefs. Makkah, the capital of Arabia, with its timeold as the days of the year and its votaries mocked at all wise and peaceful attempts at reformation.”21 According ;o S.M. Imamuddin, ”The Arabs also worshipped the stars, the sun anJ the moon and believed neither in the day of judgement nor in a life hereafter. They believed in ghosts, devils and evil spirits. Soothsyers and fortune-tellers were the social pests of the Arabs.”22 They were regarded as the masters of Jinn who supplied them with information about the past and future. Their religions could not in any way contribute to the material and spiritual wellbeing of the Arabs as a whole. Social and Moral Conditions As regards their social life, the Arabs were endowed with courage, dogged tenacity, wonderful memory, sense of self respect, feeling of freedom, love and allegiance for the tribe and tribal leader, Dr. Ata Mohyuddin, P.25 S.M. Imamuddin, A Political History of the Muslims, Vol. I, Karachi, 1984, P.26 48 Political and Cultural History of Islam simplicity, generosity, hospitality and last but not the least the knack for poetry. But these good qualities were outweighed by bad ones. During the dark age, the firmament of Arabia was overclouded with injustice, vice and superstition. According to Abdul Hameed Siddiqui, ”Social life in Arabia is paradoxical and presents a gloomy picture of striking contrast. The Arabs, on the one hand, were generous and hospitable even to the point of fault and took pride in entertaining liberally not only human beings but also anil mis and beasts. On the other hand, the impending fear of poverty weighed so heavily upon them that they buried their female children alive, least they should be impoverished by providing for them.”23 The Arabs had the following virtues, (i) Hospitality (ii) Generosity (in) ’Fidelity (iv) Chivalry (v) Gallantry ’ (vi) Loyalty (vii) Patience (viii) Frankness (ix) Love of Independence(x) Memory and Intelligence The hospitality of the Arabs is renowned all over the world and is inherited from Hazrat Ibrahim. The guest was honoured by the Arabs as if he was sent one of God. Ahmad Galwash writes about this quality of the Arabs in these words, ”Hospitality was so habitual to the Arabs and so much esteemed, that the example of this virtue among them exceed whatever can be cited among other nations.”24 The Arabic literature of pre-Islamic days is full of their gallantry persistence in revenge, protection of the weak and defence against the strong were the chief characteristics of the Arabs. However, Arabs were very conspicuous for their sincerity in companionship, honesty etc. W.M. Watt writes about the moral values of the pre-Islamic Arabs in these words. ”The moral ideal of the desert Arabs may be called, in accordance with Goldziher’s usage, Muruwah or manliness. It has been well described by R.A. Nicholson as bravery in battle, patience in misfortune, persistence in revenge, protection of the weak, defiance of the strong. Generosity and hospitality were greatly admired in the desert and are still prominent virtues of the Arabs. Loyalty and fidelity were also important virtues of the Arabs.”25 Abdul Hameed Siddiqui, PM8. Ahmad Galwash, The Religion of Islam, Lahore, 1985, P.24. W.M. Watt, Muhammad at Makkah, P.20. Arabia Before Islam 49 The Moral Degradation In the moral sphere one of the chief ills was the nefarious practice -of burying girl babies alive. The Arabs were also passionately addicted to drinking, gambling and music. Female singers, notorious for their immorality, were held in the highest esteem, the leading chiefs and magnates of the tribes paying public court to them. Now I take up as one by one vices of the pre-Islamic Arabs. 1. The Status of Women (a) The Killing of Daughters The position of women there was worse than that of the women of any other country in ancient history. The pre-Islamic Arabs regarded their women as chattels and looked upon them with bitter contempt. Among Bani Tamim and the Quraysh daughters were regarded as a nuisance and some fathers prided themselves on their feats of murdering their daughters. When a daughter grew up to the age of five or six, the callous father buried her alive inspite of her soul-harrowing cries. With the exception of a few tribes all other soiled their hands with their daughter’s blood. Some killed their children for fear of poverty as stated in the Holy Qur’an. And kill you not your children for fear of poverty. We provided them with livelihood and you also; surely killing them is a heinous sin. So in pre-Islamic Arabia women had no rights and no social respect. (b) The Marrying of Widows When a person died and left a widow or widows, the nearest male relation had to cover her or them with his mantle and they become his wives. Even a son, in this way took his step-mother as his wife. This most heinous custom was abolished by the Holy Qur’an (iv 22): And marry not those women whom your fathers have married. But what is past (is past); Surely (such marrying) is an indecency and a heinous affair; and an evil way. All this was possible because there was no authority to enforce any laws in Arabia except tribal customs and because women’were regarded as mere chattels. (c) Fornication and Adultery The relations amongst men and women in pre-Islamic Arabia were such as were not and couldn’t be controlled by any laws. The women were as lawless as the men and that may have provided some excuse to fathers who killed their .own daughters. Girls of 50 Political and Cultural History of Islam flirting disposition putting on their ornaments to look their best would go to the outskirts of the city where they allowed the menfolk to take full liberty with them. These people were not in the least ashamed of their promiscuous relations. They did not offend their sense of decency. (d) Polygamy and Divorce Polygamy prevailed on an unlimited scale. It was also the custom for a widow, after the death of her husband, to be passed on as concubine to the son. According to H.G. Sarwar, ”There were no laws relating marriage and divorces. A man married as many women as he liked and divorced as he wished.”26 (2) Gambling and Drunkenness Drunkenness, gambling and fornication went hand in hand and those who were not addicted to these vices could be counted on one’s fingers. Those who were not so loose were considered mean, stingy and unsocialable. ”And’when I die marry not one who is humble, weak or who does not gamble and avoids his people.” This is the will left by a pre-Islamic poet to his widow. There were one hundred and more varieties of wine. There was not a single corner of the street without its grogshop. Promiscuous gatherings, hobnobbing, singing and dancing were the order of the day and it made them lead a hectic and irrepressible life. (3) Usury The Arabs were also given to lending money on heavy rates of interest and when the money lent was not paid at the stipulated time, interest was added to the capital and further interest charged on the whole as is done by money-lenders all over the world. But the Arab usurers sometimes not only added interest to the capital but increased the latter too. If the loans were not paid the creditor sometimes took possession of the borrower’s wife and children, or sometimes the wife and children themselves became the subject of the mortgage. (4) Tribal Wars The pre-Islamic Arabs were ferocious warriors. It did not matter what the cause was every tribe had its feuds and unless a tribe or an individual who considered himself wrong had its or his revenge there was no peace. But then the other side considered itself wrong 26 H G Sarwar, Muhammad (PBUH) The Holy Prophet, Lahore, 1991. P 5. Arabia Before Islam 51 and so the feuds went on. For forty or fifty years before Islam there had been about one hundred and thirty-two battles called ”Ayyam-ulArab” (the days of Arabs). Which I have already described. The evil of these fights was the destruction of the lives and wealth of the people. Altaf Hussain Hali described the situation in his Mussadas. (5) Cruelty and Plunder The Arabs of pre-Islamic days, semi-barbarous as they were, cut of live flesh from the backs of camels and the tails of fat sheep which they roasted and enjoyed eating. They used to mutilate their captives as well. Women were sometimes tied to the tails of horses which were then made to gallop so that the poor victims were crushed to death. This was the pastime of the nobles. According to W.M. Watt, ”Robbery in his eyes is no crime, whether, it be a raid on an oasis or on a caravan.”27 (6) Belief in Ghosts, Devils and Evil Spirits In common with all Pagans and semi-civilized and semibarbarous peoples, the pre- Islamic Arabs believed in all kinds of invisible beings collectively called Jinn. Those Jinns that were supposed to live in jungles, deserts and ruins and misled the people were called ghoul. Superstitions prevailed everywhere in Arabia. S.M. Imamuddin described the moral conditions in these words, ”Morally also the Arabs were degraded. Some killed their children for fear of poverty others for giving their daughters in marriage to strangers. Women had no distinct position in Arabian society. Their lives and honour were of little consequence. Sexual morality was at its lowest ebb.”28 CULTURAL CONDITIONS There is a general impression that Arabs had no cultural and artistic values in pre-Islamic days. This statement, though true within limits, must be supplemented and qualified by the fact that the Arabs had contacts with Persian and Roman Empires and that the> had developed extensive trade and cultural relations with the neighbouring countries. Thus Arabia at that time had a cultural centre. So the Arabs were not altogether devoid of culture. R.A. Nicholson says, ”In the kingdoms of Hira and Ghassan pre-Islamic culture attained its highest development and from these centres it diffused itself and made its influence felt throughout Arabia. Some account, therefore, of their history and of the circumstances which enabled them to assume a civilizing role will 27 W M Watt, Muhammad at Makkah P 18 S M Imamuddin, P.26 52 Political and Cultural History of Islam not be superfluous.”29 There was no prose literature at that time: it was the poet’s privilege to sing^the history of his own people, to record their genealogies, to celebrate their feats of arms and to extol their virtues. The educational system of the pre-Islamic Arabs was not so developed as we have in modern age, but inspite of all ignorance and barbarism, Arabs were fully equipped with all literary branches like eloquence, poetry and memory. The Arabs excelled many nations in the world in composition of the epic poetry. The main themes of their composition were inter-tribal feuds, genealogies, heroic deeds and romantic stories. Their ode or Qasida was the perfect type of composition. The ode, as P.K. Hitti says, surpass the Iliad and Odyessy in metrical composition and elaborateness. The heathen poetry including the collection of Imra-ul-Qai’s (he was the Shakespeare of the Arabs) bear the testimony to the fact that in many respects, the Arabian language could be rightly compared with the European languages. Arabs were distinctive for their cultuie and literacy. The seven ancient Arabian poems, called Muallakat are proof of a golden age of literature and doubtless are only fragments of much larger collection. To them we owe much of our knowledge of the early Arabian life and faith. Palgrave says, ”If poor in architectural, Arabia is superabundantly rich in literary monuments”, and this is true, even of the time of ignorance.” Zuhair, Zarafa, Imra-ul-Qais, Amar-binKulsum, Al-Hanth, Antra and Lubaid furnished the mode! for later Arabian poetry and their poems, as we have them, are remarkable for perfection of form and language But their poetry consisted mostly of personal or tribal hosting; of the love of women and wine; of their fondness for gambling and drunkenness. It was also handmaid of warriors for exciting their passions and a poet was considered to be the equal of a hundred soldiers. Pre-Islamic poetry, instead of elevating the human soul, degraded it to its lowest depths. But its eloquence cannot be denied. It represented the Arab character to perfection. ° The above is a brief account of the political, economic, religious, social and cultural conditions existing in Arabia on the eve of the rise of Islam. It shows that Arabian society from which Islam arose was not, after all. a primitive nomadic society but had been considerably influenced by the civilizations of the adjacent countries. The cross cultural process of the Romans and the Persians played an important role in creating the sense of culture in Arabs. 30 R A Nicholson. A Literary History of the Arabs. London, 1994, P 37 HG Sarvvar. P 28 CHAPTER 2 MUHAMMAD (PBUH) FROM EARLY LIFE TO PROPHETHOOD WORLD BEFORE HOLY PROPHET The dark, dismal dreary night of spiritual gloom and moral turpitude was spread all over the world. Africa was still imliibited by wild beasts and naked humanity. Europe was sunk in barbarism and murders were committed ”in the name of Christianity. Instead of ”Love the enemy”, the cry was ”kill the brother”. Satan instead of Jesus, had taken possession of the hearts of men. The hatred of sect against sect in Christendom had become so violent that even beasts were more human than humanity. Manhood was debased, womanhood was corrupted, religion had degenerated. The temple of spiritual virtue founded by Jesus had become the den of inhuman fanaticism. All the glory of Greece, all the greatness of Rome, was gone. From London to Constantinople from Spain to Russia, there was not a single ray of the light beauty, virtue or justice. The heart of man was filled with infidelity. And the people like uncared for sheep, were they prey of the immoral wolves of humanity. The ten commandments of Hazrat Musa had been substituted by the ten opposite commandments of human devils. The Arab, had forgotten the religion of their forefathers, Noah and Abraham and were on the verge of extinction on account of their immorality their extravagance and their tribal feuds. The Persians had als The widowed Hazrat Aminah gave birth to the most revered personality among all the mankind, Muhammad (PBUH). He was born on Monday the 12th Rabiul Awwal to most of the historians which corresponds (probably) to March/April 571 A.D., if we agree that the Hijrah year begins on 16th July 622 A.D. According to others like ’Allama Shibli Numani’ it was Monday the 9th Rabiul Awwal. However, there is no difference of opinion in the day which falls on Monday. The child was named Muhammad (PBlJH) by his grand father and Ahmad by his mother. Both these names are mentioned in the Holy Quran.2 Infancy and Childhood According to the Arabian custom, in order to leai-n the pure Arabic dialect (and to enjoy the pleasant atmosphere of the country side at the same time) the baby was given in the custody of the nurse Halimah, who visited Makkah during those days in search of a rich baby to bring up but was not successful, hence was obliged to accept orphan Muhammad (PBUH) as it was heavenly destined f(>r her.3 Nurse Halimah belonged to the Banu Sa’d family of Hawazin tribe, which was famous for its fluent and beautiful dialect. In the first instance he lived with nurse. Halimah for two years itfter which she brought him back to Makkah but carried back again because of the plague epidemic ranging over there during tliose days. Muhammad (PBUH) spent about six years with her among the Banu Sa’d, during that time he developed the purest dialect of Arabic about which he spoke later: ”Verily, I*am the most eloquent Ariib amongst you; my descent is from the Quraysh and I speak the tongue of Banu Sa’d. The Holy Prophet had the utmost regard and respect for his Muhammad (PBUH) 55 ’ Abdul Hameed Siddiqui, The Life of Muhammad (PBUH), Lahore. 1989, P.38. 2 Saif-ur-Rahman al-Mubarakpuri, Ar-Baheeq Al-Makhtum, Lahore, 1995, p.55. 1 Dr. Majid Ali Khan, Muhammad (PBUH) the Final Messenger, Lahcre, T983 P 52. foster-mother, nurse Halimah and he did not fail to demonstrate it when she visited him after his marriage with Khadijah.4 Death of Hazrat Aminah In the sixth year of his life, Muhammad (PBUH) was sent to the care of his mother. The noble lady, in order to show her boy to the maternal relatives of his father, set out for Medina along with her slave girl. Arriving at Medina she alighted at the house where her husband had died and been buried. But on their way back to Makkah, they reached a place named al-Abwa where Hazrat Aminah fell sick and died. After her burial there the orphan was carried back to Makkah by Umm Aiman who was a faithful nurse of the child. Guardianship of Abdul Muttalib Abdul Muttalib took Muhammad (PBUH) into his own custody and showered all his love on him and made him the chief object of his attention. He was then the chief of the Quraysh and also the chief of the people of the Makkah, and a farash or special seating accommodation was prepared and reserved for him in the Ka’bah. His sons used to sit round this farash as a mark of respect for their father. When Muhammad (PBUH) was brought to him, he took him near his own seat stroked his back and showed other signs of his favour. And so the love between the grandfather and the grandchild increased day by day and the trio of them - the grandfather the mother and the grandson - were exceedingly happy. By earthly happiness does not last long. Aminah now longed to acquaint her first born with his maternal uncles and aunts and she took him with Umm-e-Aiman (the servant maid left by Abdullah) to Medina. She showed him the house where his father Abdullah had died ano -;;:n’-rc he was buried and the boy now res-n^ed th.it h« ”« But Muhammad’s (PBUH) sorrow was not over yet. Two years later, his aged grandfather, now in his eightieth year, also died and the weeping orphan followed the corpse of his affectionate Ibn Hisham, al-Sirat al-Nabwi (Urdu), Lahore, 1994, P.63. Prof. Khurshid Ahmad, Islam its Meaning and Messegc, London, 1993, P.62. JL 56 Political and Cultural History of Islam grandfather to its last resting place. And the young boy was as sorry about his grandfather’s death as he had been about his mother’s.6 Guardianship of Abu Talib Abdul Muttalib on his death-bed entrusted the guardianship of Muhammad (PBUH) to Abu Talib and the latter loved his nephew just as did Abdul Muttalib. Abu Talib loved the Holy Prophet. He preferred him even to his sons, for he found Muhammad intelligent, generous, kind-hearted and noble in his disposition. To Muhammad (PBUH), Abu Talib was now in the place of father and mother. Muhammad (PBUH) never ceased to speak well of him and of Abdul Muttalib. One of Muhammad’s (PBUH) greatest sorrows was that Abu Talib never became a Muslim but their relationship in life was the tenderest and most trustworthy, proving for ever that Islam is consistent with true love for one’s own relative though they be of another faith. In fact, the Holy Prophet never ceased to love his bitterest foes at it was no fault of his, if some of them never could be reconciled to him. Abu Talib, though a disbeliever remained a faithful guardian and a true friend of Muhammad (PBUH) to the last. ”In the twelfth year of Muhammad’s (PBUH) life, Abu Talib made up his mind to go for merchandise to Syria. He did not intend to t»ke Muhammad (PBUH) with him fearing the hardship of the journey and the passage through the desert. But Muhammad (PBUH) not wishing tu be ieparsitd ficsn his uncle, clung to him and prevailed upon him to take him to Syria aiong with him.’ Journey to Syria Uncle and nephew travailed together until they reached Durra to the South of Syria. Historians state that in this journey a Christian named Buhaira saw Muhammad (PBUH) ancWiseovered in him signs of the promised Prophet mentioned in Christian books and that he advised Abu Talib not to take him to Syria lest the Jews might recognise these signs and do him harm. Harm or no hajm, however, God’s purpose was being fulfilled. Muhammad’s (PBUH) soul was being educated for the task that was coming the journey made him realise how vast the earth was. He saw the beauty of the heavens and the rising and the serving of the stars in the clear ’Ibid ’ The Cambridge History of Islam, Voi I. London. 1980, P 38 Muhammad (PBUH) 57 atmosphere of the desert. His soul was making an excursion of the heavens and listening to the spiritual music of the spheres. Up to this time he had lived in an unproductive desert but now he was in the midst of the fruit gardens of Syria what an agreeable change! And what a contrast to the barren hills of Makkah! His free and unfettered soul observed all this just as porous and thirsty earth absorbs the heavenly rain. He also passed by Madyan, Wadi-ul-Qura and the territory of the Thamad. He saw their ruins, and in the Qur’an God reminds the Arabs of these ruins which they pass by in their journeys. He was still in his twelfth year but his penetrating mind, his powers of observation and memory were already as vast as the heavens and as deep as the universe. God, the master of creation, was perfecting the masterpiece of his creation, Muhammad (PBUH). The world stood still between the two. Abu Talib also made such a profit in their journey as he had never done before and he never made a similar journey thereafter.8 Youth Muhammad (PBUH) was a very hard working young man, who was prepared to do any honest work to earn his living. He learned trading from his uncle and became a trader. First he went with his uncle on commercial trips to the Middle East countries but then he began to trade on his own. He was extremely honest and fair in his dealings with all people. He lived a very quiet and peaceful life and was respected and honoured by all the people of Makkah, rich as well as poor. In his youth, he was a firm believer in one God and despised polytheism and he never participated in any sort of ceremony of the Makkans involving polytheism. He was a young man of very modest habits and good and decent manners. He possessed a strong and spotless moral character and people of all shades of opinion respected and honoured him and thoroughly trusted him. He was sincere, loving and kind to his friends, generous, sympathetic and helpful to the poor and needy and truthful considerate to all. He was completely faithful in respect of his promise and trusts to his friends as well as to his enemies. He lived very simple life and was humble even in his youth and hated vanity and pride. He shared in the pains and sufferings of the poor, widows and orphans by helping them. He greatly impressed the Ahmad Galwash, I he Religion of Islam. I ondon, 1985, P.29. 58 Political and Cultural History of Islam people of Makkah by his spotless character and was commonly known as as-Sadiq and al-Amin.9 Manhood As the Holy Prophet grew older the qualities of goodness and righteousness became well known to his friends and fellow citizens in the city of Makkah and its suburbs. His reputation as an honest and virtuous man was well established in the community by the time he attained maturity. I have already mentioned that the people of Makkah respected him and called him al-Amin and alSadiq and his reputation grew but he felt sick of the corrupt society around him and often went to a mountain called Hira, now commonly known as the Jabal-i-Noor about three miles from Makkah. He meditated there and often pondered on the way out of the prevailing darkness of ignorance, evil and polytheism. TheWarofFijar The divine will had determined that Muhammad (PBUH) should have an experience of warfare as well as of commerce and religious disputations. He was about fifteen years of age when one of the perpetual feuds amongst the Arabs occurred in the sacred months and hence was called Harb ul-Fijar or the unholy war. War was, by custom forbidden during the sacred months first, second, eleventh and twelfth of each year. The main cause of the war was: A man called Numan bin al-Manzir used to send a caravan once every year to Ukaz (where the Arabs met for trade and religious and literary disputations) carrying musk and bringing in return hides, ropes and other Yeman produce. It occurred to one Barrad bin Qais of Banu Kanana to capture this caravan and who belonged to Banu Hawazin was coming to Hijaz via Najd. Barrad found this out, followed Urwa and captured his caravan killing Urwa. Then some one amongst the Quraysh spread the news that Banu Hawazin were coming to revenge themselves upon the Quraysh. The Quraysh and the Hawazin met outside the limits of the sacred territory surrounding Makkah and a fight began between the two tribes. The Quraysh had to retreat till they sought refuge in the sacred territory. Banu Hawazin then challenged them for war next year at Ukaz, and this bloody war lasted for four years, each succeeding year being worse than the one previous and scores of lives were lost on both sides. Harb father of Abu Sufyan, who was For detail see Encyclopaedia of Seerah Vol. I, London, 1988. Muhammad (PBUH) 59 the leader of the Quraysh, was also killed in this war. At last peace was made on the Quraysh paying an indemnity for twenty lives that being the number of Hawazin warriors killed in the war in excess of the Quraysh. Bui, this unholy war enfeebled the country for a long time to come. Muhammad’s (PBUH) part in the war consisted in picking up the stray arrows thrown by the enemy and handing these back to his uncle Abu Talib who was the chief of Banu Hashim in this war. The Holy Prophet did not himself kill or wound anyone. He was more or less a mere onlooker but the knowledge he gained of the Arab methods of fighting and their mentality was of the greatest use to him thirty six years afterwards.10 The League of Fuzul (Hilf-ul-Fuzul) The war of Fijar so decimated the ranks of the Quraysh, and its uselessness so impressed the minds of some of the thoughtful amongst them, that they made up their minds to prevent any future wars like these. The fact was that the most exemplary chara’ ’r of Muhammad (PBUH) and the kind-heartedness of his uncle Abu Talib were having their moral effect on the Quraysh. Under these circumstances Zubair bin Abdul Muttalib, an uncle of the Holy Prophet, invited representatives of Banu Hashim, Zuhra and Tism to the house of Abdullah bin Jadam and gave them a feast. After the feast it was covenanted and agreed in the name of God (Allah) that each one of them would help all helpless persons till their dues were restored to them, howsoever great or small they might be. The Holy Prophet though young was one of the moving spirits of this league and it is to the credit of the league that no more wars or inequities took place for many years after its formation. Muhammad’s (PBUH) supplying water to the pilgrims and his care of the pilgrims and his nobility of character soon won him a name and a fame which no other young man possessed. The Holy Prophet used to say in his later life: I loved the oath in which 1 was present at the house of IbnJadans better than the gift of red camels, and I would do it again if I ’were called to it.11 MUHAMMAD’S (PBUH) MARRIAGE WITH HAZRAT KHADIJAH Muhammad’s (PBUH) honesty as a merchant made him popular in the Makkhan society and there was no one who honoured W.M. Watt, Muhammad at Makkah, P 33 Ibid. 60 Pdittcal^ Cultural H.stonj of Islam him and loved him more on that Abu Talib. A strange Srgab2CMU’1ltthanhisUncleand ventures was that” ^ were ^Ummad>s ^H) mercantile’ Encyclopedia of Seerah, ”He was r~L P/°?erous- According to known in Makkah as an honest nTn^T years °ld and ^11 the poor and the widows andlS * T”8 traden He helP*d wealthy and respectable widowTh Hu°lP a”d the weak A much impressed by the h^ ”nT ? KhaWa’id was ^ (PBUH). She was forty years old a ?, § ”^ °f Mu”ammad sons and a daughter and qu e a fort”n T* dowed’ She had ^ offered herself in marriage and M?h T her tWO husband^- She They were married andTnj^Th (PBUH) 3CCePted her’’ married life for years and had tin m’ ccessf”] and peaceful childhood and four daughters KhT f*’ b°th °f whom died in wife as long as she Irted Th^ waf” T ^ H°’y Pr°Phet’s °”’” Khadijah fully appreciated the nohl PP>/ Md f°rtunate u»’’°» personality of Muhammad (PBUH)”° gen’US and commanding free f~^ $££^° «”*,urbed and never-failing source of solace to Mm M, Sa<1”ess’she Proved a in his life that when no bod^ b «e”d^^(PBUH) said ’«« believed in Mm, when ,e ^ ^^l^Z *£<£ Muhammad ***’ when he was help^ ^S^^ (PBUH) was about fifty one yeaSTold w 1 lost a faithful friend aS a sta^^1* PROPHETHOOD g As usual, one day ^~ -- angel Gabriel came to him wia asked ni and unexpected and he was startled by the quiet atmosphere, but, finally/ h< angel repeated his request and’he time the angel said, ”Read! In the who created man from a clot! taught by means of the pen, was the first revelation and Muhammad (PBUH). He was UICI1 Iorry years . astomshed at the appearance of the an^l and h , - great and noble mission, and a bit shafceV^S f ^°n f°r this such a huge burden and the .^J^^S %£&« of the Life and Teachings of «’»• ^ the WM Very Sudden ’” that C3’m 3”d th ^ read’” The of Same,a”SWer- The third d Md Cherisher’ * beaUtifu1’ who not This °f h°me Muhammad (PBUH) 61 the whole story to his wife. She comforted him and assured him that no harm could come to a man of his nature and that Allah would protect him from all evils. She took him to her cousin Warqa bin Naufal, who was a scholarly person and had embraced Christianity. After hearing from Muhammad (PBUH) what had happened on the mountain of Hira, he said that was the angel Gabriel, who had always brought revelation to the messengers from God before him. He also said that the Prophet would be turned out of his city by his enemies. He further added that he would certainly support him. After an interval, the revelations continued and he quietly, but steadfastly, began to preach doctrine of monotheism (Oneness of God) and good ways of living to his relatives, friends and close associates. His wife ”Khadijah” was first to embrace Islam. Then his close associates, one by one began to come into the fold of Islam. His very close friend Abu Bakr, his slave Zaid, his cousin AH, and then Usman-bin-Uffan, Talha, Zubair and Abdur Rahman bin Auf became Muslims. This great and noble preaching continued in secret for three years. Then God commanded him to preach the religion of Islam openly to his kinsmen. ”Therefore expound openly what you are commanded, and turn away from those who join false gods with God”. And in Surat al-Shu’ara, we read so call not on any other god with Allah, or you will be among those under the penalty. And admonish your nearest kinsmen. hi obedience to the command of Allah, Muhammad (PBUH) gathered his kinsmen from the family of Quraysh and invited them to the religion of Islam. He preached to them of the oneness of God and warned them of the consequences of following their evil ways. The people of the Quraysh were infuriated by his teaching and ridiculed him. He continued his preaching in spite of hostility and abuses from the Makkhan leaders, especially from his uncles, Abu Lahab and Abu Jahl. But the sincere, righteous and God loving individuals slowly continued to come into the fold of Islam, inspite of increasing hostility from the pagans of Makkah. The poor and week convert of Islam, like Bilal, Ammar bin Yasir, Khabab, and others like them suffered torture and severe persecution at the hands of the Makkhans chiefs. The opposition to the mission of Muhammad (PBUH) gradually increased but it did not deter him or slow down his enthusiasm for it. Rubbish and thorny bushes were thrown on him and filthy abuses were shouted at him, but he continued his work with increasing vigour and determination. CHAPTER 3 FROM CALL TO SECOND PLEDGE OF UQ.BAH THE EARLY CONVERTS Among the first to have been attracted to the faith of Muhammad (PBUH) was a group of those who had been ardent believers in the unity of God. Even though they were not conversant with the concept of monotheism which Islam enunciated, yet one could easily find in them the spark of righteousness which could easily develop into flames. Zayd bin Ami. whose son Sa’id became a very devoted follower of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), was one of those famous men who belonged to this group. There was also a group of men who stood, in fact, outside the clan system, though nominally attached to some clan. Either the clan did not recognize their affiliations to be a matter of great importance, or the clan considered itself too weak to offer them protection against the high-handedness of the tyrants. These men were in no way inferior to the proud men of Quraysh both physically and mentally, but they had unfortunately no strong clan at their back to support them. They lacked power and prestige. Amongst them were Ammar, Khabbab, Abu Fukaiha Suhayb (may God be pleased with them) These innocent souls were ridiculed and jeered in season and out of season. Referring to such people the high-brow Quraysh aristocrats asked the Holy Prophet (PBUH) with scorn and jest: ”Are these the only persons who have been blessed by Allah amongst us?” There were a few amongst the Muslims who, in the words of the Holy Qur’an, were mustad’afun. Ibn Sa’d characterises them as ”those From Call to Second Pledge of Uc/bah 63 who had no clan to protect them.”1 Having formed some idea of the sort of men who responded to Muhammad’s (PBUH) call, let us consider more fully the treatment meted out to them and to the Holy Prophet (PBUH) by their Makkhan compatriots and the possible reasons for their doing so. In the beginning the Makkhan leaders did not care much for Muhammad (PBUH) and his teachings. An orphan as he was, they did not see in him the strength and power of a revolutionary who stood much of a chance of success. To them he was a zealot. But this attitude of indifference soon changed into active hostility. They could ill afford to observe as silent spectators to the growth of this movement. They were watching its onward march with grave concern and rallied all their resources to put a stop to its tidal wave. It was not, however, till three to four years of his ministry had elapsed that a full scale opposition to Muhammad (PBUH) was organized. They first contacted Abu Talib and apprised him of the situation which had been created by his nephew. They said: ”O Abu Talib ! your nephew curses our gods; finds faults with our way of life, mocks at our religion and degrades our forefathers; either you stop him, or allow us to get at him, for you are in the same position as we are in opposition to hifh: and we will rid you of him.” Abu Talib tried to appease their wrath by giving them a polite reply. The Holy Prophet continued on his way preaching God’s religion and calling men hitherto. The Quraysh were further infuriated and approached Abu Talib for the second time and insisted him to put a stop to his nephew’s activities which, if allowed unchecked, would involve him into severe hostility. Abu Talib was deeply distressed at the breach with his people and their enmity, but he could not afford to desert the apostle too. He sent for his nephew and told him what the people had said; ”Spare me and yourself and put not burden upon me that I can’t bear.” Upon this the Holy Prophet replied, ”O my uncle ! by God, if they put the sun in my right hand and moon in my left on condition that I abandon this course, until God has made me victorious, or I perish therein, I would not abandon it.” The Holy Prophet got up. As he turned away his uncle called him and said: Come back, my nephew, and when he came back, he said, ”Go and preach what you please, for by God I will never forsake you.” Abdul Hameed Siddiqui, The Life of Muhammad (PBUH), P.68. 64 Political and Cultural History of Islam When the Quraysh perceived that Abu Taiib had refused to yield before their demand and he was resolved to protect him, they themselves organized a campaign of persecution against him and his companions. It was started right from the holy precinct of the Ka’bah to which the Quraysh were deeply attached. It was their shrine, their centre of devotion, the focus of their idolatrous religious worship. Hence it had to be protected at all cost from the ever-increasing influence of Islam. Muhammad (PBUH), on the other hand, had a strong desire to cleanse this sacred House of God from idolatry. It is narrated that once the Holy Prophet went into the sanctuary of the Ka’bah and summoned the people to the unity of God. There was sudden uproar and attack upon him from every side. Harith ibn Abi Halah rushed to the spot and tried to save the life of the Holy Prophet. A sharp quarrel arose between them, a sword struck the head of noble Harith and he fell dead on the ground. He was the first martyr to lay down his life for the sake of Islam.2 PERSECUTIONS Muhammad (PBUH) was ridiculed on every occasion by Quraysh. Sometimes the wicked people assembled in the streets and pointed at him slightingly as he passed and shouted : ”There goes the fellow from among the sons of Abdul Muttalib who speaks about the heavens.” Dirt was thrown at him. His path was strewn with thorns and filth. Once, while he was praying in the Ka’bah, Uqbah, son of Abi Mu’ayt, made his sheet into a rope, cast it round the neck of the Holy Prophet and then twisted it so as to choke the Holy Prophet’s throat, and when he prostrated on the ground, he pulled it hard. But the Holy Prophet continued with his prayer with his usual calmness. In the meantime Abu Bakr (Rad.A) arrived at the spot, pushed back Uqbah and exclaimed : ”Do you slay a person because he says : My Lord is Allah, and has come to you with clear signs?” It is narrated on the authority of Tariq ibn Abdullah alMuharibi that he once saw the Holy Prophet preaching. There is no god save Allah. A man followed him and ruthlessly flung stones at him. The Holy Prophet was profusely bleeding and the wicked fellow cried : ”O men, be on your guard, he is a liar.” It is also recorded that once Abu Jahl, the staunch enemy of the Holy Prophet, threw dust on his sacred head and shouted: ”O people, do not be 2 Abdul Hameed Siddiqui, The Life of Muhammad (PBUH), P 70. 3 Abdul Hameed Siddiqui, The Life of Muhammad (PBUH), P.70. From Call to Second Pledge of Uqbah 65 taken in by his words. This man wants you to abandon the worship of Lat and ”Uzza”. The Holy Prophet, however, paid no heed to him.4 • Usman ibn Affan (Rad.A) says : ”I once saw the Holy Prophet walking around the sanctuary of Ka’bah. In every round a band of mischief-mongers headed by Abu Jahl passed some sarcastic remarks and then there was a laughter. The Holy Prophet remained unmoved. On the third round, when they repeated the same act, the Holy Prophet stopped there. The complexion of his face underwent a change and he emphatically remarked, ”You will never give up these misdeeds until the calamity comes to you from the heavens.” Usma,n continues : ”At this everyone shuddered.” The Holy Prophet stepped back to his place and God shall certainly grant supremacy to His ”faith”, fulfill His word and shall help His Din. The people whom you find powerful today shall be killed by your hands. Usman observes : ”By God we saw with our own eyes that Allah destroyed them through our hands.”5 Once when the Holy Prophet was prostrating while praying in the Ka’bah, Abu Jahl asked his companions to bring the dirty foetus of a she-camel and place it on his back. Uqbah ibn Abi Mu’yat • was the unfortunate man who hastened to do this ignoble act. A peel of laughter rose amongst the infidels. The Holy Prophet invoked the wrath of God upon them, especially upon Abu Jahl, Utbah b. Rabi’ah, Shaybah ibn Rabi’ah. Walid ibn Utbah, Umayyah ibn Khalaf and Uqbah ibn Abi Mu’ayt. It is recorded in the Sahih Bukhari that most of them were killed in the battle of Badr. The Holy Prophet once remarked with deep anguish: ”I lived amongst two worst types of neighbours : one of them was Abu Lahab and the other was Uqbah ibn Abi Mu’ayt. Both of them used to throw filth at my door.”6 PUBLIC PREACHING AND DAR-E-ARQAM The people who had embraced Islam and received the elementary guidance from the Holy Prophet were not left to their fate by him. The Holy Prophet chalked out a comprehensive programme of their individual and collective education and painstakingly implemented it. He taught them the Book and elaborated and elucidated the Divine verses, equipped them with the principles of ’ ibid 5 Ibid ’ The Life of Muhammad (PBUH), P.70 66 Political m>d Cultural History of Islam Islam and perfected them with the guidance of Allah. The Holy Prophet gave them moral training and imparted ways of purity and prayer. He perfected their manners, routine and commercial dealings. He shaped them collectively under a new moral and social mould. As a result, a new man and a new society was born. Then he disciplined and organized them into a group. He arranged their meetings so that they would keep themselves informed about the condition of one another. In this way they were able to put their heads together for collective welfare as well as advancement of Islamic movement. They strengthened one another and the cause of Islam. It produced courage and energy among them. Dar-e-Arqam was appointed as the meeting place for forging unity and strength among the Muslims.’ It was an equivalent of Dar-ul-Nadwa where the Quraysh used to hold their meetings and devised ways and means of uprooting the Islamic movement. The believers used to meet at Dare-Arqam to devise measures of their security and to find solutions of their individual, social and collective problems. It was a manifestation of Muslim unity in response to the unity of the Quraysh. This collectiveness served the Muslims in many ways. It boosted their morale in the face of a wicked a^d mean opposition. Dar-e-Arqam was ideally situated. The house of the Holy Prophet being at some distance from Ka’bah was not suitable as a meeting place. So the house of Arqam was selected as it was located on mount Safa near the Holy Ka’bah, which was visible from there. Ka’bah was to become the center of Islam and was regularly visited by people from all over Arabia. It was easy for many pilgrims to the house of God to sneak into Dar-e-Arqam for collecting information about and understanding Islam. It was as easy to return from there after a short sojourn. Hazrat Abu Zar Ghaffari was amongst such people who used to venture in the quest of truth. The location of Dare-Arqam became a well-known meeting place of the Islamic movement where collective prayers were also offered. Here the companions of the Holy Prophet were reassured and offered sympathy and advised to practice endurance. Consultations were made here and ways and means of promoting the Islamic movement were discussed. Quran was taught here and new entrants were welcomed. This was not a hide-out but a well-known place for the 7 Syed Asad Gilani, Methodology of Prophet Muhammad’s (PBUH) Islamic Revolution, Lahore. 1989, P. 124. From Call to Second Pledge of Uqbah 67 propagation of Islam. It was the first center of Islamic call where many people including Hazrat Hamza and Hazrat Urnar embraced Islam. The Quraysh stopped and harassed new visitors to this place. Hazrat Abu Zar Ghaffari, who wanted to know the truth of Islam and see the Holy Prophet, was carefully brought to Dar-e-Arqam by Hazrat AH who entertained him as a guest in his house for several days.8 HOSTILITY OF QURAYSH AND ITS CAUSES A few days later, with the help of his cousin Ali (Rad.A) the Holy Prophet (PBUH) invited his close family members to a banquet. After the meals, the Holy Prophet (PBUH) stood up and said, ”I have been given such a great religion which guarantees your success in this world and in the Hereafter. Who would help me in my mission?” There was a deep silence. Then little Ali (Rad.A) stood up and said, ”Though my eyes are sore, my legs are thin, and I am the youngest of all present here, yet I will stand by you, O Messenger of Allah.” Hearing the reply by a boy often years, the chiefs of Quraysh laughed, but later the history proved contrary. By this time the number of Muslims reached forty. One day the Holy Prophet (PBUH) went to the Ka’bah in a!-Masjid al-Haram and declared the ”Shahadah” (”Ash-hadu al-la-ilaha illallahu wa ashhadu anna Muhammadan ’abduhu wa rasuluh”: I bear witness there is no god but Allah, and I bear witness that Muhammad is His servant and Apostle). This was considered the greatest insult to the Ka’bah and the customs of the Quraysh. A big tumult resulted and the non believers started to assault the Holy Prophet (PBUH). Harith bin Abi Hala. a Muslim, came out of his house to save the Holy Prophet (PBUH) but was martyred. This was the first martyrdom in the history of Islam. But the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and his few followers continued their mission and openly declared that the idols could do them neither any good nor harm. He enjoined upon them to do good to one another and forbade them from the evil ways. His teachings were a death blow to the old customs and their wrong ways of life and were taken by the Quraysh as an insult t&4heir so-called religion and the ways of their fore-fathers. The early success of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) was an eyesore to the Quraysh, therefore they left no stone unturned to discourage the new converts and to put Syed Asad Gilani, Methodology of Prophet Muhammad’s (PBUH) Islamic Revolution, P. 124 70 Political and Cultural History of Islam leave their homes and migrate to a foreign country for the cause of Islam. They had to face changed circumstances, new environment and had to live with strangers. They found the required courage and became aware of their identity as a separate ideological group. Facing similar hardships, the> learnt to unite and came to know the blessings of unity. They found an opportunity to present Islam to foreign non-Arabs. Instead of idolaters, they gave the call of Islam to Christians who had the Book. They had the privilege of carrying Islam from Makkah to Ethiopia, and they also learnt to surmount hitherto unknown difficulties. The cal! for Islam had thus crossed the national frontier and entered the domain of a foreign country. It received an international colouring. One of the ad\antages of this first migration was that Muslims adjusted with and understood the Christians away from the idol-worshippers of Makkah and their atrocities. The Quraysh of Makkah followed the Muslims and requested the king of Ethiopia for their repatriation levelling false allegation against them. The king who was kind and wise ruler gave the Muslims an opportunity of defence and debate. As a result, the delegation of the non-believers of Makkah was openly humiliated and was sent back defeated in their attempt. They could not avail the influence of the courtiers of the king whom they had bribed. Muslims scored a moral victor} and were granted protection by a righteous Christian monarch. They were encouraged and assured that their preaching would be sympathetically heard. As they were able present Islam in the court, the king was moved and attested the truth and offered royal patronage. The refuged Muslims came to know that presenting Islam openly and fearlessly was in their interest arid also fulfilled the demands of their movement. They also understood that their propagation of Islam carried more weight if they presented it fearlessly without paying heed to the prevalent belief in Christianity. The Christians listened carefully and reacted sympathetically. . The Holy Prophet selected Ethopia for the fust migration of Muslims. The population was Christian having a Divine Book. They were nearest to the Muslims in their belief regarding God, Prophethood and the hereafter. They were also kind and God fearing as compared with Jews of that period. They displayed signs of good Christian teachings. The preaching of Hazrat Isa (Jesus Christ) had created fear of God, kindness and hospitality in them. It was due to From Call to Second Pledge of Uqbah 71 these reasons that the Holy Prophet selected Ethopia for the inflation of Muslims. At that time it was the most suitable place for irpose. The Muslims could no longer tolerate the atrocities at h. The Holy Prophet ordered them. ”It is better for you to migrate to Ethopia. There is a king ules with justice and kindness. It is a land of peace and ess. You must stay there until Allah relieves your distress.” Accordingly, the Muslims migrated towards Ethopia twice in * of peace and security. As a result only few Muslims were left ihe Holy Prophet at Makkah. Those who migrated on the tions of the Holy Prophet were promised best reward by their Selection of Ethopia for migration was a clear proof of the ’rophet’s wisdom and strategy. It strengthened the faith of the ns and brought them many laurels. It was the 5th year of ;thood. In the 14th year of Prophethood Muslims of Makkah ted Medina on the invitation of and security offered by the (.HK se.ii will insti Luui Hoi> Musi Prop, „, ^ Ans s-citizens of Medina popularly known as the helpers. This wa-- he great migration and a complete one. All the Muslims were enj> ’ ~ mi ned to migrate. Every true Muslim did, and those who did not ate were left to their fate by the Holy f’lojpiiet who no iongei hau - i »ps, business, relatives, friends and the birthplace. It was a big deal. The Holy Prophet consoled and gave them assurance of good dings In the path of Allah, the opportunity lor a gie Political and Cultural History of Islam HOLY PROPHET AT TA’IF AND HIS ZEAL FOR DA’WAH (INVITATION TOWARDS ALLAH) After the death of Abu Talib the opposition at Makkah grew greater day by day and the enemies of Islam began to redouble their persecution. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) was then forced to turn his attention towards the next biggest city of Arabia, Ta’if. He travelled to Ta’if and invited its inhabitants towards Islam But all the chieftains of the clan refused even to listen to the Holy Prophet and treated him most contemptuously and rudely. When the Holy Prophet (PBUH) was leaving the town they told a gang of vagabonds to pelt him with stones. He was so much pelted that his whole body was covered with blood and his shoes were clogged to his feet. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) left the town in this woeful plight while praying to Allah: ”O Aiiah! To Thee I complain of the feebleness of my strength, of my lack of resourcefulness and my insignificance in the eyes of people. O, Most Merciful of ail capab’e of showing mercy! Thou art the Lord of the weak and thou art my own Lord. To whom art thou entrust me, to an unsympathetic foe who would sullenly frown at me, or to an alien to whom Thou has given control over my affair? Not in the least do I care for anything except that I may have the protection for myself. In the light of the face do I seek shelter-the light of which illumines the Heaven and dispels all sorts of darkness, and which controls all affairs in this world as well as in the Hereafter. May it never be that I should incur the wrath, or that thou should be displeased with me. I must remove the cause of the displeasure till this art pleased’1. The incident not only demonstrates the great moral character and mercy of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) upon his people but also his zeai for preaching Islam and the great confidence in Allah. Although he was alone among all opponents he did not give up his duty of inviting the people of Ta’if towards Allah. As a matter of fact the suffering that the Holy Prophet underwent at Ta’if raised his character and personality. William Muir, after accepting this fact, writes: ”In Muhammad’s journey to Ta’if his greatness is amply seen. A single man whose own people not only looked down upon him, but had expelled him, ’caves the city in the cause of God, and goes to a place of unbelievers/like Jonah, and calls them to embrace Islam which shows that he had absolute faith in his mission.”’6 ’Dr. Majid an Khan, P.92. From Call to Second Pledge of Uqbah 75 THE FIRST COVENANT OF UQABAH As the year passed and the holy months and the pilgrimage season retuned, twelve men from Yathrib set out for Makkah. They met the Holy Prophet at al-Uqabah and entered with him into an alliance known as ”the first covenant of al-Uqabah.” In this covenant they agreed to adhere to the absolute unity of God, neither to steal nor to commit adultery, neither to kill their children nor knowingly to commit any evil, and not to fail to obey God in His commandment of any good. They were satisfied that, in case they succeeded in living the life of virtue and obedience, their reward would be paradise; otherwise, their judgment belonged to God, His being the power to punish as well as to forgive. On their return to Yathrib, Muhammad (PBUH) sent with them Mus’ab ibn Umayr to teach them the Qur’an and the precepts of Islam. After this covenant Islam spread in Yathrib. Mus’ab resided with the Muslims of al-Aws and al-Khazraj and taught them the religion of God and the revelation of truth while their numbers increased wim new converts every day. When the holy months returned, Mus’ab travelled to Makka!. .d reported to Muhammad (PBUH) the progress of the Muslims at Medina in solidarity and power and informed the Holy Prophet that a greater number of them, surpassing their predecessors in faith, would be arriving this season to perform the pilgrimage. THE SECOND COVENANT OF UQABAH The year 622 A.D. saw a great number of pilgrims, seventythree men and two women, from Yathrib. When Muhammad (PBUH) learned of their arrival, he thought of concluding another pact with them which would not be limited to the preaching of Islam in the way followed during the last thirteen years. Beyond the preaching of gentleness and forbearance and sacrifice under attack, the times and their present dangers called for an alliance by which the Muslims would htelp one another to prevent as well as to repelinjury and aggression.l Secretly Muhammad (PBUH) contacted the leaders of the group ana learned of their good preparation for a task such as this. They agreed to meet at al-Uqabah during the night on the second day following the pilgrimage. The Muslims of Yathrib kept this appointment secret and did not inform the unbelievers 76 Political and Cultural History of Islam among their own tribe. When the time came, they went to their rendezvous with the Holy Prophet, stealing themselves away under the cover of night. When they reached al- Uqabah, men and women ascended the mountain and there awaited the arrival of the Holy Prophet.17 Muhammad (PBUH) arrived with his uncle Abbas ibn Abdul Muttalib. Abbas, who had not yet converted to Islam, knew from his nephew that this meeting was to conclude an alliance which might incite Quraysh to a war of aggression as much as it was designed to achieve peace and security. Muhammad (PBUH) had informed his uncle that together with some members of Banu al-Muttalib and Banu Hashim he had agreed with the new group from Yathrib that they would protect him personally Anxious to strengthen his nephew and people against a war whose losses might fall heavily upon Banu Hashim and Banu al-Muttaib, Abbas sought to make sure that among this group from Yathrib he would find real helpers and allies. Consequently, he was the first one to open the discussion. He said, ”O men from Khazraj, Muhammad’s (PBUH) eminence and prestige among us are known to you We have protected him even against those of his own people who think as highly of him as we do. Among us, he stands strong and secure But he insists on joining your party. If you find yourselves capable of fulfilling toward him what you have promised, then you may proceed. But if you would betray him and send him over to his enemies once he has joined your party, you had better now say so and leave him alone.” After hearing this speech of Abbas, the men from Yathrib said, ”We have heard what you said, O ”Abbas,” and turning to the Holy Prophet, they continued, ”O Prophet of God, speak out and chose for yourself and your Lord what you desire.” Muhammad (PBUH), after reciting some verses from the Holy Qur’an, preached his faith in God in moving terms. He then said to the men from Yathrib, ”I covenant with you on the condition that you will protect me against all, just as you would protect your women and children.” Bara’ ibn Ma’rur, who was chief of his people Muhammad Husam Haykal, The Life of Muhammad (PBUH), Lahore, 1989, P 157 From Call to Second Pledge ofUqbah 77 78 Political and Cultural History of Islam and their eider, had entered into Islam after the first covenant of alUqabah. Since then he had been fulfilling all that Islam requited of him, except that he directed himself toward the Ka’bah whenever he prayed. Muhammad (PBUH) and all the Muslims were in the practice of turning their faces toward al-Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem. His disagreement with his people on the subject of the qiblah was brought to the attention of the Holy Prophet upon their arrival to Makkah. The Holy Prophet enjoined Bara not to turn his face toward the Ka’bah during prayer. Nonetheless, it was the same Bara who first stretched forth his hand to covenant with the Holy Prophet when the latter asked for the protection that the people of Yathrib were wont to give their women and children.’8 QURAYSH AND THE COVENANT OF AL-UQABAH The morrow had hardly come when the Quraysh, learning of the new pact, was disturbed by it. The Qurayshi leaders went to alKhazraj in their own quarters and blamed them for what they had just done. The Quraysh reiterated that they sought no war against them and asked them why they had covenanted with Muhammad (PBUH) to fight them on his side. The unbelievers of al-Khazraj denied that any of this had taken place. The Muslims, on the other hand, kept silent and were saved from embarrassment when the Quraysh believed the claim of their co-religionists Thus the news was neither confirmed nor denied, and the Quraysh allowed the matter to stand until new evidence could be brought forth. The people of Yathrib returned to their city before the Quraysh had reached any certainty about what had happened. When later the Quraysh did learn the truth, they ran after the people of Yathrib who had exited the day before but could catch up with none except Sa’d ibn ’Ubadah. They took him to Makkah in chains and tortured him until Jubayr ibn Mut’am ibn Adiyy and al Harith ibn Umayyah ransomed him as their agent in Yathrib when they passed by there on their way to al-Sham. Muhammad Husain Haykal, The Life of Muhammad (PBUH), P 158 CHAPTER 4 THE HIJRAH OR EMIGRATION TO MEDINA (622A.D.) Hijrah The Hijrah is a significant event in Islamic history and a turning point in the life of Holy Prophet. The Hijrat era dates from the Hijrat. It was introduced by the Caliph Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) in 637 A.D. The Hijrah marks the beginning of a new phase in the life of Holy Prophet. With the Hijrah the Makkhan period of the Holy Prophet’s life ended and the Medina period began. The years of rejection, persecution and seeming failure came to an end and the years of honour and success dawned in the life of Muhammad (PBUH).1 He left the city of his birth as a despised Prophet but entered the city of his adoption as an honoured preceptor, guide and leader. To commemorate his entrance to Yathreb, the Yathrebites named their city Medina. The people of Medina accepted Islam. They gave houses, lands and all sorts of help to the Makkhan emigrants. Events In the eleventh year of Prophethood, some people from Medina came to Makkah for Hajj, met the Holy Prophet and embraced Islam showing great enthusiasm about Islam. Next year a P.K. Hitti, History of the Arabs, P 116 80 Political and Cultural History of Islam batch of seventy-five persons from Medina came to perform Hajj and embraced Islam at the hands of the Holy Prophet about whom they had already heard a lot. To show their sincerity and love for the Holy Prophet, they invited him to come and settle at Medina. They promised to safeguard the life and honour of the Holy Prophet and his followers and to give them all possible assistance. They knew well that by inviting the Holy Prophet and by providing him shelter they would surely face the wrath of Quraysh of Makkah. But they made a firm pledge to face all consequences. It is known in Islamic history as ”Second Allegiance at Uqbah”. Meanwhile the Quraysh of Makkah had conspired to attack and kill the Holy Prophet jointly, appointing one man from each tribe. This plan was approved so as to avoid revenge at the hands of the Holy Prophet’s tribe, Bani Hashim. The Holy Prophet came to know about the plan through revelation and migrated to Medina, during the same night appointed for his assassination. The Holy Prophet ordered Hazrat AH to sleep on his bed, which he did. Later on Hazrat Ali disclosed that he never had such a sound sleep as on that particular night.” Migration As the First Step of Islamic Revolution Migration proved to be the turning point and the beginning of a new chapter of glory in the Islamic revolution. It brought success, happiness and victory to the Muslims. It separated the Muslims from the idolaters and left all unpleasant memories behind. Muslims were given a general order for migration and received it with open hearts. Mo’st of them were fed-up with life and atrocities of Quraysh. They were already thinking about migration. So placing their trust in Allah, they left their homes and joined the Holy Prophet at Medina. Only a few were worried about their business and means of livelihood. It is quite obvious that in the path of righteousness sometimes one has to sacrifice all worldly interests and belongings, and there seems no alternative. This is a crucial moment in a believer’s life. In such a situation, a true believer never falters nor does he seek any economic or financial security for his future. He obeys the Divine guidance in all earnestness. People who weigh the pros and cons at this juncture can never take a revolutionary step. Syed Asad Gilani, Methodology of Prophet Muhammad’s (PBUH) Islamic Revolution, P 57. The Hijrah or Emigration to Medina 81 They have never accomplished a revolutionary job. Only those people meet with success who risk their lives in decisive moments. Their sacrifices are the pride of humanity and glory of Islam Migration in the name of Allah is a great challenge for a believer. He can find the mercy of Allah by accepting this challenge wholeheartedly and by giving a good account of himself passing through subsequent ordeals. Only then he becomes the flag- bearer of Islamic movement. Refugees in Medina As Muslim refugees from Makkah and other parts of Arabia converged at Medina, it became the nucleus of Islamic movement and activity. A batch of devout Muslims who had migrated earlier to Ethopia also came to Medina to live among their brothers-in-faith and in the company of the Holy Prophet. Due to the influx of refugees, Medina, a small city at that time, had to face the problems of settlement and rehabilitation. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) assessed the magnitude of the problem and tackled it in a unique and historical manner. The principle of Islamic brotherhood was implemented in letter and spirit. Every refugee was publicly declared brother to one of the original citizens of Medina, the latter sharing each and every responsibility of the former. This new relationship solved the problem of rehabilitation. It also proved and manifested the practicability of the concept of Islamic brotherhood. While establishing the link of brotherhood between two persons, the Holy Prophet selected men of equal status and common nature. He also explained the rights and obligations involved in the new arrangement. Its success dramatically converted unfamiliar faces and surroundings into familiar ones. The new relationship dispelled all tension, anxiety and pressure. Refugees became family members sharing food and shelter as well as contributing in the form of work and labouij. AM sorts of discrimination disappeared and a congenial, hospitable atmosphere emerged. The refugees were no more strangers. They proved themselves as useful, productive members of an Islamic society at Medina. They mixed with the locals as water and sand.4 ”Ibid Syed Asad Oilani, Methodology of Prophet Muhamrmd’s (PBUH) Islamic Revolution. P 58 82 Political and Cultural History of Islam At the time of Migration, Medina was a small town inhabited by two local tribes and a few Jewish settlements. The local tribes of Oas and Khuzraj were agriculturists while trade and commerce was in the hands of Jews. The total population of the town did not exceed six thousand. The Oas and Khuzraj tribes were not considered as warriors by the Quraysh. With the arrival of the refugees the town started expanding the changing. Refugees of Quraysh who were mostly businessmen, and traders gave a new look to the city’s bazars and streets. They ended the dominance of Jews in trade and commerce and tilted the balance of financial power in their own favour The Jews exercised influence on account of richness and possession of a Divine Book But with the arrival of the Holy Prophet and his followers Jewish influence started shrinking and evaporating. The Jews were greatly annoyed and irritated by the new situation but were totally helpless. Medina became the capital of the emerging Islamic State. Here the Islamic army was raised, propagation of Islam intensified, new conversions and tribal delegations received, trade and diplomatic relations established, prisoners and bounty accepted, and financial and political status of the Muslims changed. Eventually, Medina became well-known as the center of Islamic learning and seat of Islamic government IMPORTANCE OF HIJRAH Through Migration the Holy Prophet transformed the peaceful Islamic movement into a vigorous, militant revolution. It faced the forces of falsehood fairly and squarely. The order for migration was a revolutionary step as well as turning point in the Islamic movement. Sincere Muslims were psychologically prepared for it as they had enough of torture and humiliation. They had reached the stage of ”do or die”, for Islam. The Holy Prophet had spent thirteen years preaching at Makkah. His opposition had grown intense and severe over the years. It would have been sheer waste of time had his stay been prolonged at Makkah. In these circumstances, the Divine order for the Migration and its timing was most appropriate. Migration in the name of Allah has a special significance in Islam as was proved by the Holy Prophet and his followers. It turned up as a blessing in disguise. Migration is a very important step towards Islamic revolution. It is a revolt against oppression and falsehood. It is also an open acceptance of Allah’s sovereignty on earth. Migration is a negation as well as a remedy of national, regional, racial and tribal The Hijrah or Emigration to Medina 83 prejudices. It goes without saying that everyone loves his home and birthplace. But migration provides through Islamic teachings a better criterion and standard of love. It is the love of Allah and the Holy Prophet for which no sacrifice is great enough. The love for Islamic ideology and a purposeful life is superior and preferable to all other kinds of love. This is the philosophy of migration in the name of Allah. Upholding the principles and ideology of Islam at all costs makes such a migration adorable, magnificent and praiseworthy. Through migration, the Holy Prophet transported the Islamic movement from a state of helplessness and subordination to freedom and strength. It gave Muslims the opportunity and courage to challenge the idolaters in the battlefield. They were no more the silent sufferers of Makkah. In addition to that migration provided the scattered Muslims a chance to unite at one centre and pool their resources as well as numerical strength. Under the guidance and supervision of the Holy Prophet, his followers got the place and time to prove their sincerity and worth. Sacrifice, devoutness, courage and valour earned the Muslims honour and distinction as well as status in the Islamic society. Migration also provided Arab tribes an option to side with the idolaters of Makkah or embrace Islam and join the Muslims. It also gave the people of Medina an opportunity for offering sacrifices and accommodating their brothers in faith. By offering food and shelter to the migrants they were raised in status, popularly known as ”Helpers” in Islam. Migration created two distinct camps and Muslims received the mercy and blessing of Allah. It was proved in the encounters with the invading Quraysh of Makkah who were eventually defeated and subdued. All the scattered Muslims were ordered to migrate and assemble in Medina in order to face the enemy jointly and squarely.5 An important outcome of the migration was the establishment of an Islamic state of preliminary nature. Muslims found a place of refuge in Medina. In this way they were given the status and honour of a citizen of Islamic state. They were provided for and well looked after.6 According to Hugh Kennedy, ”The years of humiliation, of persecution, of seeming failure, of prophecy still unfulfilled, were over and the years of success had begun. The Holy Prophet of Islam Ahmad Hasan. Islamic History, India. 1980. P 98 Muhammad Arshad, P 18 S4 Political and Cultural History of Islam >i id been neglected and abused by his own people at Makkall, while i Medina he was not only received as an honoured chief but also inide President of the Republic.7 Before his migration to Medina, Llam was a religion of a persecuted minority in Makkah. For long ’nrteen years, Muhammad (PBUH) had tried to convert the idolaters M Makkah to his faith by means of peaceful preachings.8 But only a hundred Makkans families, nearly three hundred people, had accepted Islam. With the Hijrah, his power and position began to enhance and Islam was gaining ground day by day. Here he was left undisturbed to preach his mission freely among the misguided people who had giadually accepted Islam and helped in its expansion. But ”the seer in him”, says Hitti, ”now recedes into the background and the practical man of politics comes to the fore.” Muhammad (PBUH) hitherto had been a religious teacher and now he took the role of a politician and a statesman which he played equally well. Thus the great revolutionary measures of migration opened the gates of success upon the Islamic revolution. This wise step provided innumerable advantages to the Muslims and their struggle: (1) Islamic movement was provided a centre, which became the nucleus of a state in the making. Medina was then chosen as the capital. (2) The founder of Islamic movement in its centre was regarded as the Head of State. (3) The call for Islam was provided an open field for propagation. (4) The old audience were no more there. There were different types of people who were told about Islam and who readily joined the Islamic movement. The wide-open prospects of preaching was a boon for the call of Islam as new opportunities were offered and taken advantage of. (5) The days of physical torture were over. (6) With the establishment of Medina as the centre of Islam a golden period of success wad begun and the period of decline 7 Hugh Kenned), The Prophet (PBUH) and the Age of Caliphate, London. 1986, P33 8 Ibid c)Hitti. P 117. The Hjjrah or Emigration to Medina 85 for non-believers and idolaters had set in. Every step took Islam forward and falsehood backward. (7) Migration segregated the Muslims from the hypocrites 1 he Islamic movement got rid of its rotten element. Onl\ tiue believers were left in the field. (8) Migration shifted the Muslims from a position of \veakness to that of strength. They emerged as the builders and helpers of an upcoming Islamic State. Arabs realised that Islam and the IloK Prophet had grown as a power that could not be destroyed. The masses deserted their masters and gathered under the banner of Islam which was beyond anybody’s power to uproot. (9) Migration was the major cause of the birth of an Islamic society with all its needs and characteristics. It also strengthened the collectiveness of Muslims with all blessings that follow. (10) After the migration, the Islamic fraternity scattered all o\ei Arab, converged in Medina thereby strengthening Islam and converting it into a formidable power. (11) After the migration, Islam was no more an ideological concept but emerged as an ideological nation dominating all orthodox concepts of collectiveness. (12) After reaching Medina, Muslims and idolaters \\eie identified as two warring group. The period of helplessness for Muslims was over. Opportunities of Divine help opened up. The ensuing conflicts culminated in humiliating defeat for the idolaters of Makkah and a grand victory for the Muslims known as the conquest of Makkah. Thus migration became the starting point of a victorious journey towards Makkah. (13) Migration proved the cardinal principle of Islam that submission to Allah is the super most submission and that Allah’s path fe the best path. (14) It was due/to migration that a non-tribal and non-racial international Islamic brotherhood emerged It was an ideological brotherhood based on equality and negation of all kinds of discrimination. In short, the strategy of migration played a dominant role in the success of Islam. ” Asad Gilani. P 133 CHAPTER 5 THE PROPHET (PBUH) AT MEDINA When the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and his companions settled at Yathrib, this city changed its name, and henceforth was called al-Medina al-Munawara, the illuminated city, or more shortly, Medina, the city. It is situated about eleven days’ journey to the north of Makkah. At that time it was ruled by two Kahtanite tribes, namely, Aws and Khazraj. These two tribes, however, were constantly quarrelling among themselves. It was only about the time when the Holy Prophet announced his mission at Makkah, that these tribes, after long years of continuous warfare, entered on a period of comparative peace. When the Prophet (PBUH) settled at Medina, the tribes of Aws and Khazraj, forgetting entirely their old feuds, were united together in the bond of Islam. Their old divisions were soon effaced, and the Ansar, the helpers of the Prophet (PBUH), became the common designation of all Medinites who had helped the Prophet (PBUH) in his cause. Those who emigrated with him from Makkah received the title of ’Muhajereen’ or ’the emigrants’. The Prophet (PBUH), in order to unite both classes in closer bonds, established between them a brotherhood which linked them together as children of the same parents, with the Prophet (PBUH) as their guardian. % The first step the Prophet (PBUH) took, after his settlement at Medina, was to build a mosque for the worship of God, according to principles of Islam. Also houses for the accommodation of the emigrants were soon erected. Medina and its suburbs being at this The Prophet (PBUH) at Medina 87 time inhabited by three distinct parties, the Emigrants, the Helpers and the Jews, the Prophet (PBUH) in order to weld them together into an orderly federation, granted a charter to the people clearly defining their rights and obligations. This charter represented the framework of the first Commonwealth organised by the Prophet (PBUH), and dwelt chiefly on freedom of conscience. It started thus: ”In the name of the Most Merciful and Compassionate God, this charter is given by Muhammad (PBUH), the Apostle of God, to all believers, whether of Quraysh or Medina, and all individuals of whatever origin who have made common cause with them, who shall all constitute one nation.” The following are some extracts from the Charter: ”The state of peace and war shall be common to all Muslims; no one among them shall have the right of concluding peace with, or declaring war against, the enemies of his coreligionists. The Jews who attach themselves to our Commonwealth, shall be protected from all insults and vexations; they shall have an equal right with one own people, to our assistance and good offices, the Jews of the various branches, and all others domiciled in Medina shall form with the Muslims one composite nation; they shall practise their religion as freely as the Muslims. The allies of the Jews shall enjoy the same security and freedom. The guilty shall be pursued and punished.1 ESTABLISHMENT OF A NEW CENTER FOR ISLAMIC DAWA Planning was a distinguished feature of the Prophet’s (PBUH) revolutionary struggle. After trying and watching the people of Makkah for 13 years in the matter of Islamic call, the Prophet (PBUH) discovered that they were unsuitable as pioneers of the movement. Further testing could have resulted in wastage of time and energy. In case the efforts failed, there was every possibility of the movements culmination in disappointment and disintegration. Considering the callous and diehard temperament of the Makkhans, the Prophet (PBUH) decided to shift the center of Islamic call. It is evident that a revolutionary leader has to bring about his revolution among human beings. If any town or city proves unfavourable for his mission, or takes more time than the stipulated one, then a realistic \hmad Gahvash. The Religion of Islam P 45 88 Political and Cultural Histmy of Mam revolutionary leader is left with no choice but to shift the center of his mission.2 The people of Medina manifested great enthusiasm in accepting the call of Islam. In a short period of four years, overwhelming majority of the citizens of Medina had embraced Islam converting it into a city of Islam. In this context, Prophet’s emissary Hazrat Masaab bin Ameer played a significant role as he was the most successful preacher of Islam in its early days. Ultimately, a large delegation from Medina visited the Holy Prophet and had discussion with him. As a result, the Holy Prophet decided to migrate to Medina and ordered his followers accordingly. The oppressed Muslims at Makkah started migrating to Medina individually as well as in small groups. The first migrant to Medina was Abu Salma, who had earlier migrated to Ethiopia and returned from there. Nearly half of the Holy Prophet’s companions had migrated to Medina before his arrival. They had moved with their families leaving Makkah for good. The family of Holy Prophet’s (PBUH) mother also belonged to Medina. Before the migration, the Holy Prophet held detailed discussions with the delegation from Medina who had invited him and his followers to settle down at Medina. The people of Medina were well aware of the consequences of their offer. They knew that Arab opposition and attacks on Medina were unavoidable as a result of their support to the Holy Prophet (PBUH). They had taken into account all risks involved, but remained steadfast in their faith and loyal to the Holy Prophet (PBUH). They accepted the Holy Prophet (PBUH) as their leader, guide and ruler and offered to sacrifice their lives for him. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) promised to live and die among them and never to desert them. At the old centet, Muslims were tortured and threatened while at the new centre of Islam, Medina, they were offered shelter and peace. These assurances and guarantees were enough for the Islamic movement to shift its center from Makkah to Medina and to face the consequences in a new and changed environment.’ The shifting of the center of Islamic movement to Medina was the first step towards the success of the call of Islam. The journe\ continued towards its destination surmounting all hindrances •a the \\ay. N..giation from one’s birth-place to an unknown place in the patf* of Allah, leaving behind homes and hearths, is the tradition The Prophet (PBUH) at Medina 89 of Hazrat Ibrahim as well as Hazrat Muhammad (PBUH). In short, the Holy Prophet (PBUH) changed the fate of Muslims as well as mankind by shifting the center of Islamic movement. The movement was given a free and independent center in which all issues were settled through mutual consultations. The Holy Prophet no more liked Bait-ul-Muqdass (Jerusalem) as the Qibla of Muslims, as it was also the Qibla of Jews and Christians. It tarnished the aspects of uniqueness and individuality of the Islamic movement. MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD At this time a new stage, unlike any other Prophet before him, began in the career of Muhammad (PBUH). Here began the political stage in which Muhammad (PBUH) showed such great wisdom, insight, and statesmanship as would arrest attention first in surprise and then in awe and reverence. Muhammad’s (PBUH) great concern was to bring to his new home town a political and organizational unity hitherto unknown to Hijaz, though not to ancient Yaman. He consulted with Abu Bakr (Rad.A) and Umar (Rad.A), his two companions, as he used to call them. Naturally, the first idea to occur to him was that of reorganizing Muslim ranks so as to consolidate their unity and to wipe out every possibility of a resurgence of division and hostility. In the realization for this objective, he asked the Muslims to fraternize with one another of the sake of God and to bind themselves together in pairs, he explained how he and Ali ibn Abu Talib (Rad.A) were brothers, how his uncle Hamzah and his client, Zayd, were also brothers, as were likewise Abu Bakr and Kharijah ibn Zayd, and Umar ibn al Khattab and Itban ibn Malik al Khazraji. Despite the Muhajirun’s rapid increase in number, following the emigration of the Holy Prophet, everyone of them was now bound to a member of al-Ansar group in a bond of mutual assistance. The Holy Prophet’s proclamation in this regard transformed that bond into one of blood and real fraternity. A new, genuine| brotherhood arose which forged the Muslim ranks into an indivisible unity. /Al-Ansar showed their Muhajirin brothers great hospitality which the latter had first accepted with joy. For when they emigrated from Makkah, they had left behind all their property, wealth, and goods and entered Medina devoid of the means with which to find their food. Only Usman ibn Affan (Rad.A) was able to carry with him enough of his wealth to be prosperous in his new residence. The others had hardly been able to carry much or little that was of use to 90 Political and Cultural History of Islam them Even Hamzah, the Holy Prophet’s uncle, had one day to ask the Holy Prophet to give him some food to eat. Abdur Rahman ibn Awf and Sa’d ibn al Rabi were bonded together in brotherhood. The former had nothing. The latter offered to split his wealth with him. Abdur Rahman refused and asked that he be shown the market place. There he began to sell cheese and butter and in short time achieved a measure of affluence fair enough to enable him to ask the hand of a Medinese-woman as well as to send caravans in trade. Many other Muhajirin followed the example of Abdur Rahman, for, the Makkhans, it should be remembered, were quite adept in trade Indeed, they were so expert that it was said of them that they could by trade change the sand of the desert into gold.4 THE CHARTER OF MEDINA It is an important document of the time of the Holy Prophet (PBUH). It is the first written constitution in the world. It has changed the course of Islamic history especially and the world history generally. This put an end to the state of anarchy that prevailed among the Arabs at that time. This treaty, which owed itself to the efforts of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) for establishing peace, is a landmark in human history. It guaranteed mankind thirteen hundred and seventy years ago, freedom of thought and freedom of worship. Protection of life and that of property was recognized and the crime in all its forms was legally banned. These are in fact fresh laurels which Holy Prophet (PBUH) eminently won the realm of civics and politics of that time, for it guaranteed peace and freedom to the people who had been woefully groaning under the heel of tyranny and oppression let loose by despotism and autocracy and anarchy of that age. Before discussing the contents of the document in question, it is necessary to outline that historical background and the circumstancesagnder which it was prepared. BACKGROUND When the Holy Prophet (PBUH) started his preaching and reformative work in the holy city of Makkah, and proposed a change in the beliefs and practices existing for generations, he first surprised his countrymen, then he was hated and, in the end, he encountered their opposition and hostility. That from the very first day his mission was universal in its nature, and the possibility of its Muhammad Husam Ha>kal, The Life of Muhammad (PBUH). P 177 The Prophet (PBUH) at Medina 91 spreading immediately and with ease over the whole of the known world, particularly the Iranian and the Roman (Byzantine) empires, was clearly discernible. For the Holy Prophet (PBUH), in the course of his preachings, used to predict, to the people with material interests, the conquests of these empires. But inasmuch as he was a younger member of a comparatively poorer and weaker clan, it was difficult for him to be accepted in Makkah as a leader.5 The Holy Prophet (PBUH) had, no doubt, family connections both in Ta’if and Medina. It was expectations on this score that took him first to Ta’if, the nearer of the two places; but the difficulties that greeted him there were greater than those in his native city. At last, after years of persistent efforts during the Hajj seasons, he could secure the adherence of a few people who belonged to no other place than Medina. It was they who promised to help and give shelter to him and his Makkhan companions in the event of their migration to Medina. The state of affairs in Makkah had become unbearable. Apart from general hostility, physical persecutions threatened the lives of many among the believers. For this reason, the Muslims of Makkah began to leave their native city for Medina. The Makkhans became afraid lest these fugitives might make preparations for retaliation from outside. Accordingly it was decided to lay siege to the house of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and murder him there by night. But providence willed it otherwise. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) managed quietly to leave Makkah, and reached Medina safely. In their rage, the Makkhans forcibly took possession of the property and belongings of the Holy Prophet and of other Muslim emigrants. The total number of believers in Medina, at this time, including the Makkhan refugees, hardly exceeded a few hundred, while the total population of Medina at this time is estimated at about ten thousand, to which Jews contributed nearly a half.6 Makkah enjoyed at that time the status of an organised CityState, where/there were some twenty- five public offices concerning different departments such as the Army, the Revenue, the Temple, the Foreign Affairs, the Administration of Justice, and the like. Medina was almost in a state of anarchy, where tribalism prevailed. So, if the Arab section of the population was divided into twelve 1 M Hamidullah, The First Written Constitution in the World, Lahore. 1981, P 11 ’ Ibid 92 Political and Cultural History of Islam tribes of Aws and Khazraj the Jews were divided into the ten tribes of Banu Qinuqa, Banu-Nazir, and Banu Quraizah, and lived as clients of as many Arab tribes of the locality. Dissensions raged among them since generations. Some of the Arabs, having entered into alliance with some of the Jews, had been on terms of hostility with other Arabs, who, in their turn, were similarly allied to some other Jews. These continuous wars had tired both the parties out. And although there were some who were anxious to secure military help from outside tribes such as the Quraysh of Makkah, the peaceloving parties were gaining preponderance in the city, and a considerably large section of the people of Medina had begun to make preparations to install Abdullah ibn Ubay ibn Salul as king True, the Holy Prophet (PBUH) had appointed at the time of the Pact of Uqabah twelve Muslims to represent him in the twelve Arab tribes, one in each, called Naqib, and one Naqib of the Naqibs also; and thus tried to create a centralization of power. But, apart from this, every tribe had its independent sovereignty and decided its own affairs in its own Saqifah or shed, and there was no central municipal organization in the city. Through the efforts of trained preachers, a considerable number of people in the city had accepted Islam in the course of three years. But religion was yet a domestic affair there, and had not attained any political status: persons belonging to different religions used to live in the same house. It was in these circumstances that the Holy Prophet (PBUH) came to Medina, where the following problems demanded urgent solution:^ (1) Definition of the rights and duties, of his own as well as those of the local inhabitants (2) Arrangements for the rehabilitation of the Makkhan refugees. (3) An understanding with the non-Muslims of the city, particularly the Jews. (4) Arrangements for political organization and defence of the city. ** (5) Compensation for the loss of life and property suffered by the refugees at the hands of the Quraysh of Makkah. In view of these aims and objects, the Holy Prophet, a few weeks or months after his arrival in Medina, had a deed drawn up, which has been referred to as a Kitab and Sahifah in the deed itself, M Mamidullah, P 15 The Prophet (PBUH) at Medina 93 and which obviously was written after consultation with the people concerned. It should be borne in mind that the general laws of the country, meaning the chapters of the Quran, were promptly reduced to writing according as they were promulgated (i.e. revealed); but as far as his own utterances or instructions were concerned, the modest and cautious Holy Prophet had issued a general prohibitory order against their being written down (at least in the beginning). That the document under discussion was written down in spite of this order is significant;-a document which has been referred to as Kitab and Sahifah, meaning a code of action or a chart of rights and duties. In fact it amounted to a declaration of the city of Medina as a City-State for the first time, and to the laying down of a code for its administration. THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE DOCUMENT This document has generally been regarded as authentic, though it has not always been given the prominence appropriate to an authentic document of this sort. The reasons for its authenticity have been succinctly stated by Wellhausen. No later falsifier, writing under the Umayyads or Abbasids, would have included non-Muslims in the Ummah, would have retained the articles against Quraysh, and would have given Muhammad (PBUH) so insignificant a place. Moreover the style is archaic, and certain points, such as the use of believers instead of Muslims in most articles, belong to the earlier Medinan period. Now we discuss the major clauses of the document. In this document, the Holy Prophet secured the highest judicial, legislative and executive powers for himself; but a very important and remarkable difference between this authority and the autocratic royal authorities of other countries was that materialism had no part to play here. The Holy Prophet introduced moral elements m politics. He regarded God as the source of authority, and considered himself as His messenger and agent; and alongside with this he declared the commands and injunctions ordained for the people as equally applicable to his own self. And in view of many cases of civil and tort nature brought against his holy person in his own life time, we can say that Islam rejects the theory that ”king can do no wrong”. And since the most powerful man in the state could not violate with impunity the laws at will, other officials and the 94 Political and Cultural History of Islam people in general naturally observed them with greater care and scruple. The first twenty-three sections lay down rules affecting the Makkhan refugees (Muhajirin) and the Medinite helpers (Ansar); and the rest of them discuss the rights and obligations of Jewish tribes of Medina. In both parts, one sentence has been repeated, to the effect that the final court of appeal will be the Holy Prophet himself. There is no difficulty in understanding this position in so far as the Muslim Refugees and Helpers are concerned; but it is not quite so easy for one to understand how the non-believing sections of the population could agree to invest a newcomer and a stranger at that time with so much authority within a few weeks of his arrival. Apart from the plausible explanation that the Arabs in general used to refer their quarrels to foreigners (kahin, hakam, etc.), so far as the Medinite Arabs are concerned, it may appear to be a somewhat satisfying reply to be told that since tribal organization had prevailed among them hitherto, and since the tribal chiefs had accepted Islam, the younger relatives-although they had not as yet accepted the religion of their elders-were compelled to follow these letters in what they did otherwise. Due to the peculiar nature of the Arab social systems, they could not separate themselves from the tribe; and even outside their own territory, they could not have any security of life and possession without the help of the rest of the tribe. To belong to a tribe there in those days was as much important as belonging to a nation and having its passport now-a-days. It has been clearly laid down in the document that the pagan relatives of the Medinite Helpers could avail of the great centralized strength, brought about by the combination of all the tribes of Medina in conjunction with the refugees of Makkah and others, provided only that in political matters they should create no obstacle in the way of the central government. Thus it has been commanded in the document that the idolaters and the followers of the Jewish faith in these Arab tribes should follow the Muslims and help them in war, and that they should neither themselves give quarter to the lives and property of the Quraysh of Makkah nor should they prevent the Muslims from attacking the same. In other words, these people were given the right of citizenship on condition of their breaking alliance with the Quraysh, cutting off all connection with them, and at best remaining W M Watt, Muhammad at Medina, P 225 The Prophet (PBUH) at Medina 95 neutral in the Muslims relationship with them; and they had to agree to this. POLITICAL CLAUSES OF THE CHARTER Republic of Medina and Ummah All the communities signing the charter would form the common nationality. According to the text of the charter, clause two as follows, ”Verily they constitute a political unit (Ummah) as distinct from all the people (of the world).”9 peace of the Medina Any people rising or invading this nation of Medina will be faced jointly by all of them. Text of the charter as follows, ”’And verily the valley of Yathrib shall constitute an inviolable territory for the parties to this document.”10 Sovereignty of God and Position of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) (i) In case of dispute arose between the parties, they should turn for guidance to God and his Prophet (PBUH). (ii) Muhammad (PBUH) would be the president of the Republic and by virtue of it would be the highest court of appeal in the land. (in) If any murder or quarrel takes place between the parties to this document, from which any trouble may be feared, it shall be referred to God and his Prophet (PBUH). So all the problems referred to the Holy Prophet (PBUH) for solution. All that the constitution explicitly states is that disputes are to be referred.to Holy Prophet (PBUH) according to the constitution, ”Wherever there is anything about which you differ, it is to be referred to God and to Muhammad (PBUH). Similarly in an other clause of the constitution says that, ”Whenever among the people of this document there occur any incident (disturbance) or quarrel from which disaster for it (the people) is’to be feared, it is to be referred to God and to Holy Prophet (PBUH)”. Further the constitution states that warlike expeditions required Muhammad’s (PBUH) permission. ”And verily none of them goes out (one a military expedition) except with the permission of Muhammad (PBUH).” Text of the Charter 0 Text of the Charter. 96 Political and Cultural History of Islam Duties and Obligations of Peace and War 1 have already described that the valley of Yathrib (Medina) shall be a sanctuary for the people of this document. So according to - this document: Peace and war shall be observed in common. Each must help the other against anyone who attacks the people of Medina. If at any stage the Muslims are invited to make peace, Jews of Medina shall also accept the same terms and conditions and followed them. Same happened with the Muslims except religious matters. Prohibition of Civil Strife Another revolutionary step was the establishment of one community out of the heterogeneous nature and structure of the multi-social society. The Muslims, the Jews and their allies were knit together into one community with one authority and one law for all as against the rest of the world. If anyone fights with the people of this community, he will be jointly resisted by them, that is, by the Jews and the Muslims. Political Duties of the Jews According to this document, the Quraysh and their helpers shall not be given protection. Duties Towards Peace and Blood-Money The Muslims must avenge the blood of one another shed in the way of Allah. The Muslims enjoy the best and most upright guidance. The parties will pay blood-money on equal basis and they will ransom their prisoners out of their own treasury, so the relations between the parties of the document may be based on equality and justice. Duties of the Muslims According to this document, no Muslim will assassinate a Muslim on behalf of an infidel, nor is he to render help to a nonMuslim against a Muslim. Freedom of Worship It gave everybody equality and freedom of religion and action in the city state of Medina. Jews are free to profess their religion. IMPORTANCE This was an historic document which brought revolutionary changes in the body politic of the city of Medina and gave it new The Prophet (PBUH) at Medina 97 status. The main achievements of the document are summarised below. The guarantee of peace and protection of life, property, sanctity of women and liberty were all incorporated in the charter of Medina was assured of peace and prosperity as long as the citizens remained loyal to its terms. Thus the Holy Prophet (PBUH) succeeded in creating an Ummah of the Jews and the Muslims of Medina. A careful exam-’nation of the text shows, however, that it was more than a treaty of alliance. The first part indeed reflects to us more than an attempt at reconciliation between the tribes; it is infact a convention for fusing ail the rival attempts of the Arab tribes in Medina to constitute one nation in distinction from the rest of the people. It is, in other words, a constitution for the Islamic state in its embryonic stage rather than a loose alliance of tribes. In this Muhammad (PBUH) had attempted to dissolve the narrow tribal loyalties within a superstructure, rjy shifting their focus of attention to a new religion and state.11 Thus the various Jewish clans were blended together with the Muslims under the leadership of Muhammad (PBUH) into a community. The feuding code was abolished and the murderer was subjected to blood vengeance and deprived of any assistance from any quarter. The Jews and the Muslims were to resist external attacks as one community. In case of war, if the city was not attacked, the Jews were obliged to contribute towards war funds though not compelled to participate actively in the war.’2 Tor Andrae has commented in the following words: ”The Law of Medina congregation are the first draft of the theocratic constitution which gradually made Islam a world empire and world religion Whosoever acts contrary to the religious authority cannot even be protected by his nearest relatives. Islam is to become not only a religion but also a brotherhood.”13 The treaty abolished the local territorial and tribal alliances so conspicuous in the history of Arabia. The principle that there is no confederacy (Hilf) in Islam was accepted. Now two groups within ^n community were to establish a specially close relationship, for 1 Safdar Husain, Outline of Islamic History, India, 1980, P.I 10. !Ibid ’ Tor Andrae, Muhammad (PBUH), The Man and His Faith, London, 1909, P. 136. 98 Political and Cultural History of Islam this could amount to a denial of Islam and would imply that the protection given by Muhammad (PBUH) or his successors was incomplete. The sub-divisions into which the tribal Arab was divided became redundant in theory. The movement of unification started by this treaty was amply justified by later events which showed that Islam was capable not only of doing away with divisions and subdivisions but of expanding itself into an efficient and effective commonwealth and a living force.14 According to H.G. Sarwar, ”This treaty was made more than thirteen centuries ago. Is there any example of any prophet or reformer having ever made such a treaty of peace with those who profess a rival faith ? Protection of life, or property, of the modesty of women, of liberty and the guarantees of pr,ace are all included therein.”15 The foregoing political document, which Muhammad (PBUH) wrote down fourteen centuries ago, establishes the freedom of faith and opinion, the inviolability of the city, human life, and property, and the forbiddance of crime. It certainly constitutes a breakthrough in the political and civil life of the world of that time. For that age was one in which exploitation, tyranny, and corruption were well established. Though the Jews of Banu Qurayzah, Banu Nazir, and Banu Qaynuqa did not sign this covenant at its conclusion, they did enter later on into like pacts with the Holy Prophet. Thus Medina and all the territories surrounding it became inviolate to their peoples who were now bound to rise to their defense and protection together. These peoples were now bound to guarantee one another in the implementation of the covenant, in the establishment of the rights arising there from, and in the provision of freedom it has called for. According to Bernard Lewis, ”Its purpose was purely practical and administrative and reveals the cautious, careful character of the Holy Prophet. It regulated the relations between the Makkhan immigrants and the Medinese tribes, and between both of these and the Jews. All the disputes brought before Holy Prophet for settlement.”16 It is interesting to note that this first constitution of the Holy Prophet dealt almost exclusively with the civil and political relations of the citizens among themselves and with the outside. 14 Haykal, see detail. 15 H G. Sarwar, Muhammad The Holy Prophet, P. 157. 16 Bernard Lewis, The Arabs in History, London, 1958, P.43. CHAPTER 6 THE BATTLE OF BADR (624 A.D./2 A.H.) WAR POLICY OF THE HOLY PROPHET (PBUH) Muhammad (PBUH) was the real benefactor of mankind and had come to lessen their misery and hardship. He did not come for war but it was forced upon him. He clearly stated his policy when he advised his followers in these words: ’’O people! Never desire fighting but pray to Allah for peace and security. And when you have to fight the enemy, fight with steadfastness and know that Paradise is under the shadow of swords.”1 This clearly shows that peace is fundamental in Islam and war is exceptional (like sickness) and is forced on it by the action of its enemies. But when it comes, Muslims face it with courage and determination and fight to the last drop of their blood. The same principle was stated by Muhammad (PBUH) on an other occasion when he said, ”I am the Prophet of mercy, I am the Prophet of battle and I both smile and fight.” He is also reported to have sain, ”Do not be eager to meet the enemy, perhaps you may be put to the test by them, but rather say, ”O Allah! Suffice for us and keep their might away from us.”2 These sayings give a balanced view of Islam regarding its attitude to war. It does not initiate warlike activities against anyone even against its open enemies but once war is started by enemy action it shows no weakness in the conduct of war. It announces a severe penalty for those who turn their backs on Riyadh-us-Salihin. ^ °r. Muhammad Hamidullah, The Muslim Conduct of State, Lahore, 1977, P. 159. 100 Political and Cultural History of Islam the fighting and a life of bliss in paradise for those who arc killed fighting in the Way of Allah. The second unique principle of war established by Muhammad (PBUH) through his practical conduct of fighting operations is compassion and humane treatment of the enemy. He tried his best to reduce the horrors and outrages of war and make it more humane This is one of the greatest contribution of Muhammad (PBUH) to the civilization of mankind that he gave civilized and humane laws of war. He purified the uncivil and barbaric customs and traditions of the old nations and replaced them by just benevolent and humane international laws. In fact, he codified the international law relating to war and laid the foundation for the modern international attitude to war. Regulations of War The recourse to arms is severely restricted by Islam and allowed only under certain conditions. ’’And fight in the ”Way of Allah’ with those who fight against you but do not commit aggression because Allah does not like aggressors. Fight against them wherever they confront you in combat and drive them out from where they drove you out. Though killing is bad, persecution is worse than killing. Do not fight against them near the Masjid-iHaram unless they attack you there. And if they attack you first (even in that sacred area), strike them without any hesitation; this is the due punishment for such disbelievers. If, however, they desist from fighting (you should do likewise), and know that Allah is Forgi\ing and Merciful. Go on fighting with them until there is no more a state of persecution and Allah’s Way is established instead. Then if they desist from it, there should be no more hostility except against those who have been guilty of cruelty and brutality.” ”The prohibited month is to be respected, if the same is respected (by the enemy), and likewise there is the law of just retribution for the violation of all prohibited things. Therefore, if anyone transgresses a prohibition by attacking you, Allah may do likewise, but always fear Allah, and bear in mind that Allah is with those who desist from breaking Allah’s bounds.” These verses of the Qur’an lay down guiding principles under which war is lawful in Islam. 1. It is to be fought for the sake and pleasure of Allah alone without any other motive. According to Muhammad 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. The Battle ofBadr 101 (PBUH), the one who fights that Allah’s Word may have preeminence is in Allah’s Way. It is to be fought in defence against enemy aggression. There should be no aggression on the part of the Muslims. When engaged in war. the Muslims have the right to kill the enemy wherever he is found and to turn him out of the places he has occupied with aggression and oppression. There should be no fighting in the area of the Sacred House of Allah except in self-defence. All treaties and contracts with the Muslims must be strictly honoured. There should be no war to compel people to accept Islam and no war for personal glory or expansion of empires. Practice of the Holy Prophet In the light of the above mentioned regulations, Muhammad (PBUH) conducted his war operations against the enemy during nine years of his life in Medina, strictly adhering to the following principles. Fulfillment of promises. Rights of non-combatants. Declaration of war. Generous treatment with the prisoners of war. Ready for peace. Treatment of the vanquished with kindness, generosity. Special treatment with the children and women. 8. A well-organized information service. THE BATTLE 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7 The Battle of Badar is a great landmark in the history of Islam. If the Hijrat of the Holy Prophet opened the way to the establishment of Islam as a Code of Life, Badr has the rare distinction of demonstrating the practical effect of this Code of Life on the soul, the mind and the body of an individual. It transforms human beings spiritually superior to any other creation, his mind reaches new heights and his bodily feats reach the mythical dimension attained only b> giants. All this results from the transformation of qualities and characteristics of the individual and he appears to be an entirely new creation 102 Political and Cultural History of Islam The Battle of Badr is not only one of the decisive battles of Islamic history but was also the first serious confrontation between the forces of Islam and those of unbelief. It was fought with an unprecedented large number of men and was the culmination of the conflict never to be resolved henceforth except in the battle field.3 CAUSES AND BACKGROUND OF THE BATTLE Quraysh’s Threat to Muslims On the one hand, the Qurayshites had persecuted mercilessly then Makkhans co-citizens for embracing the new religion of Islam and forced them to emigrate, confiscated the property of those who left the city and brought political pressure, though in vain, on the ruler and other influential people of the countries of their refuge; Abyssinia first, Medina later, for extradition or repatriation. On the other hand, the Muslims were retaliating, from Medina after the migration, by bringing economic pressure and banning the passage of the Qurashite caravans, from the territory under their control or influence on pain of plunder. These were sufficient causes to provoke aggressive war on the part of the Quraysh. The Growing Strength of Islam Irritates the Quraysh of Makkah The Qurayshites in Makkah were naturally very much annoyed at his successful escape, and as an immediate reaction confiscated the land and other properties left behind by the Holy Prophet and other emigrants. The persecution of the few poor Muslims still remaining in Makkah was intensified. The irritation of the Qurayshities was daily to increase when the Makkhans Muslims secretly or openly began to migrate from their birthplace, and escape from the clutches of the Qurayshitie persecution. The Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) thus became, by a sort of social contract, the chief and commander of at least twelve Medinite families. And their own request, ordered a Muslim teacher from Makkah to accompany them and supervise missionary activity in Medina as well as teaching and training converts in the details of the religious practices of their new faith. The missionary not only succeeded in a large measure, but also his tact and devotion to the cause cleared the way for the whole hearted collaboration of the converts amongst each other, even from the factional groups of Aws and Khazraj, under the banner of Islam. 3 Muhammad Ahmad, The Great Battle of Badr, Lahore, 1970, P. 87 4 Dr M. Hamidullah, The Battle Fields of the Prophet, Lahore, 1993, P. 12 The Battle of Badr 103 Military Expeditions Against Muslims Muhammad (PBUH) and his companions were forced to leave their hometown and settled in Medina but the Quraysh did not let them live in peace even there. They organized three aggressive military expeditions against them in the first five years of the Hijrah in order to destroy them and their faith for ever. But Muhammad’s (PBUH) courage, determination and military and political skill totally frustrated their plans and then completely destroyed their morale. Quraysh’s Threat to Citizen of Medina and Role of Abdullah bin Obay When the idolaters heard about the spread of Islam and the peaceful and progressive life of Muslims at Medina, they sent a message to the enemies of Islam and hypocrites at Medina. ”You have given shelter to a man from our tribe. It is now your duty to fight with him or turn him out of your city. If you don’t, we have sworn to attack you suddenly, to kill your men and to capture your women.” This threat of the Quraysh of Makkah proved effective. Nonbelievers and hypocrites of Medina held an open meeting in which Abdullah bin Ubay, their leader, urged his followers to fight with the Holy Prophet and his companions. The Holy Prophet who was wellin-formed about enemy’s activity reached their meeting place with a few companions. According to Muhammad Safdar, ”Though the people of Medina accepted the mission of Muhammad (PBUH), yet doubt and jealousy possesseJNhe hearts of many. They could not tolerate the supremacy of Muhammad (PBUH), and were working under-ground for the expulsion of the Holy Prophet from their own land. They now joined with the Quraysh under the leadership of Abdullah bin Ubay whose hope of becoming master of the land was frustrated with the coming of the Holy Prophet. The co-operation of the disaffected Muslims of Medina began to enhance the strength of the enemy.” Conspiration of the Jews The Jews were the staunch enemy of the Muslims. Their sympathies were always with the Quraysh. The Jews also began to conspire with the Quraysh secretly in order to check the growing power of the Holy Prophet. 104 Political and Cultural History of Islam Quraysh’s Plan to Attack on Medina In addition to all that, they began to make preparations on a large scale for’an all out attack on Medina which, they believed, would exterminate the nascent power of Islam But before fighting this decisive battle they were anxious to enlist the support and sympathies of the non-Muslim tribes living around Medina. This objective was achieved by various means, the chief among which was to display their power and thus impress upon them their unrivalled strength as compared with that of the Muslims. Growing Power of the Holy Prophet The Quraysh, mortified at the escape of the Holy Prophet along with his devoted companions, and jealous of his growing power in Medina, kept a stringent watch over the Muslims who had been left behind in Makkah (of whom the majority were women or helpless salves), and persecuted them in every possible way. Muhammad (PBUH), was now the absolute ruler of Medina. During the first six months at Medina he was left undisturbed. But the growing power of Muhammad (PBUH) and his followers. Their wrath also feel upon the Medinites who gave shelter to the Holy Prophet and his disciples in their city. They declared them as rebels and wanted to punish them along with the Holy Prophet. They were seeking opportunity for the object, when a chance came from a certain quarter of Medina. Threat to Quraysh’s Social and Economic Leadership According to Encyclopedia of Seerah, ”Even in Medina the Quraysh chiefs did not let the Muslims live in peace for very long. The increasing strength of the Muslims in Medina was seen by them as a threat both to their prestige as> custodians of the Ka’bah and to their social and economic leadership.’”5 Decision to clash with the Army instead of a Trade Caravan A trade caravan of the Quraysh was returning to Makkah with goods worth millions of rupees. It had to travel at a striking range of the Muslims of Medina. Abu Sufyan, leader of the caravan, was well aware of the fact that Muslims posed a threat to their trade route. He sent a messenger to Makkah to inform the Quraysh about the impending peril to the caravan. The Quraysh despatched an army of 1000 men to help their trade caravan and, to fight the Muslims in 1 Encyclopedia of Seerah, you, P 31 The Battle ofBadr 105 order to eliminate their danger for ever. The Holy Prophet could attack the caravan but ultimately had to face the army of Quraysh. Avoiding the clash could tarnish the image of Islam and could make the surrounding tribes hostile to Muslims. The Holy Prophet decided to confront the army of Quraysh despite helplessness and lack of resources. He convened a meetings of his companions to consider the grave situation most of whom favoured an attack on the trade caravan. But the Holy Prophet remained firm in his decision to face the army of Quraysh. The migrant Muslims, who had already suffered a lot at the hands of Quraysh, readily agreed to the Holy Prophet’s proposal. The Ansars, Muslims of Medina, had no previous experience of facing an enemy in miserable condition. The Holy Prophet waited for their decision. After mutual consultation they assured the Holy Prophet of their full support and participation. Ultimately, it was decided to take the army of Quraysh squarely and not to attack their trade caravan. Muslims were ill-prepared and poorly equipped as compared to the Quraysh. They had a few horses and camels, a few swords, spears and armours. The battle of Badr may rightly be called a battle of helplessness for Muslims. But the Holy Prophet knew in his heart that it was a time for Muslims to show their faith in Allah, courage and valour. For them it was a matter of life and death, an occasion to do or die, All eyes of Arabs were watching them. It was the time to take a courageous step and to trust Allah for the final outcome. Avoiding the conflict amounted to cowardice and miserable death, while facing the enemy squarely was honourable in any case^victory or death. The attacks on Quraybhite caravans should not be considered as simple pillage. Neither were the Qurayshities innocent nor the attackers private bands; a state of war was existing between two City States, and the right of belligerence includes damage to life, property and other interests of the enemy. Incident of Nakhlah Besides, the Quraysh often used to plunder in the outskirts of Medina. The Holy Prophet sent a party consisting of nine members under Abdullah ibn Jahsh to keep an eye on the movements of Political and Cultural History of Islam returning from Syria. At this the Quraysh under the leadership of Abu Jahl sent a vast army to attack Medina. When the Holy Prophet was apprised of this, he summoned a council of war in which he decided to attack the caravan of Abu Sufyan on its way home from Syria. Thus the war between the Quraysh and Muslims became unavoidable. EVENTS Individual Combats The Makkhans came forward with great confidence and halted when about 300 yards from the Muslim Army. Arab custom, except in raids demanded that individual combats must be held between the outstanding soldiers of both sides. Utbah b. Rabiya his brother Shaiba b. Rabiya and his son, Walid b. Utbah came out of the Makkhan force and demanded individual combats. The family of Utbah bin Rabiya was the traditional standard bearers of Quraysh and as a result of an altercation with Abu Jahl over the question of whether to fight or witndraw, they left that they must prove that they had no rival in bravery among the Makkhan army. Three men, Maoodh and Auf sons of Harith and another from amongst the Ansars went forward, from the ranks of the Muslim army, to answer the challenge given in a haughty manner. Utbah b. Rabiya, the leader of the three gladiators from Makkah refused to fight individual combats with any but the Quraysh, their equals in social status. He demanded that these combats should be confined to the members of Quraysh nobility on both sides. According to one account, he demanded that from the Muslim army the family of Abdul Mutalib alone should take part in these combats as they alone had a pedigree as noble as that of his family. Hamza, AH and Ubaidah b. Harith b. Abdul Mutalib, two uncles and a cousin, were detailed by the Holy Prophet to answer the challenge of Utbah b. Rabiya. Hamza took on Shaiba b. Rabiya. Ali stood opposite Walid b. Utbah and the eldest among the Muslim trio Ubaidah b. al-Harith went against Utbah b. Rabiya. The Makkhan duelists accepted these combatants as worthy of their status and reputed bravery. The duels unusually brief as Hamza and Ali were both able to dispose of their adversaries even while they were in their showing off mood. Ubaidah b al Harith and Utbah b Rabiya seriously wounded each other. Custom permitted that once blood had been drawn and one of the contestants had been incapacitated, his adversary could be taken on by the nearest enemy, Hamza and Ali pounced on Utbah b Rabiya and fell him to the ground in no time. The three individual combats having all gone in The Battle ofBadr 107 favour of the Muslims, the cry of Allah-O-Akbar, on each occasion had upset the Quraysh to such an extent that they went into a general attack immediately.6 General Attack The Muslims were divided into three main groups: the Makkhans migrants, the Awsites, and the Khazarajites from among the Medinites, each under a separate banner. The Muslim Army stood fast, waiting for the enemy to approach within striking distance. The archers on the flanks alone discharged arrows to stop the Makkhans succeeding in their enveloping movement. This appears to have forced the Makkhans flanks to lag behind, thus not only stopping the enveloping movement but also unbalancing their forward elements. The result was that lack of a linear formation and the lagging behind of the flanks robbed the Makkhans of the heavy weight they could hurl at the Muslim front line. Thus when the forward elements of the Makkhans army came in contact with the front rank of the Muslim army they were handled easily and disposed of one after the other in the order of their reaching within the striking distance of the lance and sword. The calm, cool well-disciplined and fresh Muslim soldiers found no difficulty in finishing the tired, and panting disarrayed Makkhans soldiers coming up one after the other. They were, however, spirited men of a brave race and they kept on coming forward.7 \ The Makkhans attack gradually slowed down. The frequency of their brave young men rushing on to break through the Muslim line, decreased and the Muslim soldiers felt the weight of Makkhan onslaught diminishing. The loss of the Makkhans both in men and material was great but the loss of prestige was of greater consequence. It meant that Makkah could not, any more, retain the leadership of Arabia, because a force had arisen, which although new and small, yet had to be reckoned with if Arabia was to debate the question of further leadership. The Quraysh leaders fought bravely but they were defeated and killed. The rest of the army took to their heels from the battle field. They were chased, were either slain or made prisoners. Abu Jahl, the bitterest opponent of Muhammad (PBUH) was killed in the battle. The number of the slain was 70 and about the same number ’ Gulzar Ahmad. The Battles of the Prophet of Allah, Lahore 1985, Vol I, P 164 ’ Gul?a>-Ahmad, P 165 108 Political and Cultural History of Islam was taken prisoners. The Muslim army lost only 14 of whom six were refugees and eight were Ansar. The Holy Prophet chose the path of courage and honour which added to the glory of Islam. Allah blessed the Muslims with victory at Badr on account of their spiritual strength, organization, leadership and submission to Allah and the Holy Prophet. The battle of Badr carries a lesson for the world, that a small group of fighters with strong faith and conviction can defeat an army. It also indicated the Jehad (Holy War) is dearer to Allah than anything else. Then the Qur’an described this battle as decisive, as it served to sake the very foundations of evil in this world and establish the supremacy of good. And recall what time Allah was promising you one of the two parties that it should be yours and you would fain have that the one without arms were yours. And Allah willed that He should cause the Truth to triumph by His words and cut off the root of the disbelievers in order that He might justify the truth and falsify the falsehood, however the guilty might oppose The perfection of the military intelligence organization, planned and controlled by the Supreme Commander himself, from Medina, must nave contributed a great deal towards defeating the designs of the Makkhans who in spite of their best efforts after Badr were trying to undermine his authority with a view to make him much weaker than before, when they would be ready to challenge him for the next round. Kindness with Prisoners of War It goes without saying that in the civilized nations of modern era prisoners of war get dreadful and most barbaric treatment. But the Holy Prophet, for the first time in human history, set an example of kindness and favour to the prisoners of war. It was an act of unknown generosity which bewildered mankind. The Holy Prophet freed prisoners of war by accepting ransom. Those who could not pay the ransom were released without paying it. Muslims captured the first group of prisoners in the battle of Badr. They were Makkhans, the worst enemies of Muslims who tortured Muslims unabated for 13 years and who did not e\en allow them to live peacefully at Medina. After their capture they were offered horses and camels to ride while the Muslim5; accompanied them marching to Medina. Thev were offered bread while the Muslims survived on ; Abdul Hameed Stdiqui I he Life of Muhammad (PBUH). P. 185 The Battle of Badr 109 dates. When they were brought to the Holy Prophet, he decided to release them against ransom after consultation with his companions. Those who were not in a position to pay the ransom, each one was offered freedom in exchange for teaching ten children of Medina or training them in any craft. Those who could neither pay the ransom nor teach were also freed. The prisoners of war were treated like brothers by Muslims. The Holy Prophet extended the same kind and sympathetic treatment to all prisoners of war captured during various battles. This courtesy and politeness manifested by the Holy Prophet had no parallel in the history of treatment of prisoners of war. This display of human sympathy, kindness and justice was a captivating gesture of the Holy Prophet for humanity. Even his blood-thirsty and bitter enemies could not but praise the humanitarian and sublime attitude of the Holy Prophet with prisoners of war captured during many bloody battles. No Head of State had ever treated prisoners of war in this fashion prior to the days of the Holy Prophet or even after him.9 Even the hostile critic Muir could not remain but to comment on the treatment of the prisoners by the Muslims in the following words: ”In pursuance of Muhammad’s commands, the citizens of Medina and such of the refugees as possessed houses received the prisoners and treated them with much consideration. Blessings be on the men of Medina>said one of these prisoners in later days, they made us ride, while they themselves walked, they gave wheat bread to eat, when there was little of it; contenting themselves with dates.” Mr. Athar Husain writes: ”After ail these ages of progress and enlightment, with all the charters and agreements on the treatment of prisoners of war, history does not record another instance even remotely as generous and humane as the Muslims’ treatment of the prisoners taken in their very first encounter fourteen hundred years ago.” RESULTS An Ideological War It was an ideological war and not the result of blind nationalism or chauvinism. The forces of Islam emerged victorious. And it was this victory indeed that paved the way for the Arabs to attain to the heights or worldly success such as was never before witnessed in the history of mankind. The Battle of Badr established AsadGilani, P. 146. 110 Political and Cultural History of Islam the superiority of a living, true creed over race or language. The strangers became friends and the friends and the near ones became strangers and antagonists due to their ideological differences. Thus ended the Battle of Badr which was thrust on the Muslims quite unexpectedly but by the grace of God still they came victorious. It was a crushing defeat for their enemies who lost seventy men including more than twenty of their chiefs, besides seventy others who captured by the Muslims and included many of their chiefs and leaders.10 Firm Position of the Holy Prophet The triumph at Badr was a matter of great importance for the Muslims. It consolidated the power of Muhammad (PBUH) over the wavering minds. Everybody in the land was reflecting calmly over the questions: ”How can the Holy Prophet with such meager strength of men and arms overpower such large hosts, if he does not have the support of God? How is it that the worst and the most deadly enemies of Islam were each and all packed out and slain exactly in the same way as foretold by the Holy Prophet? Is this not the handiwork of the Divine Power, the Power which is the Creator and the Sovereign of the Universe?” Questions such as these agitated the minds of the Arabs and set them thinking. It was as a result of the mental struggle to find suitable answers to such agitating questions that some of them discovered the truth preached by Muhammad (PBUH) and thus accepted Islam as their faith and code of life.” A Great Victory Professor R. A. Nicholson says that ”Badr, like Marathon, is one of the greatest and most memorable battles in all history.” Similarly Dermengham remarks, ”Badr was the first of a series of victories which were to change the aspect of the world.” Syed Ameer AH observes. ”What the victory of Badr was for Islam, the victory of the Milvian Bridge for Christianity .. For the Muslims the victory of Badr was indeed most auspicious. It was not surprising that they, like the Israelites or Christians of yore, saw the hand of Providence in their success over the idolaters. Had the Muslims failed, we can imagine what their fate would have been a universal massacre.” The Muslims at Badr were indeed fighting for more than their own; they were fighting every thing they held dear in this world and in the next. Triumph of Truth over Falsehood 10 Muhammad Ahmad, The Great Battle of Badr, P. 122. 11 Abdul Hameed, Siddiqui. P 186 The Battle of Badr 111 The Battle of Badr if indeed a conflict between the forces of light and darkness, between truth and falsehood and it proves the triumph of truth over falsehood, light over darkness. The victory at Badr over a greatly superior force inspired the Muslims with new hope and encouraged them for future success. Henceforth the Muslims ceased to be afraid of mere superior numbers. P. K. Hitti says. ”The spirit of discipline and contempt of death manifested at this first armed encounter of Islam proved characteristic of it in all its later and greater conquests.” In this battle the power of the Quraysh was crushed and their pride was humbled down, while the influence of Muhammad (PBUH) and the power of Islam began to increase even outside Medina. Effect on the Jews The battle also produced a marvelous effect on the Jews as well as the neighbouring Bedouin tribes who came to realize that there arose an invincible power in Arabia. Hither to the Jews did not give any importance to the Muslims But they now began to feel the strength of the Muslims. The people dared not raise their heads against the Holy Prophet for the time begin. The Battle of Badr helped the Muslims to consolidate the power of Islam in Medina and enabled them to deal fearlessly wuh the unscrupulous people of the city. • The victory at the Battle of Badr is the most inspiring event m the history of Islam. Hitti comments on this battle in the following words: ”However unimportant in itself as a military engagement, this, Ghazwat-i-Badr, laid the foundation of Muhammad’s (PBUH) temporal power. Islam had owned its first military victory. The spirit of discipline and contempt of death, manifested at this first encounter of Islam, proved characteristic of it in all its later and greater conquests. Hitherto Islam had been a religion within a state in Medina. After Badr, it passed into something more than a statereligion and itself became the state.” In the words Joseph Hell, ”The victory of Badr resulted in the consolidation of the power of the Holy Prophet in Yathrib. The most important result of the battle, however, was the deepening of the faith of Muhammad (PBUH) himself and his closest companions in his prophetic vocation. After years of hardship and a measure of persecution...there came its astounding success. It was a vindication of the faith which had sustained them through disappointment. Indeed, in the midst of the encircling darkness of despair the Muslims saw a ray of hope in this success.” 112 Political and Cultural History of Islam The Encyclopedia Britannica says: ”The Battle of Badr is not only the most celebrated of battles in the memory of Muslims it was really also of great historical importance. If helped immensely to strengthen Muhammad’s (PBUH) position. Thenceforward open opposition to him in Medina was impossible....”. Serious Disaster for Makkhans W. Montgomery Watt comments: ”The defeat at Badr was serious disaster for the Makkhans. Of the fifteen or twenty most influential and experienced men in Makkah a dozen had been killed.... The loss of prestige was even more serious though its effects did not appear immediately. Comparatively small forces had been involved in the battle, and Medina clearly had neither the strength nor the necessary skills to take the place of Makkah as commercial capital of western Arabia. Yet the prestige of Makkah had been shaken.” Tor Andrea says: ”Seldom has such an insignificant conflict had such far-reaching consequences. The moral effect, especially in Medina, can -hardly be over-estimated. The Holy Prophet had received undeniable proof that God was on his side.” Enhancement in the Physical Power of the Muslim Regarding the consequences of the Battle of Badr, Mr. Athar Husain writes: ”The Battle of Badr had far-reaching consequences. Till then the Muslims were a harassed band avoiding any major conflict. The victory gave them confidence in their physical power. They could not meet force with force. They were soon recognized as a power to be reckoned with, and smaller tribes were cautioned against joining forces against them. The victory dealt a severe blow to the prestige of the Quraysh.... The Jews of Medina and its vicinity were alarmed at the new power that had emerged. The ignominy of the defeat made the Makkhans more bitter and furious and the word vengeance was on many lips.”12 Ghulam Sarwar says, ”The winning of the Battle of Badr, the first pitched battle in Islam, was the most glorious event in its history. It endowed the Muslims with a will to win, the value of which cannot be reckoned in terms of men and money. Just as the Holy Prophet is an Exemplar to all Muslims so is Badr the ideal of all Muslim battles. When Muslims fight, they must fight for the love of God only and to establish His Truth.”13 The disbelievers 12 Dr. Majid Ah Khari, Muhammad the Final Messenger, P.260 Ibid. The Battle of Badr 113 (throughout Arabia) and the Jews first time became aware of the new power in the name of Islam and they began to feel the strength of Muslims. Glorious Spiritual Victory The victory of the Badr was a clear help of Almighty Allah. Indeed it was a glorious spiritual victory of the Truth (’Haq’) over the Falsehood (”Batil’) with maivellous Divine Help. The Holy Qur’ar speaks about this at a number of places: ”Indeed there was a sign for you in the two Hosts which met together in encounter; ore party fighting in the way of Allah, and the other unbelieving...and Allah strengthens with His aid whom He pleases; most surely there is a lesson in this for those who have eyes to see.” It again says, ”Allah had helped you at Badr, When you were contemptible little force; then Allah in order to show your gratitude.” When you did say to the believers: Does it not suffice you that your Lord should help you with three thousand angels sent down.” Decisive Battle in the History of Islam The Battle of Bair, of course, is a most decisive one in the history of Islam. If the Muslims could not achieve success in this battle, Islam might have been wiped out forever from the face of the earth. It was indeed a struggle between the forces of light and darkness, between the truth and falsehood. It proved, of course, a great triumph of truth over the falsehood, light over darkness only because of Allah’s help. This victory inspired Muslims with new hope and encouraged them for future success. Consolidation of Islam The more immediate consequences of the victory of Badr were the consolidation of Islam in and around Medina and the decimation of the Quraysh leadership, if not the destruction of their aggressive power and spirit. A handful of people who had been, for more than a decade, persecuted, tortured and finally hounded out of their homes and hearts had at last turned against their relentless persecutors and inflicted a dire punishment on them. John Bagot Glubb wrote about importance of the Battle of Badr in his book ”The Great Arab Conquest”, in these words, ”The victory of Badr was a milestone in the early history of Islam.”14 It opened the way for rapid preaching of Islam. After this victory Islam consolidated around the Medina. According to Khurshid Ahmad, ”The Battle of Badr was a great victory, especially because it established the Muslim community as a separate political and social as well as religious entity and confirmed the power of the Holy 4 John Bagot Glubb. The Great Arab Conquest, London, 1985, P. 67 114 Political and Cultural History of Islam Prophet but it was not decisive.”15 In the words of Abdullah Yusuf AH, ”It was the first trial of strength by battle in Islam between the powers of good and evil. Evil was defeated.” According to Afzal Iqbal: The result was as spectacular as it was unexpected. The Muslim secured victory over Quraysh. But having won the victory over their oppressors, the Muslims rose once again to greater heights of honoft- and magnanimity in dealing with them. All temptation of revenge was eschewed and all considerations of personal injury were scrupulously subordinated to the demands of peace and justice.” The Effects of the Battle on the Arabs in General The Battle of Badr after which the Muslims found themselves the unchallenged masters of the situation was a fatal blow to the might of Quraysh both politically and militarily. The whole of Arabia stood against at this stunning but unexpected victory of the Muslims. The Jews and the hypocrites, however, were furious and unhappy. Not with standing their first reaction to the Muslim victory, all the different forces of unbelief were one and the same thing for all of them equally disliked the idea of the Muslims as a dominant power and wanted to check their further progress by forging a united front against them. They were determined not to allow the Muslims to achieve any more success such as might further enhance their power and influence in the country. However, these enemies of the Muslims widely differed among themselves as to the method wherewith they might arrest their progress. They followed different schemes and each one of them had its own plans to fight the Muslims and destroy their integrity and power. The Battle of Badr carries a lesson for the world, that a small group of fighters with strong faith and conviction can defeat a big army. It also indicates that Jehad (Holy War) is dearer to Allah than anything else. These are the results of the Battle of Badr 1. A victory of the forces of Light. 2. A decisive battle in the history of the world. 3. Consolidation of Islam. 4. Decimation of the Quraysh leadership. 5. Veterans of Badr. 6. Expulsion of Jews from Medina. 7. Rapid progress in preaching of Islam. 8. Crisis in social and economic leadership. 9. Firm position of the Holy Prophet. 10. A great revolution in the City-State of Medina after the battle of Badr. 7 15 Islam, its Meaning and Message, London, 1993, P.67. THE BATTLE OF UHUD (625 A.D./3 A,H.) CAUSES OF THE BATTLE The causes of this important battle were the fcllowings: 1. In the battle of Badr the leading tribal chieftains of Makkah like Abu Jahl and Utbah had been killed. The cry of revenge had ever since resounded in the streets of Makkah. Shame and burning desire for revenge drove the Quraysh to make grand military preparations. They further despatched emissaries throughout the Bedouin tribes, inviting them to join the enterprise against the Muslims of Medina. As soon as the preparations of the Quraysh n^ared completion, they decided to march upon Medina. The rapid spread of the faith in Medina proved an eye-sore to the Makkhans who saw in the rise of Medina a menace to their own commercial and political supremacy. The political leadership of the Quraysh passed into the hands of the Umayyf ds. To them the rise of Banu Hashim under the Holy Prop.tst was intolerable. Hence the two leading tribes were bound to come into conflict with each other. Abu Sufyan was chosen by the Makkhans as their military leader. At length the Quraysh commenced their march, three thousand in number; seven hundred were mailed warriors, and two hundred well- mounted cavalry. The defeat at Badr was an ignominy which the Qurayshite pride could not leave unavenged. Revenge was, therefore, the catch- 2. 3. 4. 116 Political and Cultural History of Islam word all over Makkan. Moreover, the Makkhans had also realized that their prosperity d upended to a great extent on their prestige and in order to maintain il they must in no uncertain measure receive what they had lost at Badr. From the Makknans, therefore, the Holy Prophet could expeci ”othing but an intensification of the struggle, for in the hearts of the Makknans religious hostility had now mingled with personal rancour and thus all burnt cor revenge. They were determined to crush the commonwealth of Islam once for all. Emissaries were sent to all the tribes to make common cause against the rising faith which was threatening to sweep away the idolatry and the corrupt practices which were comiion not only in the land of Arabia but in the whole of the then known world. As a consequence of this they managed to enlist the support of two well-known tribes Kinanah and Tihamah. It was also decided by the Makkhans that the profits of the escaped caravan headed by Abu Sufyan should be devoted to providing equipment to the army.1 According to Or. Majid Ali Khan, ”The Makkhans never dreamed of what happened at Badr. The battle also produced a marvelous effect on the Jews and the Badouins (countryside, Arabs). For the first time they felt the strength of the Muslims. Now the fire of revenge was quietly burning in the hearts of the Makkhans for that crushing defeat. They, thus determined to wipe out this blot and began big preparations for a second attack on the Muslims. They put at stake all the profits accruing from trade and commerce during the year in the preparation of the expedition. The Makkhans poets ’incited the people by means of their poetry to make necessary contributions to the war to be waged against the Muslims. Women were also playing an effective role in ensuring the zeal and firmness of the fights. Hind, wife of Abu Sufyan, prepared a slave named Wahshi, with the promise of freedom, to kill Hamzah (the uncle of the Holy Prophet), who had slain her father Utbah in the battle of Badr. He was expert in the use of javelin during war.2 The Muslims of Medina did not know anything regarding the preparations of Quraysh and they were completely in dark. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) got the information, only two or three days before the arrival of Makkhans army near Uhud, through one of his uncles, Hazrat Abbas who had already accepted Islam, but till lived in The Battle of Uhud 117 jvlakkah. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) despatched his intelligences, Anas, Munis and Hubab to collect more information -”bout the army. They confirmed the news of the army and told that they were near the Uhud about 3 miles from Medina. The next day i.e. on Friday the 13th Shawwal, 3 A.H.. the Holy Pioohet (PBUH) consulted his companions about the situation. A number of companion favoured the view to fortify Medina, and fight from within. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) himself wanted that way, but the youthful and hot-headed people (specially those who were absent in the Badr) wished to go outside and fight the enemy in the open-field. Seeing the urge of the majority, Holy Prophet (PBUH) yielded to their wishes and pB* on his armour. Aftei offering Friday Salat he marched at the head of one thousand strong to face three thousand fully equipped Quraysh who had encamped at the foot of the famous hill near Medina^the Uhu’d, and had devastated the crops and pastures of Muslims. The^hislims spent their night not far from the town and resumed the march next morning. On their way to Uhud, the leader of hypocrites, ’Abdullah bin Ubayy, deserted the Muslims, reducing thereby the number of the army to 700 only. The Muslims, leaving aside a few, were not skilled in warfare but were filled with the enthusiasm of ”Iman” (Faith) and wanted to defend the Truth at any cost.3 The Quraysh could not forget the crushing defeat inflicted on them in the battle of Badr. Some of their leaders like Abu Jahl and Utabah had been killed in the fight. Since the battle of Badr, the cry of revenge had resounded in the valley of Makkah. Abu Suf\an took a vow that he would not touch oil or women till the defeat wa» avenged. The Quraysh began to equip themselves for war against the Muslims. They even invited the Bedouin tribes to join them Against their enemy. After the battle of Badr, Islam gained a firm footing at Medina and with it the importance of the city began to increase. The rise of Medina was an eye-sore to the Quraysh who saw in it a great Menace to their political and commercial interest. Over and above, the rise to Banu Hashim under the leadership of the Holy Prophet ^as intolerable to the Umayyads. Hence the conflict between the two Branches of the Quraysh -- the Hashimiics and the Umayyads became inevitable. 1 Abdul Hameed Siddiqui, The Life of Prophet (PBUH). P, 188. • Ibid. Or Ali Khan. MuhammaJ (PBUH) The Final Messenger. P 118 Political and Cultural History of Islam EVENTS The Holy Prophet (PBUH) reached Uhud on Saturday, the 15th Shawwal (30th March, 625 A.D.) early in the morning, with an army of 700 believers. He took up the position within the rocks of Uhud to protect the rear. On one side there was a gap through the rock, and there was the danger of an attack from the back. Therefore, the Holy Prophet (PBUH) appointed fifty archers under the command of Abdullah bin Jubair, with strict instructions not to leave the place at any cost. The Quraysh’s army was fully equipped with arms and consisted of 700 mailed warriors and 100 cavalry men among 3000 skilled soldiers. There were 15 women, who were reciting provocative dirges in the memory of Makkhans warriors who were slain at Badr. Following couplets, sang by Quraysh women while beating their timbrels loudly, are given in many books of histories: ”We are the daughters of the morning star, On carpet we step delicately; Boldly advance, we shall embrace you Turn back, and we will shun you, Snun you with disgust!” Hearing that, the non-believers were furious and flamed up to attack the Muslims. Abu Sufyan was the commander-in-chief of the Makkhan army. He divided it into detachments, each under a separate command, and himself took the central position. The war started with rounds of duels before the general attack. The great warrior, of Islam, Hazrat ’Ali and Hamza, killed a number of eminent of Qurayshites, including their flag bearer, Talha. Then the general battle started. Muslims fought desperately and killed a number of non-believers. Nobody was able to face the Hazrat Hamzah, the famous warrior of Arabia. Wahshi the slave trained by Hind (wife of Abu Sufyan) lay in ambush to kill Hazrat Hamzah. As soon as Hazrat Hamzah came within his range, he hurled his javelin that pierced his stomach and he fell down. He then killed the great warrior of Islam. Hind took out Hazrat Hamzah’s liver and chewed it to fulfill her vow. The believers, however, remained undeterred and demonstrated a spirit of bravery. Soon the non-believers took to their heels and started to flee.4 4Dr MajidAJiKhan,P. 182. The Battle of Uhud 119 The Victory Turned into Defeat A number of Muslim soldiers started to seize the war-booty, the belongings of the fleeing enemy. Being flushed with victory most of the archers, who were appointed on the valley to watch, ignored the strict orders of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and left their posts to partake of the booty. Their leader, Abdullah bin Jubair, reminded them of the Holy Prophet’s (PBUH) warning but to no effect except for a few who stuck to their guns. Khalid bin Walid (Still a nonbeliever and commander of a detachment) did not fail to detect the weak point in the Muslim camp, created by the Muslims themselves. He went round to the other side of the mount Uhud and after killing the remaining few archers, fell upon the Muslims army from the rear. When the Muslims, busy in securing war-booty, looked behind^ found themselves under the flashing swords of the enemy, they lost their senses and complete confusion prevailed among them. Thus the trouble started when they disobeyed the Holy Prophet (PBUH). The infidels killed the standard bearer of the Muslims, Hazrat Mus’ab bin Umair. Seeing this the fleeing enemies also returned and the Muslims army was surrounded by them on its both sides. Hazrat Mus’ab bin Umair resembled the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and a rumour was circufated by Makkhans (especially by Amr bin Qumai’ah who killed Mus’ab bin Umair) that the Holy Prophet (PBUH) had been killed. This alarming news spread like fire and disheartened the Muslims; confusion and disorder spread among them. On the other hand, the Holy Prophet (PBUH) was guarded by some of his brave followers, like Hazrat Ali, Abu Bakr, Umar, Sa’d bin Waqqs, Talhah, Zubair, Haritri’, ,n Thamit and Abu Dujana etc. In the meantime Hazrat Ka’b bin ’ %lik saw the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and announced the good nev to the Muslims. They rushed towards him followed by non-believiis with the attempt to kill the Prophet of Allah. The Muslims shielded him from the attack of the non-believers.5 » A number of eminent ”Muhajirin” and ”Ansar” were injured many were killed. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) also received wounds at the hands of the disbelievers. Two rings of the hamlet Pierced his face when a non-believer injured hiqs on his head. Another infidel threw a stone at the Holy Prophet (PBUH), that him in- his face with the result that two of his teeth were MajidAliKhan,P.183. 120 Political and Cultural History of Islam The Battle of Uhud 121 broken. The enemies also sho\,er;d arrows upor; him. Despite all the barbarities of the non- believers, the merciful Holy Prophet (PBUH) neither cursed them nor did he think ill of them. He only said: ”How can a people be successful who dye the face of their Prophet with blood while he is calling them to Allah.” He prayed for them: ”O my Lord! Forf’ve my people, for they do not know.” This is the stage when ”History of Nations’ fails to produce such an example of mercy and prayer for the bitterest enemy. However, the exhausted Muslims succeeded in repelling the enemy. The scattered Muslims assembled and the Holy Prophet (PBUH) went up the hill to command. The believers regained their self-confidence and dispersed the Makkhans. When the rumour of the death of the Holy Prophet (PBl /K> reached Mtdma, his daughter Fatimah rushed headlong to Uhud. She met her father over there and found that the blood was profusely gushing out. Hazrat Fatimah (Rad. A.) dressed the wounds. When the two armies withdrew from the battlefield, the Muslims were completely exhausted. But the Holy Prophet (PBUH) feared that the non-believers might re- attack the Muslims. Therefore he asked them to chase the enemy. Immediately a party of seventy persons, including Hazrat Abu Bakr and Hazrat Zubair offered their services and chased the retreating enemy. While the frustrated Quraysh were retreating, some of them took their revenge by mutilating the corpses of Muslims in order to quench their thirst of hatred and passion. Some of the bodies were •nercilesbly mutilated and were hard to be recognized. As stated before, Hind, the wife of Abu Sufyan, tore out the heart and Siver of the great martyr, Hamzah, the uncle of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), and chewed them. Some other women of the non-believers, made a necklace of the ears, noses and other parts of the dead bodies of Muslims. The details of the battle are ignored here which could be seen in history books by: Ibn Hisham, Tabari, and Ibn Sa’d etc.; and also in Hadith books likes: ”Sahih al-Bukhari” and ”Sahih Muslim” etc. Some seventy Muslims were martyred in the battle of Uhud. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) never lost patience and courage and remained like an unmoved rock. The dead persons were buried, some of them without adequate shroud because of poverty. . According to Hugh Kennedy, ”The military skill and tactics of Kitaiid bin Walid, the untimely blowing of wind, the Isck oi discipline and the negligence of duties by the soldiers constituted the iactors for the defeat of the Muslims in the battle of Uhud. Khalid bin Walid, a great General, attacked the Muslims in the right moment when the latter left the most important strategic position of the battlefield. Their love of plunder proved stronger than their sense of duty. Moreo^ er, the Muslims could not distinguish their friends from their enemies on account of the blowing of wind. The defeat of Muhammad (PBUH) in the battle of Uhud was not a defeat in the true sense of the term. God wanted to examine his belief i, Him and in tnis the Holy Prophet proved himself successful. In spite of all troubles and dangers he stood firm in his mission. It was also a lesson to his followers who disobeyed his orders. In the subsequent battles they did not commit such mistakes.6 Holy Qur’an on the Battle of Uhud The Holy Qur’an gives a detailed description of the battle of Uhud in ”Surah Al-e-Imran.” Some selected verses are given as under: On the treachery of Abdullah bin Ubay and his 300 followers, who left the Holy Prophet (PBUH) before the start of the battle, following verses were revealed: What you suffered on the day the two armies met, was with the permission of Allah in order that He might test the Believers, and the Hypocrites also. It was said to them: ”Come, fight in the way of Allah or (at least) defend yourselves. They said, If we know fighting (with a hope of success) we should certainly have followed you. They were that day nearer to unbelief than to Faith, saying with their lips what was not in their hearts. But Allah hath full knowledge of all they conceal.” For the first time the Abdullah bin Ubay and his hypocrite friends are referred in the Holy Qur’an clearly as Hypocrites. Regarding the disobedience of the archers, posted on the valley to watch enemy’s attack from the back, the Holy Qur’an says: ”Allah did indeed fulfill His promise to you when you with His permission were about to annihilate your enemy, ’until you flinched and fe!! ’ > disputing about the order, and disobeyed it after. He brcu nt you in sight (of the Body) which you covet. Among you are some that hanker after this world and some that desire ihe Hereafter. Then did He ’divert you from your foes in order to test you. But he forgave you; for Allah is full of grace to those who believe.” ’ Hugh Kennedy. Early Caliphate and The Age of Holy Prophet. P 44. 122 Political and Cultural History of Islam The Battle of Uhud-A Great Lesson to the Muslims The battle of Uhud teaches a great lesson to all the Muslims, to come until the Day of Judgement. Through its defeat, Allah wanted to examine Muslims’s perfect Belief in Him and in the Holy Prophet (PBUH). Although he faced all the troubles and dangers he stood firm in his mission. It was a great lesson to the Muslims that they should obey their Holy Prophet (PBUH) in all conditions and should not differ from it at any time. It should be noted here that the result of disobedience is not confined to disobedient only but others may also be involved. The Holy Qur’an points out about this: ”And guard yourselves against a chastisement which cannot fall exclusively on those of you who are wrong doers, and know that Allah is severe in punishment.” According to H. G. Sanvar, ”That the consequences of disobedience are not confined to those who disobey but may involved the whole body of Muslims: And take care of a calamity which does not fall upon those amongst you exclusively who do wrong... ”The Muslims,” the Holy Prophet says, ”are like one body or one man.” That in all wars i id fighting’s the final result always remains in the hands of God. Both the Muslims and the disbelievers at Uhud got what they wanted but God being the best of PlanMakers, knew that the time had not arrived for a final decision and so the struggle was postponed to another day: But had God pleased He could have taken retribution from them but (this is so) in order that He may discipline some of you by means of the other.7 The misfortune at Uhud was thus as important for the Muslims as the victory at Badr from the moral, social and political points of view. It showed them the necessity of strict adherence tc the commands of the Holy Prophet. It also awakened the believers to grave responsibilities that fell upon them as the standard bearers of the Divine mission and the hardships which they had to face in establishing its supremacy in the world. It also explained the true status of the Holy Prophet as the messenger of Allah: the unbounded kindness and the Mercy of the Lord. In short what came to pass at 7 H G Sarwar, Muhammad (PBUH) the Holy Prophet, P. 215 The Battle of Uhud 123 Uhud was to serve as a beacon of hope and courage for the succeeding generations, lest they should in time of distress, fall a prey to despair and turn their backs upon the ”Religion of Allah”. The Muslims lost the battle of Uhud because of their indiscipline. It was a lesson to them for the future that they must obey the decision of the Holy Prophet and also conduct themselves as a disciplined force in every field. In this encounter several of the Muslim soldiers were killed of wounded; and the Holy Prophet himself was severely wounded in the head and face and one of his teeth was knocked off. The enemy raised the cry that the Holy Prophet had been killed and the confusion increased Eventually the \ pagan attackers were driven away. While leaving the battle-field, Abu Sufyan threw out a challenge that the) would meet again next year at Badr. In this battle 70 Muslims (4 Muhajir and 66 Ansar) were killed. The Effect of the Battle of Uhud The battle of Uhud had a number of effects on the enemies of Islam. They were, on the one hand, very much perturbed by the growing strength of the Muslims but the happening in Uhud had, on the other hand, supplied fresh vigour to thrir drooping spirits and they had begun to think of the extermination of the Divine Faith. Although the Quraysh did not get a clear victory, they were satisfied with the result and that they had killed a number of eminent Muslims like Hamzah. The Jews and othei non-believers were also happy with the defeat of Muslims as they were seeing their misfortune in the progress of Islam. W. Montgomery Watt writes, ”For Muhammad (PBUH), on the other hand the purely military result of the battle was not wholly unsatisfactory. The Muslims had shown themselves almost equal to the Makkhans. Their infantry was more than a match for their opponents. The Muslim casualties were mostly due to the enemy cavalry, and Muslims were too poor to have a cavalry squadron of their own. Despite this...., however, Muhammad (PBUH) had 124 Political and Cultural History of Islam managed to hold his own against the Makkhans, and that was all he needed to do at the moment.”8 S. Athar Husain comments on the result of the battle in the following words: ”The Makkhans had realised that they could not alone crush the Islamic movement They now started instigating other tribes to make common cause with them. Most of the tribes were already inimical to Islam They practised idolatry while Islam brbade it and enjoined worship of one God Raiding and plunder was the general means of their livelihood while Islam dictated an orderly society forbidding oppression, exploitation and foul play and enjoined honest living upon its followers. The influence of the Quraysh extended far and wide, and all the tribes came into contact with them at the time of the annual pilgrimage. The Jews were also constantly insti’ ting the tribes against Islam. The victory of the Muslims over tne Quraysh at Badr had overawed the nomadic tribes but their defeat at Uhud emboldened them to show their hands and a number of skirmishes followed.”9 Ameer Ali writes on the effect of the battle of Uhud: ”The moral effect of this disastrous battle was at once visible in the forays which the neighbouring nomads prepared to make on the Medinite territories. Most of them, however, were repressed by the energetic action of Muhammad (PBUH), though some of the hostile tribes succeeded in enticing Muslim missionaries into their midst, under the pretence of embracing Islam, and then massacred them.”10 ’Dr Niajid Ah Khan, P 190. ’l)r Majid Ah Khan, P 190. ° Ibid. CHAPTER THE BATTLE OF AHZAB (CONFEDERATE) OK THE BATTLE OF TRENCH (627 A.D./5 A.H.) CAUSES The causes of this battle were the following: 1. Through his untiring expeditions against the non-believers’ forces, the Holy Prophet (PBUH) had broken up his enemies and apparently Medina became free from raids. The Muslims were also happy; they were also better off economically through the body they earned in various expeditions. They ploughed the land left by Banu Qainuqa and Banu Nazir and got good crops. But the period of satisfaction from wars proved to be very short.1 2. Though the Muslims were defeated in the battle of Uhud, they regained their formei position and even improved upon it the following months. The Quraysh could not reconcile themselves with the growing power of the Muslims in Medina. They found in the growing power of the Muslims a threat to their social and religious position as well as their commercial prosperity. Hence they wanted to decide their fate once for all. Abdul Hameed Siddiqui, P 203 126 Political and Cultural History of Islam 3. The neighbouring Bedouins of Medina mainly depended upon looting and plundering for their livelihood. The Holy Prophet did not like this way of life and so he punished them on many occasions for their predatory acts. The Bedouins saw in the rise of Islam a great menace to their predatory habit. Hence they joined the Quraysh in a common cause against the Muslims. 4. After the battle of Uhud the Jews of the Banu Nazir clan of Medina were expelled from the city for their treacherous acts and misconduct, and since then the Nazirite jews had been instigating the Quraysh and the Bedouins against the Muslims, though they actually did not take part in the siege of Medina. 5. Although Banu Nazir left Medina, they spread hatred and enmity against the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and Muslims. Their chiefs went to Makkah and instigated Quraysh, all time enemies of Islam. They visited other tribes as well (e.g. Banu Ghatfan) and instigated them against Islam and the Muslims. Leading Jews who visited various tribes were: Salam bin Abi al-Huqaiq, Huayy bin Akhtab; and Kinanah bin al-Rabi etc. They offered Banu Ghatfan the bait of half the yield of Khayber for attacking Medina and destroying the Muslims. Ghatfan also prepared their allies-Banu Asad; and Quraysh prepared Banu Sulaim. The Jews emissaries spread all over the Arabia and tried to form a coalition of the Jews and all the non-believers against the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and the Muslims. Their work was so secret that the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and the Muslims knew nothing about that. The Jews told the idolaters of Arabia that they would prefer their religion (i.e. idolatry) over Islam as they had nothing to do with Muhammad (PBUH) and his religion2 6. They raised huge funds for the war. Jews being the richest in Arabia, subscribed handsomely. Besides the Jews and Quraysh following were the main tribes who took part in the battle: Ghatfan, Banu Murra, Banu Fazara Ashia, Banu Sulaim, Banu Sa’d, Banu Asad, and a number of small tribes. They were determined to wipe out Muslims from Arabia once for all. According to Dr. Muhammad Hamidullah, ”the Dr Majid Ah Khan, P 214 The Battle ofAhzab (Confederate) or the Battle of Trench 127 expulsion of the Jews of the Banu Nazir from Medina, if it strengthened the position of the Muslims inside the capital, created new difficulties from outside.”3 For, the Jews migrated to the north and settled in the oases of Khayber, Wadi al-Qura and other stations of the trade-route to Syria. They at once began to intrigue with them against the Islamic State. The Makkhans and their allies were encouraged and their morale was uplifted by the news of the new alliance. ”Abdul Hameed Siddiqui says, ”The Jews said that Quraysh’s religion was far better than that preached by Muhammad (PBUH) and thus they have better claim to be in the right The Quraysh were highly delighted at these words and joined hands with the Jews in order to fight the common foe i.e. the Muslims.”4 Funds were raised and the Jews and the Makkhans donated liberally to the war preparations. There was hardly any tribe of the disbelieving Arabs which was not approached to join the federation. It was in fact a decisive battle between the rising force of Islam and that of the rest of Arabia. EVENTS The Makkhans prepared themselves fully to attack the Muslims. Due to famine Abu Sufyan did not go to Badr in 4 A.H. as promised to meet the Muslims but reserved his energies and supplies for the following year’s campaign. Quraysh were joined by the Banu Nazir of Khayber who negotiated with the Jews all over Arabia and declared that they were prepared to be pagans but not to accept Islam, or to accept Muslims suzerainty. As they were losing their social, religious and financial influences, the Bedouin tribes living in the vicinity of Makkah also responded to their caH and in 627 A.D. The Quraysh entered in to alliance with the Becouin tribes the Fazarah, the Ghatfan, the Sulaym, the Asad and others against Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). The Makkhans and the Jews subscribed handsomely to the Makkhans and the Jews and an army of about 10,000 mercenary troops, the majority being Abyssinians, marched in Shawwal 5 A.H. (627 A. D.) to attack Medina. The Jews of Medina whose loyalty was suspected also joined the assailants at the last moment.5 3 Dr M Hamidullah, The Battle Fields of the Holy Prophet, P 62. 4 Abdul Hameed Siddiqui, P 203 S M Imamuddm, A Political Histo’y of the Muslims, P 54. 128 Pohtical and Cultural History oflslim Meanwhile the news of the impending attack reached the Holy Prophet through the B?nu Khuz’ah living in the neighbourhood of Makkah. As the intelligence of the confederates’ march reached him, the Holy Prophet took counsel of his companions as how to repel the collected force from all over Arabia. To meet such a vast force in the open field was out of the question. Medina was naturally fortified by rugged rocks on one side and the other two sides by the continuous rows of stone-built houses only its north side remaining open for attack from outside the cir>. Salman the Persian, who had become a Muslim, advised the Holy Prophet to fortify the city by digging trenches. Accordingly all started digging a trench on the open northern side of the city and completed it within six days, the Holy Prophet himself joining in excavating the hard and rocky soil. The Muslims encamped behind the trench, and ten archers were posted in it at equidistant points. Abu Sufyan at the head of 14,090 confederates arrived on 8th Dhiq’ad, 5 A.H. (31st March, 627 A.D.) before the digging of the trench was completed. His horsemen and camel riders were bewildered at the sight of the trench, a piece of human ingenuity and a new means of defence hitherto unknown in Arabia. Small numbers of horsemen made several attempts to cross the trench but were repulsed by showers of arrows from the Muslim archers. While attempting to cross the trench Amr b. Abdu Wudd was killed by Ali (Rad.A). The enemy besieged Medina with their full force while the Muslims, appreciably lesser in number and comparatively ill-armed, were hard to put to fight simultaneously on two fronts. The hypocrites wert active under Abdullah b. Ubay and the Banu Qurayzah led by K’ab b. As’ad were secretly in league with the Quraysh now raised their heads. Abu Sufyan pressed hard from outside the city. The confederates had come prepared but for one day’s battle hoping for an easy victory and lost of plunder. Already dispirited and depressed they were yet persuaded by Huwayy b. Akhtab the leader of the Banu Nazir who had been in league with them originally to pitch their tents before Medina. Two weeks passed in this manner in Dhuq’ad 5 A.H. (March-April 627). The allies intrigued with Banu Qurayzah who promised to attack the Muslims from the rear while the Muslims tried to detach the Bsdouins from their alliance with the Quraysh and Nu’aym b. Mas’ud created a rupture between the Jewish and Qurayshite allies. They ultimately decided to capture the city by assault and the hypocrites now found an opportunity to retire to their homes. On the 28th day of the siege, in the morning, the allies sried to storm the city. All attempts to take the city by general assault, however, proved The Battle ofAhzab (Confederate) or the Battle of Trench 129 futile so that the allies were forced to try to capture it by intrigue but even in this, Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) confounded their plans. Meanwhile misunderstandings grew among the allies-the Ghatfan and Abu Sufyan, and the Banu Qurayzah and Abu Sufyan-and the day was followed by a night of terror. A sand-storm destroyed their tents and scanty supplies, scattered their pack and riding animals and gave the coup de grace to their morale, the Makkhans. therefore, did not wait for the morning and dispersed in confusion, leaving Khalid and Amr b. al-A’s with two hundred men in the rear Thus all the attempts of overwhelming odds to crush the Muslims were frustrated and the power of the allies was broken for ever. The enemies could never again assemble in such a large number against the Holy Prophet. The break- up of the confederacy marked the complete failure of the Makkhans and laid the foundation of the Muslim State in Medina which was shortly to expand all over Arabia and the neighbouring countries. The casualties in the siege of Medina were six Muslims and three Makkhans. This battle is also known as that of al-Ahzab (confederates). As the Banu-Qurayzah had helped the confederates and had planned to attack the Muslim women housed in one quarter during the war of Ahzab, their fastnesses were besieged for twentyfive nights and forced to surrender. They chose their former ally, Sa’d b. Mu’adh, as an arbitrator who gave a verdict for the execution of 400 of their fighting male members, the captivity of their females and children and confiscation of their property which was divided among the Muslims. This harsh punishment that was meted out was in accordance with the Mosaic Law. Had it been decided by the Holy Prophet himself, they might have received milder punishment as in the case of Banu Qaynuqa and Banu Nazir. The Holy Prophet had to take this punitive measure in self-defence against the destructive activities of traitors within the gates.6 RESULTS 1- After the battle of Ditch Muhammad, the Holy Prophet, was able to establish peace within Medina and its neighbourhood. Small expeditions were sent to punish treacherous persons and unruly tribes in the early 6th year of the Hijrah. The Banu Bakr who had taken part in the previous Makkhan wars against the Medinites were routed at Fadak. The establishment of peace made easier the work of the propagation of the Faith. Hitti, History of the Arabs, P 117 ’ F ,”., ’ ’ >, 130 Political and Cultural Histoni of Islam ,’\ vi’tJiUiii f ’ . , -, 2. ^n/i Throughout these years the Holy Prophet suffered greatly i.i’llcdue to the chaos and confusion created by the heathens and ’ 3. ’ \ /:,Now Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) had two enemies, the gjj j” Jews and the Makkhans, on two fronts but it was a problem y.1ttjfor him to cope with the situation with such a small number (|JA!|fof followers at a time. He therefore thought of forming a’ o^ji>rfriendship with one while fighting with the other After the i*jj-u battle of Ahzab it was easier for him to create friendship /}’!_, with the Makkhans than with the Jews. Besides this, jlli, Muhammad (PBUH) had brought economic deadlock to the ’IOIT.J Makkah and by entering into defensive pacts with the Banu <^lfiifDamrah, Mudallij and other tribes living in the region h’jbi /between Medina and Yanbu and spreading his influence over fmi ’Najd and thus closing their trade routes to Syria, Egypt and /JolJ ^aq which made them mild and changed their outlook ’” rth towards Muslims. 4. ’/ ’ J ’Jill . The battle of Ditch proved a turning point in the history of Islam. The days of the offensive operations of the Quraysh were at last over and much of their prestige was lost. It revealed the weakness of the military strength of the Quraysh. The Success of the Muslims in the battle of Ditch improved ’ the position of the Holy Prophet who successfully defended Medina from the attacks of the enemy. The people of .Medina now recognised the Holy Prophet as the absolute ifrerofthecity. s^he victory of the Muslims over a greatly superior force produced a marvellous effect on the neighbouring tribes who voluntarily became the allies of the Muslims. Henceforth Islam began to spread rapidly among the neighbouring tribes. The Battle of Ahzab (Confederate) or the Battle of Trench 131 7. After driving the enemy from the city the Muslims determined to punish the Banu Qurayzah who joined the Makkhans in their attack on Medina. The Jews appealed to the Holy Prophet to have their fate decided by their own man Sa’d ibn Mua’dh was appointed as the arbiter of their fate. According to his decision three to four hundred men were put to death, women and children sold into slavery and the rest expelled into Syria and the spoil was divided amongst the army. 8. In the sixth year of the Hijrah, the Holy Prophet granted to all Christians a Charter which is a monument of enlightened tolerance. They were not to be unfairly taxed, no bishop was to be expelled from his monastery, no pilgrim was to be detained from the performance of pilgrimage, no Christian Churches were to be pulled down for the building of mosques. Christian women married to Muslims were to enjoy their own religion. In case of the repair of Churches the Muslims were to help the Christians. 9. Thus the dark clouds cleared and the bright sun shone with peace and tranquility. The most powerful organized expedition against Islam, utterly failed. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) and his Companions came back to their homes in the city and thanked Allah for the retreat of the enemy. 10. This expedition of the Makkhans and their allies with its resultant destruction of the Banu Qurayzah enabled the Muslims to establish themselves as Medina’s absolute masters. The power of the munafiqun was finally broken, and all Arab tribes admired Muslims power, dominion, and the new prestige of Muhammad (PBUH) as sovereign of Medina. The Islamic message, however, was not meant for Medina alone but for the whole of mankind. The Holy Prophet and his Companions still faced the task of preparing for the greater task ahead, namely bringing the word of God to the wide world, calling all men to the true faith arid making that faith secure against all enemies. That is precisely what awaited them, and what we shall study in the sequel. Thus the great enterprise of the Jewish-Makkhans conspiracy came to a fruitless end.7 7 Dr M Hamidullah, P 78 [CHAPTER 9 THE TREATY OF HUDAIBIA (6 A.H./628 A.D.) The treaty of Hudaibia is a historical and wonderful event of the Holy Prophet’s (PBUH) struggle against falsehood. Most of its words and clauses were unpalatable for the Muslims, but the results proved extremely beneficial for the Islamic movement, removing all obstacles in the way. This treaty, which was a no-war pact extracted from the Quraysh, is a masterpiece of the Holy Prophet’s political wisdom and foresight. He wanted to fully expose the tribal jealousy and enmity against the call of Islam. He also wanted the Quraysh to ponder over the virtues of Islam after signing a peace treaty. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) wanted to prove Islam as a power equal to the Quraysh so that independent tribes could become the ally of any of the two as a result of this treaty. He wanted Islam to be accepted as a superpower in the long run. Through this treaty the Holy Prophet (PBUH) was able to punish the Jews who were using their wealth and tribal influence in hatching conspiracies against Islam. The treaty of Hudaibia which apparently damaged the image of Islamic revolution turned out as a significant victory for Islam bringing many hidden benefits to the Islamic movement. On the face of it, the treaty favoured Quraysh, but they could not derive any benefit out of it. On the contrary, Islamic movement bagged all the advantages of an interval of peace which was needed for the propagation and spread of Islam. It is noteworthy that after a lapse of time the Quraysh The Treaty of Hudaibia 133 themselves requested for deletion of those clauses of the treaty which seemed favourable to them.1 MUSLIMS’ PREPARATIONS FOR HAJJ The Holy Prophet had intentionally travelled to Makkah in the sacred month for Hajj to prove his truthfulness and good intention apart from carrying no weapons. But the Quraysh wanted to exploit the situation and tried to instigate the Muslims by stopping their entry into Makkah and by dispatching small groups of armed men to annoy, harm and instigate the peaceful, unarmed Muslim pilgrims. BAIT-E-RIZWAN The emissaries of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) sent to Quraysh for negotiations were manhandled. When Hazrat Usman was sent as an emissary by the Holy Prophet, he was detained and a rumour circulated about his murder. The Quraysh thought that unarmed Muslims were an easy prey for them. They knew that in case, the instigated Muslims attacked the Quraysh they would be morally exposed in their announcement of a pilgrimage trip and thus would be condemned by Arab tribes. Ih that case, the Quraysh anticipated a slaughter of the unarmed Muslims. The wisdom, foresight and endurance of the Holy Prophet foiled the evil designs of the Quraysh. He defeated all attempts of instigation by first arresting small groups of the Quraysh sent for the purpose and then releasing them after showing them the discipline of the Islamic camp. When the rumour about Hazrat Usman’s murder got currency, the Holy Prophet asked the Muslims for a pledge of allegiance to fight until death in the service of Islam. It is known as Bait-e- Rizwan in the history of Islam.2 The companions of the Holy Prophet showed great resolve and fervour in offering the pledge to fight till death. The Quraysh were scared when they learnt about it. Psychologically they were not prepared to fight the Muslims. They were afraid to face the Muslims alone without the support of allies after the battle of Clans. They were upset by the news of a death pledge by the ardent followers of the Holy Prophet. They feared a total failure of their design and a • humiliating defeat at the hands of unarmed Muslims. Taking all these 1 Syed Asad Gilani, Methodology of Holy Prophet Muhammad’s (PBUH) Islamic Revolution, P 194. 2 Syed Asad Oilani. Methodolog> of Holy Prophet Muhammad’s (PBUH) Islamic Revolution, P. 195 134 Political and Cultural History of Islam considerations into account, the Quraysh readily agreed to negotiations for a peace treaty Though the Quraysh insisted on the inclusion of certain unfavourable clauses for the Muslims, the Holy Prophet agreed to those under Divine injunction. Ultimately, the treaty of Hudaibia was signed. As far as the Muslims were concerned, they visibly detested this treaty on account of its humiliating terms. As a matter of fact, this treaty was the result of Holy Prophet’s political foresight and Divine guidance. Disappointment and dejection of the Muslims over this treaty knew no bounds. But there was some consolation when verses of the Holy Quran described the treaty as a ”Clear Victory.” This treaty opened fresh channels for the Muslims to propagate Islam. It created an opportunity for alliance with various tribes and to make many of those neutral. Muslims were also ’ provided a chance to punish the Jews. It is imperative to study the ,”’ clauses of this magnificent historical treaty in order to understand the ””” cause of grief to Muslims. A detail analysis of this treaty can reveal ”,the hidden benefits for Muslims in the apparently unfavourable terms ,”• of this treaty. Only then is one in a position to appreciate the political wisdom and far-sightedness of the Holy Prophet- (1) i»tr There will be no war between the parties for ten years. There r O will be no harmful activity or open offensive against each • >\i other. Any person from Quraysh joining the Muslims without permission shall be returned to Quraysh. But any Muslim ’^ going to Quraysh on his own shall not be returned. (3) „„ j(i Arab tribes will be free to join this treaty as allies of any of ,, t the two parties. (4) -P The Holy Prophet and his followers will go back this year w and shall visit Makkah next year to perform Umra and shall HI i ><;*/, stay there for three days. They will not carry any weapons A ’• f.’ except swords. Quraysh will vacate Makkah for three days in ’ order to avoid any clash. Muslims were especially aggrieved over clause 2. But the Holy Prophet explained that he did not need anyone who had denounced Islam and left him, but anyone from Quraysh who wanted • T embrace Islam would be shown a way by Allah. n y (1) 9ii fc ih •)t\ The Treaty ofHudaibia 135 I’tnU MI • ill , j, ,u <,,,,*,’ ,n ,r, RESULTS , _ ’! it I ic IIR v’!i soi tc,<-. rib < fry ,’i’/jii»O (jj The benefits which ensued from tnjktfea^.were manifold, ultimately preparing a ground for the peaceful and bloodless conquest of Makkah-- <. J VS / < £, {y; f / J As a result of vigoFotfs..f reaching a iot of people’embraced ,- ,q,_,, Islam. Prior to thjSjjtreaty a limited number of persons 0/ • converted to Islam, but after this treaty there was rapid and ,ltli\u\ massive conversions, People mixed freely after the treaty >a-r>> and for the first, t^,e;, Arabs had been provided an d %n> opportunity for a b(etter,^pderstanding of Islam and the nioral I, >f v and social attributes pT~MusJims. Z)-1(!l Numerous twbes • entered into alliance with the Muslims !”^ ’ considering tHeni-a1 powrer equivalent to the Quraysh, This alliance opened ^opportunity for the propagation of .Islam. The call for Islam became an international movement getting rid of internal” strife. The Holy Prophet wrote numerous letters to various Icings £nd rulers some of whorri ehittaced Islam. The^e ’letters ’M ’irito hundreds.’ The call ^Islam spread to non-XraM fanclsl’ ^n-Arabs1 Started embracing If- ?V f i ft ff^ yl i * * f f j--, r f. O Islam J,, ” ””’”•>’ --f-j”’- ^ <>><’)( ’ • ’ ’ > MOM t;i\ MI jc>(,{ ,„, ,,,if r , _ ’ _i(> <(| lfl> The Holy Pwph^r |,” !’!*! ;’ {”’”• (’»’ ! ’! ’” ceO^Si” p *’ (6XiJs so* <• M ,,., i - f i’/ ’,’ r»< J, UI ’ The ^wlv^^verigd’lvluslinls’ of Makkah wer to v’sit M’^faa: S6tjffiey;- established a camp at seaside and startec^ lo’otirfg ’^* ambushing different caravans’ ol Quraysh bec^use tft^!^e¥e Wdt a party to me treaty ofHudaibia. !U^’mate’y’” the QlirayslV unilaterally cancelled the clause of the treaty iiTt^cfsing’reslYtetion on the visit of new Muslims to jvjecjjna Alltifr new Muslims thert migrated to Medina^ , f> ( , ° This treaty provided the Holy Prophet an opportunit^ deal with and fix up the Jews engaged in treachery’s* and subversive activities against Islam. For the sake of Katies, Q^raysn were-niore fetiable than Jew tribes. They were more su’table of the two ’enemies to make impartial* through a treaty. The1 Holy1 Prophet also wished to convert them to Islam tactfully without any bloodshed in order to transform j t , 136 Political and Cultural History of Islam the Quraysh into an asset for the call of Islam as well as the Islamic state. IMPORTANCE The Treaty Proves Advantageous to the Muslims In fact, every clause of this treaty was a masterpiece of practical statesmanship. It was a triumph beyond doubt. No one, except ”perhaps Sohail, had thought back as had Muhammad (PBUH) when the Quraysh stood before him. No one except these two, recollected the beatings, the stoning, the escape by night, the hiding in the cave. No one thought of the hazardous exile with the seventy followers. The contrast between now and then was unbelievable, miraculous. That the Quraysh were willing to deal with Muhammad (PBUH) at all, to recognize him as someone worthy of their attention, to admit him as the ruler of the Arab community was beyond the bounds of all expectation. He was not a man to quibble over small details. If Sohail’s limited mentality could not reconcile itself to calling someone who had been a travelling salesman by a grandiloquent title; it did not really matter. What was important was to have free access to Makkah. Muhammad (PBUH) knew that the day he and his men could set foot in the Holy City would not be long before they would be there permanently”.3 ”The ten years’ truce would, therefore, afford opportunity and time for the new religion to expand, and force its claim upon the convictions of the Quraysh. The stipulation that no one under the protection of a guardian should leave the Quraysh without his guardian’s consents, though unpopular at Medina, was in accordance with the principles of Arabian society; and the Holy Prophet had sufficient confidence in the loyalty of his own people and the superior attractions of Islam, to fear no ill effect from the counter clause that none should be delivered up who might desert his standard. Above all, it was a great and manifest success that free permission was conceded to the believers to visit Makkah in the following year, and to stay in the city for three days undisturbed”. This treaty had a wonderful effect on the local tribes and what the,Holy Prophet had foreseen in this connection proved to be perfectly true. Within a few days of signing the document, which had r The Treaty ofHudaibia 137 caused a stir among some of his men, chiefs from all around were coming to swear allegiance to him. The treaty is a specimen of the finest draft in which the clauses of peace were clearly laid down. There is no ambiguity, nothing hazy about it. Every word is pointed, unequivocal and highly meaningful, nothing superfluous, and no playing of words, ”The treaty of Hudaibia,” says Majid Khadduri, ”was looked upon as a model for drawing up the draft of the arbitration treaty”.5 Great Moral Victory The Treaty of Hudaibia was undoubtedly a great moral victory for the Holy Prophet and his followers. There was no actual fighting on this occasion and this treaty put a stop to the hostilities for the stipulated period of ten years. It allowed free intercourse between the Muslims in Medina and the people in Makkah and it opened the way for the propagation of Islam in a peaceful atmosphere. The Holy Prophet faithfully observed the terms of the treaty. Even before it was formally signed, the Quraysh asked for the observance of clause (3) in a very pathetic case; and the Holy Prophet kept his promise. He and his followers sacrificed at Hudaibia the sacrificial animals that they had brought with them for the Umra and went back to Medina without entering Makkah that year for completing the ’Umra; and the Holy Prophet and his followers went to Makkah the following year for performing ’Umra and remained at Makkah for just the three days stipulated in the treaty.6 The truce was indeed a great triumph in more senses than one. Events that followed amply show further how this truce was really a victory to the Muslims, and to the great cause of Islam. According to the, ”Encyclopedia of Britannica”, ”The treaty of Hudaibia gave a breathing space to the two combatants, and of this the Holy Prophet reaped the whole advantage. The truce which lasted for almost two years, brought to the Makkhans an almost unbroken series of humiliations and losses. Contrary to all expectations, the provision made in their favour, by which Muhammad (PBUH) bound himself to send back such of their sons as deserted to him before ’ \\bdui llameed Siddiqui, The Life of Muhammad (PBUH), P 247 ” \\hdul! l.uneed Siddiqui. The Life of Muhammad (PBUH), P 247 Ibid ’ Muhammad Husam Hykal, The Life of Muhammad^PBUN). P 353 138 Political and Cultural History of Islam their majority, turned to their hurt, so that they had to ask Muhammad (P6UH) to have it changed”.1 Before the treaty the Muslims and the non-believers of Makkah had no contacts. After the treaty the Makkhans started to visit Medina for business terms and also due to their family relations with the ”Muhajirin” (the Immigrants). They witnessed the social life of Muslims and were impressed by their morals, righteousness, sincerity and courtesy. The Muslims won their hearts. According to historians the number of new converts in the faith after the truce of Hudaibia and until the Victory of Makkah, is much more than the previous years. Hazrat Khalid bin Walid and Amr bin al A’s embraced Islam during the same period.8 According to Watt ”The treaty was thus favourable to Muhammad’s (PBUH) long-term strategy, but for the moment left him to deal with the disappointment of his followers at apparent failure of the expedition”.9 ”This expedition and treaty mark a new initiative on the part of Holy Prophet”.10 In short, the treaty of Hudaibia is the turning point in the great struggle of Islamic revolution which laid the foundation of later remarkable successes. It is the masterpiece of the Holy Prophet’s tolerance and foresight. It was his wisdom alone which conceived a bright future for Islam in the apparently adverse clause of the treaty. Oitlf !(. 7 H G Sarwar, Muhammad (PBUH) The Holy Prophet, P 267 8 Dr Majid Ah Mian. Muhammad the Final Messenger, P 248 9 W M Watt, Muhammad at Medina, P 49 10 W M Watt, Muhammad at Medina, P 49 CHAPTER 10 CONQUEST OF KHAYBER (628 A.D./7 A.H.) JEWS OF KHAYBER Though crest-fallen, the Jewish tribes remained actively engaged in devising ways and means to harm the Muslims. They possessed, at the distance of three or four days’journey to the northeast of Medina, a strongly fortified territory, studded with castles, the principal of which, called al-Qamus was situated on an almost inaccessible hill. This group of fortresses was called Khayber, a word signifying a fortified place The population of Khayber included several branches of the Banu-Nazir, and the Quraiza, who had taken refuge there. The Jews of Khayber had shown an active and implacable hatred towards Muhammad (PBUH) and his followers, and since the arrival of their brethren among them, this feeling had acquired greater force.1 According to Dr. Majid AH Khan, ”There was a strong concentration of Jews at Khayber, about 200 miles towards North of Medina, close by Syrian border. Most of the Jews went into selfexile and settled in Khayber. As already mentioned, Banu Qainuqa and Banu Nazir of Medina also made it their asylum.. After the battle of Trench the malice of the Jews increased to greater intensity, Abdullah bin Ubay, the leader of hypocrites, was in a secret liaison with them and informed them of the movements of the Muslim1! They again began to plot in co-operation with their allies, the Abdul Hameed Siddiqui, P 229 Conquest of Khayber 141 140 Political and Cultural History of Islam Bedouin tribes, to invade Medina, They looted some caravans, murdered a number of Muslims and plundered their houses and properties even near the surrounding villages of Medina.” Jews Plot Against Muslim Meanwhile, the Holy Prophet (PBUH) came to know, through the intelligence, about the proposed plot of these enemies to attack Medina. He wanted to take the fullest advantage of the information he received lest procrastination should afford the chance to the enemy to march on Medina. Therefore, he launched into prompt and immediate action. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) this time considered it more proper to go to Khayber in order to stop the Jews from invading Medina. Thus he set out with sixteen hundred (1600) believers from Medina in the month of Muharram of 7th year A.H. He left Hazrat Siba’bin Urfutah Ghifari incharge of Medina in his absence. They Holy Prophet (PBUH) reached Khayber, the strongest and most fortified settlement of the Jews, in three days. A place between Khayber and Ghatfan, Raji, had its strategic importance on the basic line, cutting off all communications and inter-course between the two places. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) stopped there and left a guard to watch the route, and not to let the neighbouring tribes go to the help of the Jews. The Ghatfan shut their doors and kept quite. Preparation of Jews The Jews were caught in surprise on 4th (or 5th) of Muharram, 7 A.H. when they saw Muhammad (PBUH), with his men, marching on the Khayber. The Jews immediately rushed to their forts. They had realised that was their last stand against the Muslims, hence they consulted together. There were several fortified quarters and six big forts in Khayber: Na’im; Sulalim; Qamus; Natat: Qisarah; Shaq; and Marbat. According to historians there was a force of about 20,000 Jews in the forts. With the advice of their chief, Sallam bin Mishkam, they put their property and their families in the fortresses called Watih and Salim, and their warriors took shelter in forts called Na’im, and Natat and Qamus etc. Qamus was the strongest fort whose ruler was the all-Arab fame warrior, Marhab. In this fort the exiled family of Ibn Abi al-Huqaiq (of Khayber) also used to live. Marhab was thought to be stronger than one thousand horsemen. On reaching Sahba, a place near Khayber the Holy Prophet (PBUH) offered Asr Salat and took food, which was ”Sawiq” (the flour of roasted barley). Then he started again and reached suburbs of Khayber by night. He offered prayers and ordered the army to rest at night. According to S.M. Imamuddin, ”The rich Jews of Khayber particularly the chiefs of Banu Nazir had created trouble at the time of the battle of Ahzab and had moved the entire Jewish community of Arabia against Islam and allied with the heathen Arabs in its destruction. After the battle of Ahzab though the Muslim authority was established at Medina the Jews entered into secret negotiations with the hypocrite chief Abdullah b. Ubay against the Muslims”.1 VICTORY The Holy Prophet (PBUH) did not want a long siege, when he realised that the Jews were prepared to fight, he ordered an attack. The first battle took place on the fort called Nairn. A fierce battle took place, in which the Muslim General Mahmud bin Muslimah was martyred but the fort was conquered. The Muslims captured other small fortresses as well without much difficulty, but when they reached the famous and impregnable fort of Qamus they found a hard nut to crack. The fight prolonged to twenty days. Each day they had to return without success. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) sent Abu Bakr (Rad.A) and Umar (Rad.A) as well but they too were not successful in capturing the fort. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) was full of hope and courage. One evening the Holy Prophet (PBUH) declared that he will give the standard the next day to a person who is beloved of Allah and His Messenger and on whose hands the fort would be conquered. Every-body was anxious to be that man. In the morning the Holy Prophet (PBUH) beckoned Ali (Rad.A) and with his own hands put the armour on him, the sword and the staff and sent him as the commander of the troops for that day’s fight. Seeing Muslims under the command of Ali (Rad.A), Marhab, the famous warrior, came out of the fort and invited Ali (Rad.A) in which Ali (Rad.A) killed him in the first attack. Then a fierce battle started. During the battle Ali’s (Rad.A) shield was broken, he took hold of a pillar of Fort’s gate used it as a shield. The Jews were forced to give in-and the fort was captured by the Muslims.4 Dr Majid Ali Khan, P 254. 3 Imamuddin, P.66. 4 Syed Ameer Ali, The Spirit of Islam, P. 76. 142 Political and Cultural History of Islam After losing their strongest Fort, Qamus, the Jews realised that the end must come. They requested the Holy Prophet (PBUH) to grant them peace on the condition that they would pay him half the produce of their lands. Their lives, property, women and children were left untouched. Although the Holy Prophet (PBUH) knew that they would not keep up to their words, he acceded to their request. It could easily be noted here that if Islam spread through the sword, it could have very well be enforced on them as an alternative to begin put to death. Contrary to this whole-hearted and wholesale forgiveness, to an accursed enemy of irremediable character, was given. According to Abdul Hameed Siddiqui, ”The Holy Prophet began the camping by reducing the minor strongholds one after the other. When this was done, he marched against al-Qamus, the main fortress of Khayber. It was a formidable looking structure with frowning walls built of the solid rock. All accesses to the fortress were strongly fortified, and within the ramparts was a well-equipped and well-provisioned garrison. The Jews showed great courage and proved too formidable even to the’repeated rushed of the veteran soldiers of Islam. Then the standard was given ta AH, the Holy Prophet’s cousin and his son-in-law who led his men up the battlements again arrows which rained from behind the parapets. It was indeed a tough fight. The Muslims, however, were not dismayed. They dragged on the siege for twenty days and after constant struggle managed to take hold of the forts. Rich booty fell into the hands of the Muslims. Besides vast stores of dates, oil, honey and barley, flocks of sheep and herds of camels, the spoils in treasure and jewels was very large”.5 JEWISH DESPAIR AND COLLAPSE Muhammad Hussain Haykal writes about the Jews of Khayber in these words, ”The Jews were forced to come out and engage the Muslims in battle but, faced with preponderant Muslim forces, they fled. Their fortresses fell one after another into Muslim hands, the last of them being those of al Watih and al Sulalim in the al Katibah area. Only then did the Jews become truly desperate, and they begged for peace. The Holy Prophet had already seized most of their possessions at the fortresses of al Shaqq, Natat, and al Katibah. In the circumstances, they had only their own skins to seek to save. 1 Abdul Hameed Siddiqui, P.230. Conquest of Khayber 143 Muhammad (PBUH) accepted their plea and permitted them to stay on their land whose title now passed to him by right of conquest. The terms of their surrender provided that they would be given half their crops in compensation for their labour.” The Jews of Khayber were thus treated differently from those of Banu Qajnuqa and Banu Nazir who were forced to evacuate their lands altogether. With the fall of Khayber, Jewish power no more threatened Islam or the Muslims. Moreover, Khayber had large areas of orchards and groves of date trees whose maintenance needed an experienced labour force. Although al-Ansar, the Muslims of Medina, were agriculturalists, they were needed back home to tend their own gardens and orchards’. The Holy Prophet also needed his men for the purpose of war and could not afford to demobilize his army for the sake of agriculture. The Jews of Khayber were hence allowed to continue to work their own groves after their political dominion had been destroyed. Despite Muhammad’s (PBUH) sharecroppmg arrangement, the agricultural economy of Khayber retrogressed after the destruction of Jewish political power. Abdullah ibn Rawahah, Muhammad’s (PBUH) deputy for the division of the Khayber crops, dealt justly with the Jews, following in this regard the instructions of the Holy Prophet himself. So honourable was his conduct that he returned to them copies of the Torah seized by the Muslims in the course of the hostilities. This is indirect contrast to the manner in which the Romans treated the Jews when they conquered Jerusalem and burned all the sacred writings they found in the temple and trampled them under foot. It is also far from the Christian persecution of the Jews in Spain where every Torah seized was put to the torch. As the Jews of Khayber pleaded for peace while the Muslims blockaded al Waith and al Sulalim at Khayber, the Holy Prophet sent a message to the Jews of Fadak asking them to surrender their properties and wealth or accept his terms. The people of Fadak were so panic-stricken at the news of Khayber that they agreed to give up half their wealth without fighting . The wealth of Khayber was to be distributed among the members of the Muslim armed forces according to rule because they had, fought to secure it. 144 Political and Cultural History of Islam The wealth of Fadak, on the other hand, fell to Muhammad (PBUH). as no Muslims and no fighting were involved in its acquisition. The Holy Prophet prepared to return to Medina by way of Wadi al-Qura where the Jews of that area prepared to fight the Muslims. Some fighting did indeed take place, but the Jews realized the futility of their resistance and pleaded for peace as Khayber and Fadak had done before. As for the Jews of Tayma, they accepted to pay the Jizya without fighting. Thus, all the Jews of the Peninsula submitted to the authority of the Holy Prophet and their political influence was brought to an end. The northern flank of Muslim power, namely the whole area north of Medina, was now as secure as the south had become through the Treaty of Hudaibia. With the collapse of Jewish political power, Muslim hatred of the Jews mellowed, and this v/as especially true of the Ansar of Medina who even closed their eyes when a number of Jews returned to Medina to resume their normal trades and professions. Indeed, the Holy Prophet himself sympathized with such Jewish returnees and joined with them in mourning Abdullah ibn Ubay by presenting condolences to his son. Moreover, the Holy Prophet took especial care to instruct Muu’adh ibn Jabal how to sway the Jews from their religion but to allow them to practice it as they had done before. He did not impose any Jizya on Jews of Bahrayn despite the conservatism of the latter and their attachment to the faith of their forefathers. The Holy Prophet also reconciled the Jews of Banu Ghaziyah and Banu Arid and offered them his covenant and protection provided they agree to pay Jizya. On the whole, the Jews of the Peninsula lost their political power and fell under that of the Muslims. So much had their prestige deteriorated, however, that they soon found themselves having to emigrate from a land which once felt their influence. According to some versions, this Jewish emigration took place during the lifetime of the Holy Prophet; according to others, shortly after his death. Jewish acquiescence in their fate under the dominion of Islam did not take place at one and the same time or immediately ’ Muhammad Hussain Haykal. The Life of Muhammad, (PBUH) PP. 370-371 Conquest of Khayber 145 after their military defeat, for they were exceedingly resentful and full of hatred for their Muslim fellows. Submission of the People of Fadak After the victory o” Khayber, Fadak, a Jewish town, not far from Khayber also s bmitted to the Holy Prophet (PBUH) without any fight. A treaty on the t TV similar to that Khayber, was signed with them. The share of Fadak was purely for the Holy Prophet (PBUH) because no fight took place there. Submission of thf People of Wadi al-Qura On his march home-wards from Khayber, the Holy Prophet (PBUH) came to Wadi al- Qura, a settlement of the Jews between Khayber and Taima. According to some historians this was the native place of Adites and Thamudites. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) had no intention of fighting there but the Jews started to aim arrows as a result of which a little fight took place, and the enemy surrendered. A treaty was signed on the similar terms as were for the residents of Khayber. In this way, in a few weeks, Muhammad (PBUH) had subjugated the whole of North Arabia and the enr.iity and te’ision between the Muslims and the Jews was removed just as it had been removed in the south by the peace of Hudaibia. Relations with Jews The Holy Prophet had, when he first came to Medina, made agreements with the Jewish tribes to defend the city from foreign invaders and to maintain peace and order. But instead of defending it from its enemies, the Jews tried their best to stab the Muslims in the back. They organised a campaign of slander against Islam and its followers. They insulted Muslims women and left no stone unturned in spreading bitterness against the Holy Prophet of Islam. They were warned but took no notice of it. The Holy Prophet first dealt with the tribe of Banu Qainuqah. They were ordered to leave Medina and they settled down in Syria. Then the tribe of Banu Nazir were ordered to leave Medina. They had refused to renew the peace alliance with the Muslims and actually made an attempt on the life of the Holy Prophet. The tribe of Banu Quraizah broke the treaty and intrigued with the enemy during the battle of Ahzab when the Muslims were besieged in Medina from all directions by the unbelievers. After the defeat of the enemy, the Holy Prophet turned to deal with this tribe. 146 Political and Cultural History of Islam They were not willing to enter into any kind of peace agreement with the Muslims and were preparing to fight to the last. After a siege of one month, they surrendered and requested that their fate should be decided by their old friend Sa’d bin Mu’az. According to his decision, which was in accordance with the Commandments of the Old Testament (Taurat), all men were killed, women and children were made captives and their property and possessions were declared spoils of war. The Holy Qur’an refers too this incident in these words, ”And those of the people of the Book who aided them God did take them down from truir Strongholds and cast terror into their hearts, so that some you slew, and some you made prisoners, And He made you heirs of their lands, their houses and their goods.” The Jewish tribes which went to Khayber continued their hostilities and irtrigues against the Muslims with greater vigour and zeal They had been actively supporting the Makkans against the Muslims all these years Now the Holy Prophet was forced to punish them He marched with 1,400 men to Khayber, a fortified place in the north-east of Medina, in the month of Muharram in the 7th year of the Hijrah. After a siege of twenty da>s and a hard struggle, the Jewish castles were conquered by the Muslims. They were allowed to stay in Khayber on the condition that they would live in peace and cultivate their lands and give half the produce to the Muslims. The victory of Khayber is mentioned in the Qur’an in these words, ”A land which you had not frequented before. And God has power over all things.” It is also mentioned in Surah Al-Fath ”And many gains will they acquire (besides), and God is Exalted in Power; Full of Wisdom.’” Elimination of Jewish Influence in Arabia The Holy Prophet (PBUH) send his missions to the foreign kings while his own domain was threatened by the treacherous Jews who were still living to the north of Medina”7 It is true that the Treaty of Hudaibia had secured his southern flank, especially from Quraysh. But what about the north, where both Heraclius and Chosroes might attack Medina in cooperation with the Jews of Khayber who were anxious for an opportunity to take revenge upon Muhammad (PBUH)? It would be relatively easy for either emperor to remind the Jews of the fate of their co-religionists, the Banu Qyrayzah, Banu alNazir, and Banu Qaynuqa’, who had previously been expelled from their dwellings after blockade, fighting, and war, and to incite them Conquest of Khayber • 147 to new ventures against Muhammad (PBUH). For their enmity and bitterness surpassed that of Quraysh. They were more attached to their religion, more intelligent, and more leaded. On the other hand, it was not possible to reconcile them with a peace treaty like that of Hudaibia since the covenant of Medina h^d been violated by them much to their own detriment. Were help to come to them from the side of Byzantium, their natural inclination to rise again against Muhammad (PBUH) could not be contained. Hence , it was thought necessary to put a final end to their influence in the Arabian Peninsula, and to do so quickly without giving them the time to forge any new alliances with Ghatafan or any of other tribes hostile to Muhammad (PBUH). And such Muhammad (PBUH) did. He had hardly spent fifteen days after his return from al Hudaibia a month according to another version when he commanded the people to prepare for the campaign of Khayber, restricting the call to arms to those who had accompanied him to Hudaibia. His purpose was to leave behind al! those interested in booty, and to go out with the truly loyal followers who sought service for the sake of God. The Muslims marched forth one thousand and six hundred strong, including a cavalry of one hundred. They were confident of God’s assistance and victory, and recalled surah ”al-Fath”’ which was reversed shortly after the signing of the Hudaibia ueaty; ”When you go forth and booty lies ahead of you, those who remained behind and did not participate in the previous campaign will ask to accompany you that they might share in the spoils. Thus they seek to change the decrees of God. Say to them, ”It is not given to you to accompany us, for that is the decree of God which has been given.1 They will accuse you of jealousy and envy, but their understanding is meager and their inielligence is dim.” Opinions of Various Authors on Banu QnraizahS Fate Dr. M. Hamidullah comments: ”Ir the case of Banu Quraizah, it was the arbitrator of their own choice who awarded exactly what Deuteronorm irovided. Upon bearing the decision of the arbitrator, the Holy Pr het made only the comment that God had predestined that from -ove the sever heavens. Had the Jews appealed to the mercy of tin Holy Prophet, Jiey might have received a more lenient treatment, but they chose ? former ally of theirs, an ordinary Muslims; and the Muslims has reason to be extremely angry with the Jews at the moment: they had treated the Nazirite Jews with 148 Political and Cultural History of Islam leniency, who instead of being grateful, had arranged the siege of Khandaq, and just before the siege caused the Holy Prophet to go, with a small army, to Daumat’ ul-Jandal. place at a distance of two weeks from Medina, b-it fortunately the Holy Prophet escaped the trap and returned to Medina in time to prepare for the defence against the besiegers; and during the terrific siege of Khandaq these Jews of Banu-Quraizah lived in Medina tried iu stab the Muslims in the back. Even Wensinck, who is otherwise very hostile to the Holy Prophet, admits that the leniency she wr, previously to the Jews of Banu Nazir had produced to the contrary of the desired effect, and no statesman could possibly commit the same mistake of leniency again.”7 S. Ameer Ali says, ”Human nature is so constituted that, however criminal the acts of an individual may be, the moment he is treated with a severity which to our minds seems harsh or cruel, a n».lural revulsion of feeling occurs, and the sentiment of justice gives place to pity within our hearts. No doubt the sentence on the BaniKuraizha, from cur pc-’ust of ”:PW, was served. But, however much we may regret that the fate of these poor peop’e should have been, thought at their own special request, left in the hands of an infuriated soldier however much we may regret that the sentence of this man should hav? txcn so carried into effect we must not, in tne sentiment of pity, overlook the stern question of justice and culpability. We must bear in mind the crimes of which they are guilty, their treachery, their open hostility, their defection from an alliance to which they we* 3 bound by every sacred tie. Nor must we altogether forget the temptations which they, the worshippers of the pure Jehovah, held out to the heathen Arabs to continue in the practice of idolatry. Some Muslims might naturally be inclined to say, with the Christian moralist: It is better that the wicked should be destroyed a hundred times over than that they should tempt those who are yet innocent to join their company. Other Muslims, however, might look upon this fearful sentence on the Bani-Kuraizna in the same light as Carlyle looks upon the order of Cromwell for the promiscuous massacre of the Irish inhabitants of Drogheds: An armed soldier solemnly conscious of himself that he is the soldier of God the just, a consciousness which is well beseems all soldiers and all men to have always, armed 7 Dr. M. Hamidullah, PP. 240-241. 149 Conquest ofKhayber soldier, terrible as death, rentless as doom; doing God’s judgement on the enemies of God. We, however, are not disposed to look at the punishment of these Jews from either of these points of view. We simply look upon it as an act done in complete accordance with the laws of war as then understood by the nations of the world: A strict application of admitted customs of war According to S. Ameer Ali’s research: ”The number of men executed could not have been more than 200 or 250.” He further says, ”The mistake (’n calculating the number of Jews executed) probably arose from confounding the whole body of prisoners, who fell into the hands of the Muslims with those executed.” Lane-Poole writes, ”It was a harsh, bloody sentence.... but it must be remembered that the crime of these men was high treason against the State during a time of siege, and those who have read how Wellington’s march could be traced by the bodies of deserters and pillagers hanging from the trees, need not *>e surprised at the summary execution of a traitorous clan.” Commenting upon Jew’s behaviour and Holy Prophet’s (PBUH) nice treatment to them, \V. Montgomery \Vatt says, ”The Jews in general by their verbal criticism of the Quranic revelation were trying to undermine the foundation of the whole Islamic community; and they were also giving political support to Muhammad’s (PBUH) enemies and to opponents such as the Hypocrites. In so far as th-* ;~n* aLordcr^ri these forms of hostile uCtlviiy -vluhamuiau (PBUH) allowed them to I:-.-; :n Medina unmolested.” We finally quote S. Ameer Ali’s again, ”People judge of the massacres of king David according to the ’light of his time.’ Even the fearful slaughters committed by the Christians in piimitive times are judged according t-~> ”erfam lights’. Why should not the defensive wars of the early Muslims be ic”}---’ -•: £-.:m the same standpoint. But, whatever the point of view, an unprejudiced mind w;;; ^rrce’ve that no blame can possibly attach to the Holy Prophet in the execution of the Bani-Kuraizha.”* Syed Ameer Ali, The Spirit of Islam, PP 81 - 82 CHAPTER 11 THE BATTLE OF MUTAH (629 A.D./ 8 A.H.) CAUSES , _, Of the epistles that the Holy Prophet (PBUH) despatched to various kinas and rulers inviting them towards Islam, one was sent to the Sg of Busrl through Harith bin Umair Azdi When Harith reached Mutah he was killed by Shurahbil Ghassam, Shurahbii was one of the Governors of Heracieus. The murder of the envoy was gainst alt SwlTf inter tribal morality. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) was naturally very much upset when the news reached him is Sadf al-lJia, 8A.H. (August/September. 629 A-), the Holy Pronhet (TBUH) prepared an expedition of 3000 Muslims under Zaid bin Haritha to go north and to prove Romans that he was not afraid of them while nominating Zaid bin Haritha, a freed slave, to command the army, the Holy Prophet said: ”If Zaid is killed Jafar bin Abi Talib will be your commander, and if he is also nuatyied then Abdullah bin Rawahah will t«ke the command. If he too dies then you can %!ecc a wuiimiander from among yourselves.” EVENTS . Shurahbil received the information of the expedition through intelligence and prepared himself to meet the Muslims with an army of 1,00,000 strong. On their way they also heard a iwr mat Heracieus himself was coming with another army ot 1,00,000. The Muslims stopped at M^; for TWO nights to consider what they should -’«• C*. tnc enthusiastic and eloquent speecn of Abdullah bin Ravdhah, alTof them decided to meet the enemy at all cost. Zaid with the standard in his hand directed the operations. A fierce battle took place. Shurahbil’s trotha was killed in action, and he himself fled from the field and took shelter in a fort. He sent a message to Heracieus who immediately despatched for his help another strong armv The Muslin* wsie now fighting against very heavy odds. Zaid bm’tUritha was kiUed and th. flag was taken over by Jafar. He intentionally disaHed IJs horse to dispel any idea of returning home from the battlefield, and jumped into the enemy lines. He fought to his death. Then Abdullah bin Rawahah took the Flag. He was also killed The Battle ofMutah 151 after a desperate fight. Then the Muslims selected Hazrat Khalid bin Walid as their commander. Khalid took hold of the standard and realised the extreme peril of the Muslim forces. He was a man beyond a rival in the art of war and in courage and skill. He ordered a realignment of the Muslim forces. The Muslims fought the enemy with great advantage. Eight swords were broken in Khalid’s hand. In the evening the fight was postponed till the next day. The next day, Hazrat Khalid spread out his men in a long line as though he was going to envelop the enemy. But the Romans did not advance to fight, and Khalid, according to his plan, withdrew the army from Mutah to Medina. The Romans were too glad that the fight was over as they did not like to meet Khalid any more. The Muslims at Medina did not like their return in that way and on their return they threw dust on the faces of the returning soldiers saying. ”’O you runaways! You ran away from the Path of Allah! But the Holy Prophet (PBUH) consoled them and replied on their behalf, ”Not runaways, but if it pleases Allah, (Would) go-back once more.” The Holy Prophet (PBUH) and the Companions were all in great sorrow on account of the loss of so many brave men and especially the three generals. THE EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE OF MUTAH The Battle of Mutah had some strange effects on the minds of different communities. The Muslims were not pleased with the return of their fellows without a apparent-victory. To them, there were only two ways Victory or Martyrdom in the Path of Allah. The Christians neither considered it their victory nor defeat. They were astonished by the courage, initiative and dash of Muslims. They thought that to make war \\ ith a people like that was to court cnttin a people who fought 1 ike 1 ions and eacli of whom seemed to possess many lives. Tney realised their strength through men like Ja’far who fought after botn arms had been cut oft” and Khalid who broke eight swords in a single afternoon. So the Romans \\ere in favour of leaving the Muslims alone but due to their arrogance thev coi.ld not declare peace, and the war went on Hov ever, the Jews and the nonbelievers were happy at the apparent catastrophe of the Muslims Tliex reached so far that they started to think abc jt the fall of Muslims at the hands of Romans. Therefore, they conspired to harass the Holy Piophet (PBUH) in the South while his men were engaged in the North with the Romans.1 H.G. Sarwar says, ”The onl> peopl< who, like fools, exulted over the apparent catastrophe of the Muslims at Mutah were the Jexvs and the Makkhan unbelievers. TNO lesson was enough for them. The\ vaiiily imagined that the days of Muhammad (PBUI1) were numbered and that the Romans would soon eat him up, so to say, ”t was, therefore, tune to start harassing him in the south whilst his men wtre engaged in the north.’’0 Hugh Kennedy, F 54 1 H G Sarnar I’ 208 CHAPTER 12 THE FALL OF MAKKAH (630 A.D./8 A.H.) EVENTS LEADING TO THE CONQUEST OF MAKKAH The Quraysh and Their Allies Break the Truce of Hudaibia The truce of Hudaib.a had been in force for two years. The peace and quietness that prevailed during these days had considerably helped Islam and strengthened the Muslims. After the enforcement of the truce, the Khuza’ah tribe had entered into friendly relations with the Holy Prophet (PBUH), while on the other hand their enemies, the Banu Bakr, had entered into alliance with the Quraysh.1 From inside, the Quraysh weie growing more and more infuriated at the popularity of the Muslims. Th^ Quraysh incited Ba it la’* 1 their allies, to attack the Khuza’an trite, a >ies of the Holy Proptut (PBUH). Following this ir*”igue, o.ie -Mght, whilst Banu Khuza’ah were sleeping at , watering place called Watir Banu Bakr fell on them, killed many of them and looted their property. According to some historians, the Quraysh openly helped Banu Bakr with men and weapons.’ Ikramah bin Abu Jahl, Safawan bin Umayyah and Sohail bin Amr etc. took part in the fight after masking themselves Banu Khuza’ah took shelter in Makkah but Banu Bakr did not stop killing Banu Khuza’ah even in the Haram, where bloodshed was forbidden according to time-honoured Arab traditions. Banu Khuza’ah complained fo the Quraysh but got no redress. In consequence, a deputation of the Kliuza ah tribe was sent to Medina, beseeching the fanr al-Taban, Tank al-Rasul Wa!-Muluk, Vol in P. 43. Hicham, al-Sirat nl-Nabawiyyah, Vol, in, P 390. The Fall of Makkah 153 Holy Prophet (PBUH) to rise in defence. They Holy Prophet (PBUH), after consulting the Companions, sent message to the Quraysh with three conditions, and asked them to accept one of them- 1) Tne Quraysh were to pay blood-money for those slain among the Khuza’ah tribe. 2) They should have nothing to do with the Banu Bakr. 3) They should declare the Truce of Hudaibia’ null ant. void. The Quraysh refused to accept the first two conditions and sent a message to the Holy Prophet (PBUH), through Quit bin Umar that they would accept only the third condition. It was rather an unwise step on their part. Abu Sufyan, realising the grave danger for his people for their having so hastily broken the pact, went to Medina himself with a view of asking the Holy Prophet (PBUH) to renew the truce But he was at the same time deaf to the demands of the Muslims. That was totally absurd. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) could very well understand it, therefore, he refused a renewal. The Holy Prophet’s Preparation for the Conquest of Makkah For over twenty years the Quraysh had been constant source of trouble and misery to the Muslims. They had three times attacked Medina with the hope of entirely crushing out Islam but had failed. It was a great chance for the Muslims to punish the Quraysh for their treachery and misconduct. There was no use delaying, which would only further spoil the situation, affording further advantages to the enemy. Therefore, the Holv Prophet (PBUH) asked his followers to get preparations for war and sent word tc all his allies and followers in Arabia to come to him (ready for the fight but to keep their preparation absolutely secret). He kept his plan secret, and the common man in Medina thought that he was going to Syria to punish Romans. One of the Muslims named Hatib bin Abi Balta, who had some relations at Makkah and who was anxious about their safety, secretly sent a messenger to them with a letter informing them of what the Muslims intended to do. It was rather an ill-timed and unwise procedure. If the letter had reached Quraysh, they would also have made the necessary preparations for a battle, probably resulting in unnecessary bloodshed and loss of lives. But the Holy Prophet (PBUH) was informed by Allah (through revelation) about the letter. He immediately sent men who overtook the messenger and brought back the letter, The Muslims (especially Hazrat ’Umar) were much 154 Political and Cultural History of Islam excited at the perfidy of Hatib, and they were for inflicting a severe punishment on him. Since, Hatib was sincerely sorry for what he had done, the merciful Holy Prophet (PBUH) forgave him. It was indeed to be an imperishable example of forgiveness.3 The Quraysh Taken by Surprise On the 10th of Ramzan, 8 A.H. the Holy Prophet (PBUH) set out, at the head of 10,000 followers, thus fulfilling the prophecy of Prophet Moses, given two thousand years before: ”He came with ten thousands of Holy ones.” No other event in the post-Mosaic history fulfilled these prophetic words. Here were ten thousand Muslims and all were ’righteous’ (as foretold) without any exception. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) encamped at Marr-ur-Zahran, a place only a few hours journey from Makkah. On seeing a huge army, the Quraysh were taken by complete surprise. The Holy Prophet ordered huge Sres to be lit in every camp. This gave the Quraysh the impression that the strength of Muslim army was considerably greater than it really was. They were impressed by seeing the while desert lit up with f res of the camps in the darkness of the night. Their chief, Abu Sufyan, with other chiefs, came to heights above the Muslsm camps to survey the situation but was recognized and was brought to the merciful Prophet (PBUH). This was the same Abu Sufyan who was the bitterest enemy of Islam, who had waged so many bat»les against the very life of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), and had done his worst to wipe out Islam and the Muslims. But the merciful Prophet (PBUH) was an embodiment of love and compassion. He asked Abu Sufyan in a gentle mood, ”O Abu Sufyan! Do you still consider any other power (god) than Allah, Almighty?” Abu Sufyan was ashamed and said, ”If there was any then he served us.” The Holy Prophet (PBUH) then said, ”> , your faults are forgiven, Abu Sufyan! And the one who enters your house shall also be safe ” Most of the historians agree that Abu Sufyan acknowledged the Faith at that time but not in clear terms However, later on he became a sincere Muslim. Look at this most exemplary and merciful treatment of the merciful Prophet that he not only forgave him but also made the house of his arch ensmy a place of safety. The Conquest of Makkah Returning to Makkah, Abu Sufyan told the people about the safety guaranteed by the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and also informed Dr Majid Ali Khan, P. 276 The Fall of Makkah 155 them of the great strength of the Muslim army, pointing out to them the utter futility of offering resistance to such an army. Next morning the Holy Prophet (PBUH) marched into Makkah peacefully. He ordered Muslims to shed no blood. All the armies of Muslims entered peacefully except that of Khalid bin Walid. When he was entering the city some obstinates among the Quraysh and Banu Bakr under Safwan, Sohail, and Ikramah bin Abu Jhal, the inveterate enemies of the Islam, shot the Muslims with ar/ows. Two of the Muslims were martyred by the arrows aimed by them. Hazrat Khalid, therefore, asked the Muslims to give a reply. A little-fight took place, the leaders of the enemies field leaving behind 12 bodies of their dead fellows. Makkhans were told that they would be safe if they kept indoors or took refuge in the Ka’bah or in Abu .Sufyan’s house. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) was himself riding on a white horse and while he was entering the Holy city, his head was bent with humility to Allah. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) entered the Ka’bah and cleaned all the idols while reciting the verse of the Holy Qur’an: ”Say, the TRUTH has come and falsehood has vanished.” Hazrat Bi’al, the all time Mu adh-dhin of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) called the Adhan on the roof of the Ka’bah, the Holy Prophet (PBUH) led the Salat. EXEMPLARY FORGIVENESS OF THE ENEMIES After the Salai the Holy Prophet (PBUH) sent for Usman bin ”(?•%, ”who was the custodian of the key of the Ka’bah, and who once refused him to enter the Ka’bah and ill- treated him. Not only the Holy Prophet (PBUH) cn’uusu-d the key to Usrnan bin Talha but also sa;d. ”If any person took the key of Ka’bah from ’Usman bin falha (or his descendants), he will be cruel.” The Quraysh and their leaders were watching quietiy in the compound of die Ka’bah. Tht Holy Prophet (PBUH) then addressed them: ”O leaders of Makkah! What treatment do you expect from me this dfcy?” They said. ”You aie a noble brother (to the young) and a gentle nephew (to the aged).” The Holy Prophet said, ”I will treat you as Yusuf (Joseph) treated his brothers. You are free from al! fears today. May Al’ah forgive you.” When the Makkhans heard this I they could not believe at first. It touched the deepest cord of the human heart in the audience. He ’(the Holy Prophet) actualK 1 deserved the titles: ”Best of Humanity”? ”The pride of Mankind” and ”The Mercy for Nations.” 156 Political and Cultural History of Islam Thus the Holy Prophet (PBUH) showed an exemplary forgiveness to his enemies. He and his followers had been persecuted and oppressed in Makkah for thirteen years. Their cruel persecution at last compelled the Muslims to migrate to Medina. There were among them those who tried to murder the Holy Prophet. There were also the one who had caused the death of his daughter, an^ the women like Hind (wife of Abu Sufyan) who chewed the liver and the heart of his beloved uncle, Hamzah after he was martyred by her slave, Wahshi, in Uhud. But all these sins were readily forgiven and Krgotten. The worst enemies of Islam were pardoned and every sympathy was shown to them Never in the history was there another victor who showed such love and mercy for the fallen enemy. The European historians have admitted that ”Through all the annals of conquest there has been no triumphant entry like unto this one.” No conquest was made without bloodshed and no forgiveness was shown like this one to vanquished in the history of the ancient and modern world. World’s history has not produced another similar personality with ..uch an extra-ordinary record of forgiveness, magnanimity and mercy reaching the sublimate heights. ”This breadth of human sympathy and the magnanimous forgiveness is not met within the life of Christ.. He never acquired power to deal with his persecutors.” Bostworth Smith comments on the conquest of Makkah, ”The»e was nothing left in Makkah that could thwart his pleasure. If evei he had worn a mark at all, he would now, at all events, have thrown it off; if lower aims had gradually sapped ino higher, or his moderation had been directed as Gibbon supposes by his selfish interests, we should now have seen the effect; now would ha*-e hsen the moment to gratify his ambition, to satiate his lust, to glut his revenge. Is there anything of the kind? Read the account of the entry of Muhammad (PBUH> into Makkah; side by side with the entry of Muhammad ivPBUH) into Makkah; side by side with that of Marius of Sulla into Rome. Compare all the attendant circumstances, the outrages that preceded, and the use made by each of his recovered power, and we shall then be in a position better to appreciate the magnanimity and moderation of the Holy Prophet of Arabia. There were no proscription lists; no plunder, no wanton revenge.”4 THE HCLY PROPHET ENTERS MAKKAH After having entered the city, the Holy Prophet offered prayer ol thanks to the Almighty God Who, out of His immense grace, had granted him a splendid victory. A tent was pitched for him ’ Muhammad Afzal, Islamic History, p 19 The Fall of Makkah 157 at a spot where he was obliged to spend his days in a secluded quarter of the Shi’b, having been excommunicated by his kith and kin. ”Wilt thou not alight at thine own house?” inquired his followers. ”Not so,” he said, ”for have they left me yet any house within the city?” The great banner was planted at the door of his tent, and he retired to repose therein. He must have recalled to his mind the march of events. It should have been a quaint sight with moments of strange emotion,;. II”” he spent his early childhood! How he was commissioned by his Lord to deliver His message to mankind! How mercilessly he was treated by his dear and near, rejected, exiied, but now had the rebellious city at his feet! What boundiess mercy of Allah! his Creator and Master! He must have been absorbed in these thoughts. The Ka’bah is Purified But he did not repose long. He got up and proceeded towards Ka’bah, the Sacred House, which is an emblem of the Oneness and Supremacy of Allah. It was unfortunately infested with idols. He knocked them down and recited the verse of the Qur’an: ”Say, the Truth is come and falsehood gone, verily falsehood is ever-vanishing.” One by one the stone-gods were dismantled, ^mages and effigies deleted. He then prostrated himself in worship; and sitting downr sent Bilal to summon Usman. Talhah with the key of the Ka’bah. Ascending the steps of the threshold and unlocking the door he ordered that idols should be destroyed and images obliterated. He entered the sawed hall and there again performed devout prostrations. He then returned to the door-way and, standing upon its elevated step, gazed in thankfulness on the thronging multitude below. It was the 20th of Ramzan, the eight year of Hijrah, when, on the gate of Holy Ka’bah, and with its key held in his hand, he delivered the following address: ”There is no god but Allah alone. He has no associate. He made good His promise that He held to his bondsman and helped him and defeated all the confederates along. Bear in mind that every claim of privilege, whether that of blood, or property, is under my heel, except that of the custody of the Ka’bah and supplying of water to the pilgrims. Bear in mind anyone who is slain, even tnougu unintentionally, may be with club or whip, for him the blood wit is very severe: Hundred camels, forty of them to be pregnant. O people of Quraysh! surely God has abolished from you all pride of the time 158 Political and Cultural History of Islam of ignorance and all pride in your ancestry, (because) all men are descended from Adam, and Adam was fashioned out of clay.”5 Opinion of Some Writers About The Holy Prophet’s Magnanimity Dr. Majid Ali Khan writes about the treatment which dealt with the Quraysh in these words. ”What some of the Western writers have said about the Holy Prophet’s magnanimity on the occasion of the conquest of Makkah may be quoted here. Stanley Lane-Poole in his book ”The Speeches and Table Talk of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (PBUH)” writes: _ ”The day of Muhammad’s (PBUH) greatest triumph over his enemies was also the day of his grandest victory over himself. He freely forgave the Quraysh all the years of sorrow and cruel scorn in which they had afflicted him and gave an amnesty to the whole population of Makkah. Four criminals whom justice condemned made up Muhammad’s (PBUH) proscription list when he entered as a conqueror the city of his bitterest enemies. The army followed his example, and entered quietly and peacefully, no house was robbed, no woman insulted,....It was thus Muhammad (PBUH) entered again his native city. Through all the annals of conquest fhere is no triumphant entry comparable to this one.” This is what Arthur Oilman says in his book. ”The Saracens”. ”It is greatly to Muhammid’s (PBUH) praise that on the occasion of the conquest of Makkah, when his resentment for illusage in the past might natur?!ly have incited him to revenge, he restrained his army from all shedding of blood, and showed every sign of humility and thanks-giving to Allah for His Goodness... Ten or twelve’s men who had on a former occasion shown a baibarous spirit were proscribed, and of them four were put to death but this must be considered exceedingly humane, in comparison for example, with the acts of other conquerors: in comparison for example, with the cruelty of the Crusaders, who in 1099, put seventy thousand Muslims, men, women and helpless children, to death when Jerusalem fell in their hands; or with that of the English army, also fighting under the Cross, which in the year of grace 1874 burden an African capital, on its way to the Gold Coast Muhammad’s (PBUH) victory was in very truth one of religion and not of politics. He rejected every token of personal homage, and declined all regal authority »6 5 Adbul Hameed Siddiqui, P 249 6Dr Majid All Khan, P 281. I he tall of Makkah 159 The Address on the Victory The Holy Prophet (PBUH) gave the following historic address on this day, ”There is no diety but Allah, He is one and has no partner. He fulfilled His promise and helped His servant and all by Himself crushed all the hosts. Today all the false prides and silly customers are trampled down under my feet. You are the children of Adam and Adam was created from dust. Allah says: O people ! We have created you through a male and a female and have divided you into tribes and families so that you may know and distinguish one from the other. He is the gentlest amongst you that is most pious. And Allah has full knowledge and is well acquainted (with all things).” Magnanimity Unparalleled in the Annals of Mankind Every attempt was made to grant pardon to the people. Ikrimah, Abu Jahl’s son, who has attacked Khalid’s detachment at the time of the entry into Makkah was forgiven. To Wahshi the murderer of Hamzah, the Holy Prophet’s uncle, and to Hind, who had chewed his liver, was also extended his generous clemency. The same generous treatment was accorded to Habbar who had attacked the Holy Prophet’s daughter with a spear while on her way from Makkah to Medina, so grievously that she ultimately died of the fatal injuries. Can history furnish such an example of peaceful conquest of a city which had been for years the hot bed of worst type of tyranny and oppression? Historical records have r>o instance to quote of such magnanimous forgiveness as shown by the Holy Prophet of Islam. This is how Makkah was conquered, not by means of the sword, but by peace and goodw.ll The highly magnanimous treatment of Muhammad (PBUH) had not only disarmed al’ opposition, but had also awakened the Makkhans to the Call of Truth which the Holy Prophet had preached. 1 heir minds were agitated and their conscience was stirred and they bej-an to reflect calmly over the blessings which the Divir-e Faith had in store for them. Blind hostility gave way to sober reflection as i result of which the people entered into the fold of Islam not by ones or twos, but in crowds. It is not i victorv of man’s self-glory, but of humility; not that of power, \.t of sinctre and constant service to mankind and its Creator; not a victory of man’s selfishney but of man’s selflessness and his perfect realizatioit of Allah’s Grace and Mercy at every step of his life. 13 THE BATTLE OF HUNAIN (630 A.D/9 A.H) Although a large number of Makkhans and neighbouring tribes had embraced Is’am, some people still clung to idolatry. They had accepted Muhammad (PBUH) as the ruler of Arabia, but did not believe in him as thw Messenger of God. The Holy Prophet, on the other hand, was concerned to make the people submit to the Almighty God. That was the only objective to which all his energies were directed. He was the only objective to go out preach to the people when unexpected news halted him. The Holy Prophet was informed th?f *’ ” tribes of Hawazin and Thaqif had formed a powerfc1 opposition and were mobilizing against the Holy Prophet and his followers. Muhammad (PBUH) was not an impractical idealist. He believed in practical idealism. No sooner did he receive this news than he decided to put a stout resistance to the invading army before it made any headway. Swiftly he set out at the head of twelve thousand troops ten thousands that accompanied him from Medina and two thousands recruited locally. Hawazin and Thaqif The victory of Makkah was indeed a door fur Arabs to enter the Islam but by no means ended all opposition to islam. The ruling tribv of Ta’if, Banu Thaqif, and the war like tribe of Hawazin, inhabiting between Makkah and Ta’if, were still enemies of Islam. Tbe tribe of Hawazin was very powerful and being situated in hilly districts, had never been subject to Makkhans. H; d the Holy Prophet VPBUH) not been taken Makkhans by surprise, the Hawazin and Thaqif might have joined the Quraysh against him. The Battle ofHunain 161 They were disturbed by the fall of Makkah in the hands of the Muslims and thus noticed a great danger to their religion and other un-Islamic ways of life. To meet this danger they gathered a huge army, while the Holy Prophet (PBUH) was preaching Islam at Makkah. The tribes of Nasr and Jushm also joined them. They marched to the hills of Awtas to the south-east of Makkah, about a da\ or day and a halfs journey from Makkah. The Hawazin and Thaqif encamped in the valley ofHunain and posted their archers covei ing the pass in the valley which the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and his iorv.es must cross before they could reach the other side. The Holy Prophet Starts to meet Hawazin and Thaqif It was about a month after the conquest of Makkah that the HoK Prophet (PBUH) was informed of what the Hawazain, the Tliaqif and other neighbouring tribes were preparing to do. On heaiuig of these preparations he at once sent a messenger to watch the ipovements of the tribes and find if there was really any truth in the statement. The messenger soon returned confirming the news and gave the Holy Prophet (PBUH) details of what was going tu. As there was no time to be lost, the Holy Prophet (PBUH) immediately collected an army to scatter the enemy. The Muslim army was twelve thousand strong, including two thousands Makkhans. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) inarched towards the valley of Hunain, where it was reported the Hawazin had encamped, at the head of a big force. It may be well noted here that ’he Muslims set out on this expedition with that sort of extreme confidence that mounted to over- confidence. Some of the new converts felt proud of their number, ”’hich was not liked by Allah. The Holy Qur’an mentions it as follows. ”Surely Allah did help you in many battle fields and on the dav ofHunain when your great numbers elated you but it availed you naught; and the earth, of all that it is wide, did constrain you, and you turned back in retreat. Thei Allah did send His peace of reassurance down upon His messenge ”nd upon the believers and sent down forces which you did not c***j, and punished, those who disbelieved. Such is the reward of disbei avers.” THE BATTLEFIELD The Hawazin were noted for their skill in archery and they were also occupying favourable positions in the battlefield. The best archers among them were posted well on the surrounding hills. As the Muslims advanced, they were met with showers of arrows from 162 Political and Cultural History of Islam all sides, while the main portion of Hawazin’s army attacked them from the front. The Makkhan auxiliaries, including the new-converts, under the command of Khalid, were the foremost in the fight, and so were the first to be attacked. They could not stand the fierce attack from the enemy’s «nows. So they fell back, their retreat caused terrible disorder among the following Muslims ranks; one detachment fell over the other in utter confusion. Even the ”A’isar” (Medinites) and ”Muhajirin”’ (Immigra’hls) followed those who were retreating, which added more chaos and confusion. When such was the deplorable state of affair., among the Muslims, the Holy Prophet (PBUH) w ith a small band of followers firmly stuck-up at his post with admirable tranquility and courage The Hawazin and Thaqif seeing the Muslims utterly retreated, descended from their positions and were quite near to the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and ready to attack him VICTORY The Holy Prophet (PBUH) was a rock of confidence; he was under the Omniscient protection of the Mightiest of the Mighty. He shouted again and again at the top of his voice, ”I am the Prophet, there is no untruth in it”. Hazrat Abbas, who was with him, also shouted: ”O You Ansari! who sheltered and helped the Muslims. O You Muhajirin! who took the oledge under the tree, Muhammad (PBUH) is alive and here come you this side.” These magical and magnetic words had their desired effects. They had put fresh spirit into the minds of the retreating men. They uttered: ”Labbaik” (Here we are at the command), and were drawn towards the place where the Holy Prophet (PBUH) was standing. They threw themselves off their camels and horses and desperately attacked the enemy in all fury. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) threw a handful of dust in the fact of enemy saying: ”Your faces be disfigured.” The effect of the dust was clear; the enemies were losing the ground, a portion of them had already taken their heels and fled, the rest offered resistance for a short time, but seeing their standard bearer falling dead, they also turned and fled, they left their women,’ children and cattle (which they brought with them so that their presence would keep up the spirits of the fighting men) behind them. The booty which Muslims got from this battle consisted of the following articles: 1) 24,000 camels 2) 40,000 sheep Tne Battle ofHunatn 163 3) 4,000 Oqyyahs of silver 4) 6,000 prisoners The Sub-Expedition to Atwas The prisoners were removed to Wadi al-Ji’rana and the Holy Prophet (PBUH) chased th.~ fleeing enemy. Muslims caught them at Atwas. Again a fierce battl took place in which the enemies were defeated. Many of th< enemies were killed and the remaining ones, with their leader, Malik b.a ,” r, fled to Ta’if, a fortified city Therefore, the Holy Prophet (PBUH) laid siege to Ta’if. According to Encyclopedia of Seerah, ”The Muslims for the first time had a large army and out numbered the enemy in men and material. Some of them, especially new converts from Makkah, had placed too much confidence on their numerical and material strength and had, at least for the time being, weakened their reliance on the help of God. This was a moment of repentance for them and a lasting lesson, so th tf they might remember that victory and defeat were in the hands of God.”1 The Effects of the Conquest of Makkah and the Victory of Hunain Makkah was the great spiritual centre for the whole of Arabia. Thousands of people used to gather there, year after year from all parts of the Peninsula during the months of pilgrimage. The Quraysh were having a very influential position in this respect. That these people now, once the bitterest enemies of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and Islam, who wanted to crush him and his religion at any cost have one and all voluntarily joined his brotherhood, and that the Holy Prophet (PBUH) had ultimately succeeded in an almost impossible task, did, no doubt, create considerable conviction and confidence in the minds of the people in general. The> weit, as a matter of fact, waiting for the moment when Holy Prophet’s own people would be convinced of his mission. That wonderful moment had come; Makkah fell and the Holy Prophet (PBUH) captivated the hearts of all; his unbounded mercy overflowed the whole region of Arabia, not of Makkah alone. Therefore, the people flooded towards this great Apostle, who stood triumphant before them, who fought for years together single-handed, with that single aim in view, unswerving and unmoved, despite repeated persecutions and wars. Encyclopedia of Seerah. Vol. I. P. 33 164 Political and Cultural History of Islam Tribes after tribes turned to the Right Path _ the Islam, the Path of Allah: ”When Allah’s help and victory comes, and thou seest men entering the religion of Allah in companies; celebrate the praise of thy Lord and ask His protection. Surely He is ever returning (to mercy).” This general spread of Islam took place after the conquest of Makkah. Commenting upon the conquest of Makkah, Imam Bukhan writes: ”The Arabs were waiting for the Quraysh to become Muslims and they used to say: Let him (Muhammad (PBUH)) and his people (the Quraysh) be alone. If he conquers, he is surely a true Prophet So that when Makkah was conquered, all the tribes hastened to become Muslims,” Ibn Hisham, one of the greatest authorities on the life of the HoK Prophet (PBUH) says: ”The Arabs were awaiting, with regard to Islam, the decision of the struggle between the Quraysn and the Messenger of Allah and the reason for this was that the Qura>sh were their leaders and guides and were the guardians of the House (of Allah) and of the Sacred Mosque. They were also the descendents of Abraham through Ismael (Isma’il) and the acknowledged leaders of the Arabs. And it was the Quraysh who had ^tarted fighting with the Messenger of Allah and opposing him (on all occasions). When Makkah was conquered and Islam overtook it, the Arabs realised that there was no power left to fight Muhammad (PBUH) and that he was their friend and not their enemy; the> entered the faith of Allah in large numbers as Allah says i.e. in Surah Al-Nasr.” It will be noted from the number of soldiers that went with him in the Expedition of Tabuk (Which took place in 9 A. H. that wi’hin a year the number raised to three times or more . In the battle of Hunain only 12,000 fighters were with him while in the expedition of Tabuk the number was more than 30,000. SIEGE TO TA’IF The Hawazins, as a precaution, had stored enough provisions in Ta’it. Strong garrisons were also posted all around the city. The S’ege went on for a month and the enemy would not come out to give the Muslims a battle. They contended themselves with shooting arrows which killed a number of Muslims and wounded quite a lot. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) consulted the matter with his Companions and it was decided that siege be lifted off. So the Holy Prophet (PBUH) left the enemy to themselves. Discontinuation oi The Battle of Hunain 165 \ siege clearly shows that the annexation of territory was not the object I {jut this expedition as well as other similar expeditions were only to | safe-guard Islam from the attacks of enemies. When Holy Ptophet (pBUH) started from Ta’if, some of the Companions asked him to corse the inhabitants of Ta’if but instead he prayed for in the following words: ”O Allah! Give guidance to the tribes of Thaqif and send them to me.” This prayer reflects clearly the aim of the fighter and also gives a true picture of Holy Prophet’s morals. Generosity of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) On his way back to Makkah, the Holy Prophet (PBUH) stopped at Wadi al-Ji’rana where the prisoners of war and the booty were kept. He divided the booty in accordance with the Quranic injunctions one fifth to Allah and His Messenger and the balance for the Muslim fighters. In his childhood the Holy Prophet (PBUH) was looked after by his foster-mother, Hazrat Haliina. He al\ ays had a good affection for her and her family. Among the captives was also his foster-sister, Shima, the daughter of Hazrat Halima. Recognizing her he at once rose and spread his mantle for her to sit on. He treated her with every kindness as though she was his own sister. He even asked her to accompany him to Medina, but she told him she preferred to go to hf r own place. So, she was sent back with valuable presents for herse f and her family. Adaptation of the enemy approached him to release the prisoners of war, whose number was six thousand. After Zuhar Salat the Holy Prophet (PBUH) requested the Muslim congregation to be merciful and release the prisoners who had fallen to their share. All of them agreed and the six thousand prisoners were set ,ree in no time. This very exarnj. le of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) refutes the fabrication of some western authors that Islam was spread at the point of sword. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) was very generous for the new converts only to make them more inclined towards Islam This gave a feeling of resentment and discontent among tlit- ”Ansar” from Medina, particularly the youths. They grumbled among themselves and said: ”The Holy Prophet (PBUH) had been partial to his own kinsmen. Our swords are red with blood but the Quraysh are loader* with booty.” Historical Speech to ”Ansar” On hearing the grumbling of the ’’Ansai,”1 ihe Holy Prophet (”BUH) called them in a tent made up of leather and enquired ot the 166 Political and Cultural History of Islam matter. When he found the statements to be true he said: ”O Ansar! What a new things have you found in your heart? Were you not misguided and Allah gave you guidance? Were you not the enemies of one another and Allah made you brothers? Were you not indigent and Allah gave you prosperity?” On every question Ansar replied. ”Very true, Allah and His messenger have been every kind to us.” Then the Holy Prophet (PBUH) said, ”O A mar! It will be just if you replied in this way: When others rejected you (O Prophet!) we accepted you. When others left you (O Prophet!) in distress, we gave you shelter. When you were poor (O, Prophet!), we helped you.” ”The Holy Prophet (PBUH) c^ itinupd, ”But don’t yon like, O Ansar, that people take away sheep and goats and you take home Muhammad (PBUH), the Messenger of Allah? By Allah, who holds my soul in his hand, if all the people go in one way, while the ”Ansar” (Helpers) take- another, I will tread along the path of the Ansar.” Hearing this the ”Ansar” were deeply moved, they wept so much that their beards were wet with tears and sobbed loudly saying, ”We need oi>i> Muhammad (PBUH).” Then the Holy Prophet (PBUH) clarified that the Makkhans werr new converts to Islam, and whatever they got was not given as their right but i+ was done only to acquaint t’ • u with the generosity of Islam. The convincing speech of the Ho’o Prophet (i BUH) to the ”Ansar” removed their unfounded misunderstanding about him, with regard to his generous grants to some Quraysh and Bedouin tribes. The speech really reflects that the real value of life is in Hove’, and not in wealth. He who has the love of his people has something more than wealth can buy.2 14 THE EXPEDITION OF TABUK (630 A.D./9 A.H.) Dr. Majid AH Khan P. 292 With the conquest of Makkah, Islam marched with galloping speed throughout the length and breadth of Arabia, carrying on, with marked and marvelous success, its peaceful conquest of conversions. The neighbouring Christian states, especially that great Roman Empire, were watching this unprecedented, triumphant march with a great concern and anxiety. They grew triumphant march with a great concern and anxiety. They grew jealous of this rapid and menacing growth of Islam. The)’ foresaw a great danger in the rising power of Islam. Under the circumstances, they thought that a consolidated attack on Arabia would at least hamper this menacing growth of Islam. For this purpose the Romans, under the instructions of Heracleus, collected a huge army. Threats of Romans The Holy Prophet (PBUH) heard of the preparations for a war against Islam by Romans and other Christian confederates. It was now necessary to defend and protect Islam. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) could not risk waiting and seeing his country invaded. It was a hot summer, the crops were not promising, and the last crop had been an utter failure. People hardly had anything to eat Bui the rumours of Roman invasion became more and more persistent. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) therefore, ordered to prepare to meet t’r’s Roman invasion. He also sent his emissaries to all of his followers and allies throughout Arabia and asked them to join him al Medina 168 Political and Cultural History of Islam Hardships in the Journey The journey to Syria was very long and very difficult too in summer of Arabian desert. The heat was insufferable, and besides, the crop was standing in the fields ripe and ready for cutting. Many who were poor had not the means to provide themselves with horses or camels, nor was the Koly Prophet (PBUH) himself in a position to make these arrangements for them. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) offered one thousand Dinars for the expedition, and according to some historians 200 camels as well. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) brought all of his property and gave it to the Holy Prophet (PBUH). Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) gave half of his property. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) was able to collect an army of 30,000 men and 10,000 horses, the biggest army in the Arabian history at that time. He started in the month of Rajab, 9 A.H. It may be noted here that many had the fear of facing the well-trained and well disciplined Roman army. The Holy Qur’an mentions about this tedious josisney ir> the following words: ”Had it been a near advantage and a short journey, they would certainly have followed thee, but the tedious journey was too long for them.” Many hypocrites d’d not join Holy Prophet (PBUH) and complained about the intense heat. Not only this but they asked others as well not to join the Holy Prophet (PBUH). The Holy Qur’an points it out as under: ”Those who were left behind were glad on account of their sitting behind Allah’s Messenger, and they were averse lo strive m Allah’s way with their property and their persons, and said: Go not forth in the heat. Say: The Fire of hell is fiercer in heat. If only they could understand. THE RESPONSE TO THIS APPEAL For the first time the Holy Prophet made an appeal for donations and subscriptions. His Companions and true believers vied with one another in contributing then utmost. On this occasion, Usman (Rad.A) gave 1,000 Gold Dinars and 300 fully equipped camels; Umar (Rad.A) made a present of one-half of all his cabh, house-hold effects and cattle and Abu Bakr (Rad. A) donated everything that he had (with the exception of the clothes that he was wearing)! When the Holy Prophet enquired from Abu Bakr (Rad.A) whether he had left anv thing for his family members, Abu Bakr (Rad.A) replied that Allah and His apostle were sufficient! The The Expedition ofTabuk 169 Muslims ladies too gave their ornaments as donations. An extremely poor Ansari who had no money to give, worked as a labourer throughout the night and out of the four seers of dates that he received as wages for watering some one’s garden, he presented two seers before the Holy Prophet, who greatly appreciated this poor man’s contribution and directed that his dates be placed on top of the hoard of gold and silver coins and ornaments! On this occasion the hypocrites and some of the village Arabs made excuses and claimed exemption from accompanying the expeditionary force.1 The Holy Prophet (PBUH) left Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) bin Abu lalib in Medina to look after Muslims families and their properties. Romans Retire to Syria After about a fortnight’s journey, the Muslim army encamped at a place called Tabuk, that lay between Medina and Damascus, awaiting to hear further news about the movements of the enemy. The Romans had their spies all over the country and had been informed of Holy Prophet’s preparations for war and knew that he had come to meet them and retrieve the loss of Muslims at Mutah. They quickly retired behind their frontiers. The aim of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) was to defend Muslims and not to invade Syria, so he did not pursue them. One of the chiefs the frontier, named Yuhanna (John) bin Ruba of A’ila, came and submitted to the Foly Prophet. He agreed to, pay Jizya (tax in lieu of war services). The Holy Prophet (PBUH signed with him a treaty of peace. He also gave presents, Gold ar/ other tokens of submission to the Holy Prophet (PBUH). Seve/ other Christian tribes such as Jizba and Udhrah also m submission to the Holy Prophet (PBUH). After staying about 20’ .1 the Holy Prophet (PBUH) returned to Medina. The Tabuk expec jf gave a deep impression to all Arab tribes of the Physic? /|jj Spiritual strength of Islam. Deputations from all parts of t> U came to Medina and accepted Islam and ultimately Isl declared as the Religion of whole Arabia, / / sh No Fighting apc When they reached Tabuk, which is some 350 1 fy west of Medina on the way to Damascus, they found th{ $Q army had dispersed. There was, therefore, no fighting. d e/ai ’ Dr Ahsaii Ail. A Short History of Islam, P.29. 170 Political and Cultural History of Islam Syed Asad Gilani, ”In the battle of Tabuk, the Holy Prophet (PBUH) ordered a show of strength near the border of Syria in anticipation of a Roman attack. As a result, Caesar avoided the clash against the upcoming Muslim army. Exploiting this weakness of the Roman emperor, the Hoiy Prophet concluded many peace treaties with the various Arab and Christian tribes. Some of them sought protection while others offered submission and presents. The influence of Islam thus spread to the northern most part of the Arab peninsula This show of force and strength demoralized the idolaters and opponents of Islam within the Arab mai/J^d. They realised their inability to their attitude was changed from opposition to helplessness and submission.2 The Holy Prop’ it’s Speech at Tabuk He praised Allah and thanked Him and said: Well, v.sattty the most veracious discourse is the Book of Allah. The most trustworthy handhold is the word of piety. The best of the religions is the religion of Ibrahim. The best of the precedents is the precedent of Muhammad (PBUH). The noblest speech is the invocation of Allah. The finest of the narratives is this Qur’an. The best of the affairs is that which has been firmly resolved upon. The worst in religion are those things v hich are created without sanction. The best of the ways is the one trodden by the Holy Prophets. The noblest death is the death of a martyr. TKe most miserable blindness is waywardness after guidance. The best of the ways actions is that which is beneficent. The best guidance is that which is put into practice. The worst blindness is the blindness of the heart. The upper hand is better than the lower hand. The little that suffices is better than the what is abundant and alluring. The worst apology is that which is tendered when death stares one in the face. The woist remorse is that which is felt on the day of Resurrection. Some men do not come to Friday prayer, but with hesitance and delay. And some them do not remember Allah but with reluctance. The Expedition of Tabuk 171 The tongue which is of addicted to false expression is a bubbling spring of sins. The most valuable possession is the contentment of heart. The best provision is that of piety. The highest wisdom is fear of Allah, the mighty and the Great. The best thing to be cherished in the hearts is faith and conviction; doubt is infidelity. Impatient wailing and fulsome laudation of the dead is an act of ignorance. • Betrayal leads one to the fire of hell. Drinking amounts to burning. Obscene poetry is the work of the devil. Wine is the mother of all evi s. The worst thing eaten is one which belongs to the orphan. Blessed is he who receives admonition from ”others. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) had stayed in Tabuk for twenty days and reached the capital before the arrival of Khalid. The different sections of the population accorded him reception according to their love for Islam. The sincere Muslims, including men and children gave Muhammad (PBUH) and his men, an enthusiastic welcome. But the Holy Prophet did not adopt the attitude of a conquering hero. As the people thronged around his mule, he addressed them cheerfully by their names. He let the children climb up his stirrups and ride behind him and in front of ’ him. He behaved like the father of a huge family returning after a long absence from the house.3 Tabuk, Holy Prophet’s Last Military Expedition The Tabuk Expedition was the last military expedition in which the Holy Prophet personally took part, though measures of defend the frontiers of the State and prevent aggression continued till the end of his life. Sved Asad Gilani P 148 Abdul Hameed Siddiqui. P 268 CHAPTER 15 MUHAMMAD’S (PBUH) LAST MESSAGE KHUTBAH HAJJATUL WADA’ ’ This day have those who reject Faith given up all hope of your religion: Yet fear them not but fear Me. This day have 1 perfected your religion for you. completed My favour upon you, and have chosen for you Islam as your religion ’” The farewell Pilg mage of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) may rightly be called the culminating point in his Prophetic career. It was in the sixty-third year of tie Holy Prophet’s life which coincided with the close of the 10th of Hijra that he decided to perform Hajj, which in history, goes by the nime of Hajja-tul-Wada. The Holy Prophet’s mission, had, by this time, been completed to all intents and purposes. To a people steeped in ignorance, he gave light and inspired them with belief in Allah, the sole Creator, Master and Sustainer of the Universe. To a disunited mass, engaged the love of God and His will, be nankind and had given it visible expression by founding a society on the basis of righteousness, piety and Godconsciousness, the ’ike of which is not to be found in the whole history of mankind In short, Muhammad (PBUH) had dehveied to the human race the final Truth with all its necessary implications. The completion of his Prophetic mission implied his departure from his earthy home to his heavenly abode. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) had clearly visualized it He, therefore, decided to give the finishing touch to his massive work and to imprint its salient points on the minds of his devoted followers so that they might 1 Al-Quran. V Muhammad’s (PB UH) Last Message 173 always keep before them the system of life-values enunciated by Islam. It was with this object in view that messengers were sent to all parts of Arabia inviting people to join him in this great Pilgrimage. After performing several rites of Hajj from 5th to 8th, on the 9th Dhu-al-Hijjah in the presence of more than 114,000 Muslims and all his wives (Ummahatul Mumineen) he delivered the famous sermon. The sermon of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) is not only remarkable for its eloquence, but it contains a sublime message for the whole of the human race. The world has not been able to lay down better principles of ethics and morality than those enunciated in it. Every word of it breathes a spirit of magnanimity and aims at establishing righteousness and fait dealing among men on a workable basis. It establishes brotherhood among Muslims irrespective of the divergences of their geographical, racial and colour backgrounds and provides an outline of a social order, perfectly free from oppression and injustice. After the conquest of Makkah, Muhammad (PBUH), appeared more than satisfied with the progress of events. The reason was that he had nearly accomplished his work and fulfilled mostly the obligations of the divine mission. However, he never seemed to have made any claims to achievements, even though he had succeeded at the end of a long struggle. With the advance of time his inner-most and genuine desire was to perform a pilgrima^’ of the Haram-al-Makki in accordance with the perfect rules and rites of Islam. No doubt, he ’had performed Umrah some time before, he wanted to fulfil the fundamental duty of the Quranic Hajj under the aegis of the State of Islam which he headed himself. The atmosphere at Makkah was clear and the sacred sites cleansed of polytheistic practices. An important reason could bct that he had not seen the masses of Arabia who had become convt rts to the Faith of an unseen Holy Prophet. He wanted to meet and teach as many of them as the energy and resources of those people wa-ranted. Again, the question how to perform the Hajj in true Islamic manner necessitated his coming to Makkah and demonstrate the ritual aspect of the religious duty. He would leave ”Nothing to cnance or theory. Everything that he preached he carried out in practice, and God saw to it that he (the Apostle) did not miss anything.” He Lad many nobler ideas in besides perhaps a socio-religicus anxiety whether he had convey ej the Message of the Supreme Lord to Humanity. He wanted to havj 174 Political and Cultural History of Islam general view of the multitude of Muslims at Arafat, Mina and in the Ka’bah whom he wished to give his last sermon, _ never to be repeated on earth’s surface and to declare that Paganism was a matter of the past. The whole programme which the Apostle adhered to from his Mijrat to Medina until he stood on the Rock at the foot of he Mount of mercy (in Arafat), comprised a thousand lessons or more of pious association, culture, prayer, preaching and over all enlightenment.2 The address which the Holy Prophet, on him be peace, delivered from the Rock near the mount of mercy is an etoquent pice in the Sirah literature. It encompasses all the requisite ?ngred,ents of an Apostle’s perfect message meant for the Muslims as well as tae rest of mankind. In fact there is on record no speech discourse or sermon of any prophet or apostle (preceding Muhammad (PBUH)), in part or in whole wh.ch could claim ptSon or auftenticity as’that given by the FjnaTMessenger on him be peace. The address is remarkable for its length, lucidity and enthusiasm. It has been rendered into various foreign languages. We reduce here the English translation of it from a <^ble »urce namely, Dr. M. Hamidullah. The Apostle of God thus began his Khutbah in front of the masses of pilgrims: ”Praise be to God! We praise Him, we ask Him for help, we demand of Him pardon, and make regrets to Him. We ask the protection of God against the ills of our souls and the evils of our acts. Whomsoever God leads aright, there is none .ead him astray; and whosoever wishes to go astray there is none to lead him aright. I attest that there is no god if not God Himself, the One, without and associate, and I attest that Muhammad (PBUH) is His Servant and His Messenger.” . . ”I enjoin you, O devotees of God, to fear God, and I invite you to obey Him. And I begin with what is good. ”Where after, O people, listen to my words so that I may make things clear to you. For I do not know, perhapsj may not meet you in this place again after this present year. ”O people verily, your blood and your property, and your honours are sacrosanct to you until the (Day) you meet your Lord as sacrosanct as this present day, in this present 2 Abdul Hasan All Nadvi, Islam and World Religions, P 28 Muhammad’s (SBUH) Last Message month, in this present place. (The Holy Prophet exclaimed): Have I communicated? O God, be Witness.” ”Whosoever has received a deposit, he must pay it back to the one who had deposited it with him.” ”Verily, the interest (on the debts) of the time of the preIslamic Ignorance (Jahiliyyah) is discharged, but you have right or your capitals. Neither you shall oppress nor shall you be oppressed. God hath decreed that there shall be no interest. And verily the interest 1 begin with (to discharge) if the interest due to my uncle Abbas ibn Abdul Muttalib.” ”The traces of the functions of the time of Ignorance are discharged, except the Custodianship of the Ka’bah and the function of providing drinking water (to pilgrims).” The intentional murder shall be retaliated Semi-intentional is the one in which one is killed by a baton or a stone In this there shall be one hundred camels as blood-money. Whoever claims more he shall be of the people of the days of Ignorance (The Holy Prophet exclaimed then): Have I communicated? O God be Witness. ”Where after, O people! verily, Satan has despaired to be worshipped in this land, but he would be satisfied if he coulu be obeyed instfiings other than this from among deeds which you despise. So take care of him in matters of your religion.” ”O People! The intercalation is only an excess in disbelief; those who disbelieve are led thereby astray: they declare one month a^1 non-sacred and declare another as so that they may make up the number of (months) that God has declared as sacred. Verily, the (computation of) time had declared as sacred. Verily, the (computation of) time had turned round to the situation it was on the day He had created the heavens and the earth. Verily, the number of the months, to God, is twelve months, in the prescription of God, on the Day He had created the heavens and the earth; of these four are sacred, three being consecutive and one isolated, viz. Zual-Q’adah. Zual Hijjah and Muharram, and the month of Rajab of the tribes of Mudhar which occurs between Jumada al-Akhirah and Sh’aban. (The Holy Prophet asked loudly): Have I communicated? O God be Witness.” ”Where after, O People! Verily, your wives have a right over you, and you have a right over them. Your right over them is that they should not let your beds be trampled by any other Political and Cultural History of Islam than you, and should not let your houses to those whom you do not like, if not with your permission. Let they not commit ugly things, and if they do. then God has authorised you to reprimand them, and to separate them in beds, and beat them yet a beating not very hard. If they stop and obey you. then it is incumbent on you to feed them and dress them according to good custom. Be enjoined of good with regard to women, for verily they are like captives with you, possessing nothing for themselves, and you have taken them as deposit of God and permitting yourselves to enjoy their persons by means oi a word of God. So fear God with regard to women, and be enjoined of good on their behalf. (Asked the Apostle loudly)- Have I communicated? O! God, be Witness.” ”O people! Believers are but brethren. And it is not lawful for a man to take the property of his brother if not with full agreement on his part. (Asked the Holy Prophet loudly). Have 1 communicated? O! God, be Witness.” ”(Likewise) never turn after me into disbelievers, some of you smiting the necks of some others. For verity, I eave among you something which if you abide by, you shall not go astr?y thereafter: the Book of God and the conduct (Sunnah) of His Prophet. (The Apostle asked then): Have 1 communicated? O! God, be Witness.” ”O People! Verily, your Lord is One, and your ancestor is also one. all of you are uie descendents of Adam, and Adam was made of clay. The most rentable of you in the sight of God is the one who is most fearful of God. No Arab has any excellence over a non- Arab if not b> the fear of God. (The Holy Prophet exclaimed): Have 1 communicated. U God. be witness. (The ’assembly of pilgrims replied: Yes. Thereupon he resumed): let the present communicate to the absent.” -O people! God has apportioned for every heir his part of the heritage. It is not lawful to make a testament for an heir. Testament (to other than heirs) is not lawful for more than third of the property left. The child belongs to the (owner) oi the bed (husband), and the adulterer will only receive stones. Whoever pretends filiation to other than his father, or clientage to other than his patron, shall incur the malediction Muhammad’s (PBUH) Last Message 177 of God, of angels, and of men, (and) of all. Of him shall be mercy of God be upon you all!” According to Ibn Sa’d, the oration of the Holy Prophet contained also the following two statements: ”O people! Hear and obey even if a Negro with mutilated nose is appointed your commander, this so long as he applies among you the prescriptions of God.” ”Your slaves, your slaves! Feed them as you eat. Dress them as you put on. If they commit a fault that you don’t want to pardon, then sell these slaves of God, but do not torture them.” SIGNIFICANCE OF THE ADDRESS Of the points touched in the historic address, quoted above two have been misunderstood by pseudo scholars and some orientalists. Muhammad Hamidullah, a well-krawn Islamic scholar tries to explain them in his own peculiar way. He writes: ”Islam wants to place its Law on a moral basis, with collaboration and mutual help. After fourteen hundred years of the promulgation of this interdiction of interest, modern science (of economics) has understood that interest is at the root of all financial ills, and upsets the economic equilibrium of the society: some get too rich, others too poor, so muc i so that even communism admits that.” The Westtrn countries too have come to recognise that banks can pipy a successful role when they act as partners both for loss and gain and lend money interest-free. ”That is what the Umzr (Rad.A) did by lending money to traders also, as he .ent it to private individuals for non-productive needs.” Another writer, Naeem Siddiqui, has thus commented on the significance of the Hajjatul Wada Address of the Apostle of God. ”Whatever the Holy Prophet said in these international edicts, human think ng cannot improve on it and no social system has in practi j been able to create such a system as indicated therein. Wherever and whenever Islamic movement commences and the system of truth is established it must be founded on these very firm ideologies and concepts. The Address is the basic Islamic proclamation to which humanity may be called and any plan of life built 178 Political and Cultural Histmory of Islam without regard for these words, of truth and reality will be un-Islamic and no true Muslinm will be satisfied and happy over it This is the last message^ of our beloved Apostle and it is we who have been addressed, its nature is that of the last Will of the holy Prophet and its appeal must stir our hearts. To recapitulate, by the time, tVme Apostle of Allah deciued to proceed to Makkah for Hajj and commanded the Muslims to join him for the purpose, he and the Faith he pr-eached has reached the heigh of success in gaining due strength and popularity. The internal enemy had since surrendered to Isla_m and order within the once anarchic Arabian community had been estabhshed on good foundations. Necessarily, the Apostle= wanted to come into contact with the Peninsular converts because cmost of them had not seen him He felt that he needed to re- enlighten them on the fundamentals of his teachings. The Hajj, which was to be his first and the last Islamic Haii provided him the chance to speaik personally to the cream of Arabian Muslims. He also regarded * essential to leave his final word or testament to the future worldB of Islam so that it could invite the rest of humanity to what he hadi. taught. The Holy Prophet, on him be peace, had begun receiving s ignals to the effect that he was not to continue on earth. Ultimately, when he saw the multitudes m his followers, his spiritual joy was inmmense. They represented all the parts and corners of Arabia. The time was opportune when he would make a brief and brilliant and a lasti ng statement on Islamic way of life. Praising the Lord of the Universe with Whom Power and Guidance lay, the Apostle asked the devotees to fear God. He declared the inviolability of a Muslim’s life property and honour. Every one who had received a depo .sit was asked to return his trust. The charging of interest on leans or capitals was condemned and he rejected his uncle, Abbas’s claims to any interest. Moreover, no function connected with the £a’bah was to be recognised except its custodianship and serving water to pilgrims and devotees. By . upholding qisas (retaliation or retribution) in the case of intentional murder, the Holy Prophet wanted fto emphasis the value of human life and the supremacy of the Rul-* of Law. Today, we seen how Muhammad’s (PB UH) Last Message ] 75 human beings are being killed by mundane politico-nationalist systems in their own interests. Passengers travelling by civil, aviation planes are massacred oy the violent nationalist defence forces and terrorists for no reason whatsoever. Fourteen hundred years ago the Prophet of Mercy, on him i*e peace, fixed a hundred camels for semiintentional murder of a man or woman. That shouid reveal the esteem in which a huLian being is held by Islam.’ The Apostle of Allah termed intercalation as an excess in disbelief. The way the Arabs of the Days of Ignorance counted the number of months in their own interest was questioned. The Quran al first and the Holy Prophet at Arafat removed the confusion by reiterating that the number of months in a year was twelve as fixed by the Creator. He also confirmed the sanctity of four months including the month of Rajab of the Islamic (Lunar) Calendar. In social relationships the Holy Prophet pf Justice and Reality laid emphasis on the rights of women or wives and their obligations towards their men or husband”. They were to be regarded as trusts from God and not maltreated unnecessarily or .dealt with illegally. Likewise, Muslims were forbidden to misajjpropriats c thers assets or take away their property without permission or agreement. He also forbade making a will in the case of a heir and giving away more than one- third to people other than true heirs. Again, one who traced his parentage to man other than the actual parent was to earn the maldication of God and his creatures. The Apostle, on him be peace, knew the human frailties and, therefore, to save the believers from falling into disbelief, he stressed adherence to the Quran and the Prophetic practice. In the same strain, he proclaimu! the equality of mankind, Arab and non-Arab, on the ground that their Lord is One, and that they descended from Adam and that piety alone was the criterion to determine a person’s place in the scheme of God. The Apostle also commanded that the slaves be treated justly and with Duality especially in food and dress and that they should not be chastised. He enjoined Muslims to obey even a Negro if he were Iqbal, The Mission of Islam, P. 35. 180 Political and Cultural History of Islam appointed as their commander provided that he applied the laws prescribed by God.4 From the above analysis of the Holy Prophet’s Address, it should not be difficult to conclude that it touched the chords of realism, justice and equity and that it could offer enough guidance for an ideal human life. In view of the merits of the Apostolic Khutbah on the occasion of the Hajjatul Wada, Ameer Ali observes after quoting the essential parts of the historic speech: ”This Sermon on the Mount, less poetically beautiful, certainly less mystical, than the other, appeals by its practically, and strong common sense to higher minds, and is also adapted to the capacity and demands of inferior natures which require positive and comprehensible directions for moral guidance. Never before had a spectacle been witnessed in the annals of the world, nor had humanity heard such moving words, advocating respect for the humans. The words of the Holy Prophet, were steeped in sincerity and delivered with strong emotion and melodious voice. This address forms the constitution of individual and collective morality and contains the solution of important problems and elucidation of realities of life. It can rightly be called the best charter of Human Rights.5 Finally, after examining and evaluating the components of the Prophetic message delivered at Arafat, a Muslim of common understanding may question whether we, who are tending to be rebellious can at all be admitted to the portals of Islam, for do we not ignore all these teachings, one after the other, in order that we advance our personal temporal aims and interests? CHAPTER 4 Muhammad Iqbal, P. 36. 5 Muhammad Bashir-ud-Din Mahmood, The First and the Last (PBUH) Islamabad. 1995, P. 150. ADMINISTRATION UNDER THE HOLY PROPHET In Pre-Islamic Arabia, each tribe had its own rulsr. There was no concept of central government like the present system. Some tribes holding the office of rulership through their numerical and seniority by strength. Socially the population of the Arabs was divided into two classes, the town people and desert-dwellers. There was a much difference in their administrative organization. Chief, was bound by thi elders of the tribe. Hence he had to take his decision in a council of the elder* of the tribe. There was no elaborative machinery of government, no officials, no office for the proper andl sound organization of justice. In Pre-Islamic Arabian society, there was no concept of permanent Qazi or the judicial officer. So in criminal irsr«s the solution, life per life and limb for limb were ”the recognurvd principles that time. When the MakkWi society civilized, the conctpt of social justice and different punishments of Persian or ’:« had adopted there. Cutting the hand of the thief wa_s introduced in Makkah by WaHd bin Mughriah. So the development in administration improved with the establishment of city state of Makkah, Dar-un-Nadwah was the leading administrative institution in Makkah. With the migration of the Holy Prophet from Makkah to Medina, the administrative history °f Arabia Had changed. Holy Prophet built a new political and a .saving the ity of his birth place as a despised Prophet he entered the city of his adoption as a honoured chief. The seer in him now recedes into the background and the practical man of politics comes *o the fore. The Holy Prophet is gradually over shadowed by the statesmen.1 During the ten years Muhammad (PBUH) presided over the commonwealth of Islam, a grea. charge had came over the character of the Arab people, a congeries of warring tribes and clans were rapidly consolidated into a nation under the influence of one great idea. The work done within that short period will always remain as one of the most wonderful achievements recorded in history. On account of the revolutionary teachings of the Holy Prophet which affected the socio-economic, religio-cultural and political, moral life of the Arabs, gave death blow to their old traditions. The first task which the Holy Prophet done on reaching Medina was the construction of a mosque where he could gather together all his followers in order to preach Islam and to teach them the practical lesson of his ideological state which he intended to found in Medina, v”z. fraternity, equality, liberty, social and economic justice. The second most important task which he undertook to accomplish was the fraternization or brotherhood of the Emigrant and the Helpers. Holy Prophet laid stress on ”Islam being a comprehensive religion of human brotherhood. Every Muhjir had an Ansari brother. This rair^d the moral prestige of the Ansar and the economic welfare of the emigrants.” The Holy Prophet started his career in Medina at a time when the following issues required his attention. 4) The r»2\abilitation of the Muhajirs in Medina. I) Clearly mentioned the rights and duties of the Muhajirs and the Ansars. ’\ Agreements with non-Muslims especially with Jews. • ’•> Arrangements for the defense and administration of Medfna. ’. Compensation to the Muhajirs for their losses. Organization of Government Under the Holy Prophet, P 210. Administration Under the Holy Prophet 183 The Holy Prophet made tremendous efforts to bring about the unity and integration among the disorganized Mid disunited Arabian society. Here is explained the administrative structure of ”City State of Medina” which gives the administrative ability of the Prophet (PBUH). Salient featuies of the administrative system of the ”City Staie of Medina” are given below: THE SOVEREIGN The Holy Qur’an describes the position of the sovereign. The Qur’an, as the revealed book of God, was binding on all Muslims including the Holv Propnet. The authority of the Holy Prophet is supreme in all those matters which are not clearly mentioned in fhe Qur’an. He was the head of Islamic state. He was the sole possessor of the both spiritual and secular authority and political and judicial powers. He was the sole master of the state he was the Chief Executive and Supreme Commander of all the forces of Islam. He was the head of the state. He has all the powers relating to the legislation and in all judicial mailers. ”He was the Prophet, the lawgiver, the ruler, the commander, the Chief Jr*tice and the head of the entire adminislrat’’”? r/whhery’1 Masjad-i-Nabawi was the office ot the Holy Prophet (PBUH). He did must cf the business there. All types of correspondence and internal letters to the tribes were wrinen there. Ail this was done in the mosque. No ciTIcc was built during the life time of the Holy Prophet.3 SECRETARIAT The structure of the administration cf the ”City State of Medina” ;vas not complicated. There were some important departments of the centra! government. There were many offLidis who did work in une <^rr,poiirid of tbe mosque. Hazrat AH (Rad.A) and Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) reconied the revelations. Zubay bin Awam and al-Juhayrr. kept the record of properties collected by a way of Zakat. Hudhajan prepared the estimation of the revenue from the datepaims. Mughria and Hassan bin Namir recorded transactions between the people. Hanzalah bin Rabi was called the secretary of the Holy Prophet.3 The Wall The Chief administrator of the each province was called the Wali. Some times called the gove.r.or c>f the province. The 2S.A.Q Husami, Arab Administration P ?.} J Muhammad Ah<»in !s>am:r Slate P J04 / 184 Political and Cultural History of Islam appointment was made by the Holy Prophet. Medina was the capital of the state. He had done his duties in equal footing in this province like the Holy Prophet in centre. Arabia was divided into the provinces of Medina, Yaman, Najran, Uman, Hadarmawat, Bahrayn, Tahma, and Janad. In all these provinces the Holy Prophet appointed the governors who were joined to establish law and order and make arrangements for the administration of justice. The Amils Besides the Wali, the Holy Prophet appointed the collector or Amil over each tribal area to collect the Zakat and Sadaqah. The Amils trained by the rules and regulation experts of these transactions. The Qazi In the ”City State of Medina” the Holy Prophet (PBUH) himself acted as the Chief Justice Many men of character deputed as judge in remote areas. Hazrat Ali and Mua? bin Jabai were appointed as Qazi by the Holy Prophet. All the laws according to the spirit of Qur’an and Sunnah. All decisions took according to the injunctions of the Quran. REVENUE SYSTEM OF THE CJTY STATE OF MEDINA Revenue system was not a new term for the state. The Roman empire had a well organized system of revenue. Pre- Islamic Arabia had not a central government or authority so they had not a system of revenue. The ”City State of Medina” had all the essential administrative units which were necessary for the welfare state. The economic policy of tK state was also laid on some injunctions of the Quran. Holy Prophet set up the public treasury in the siuti. During the days of the Holy Prophet Islamic state had following sources of re’ ”i”*s. 1. Zakat and Si&fA Poor-iate and voluntary alms by the Muslims. Zakat was imposed all the Muslims which has the material prosperity or the Mai according to Nisab, the poor are excluded by that tax. It was the major source of the state. It was levied on: 1. Gold and Silver: 20 mithqal gold. 7«x tola silver. 2. Animals kept for trade purpose. 3. Goods of merchandise. 4. Hidden treasure found in the state. Administration Under the Holy Prophet 185 2. Jazya It was a tax chargeable from non-Muslims hi lieu of the guarantee extended to them foi the protection of their life, property, religious rites, their exemption from military services. 3. Kharaj Kharaj was the land tax collected from the non-Muslims. It was imposed on Jews of Khayber after the conquest of Khayber. All lands which occupied by the Muslims, retained under the Jews in lieu of the Kharaj. 4. Fay (State Lands) Al-Fay, the lands in the conquered territories which came under the direct ownership of the state. Under the Holy Prophet the Fadak was the crown land. The income from which was distributed’ among the Holy Prophet’s relatives, the poor, orphans and needy. 5. Khums The spoils of the war which was captured by the Muslims army from the foes one fifth share of the state and then other was distributed among the Muslims. Ghanimah was also the same one. MILITARY SYSTEM OF THE STATE The state had a well organized and equipped army The Holy Prophet was the commander in cmef c-” the Isiamic forces. He himself led and marshelled the forces in all important campaigns like the famous battles, Badat, Uhud, Hunayn, Tubke and conquest of Makkah. Recruitment of the army was directly under the Holy Prophet. The division of the army on the scientific basis was the sole cause of Muslim victory in all the battles. The position of the soldiers was on the merits of that army of the Holy Prophet (PBUH). The \varfare in lines and method of waiting for the enemy’s approach gave the Muslims technical superiority over their enemies. Gulzar Ahmad, Dr. Hamidullah, Bar! and many other writers like Watt, Abdul Hamid praised t*>e best anr-y system of the Holy Prophet. RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION IN THE STATE OF MEDINA The Holy Prophet was the head of religious affairs of the Mus’ims. He was the head of an Islamic State. So he sent a number of preachers to the various tribes of Arabia for the propagation of Islam. They inviting them to embrace Islam. The teachings of the Holy Qur’an and Sunnah were under the direct control of the Holy Prophet (PBUH). These pious Companions were sent to different parts of the country for preaching.4 ’ Amir Hasan Siddiqui, Islamic State, P. 12. 17 HAZRAT ABU BAKR (RAD. A.) ^ (632-634 A.D./11-13 A.H.) Hazrat Abu, Bakr (Rad.A), the immediate successor of the Holy Prophet was. .adisputably the most luminous star on the horizon of the Islamic world. His unswerving and steadfast adherence ^ tl1^ new faith of the man who had been his master made him s^ew like the Holy Prophet’s Second self, while his unflinching fidelity to the cpuse of Islam, his humility and integrity, the lack of ostentation with which he conducted his affairs of state and the extreme simplicity of his domestic life, bore further ^ilae^s to the way in which his master’s teachings were embodied in him. Su, tec, tii<-S ’.;:- -xtrc:r.e concern for the rseedy and the afflicted, his unflinching sense of duty, his iron determination and his unshakable faith in the righteousness of his cause. These qualities of head and heart raise Abu Bakr (Rad.A) high above many other great men who have been cast in heroic moulds, marking him out as a man who could not fail to be a pioneer in any age. Posterity, recognising in h:::t ^~ Tuality of the universal leader, pa? s him so much spontaneous homage Ctrsr-tsday, we attribute +c his secular reign the same spiritual sanctity as to the reign of the Ho!y Prophet. Had it not been for the singleness of purpose and devotion to the achievement of Islamic ideals which Abu Bakr (Rad.A) consistently showed in race of al! opposition; had itnot been for his unceasing endeavours to establish God’s kingdom on earth and his heroic struggles agaHist ;he apostates who intended to undo the Prophet’s achievements, the fraii baik of Islam might have perished in the tumultuous storms of dissension and internal strife which raged in the early days of the Faith. It was his rare co- HazratAlni Bakr (Rad. A.) 187 mingling of political sagacity with practical prudence, at a time of immense stress and strain, that welded together the elements of disruption and decay and that contributed largely to the stabilization of the body-politic and it was in recognition of his public services to Islam and his personal qualit.es that the Holy Prophet while he was still alive, assured Abu Bakr’s (Rad.A) soul a blissful repose in paradise. Early Life Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad. A), was born in 573 AD., at Makkah. Thus he was two years younger than the Holy Prophet. He belonged to a respectable and noble family, the Ban, Tamim a branch of Quraysh tribe. His lineage joins with that of the Holy Prophet six generations before. His name was Abdullah Abu Bakr was his patronymic name (orfcrniyah) which became so famous that most of the people did not know his real name. After his conversion to Islam he received the title of ”Siddique” (the truthful). His fathers name was Usman who was known by his patronymic- name Abu Qahafah. His mother’s name was Salma but she was also known by her patronymic name, Umm-ul-Khair. Life Before Islam Since his boyhood, Hazrat Abuu Bakr (Rad.A) was a quite and sincere man. He was very honest and truthful. Because of his sterling character, he was the closest friend of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) since his youth and the friendship proved to be life long. He was a soft hearted man and keenly felt others sufferings and miseries. He used to help the poor and the needy, the distressed and the downtrodden. Even before embracing Islam he did not like most of the customs of the days of ignorance and never drank any liquor His main profession was trade. He also accompanied the Holy Prophet in some of his trade mission. Because of his honesty people trusted him and often kept their money as a trust with him. His nobility and truthfulness soon made him a rich trader. Actually these qualities were soon to serve the noblest cause of Allah. First Man to Accept Islam ’ Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was firm friend of the Holy Prophet and knew him better then any other man. His honesty, nobility, truthfulness and trustworthiness, had great attraction for Abu Bakr (Rad.A). When the Holy Prophet disclosed to h.m secretly 188 Political and Cultural History of Islam Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rod. A.) 189 about the revelation of Allah, Abu Bakr (Rad.A) accepted it immediately without having the slightest doubt. In this way he was the first adult free man to believe in the Holy Prophet’s mission, and became his confidant. The Holy Prophet once spoke about this, ”When I invited people towards Allah, everybody thought over it and hesitated, at least for a while except Abu Bakr (Rad.A) who accepted my call the moment I put it before him, and he did not hesitate even for a moment.” When he accepted Islam, the Holy Prophet was very pleased. Da Vat (Invitation) Towards Allah As soon as he had accepted Islam he started the work of Da’wat (invitation) towards Allah first secretly and then openly when it was so allowed by the Holy Prophet. First he went to Usman, Talha, Zubair and Sa’id (Rad.A). They accepted Islam on his preaching. Next day he went to Usman bin Muzun, Abu Ubaidah, Abdui Rahman bin Auf and some other prominent Qurayshi. They also accepted Islam at his hands. In the first instance eight prominent figures accepted Islam at the hands of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A.). Among them was Hazrat Usman, ;he third Caliph of Islam. In this way he was the first Mus im, after ihe Holy Prophet, to preach Islam and to invite people tow irds Allah in a very fruitful way. The main reason for his success was his popularity among the Makkhans because of his honesty, nobility, trustworthiness, good morals and fair dealings. Hardships For Da’wat (Invitation) Towards Allah Even though he was so much respected yet he was not spared, and disbelievers of Makkah did their best to harass him. When the number of Muslims reached 39, Abu Bakr (Rad.A) asked the permission of the Holy Prophet to invite people openly. On his persistent request the Holy Prophet gave his consent and all • f them went to Haram (the Holy Mosque or Ka’bah) for Tabligh (preaching). Hazn.t Abu Bakr (Rad.A) gave a Khutbah (Sermon) which was the fi;st ever delivered in the annals of Islam. Hazrat Hamzah accepted Islam the same day. When disbelievers and idolators from amongst Quraysh heard it they fell on the Muslims from all sides. Abu Bakr (Rad.A) despite the fact that he was considered to ta the noblest and most respectable of al 1 the people in Makkah, was beaten to such an extent that his nose and ears were badly mauled and his entire force was besmeared with ”blood. He_was kicked, thrashed with shoes, trampled under feet and handled most I roughly and savagely. He became unconscious and was half-dead. This is the place to observe his extreme love for Holy Prophet that when he gained consciousness and opened his eyes in the evening he first enquired, ”How is the Prophet (PBUH)?” His deep love for the Holy Prophet, really, was the main cause of his success. His love and respect for the Holy Prophet was unbounded. On another occasion the Holy Prophet was offering his Salat in the Ka’bah, Abu Jahl came and put a sheet of cloth around his neck and twisted it hard in order to strangle the Holy Prophet to death. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) saw this, he at once came and pushing Abu Jahl aside took off the piece of cloth around the neck of the Holy Prophet. He then said,” Do you want to kill such a gentle person who is messenger of Allah and declares Allah as the Cherisher and Sustainer,”Then Abu Jahl and other enemies of Islam fell upon Abu Bakr (Rad.A) and beat him severely. Miscellaneous Services for the Cause of Islam in Makkah Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) served Islam in numerous ways. The Quraysh cruelly persecuted a number of slaves who had accepted Islam and made life difficult for them. Muslim slaves were the worst sufferers at the hands of non-Muslims masters, Hazrat Bilal (a Negro), one of the best known in the galaxy of Companions of the Holy Prophet, was one among such slaves. His master Umayyah bin Khalf lashed him at night and made him lie on the burning sand during the day because of Bilal’s convsrsion to Islam. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) brought him freedom and Bilal became a free Muslim. Other Muslim slaves who were bought by Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A), and made free were, Amir bin Fuhairah, Nazirah, Nahdiah, Jariah, Bani Momil and Bint Nahdiah etc; (R<>d.A). Before Hijrah Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) spent lot of money on new converts.1 When he found himself hard pressed by disbelievers he asked the permission of the Holy Prophet to migrate to Abyssinia in the 5th year of the Mission with other Muslims. The Holy Prophet permitted him but in the way he met Ibn-ud-Daghna, the chief of another tribe, Qan. On his enquiry Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) told him about the peisecution of Quraysh and his intention to migrate to Abyssinia. Ibn-ud-Daghna did not want him to leave Arabia and declared to the people of Makkah that Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was under his protection. Then nobody dared to harm him. 1 Dr. Majid AH Khan, The Pious Caliph, P. 18. Political and Cultural History of Islam Abu Bakr (Rad.A) Gets the Title of Siddique The Holy Prophet had Miraj (Ascension) in the 10th year of his Mission. He narrated his Ascension to the people in the morning. Some of them came to Abu Bakr (Rad.A) and said,” Have you listened to your friend (the Holy Prophet)? He is claiming that he visited Jerusalem and the Sublime Throne in the heavens last night and talked with Allah Almighty. Would you believe it? Abu Bakr (Rad.A) immediately replied. ”If he said so then it is an absolute truth”. They again said, ”Do you believe that he visited all these places and came back within a small part of night, ”He ag^in replied, ”Of course I believe in it and I believe in the things which are farther than it, i.e., the news of Hell and Paradise.” For this the Holy Prophet (PBUH) named him Siddique i.e., the most Truthful and sincere person in Faith not having even slightest doubt. Of course Abu Baler’s (Rad.A) faith was so strong that nothing could shake it. Imam of Prophet’s Mosque Since his arrival at Medina the Holy Prophet himself led the Salats at his mosque ail the time. This was really a high office and was not given to anybody in the presence of the Holy Prophet. A few months after his return from the Farewell pilgrimage (Al- HujjatulWida) in 10 A.H; the Holy Prophet fell ill. A time came when he was unable to move and could not go to the Mosque to lead the Salat. He had to appoint someone as the Imam and this honour fell to the lot of Abu Bakr (Rad.A). Abu Bakr’s daughter, Hazrat Aisha (Rad.A) was one of the most beloved wives of the Holy Prophet. She knew that Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was a soft hearted man and it would be rather hard to him to replace the Holy Prophet in the Salat. So she pleased with the Holy Prophet to excuse Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) from this duty but the Holy Prophet did not change his decision even though he was requested three times. During these days once Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was not present at the time of congregational Salat. The Holy Prophet after hearing the voice of Hazrat Umar enquired about the Imam and when he found that Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was not leading, he was ariioyed and said, ”Nobody will lead the Salat besides Ibn Abu Qahafa (Rad.A). Then Abi Bakr (Rad.A) was called but by that time Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) had completed the Salat. The Salat was repeated by the order of the He ly Prophet (PBUH) and Abu Bakr (Rad.A) led it. During his sickness, the Holy Prophet once felt some relief and went for Zuhr Salat. His face beamed with joy and full Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad. A ) 191 satisfaction on seeing Abu Bakr (Raxi.A) leading the Salat. Sensing the presence of the Holy Prophet Abu Bakr (Rad.A) wanted to step back but the Holy Prophet stopped him and sat down by his side. After the Salat tht Holy Prophet gave his last address: ”Allah offered one of His servants the choice of life on this earth and life with Him. But the servant accepted the latter”. Heating this tears came out of Abu Bakr’s (Rad.A) eyes and rolled down to his Beloved Master (the Holy Prophet). Most of the people did ndi understand the meaning of the Holy Prophet’s address and they were surprised at Abu Bakr’s (Rad.A) crying. Early in the morning of the last day of his life, the Holy Prophet’s condition became suddenly better for a while. As the apartment was just adjoining the Mosque, he raised the curtain and observed the Muslims busy in Salat under the Imamat (leadership) of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A). A smile lit up the pale face of the Holy Prophet. Seeing the sign of the Holy Prophet’s recovery the people in the Mosque left control over themseh es in sheer delight. They might have fallen out of the file but the Holy Prophet (PBUH) asked Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) to lead the Salat and he went inside and let the curtain fall. CALIPHATE News of the Death of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) Whtn the Abu Bakr (Rad.A) found the Holy Prophet in a better condition in the morning of the last day of his life, he went a few miles outside Medina to meet his wife Hazrat Kharjah bint Zuhair (Rad.A). After hearing the news of the death of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), he immediately returned and saw great rush at the gate of the Mosque. He did not talk to anybody and went straight to Hazrat Aisha’s apartment where the Holy Corpse was lying. After taking permission he entered the apartment and kissed the Holy face, tears rolling out of his eyes. Then he remarked, ”May my parents be sacrificed for you. I swear by Allah that death will never come twice to you. You have tasted the death which was destined for you and now you will get no other.” He covered the Holy body with a sheet and came to the Mosque. A multitude of people was crying in the Mosque. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was in a strong emotional state and was shouting iltai the Holy Prophet (PBUH) had not died. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) tried to clanvhim but Umar (Rad.A) did not pay any attention to him. Nothing the delicacy of the situation, Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) 192 Political and Cultural History of Islam stood in another corner of the Mosque and gave his most effective and historical address. All the people gathered around him. He said: ”O People! If any one of you worshipped Muhammad (PBUH) he should bear in mind that Muhammad (PBUH) is dead. But those who worshipped Allah should know that He is Alive and will never die. Allah says in the Holy Quran: ”Muhammad is only a Messenger of Allah. There came down a number of Messengers before him. Then would you turn back from Islam, If he dies or is killed ?” The address of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) touched the hearts of the people. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) also cooled down. Hazrat Abdullah says, ”It seemed that the verse of the Holy Quran to which Abu Bakr (Rad.A) referred was just revealed, although we had recited it several times in the past”. Abu Bakr (Rad.A) Chosen as the First Khlifah The Holy Prophet did not nominate his successor and left the choice of his deputy or viceroy (Khalifah) to his Ummah (followers). There were two groups of Muslims in Medina viz., Muhajirin (the Immigrants from Makkah), and Ansar (Helpers i.e., Medinites). After the death of the Holy Prophet, Ansar (Medinites) gathered in a big Hall of Medina known as ”Saqifah-i-Bani Saidah” to discuss the appointment of the a Khalifah. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) and Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) with other prominent Muhajirin (Immigrants) were in the Mosque. When they were informed about the gathering of Ansar, Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) and Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) also went there accompanied by a number of eminent Muhajirin like Hazrat Abu Ubaidah bin al Jarrah since Hazrat AH (Rad.A) and Hazrat Zubair (two prominent figures among Muhajirin) were not present at the spot, they could not go to the gathering. Much discussion was going on in the gathering of the Ansar about the selection of Khalifah. Some of the leading Ansar wanted a Khalifah from amongst the Ansar. When Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) heard it, he said, ”We acknowledge the sacrifices of Ansar for Islam. You really deserve to have a Khalifah from amongst yourselves, but Arabs will not agree on any ”Amir” (chief) other than a person from the Quraysh”. Hearing Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) another Ansari, Khabab bin Mundhar stood up and said, ”Let there be two Amirs (Khalifahs) then, one from amongst Quraysh and another from amongst Ansar”. On this Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) stood up and said, ”This is not at all Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rod. A.) 193 possible. There would be great confusion because of two Amir”. Hazrat Khabab bin Mundhar did not agree with Umar (Rad.A) and there was a hot talk between them. Hazrat Abu Ubaidah tried to cool them down. Then another Ansari Hazrat Bashir bin an-Numan (Rad.A) stood up and said, ” The Holy Prophet belonged to the Quraysh tribe. Qurayshites have preference over others. All the Arabs would agree on them. Therefore a Khalifah must be from amongst them. We do not want any dispute with Muhajirin in the matter of Khilafat. We, the Medinites are Ansar (Helpers) and we would prefer to remain helper of Allah and His Holy Prophet. Another Ansar Hazrat Zaid bin Thabit (Rad.A) also supported this view and said, ”There should be a Khalifah amongst Muhajirin (Qurayshis). We Medinites were Ansar (Helpers) of the Holy Prophet and would remain Ansar (Helpers) of Us Khalifah as well.” A number of Ansar then supported this view, and there was general satisfaction in the council over the selection of a Muhajir (Qurayshi) Khalifah. Seeing this Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) stood up and said, ”I propoce the name of Umar (Rad.A) and Abu Ubaidh bir al-Jarrah (Rad.A) for this post. Select anyone of these two men as your Khalifah.” But both of them refused and Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) said, ”Abu Bakr (Rad.A) is the best of a!I of us because Allah has mentioned, him in the Holy Quran Saying: ”The one amongst two in the cave” (9:40). He further said, ”Abu Bakr (Rad A) excelled at eveiy occasion during the life of the Holy Prophet- He deputed the Holy Prophet in leading Salat, he was appointed the Chief of Hajj Caravan. As such he is the fittest person to be the. Khalifah.” Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rau.A) still hesitated but Umar (Rad A) and Hazrat Zaid bin Thabit Ansari held his hand and took pledge of loyalty (Baiat). Then Hazrat Abu Ubaidah bin al-Jarrah and Hazrat Bashir bin anNuman Ansari also took pledge of loyalty at his hand. Seeing this people from all the sides rushed to pledge loyalty to Abu Bakr (Rad.A) as the first succes or of the Holy Prophet. Next day a genera . ,edge of loyalty (Baiat) was taken by the Muslims in the Mosque of *ie Holy Prophet. Thus Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) assumed the greatest office, after .he office of Prophethood, and became the first Khalifah of Islam. Hf gave his first address as a Khalifah in the mosque after the general ”Baiat”. ’O People! I have been ssiected as your Trustee although I am no better than anyone of you. If I am right, obey me. If I am 194 Political and Cultural History of Islam misguided set me right. Of course truth is honesty and a lie is dishonesty. The weakest among you is powerful in my eyes until I do not get him his due, Insha-Allah (If it should please Allah). The most powerful among you is the weakest in my eyes until I do not make him pay his due right to others Insha-Ailah. Allah sends down disgrace on those people who give up Jihad in the path of Allah. Allah surely sends down calamities on suc^ people whc indulg in evils.2 ”I ask you to obey me as long as I obey Allah and His Messenger. If I disobey Allah and his Messenger you are free to disobey me. Now come and offer Salat. In his short address, Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) showed the role of an exemplary Khalifah of Islamic Government. No doubt Islamic Government means ”Government of Allah and his Prophet, b\ His obedient servants for the benefit of the people in this world and in the Hereafter. About thirty three thousand people took pledge of loyalty (Baiat) at the hand of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) in the mosque. The selection (or Electioa) of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) is it pointer towards Islamic Democracy and furnishes example for selection of a Leader for Ummat-i-Muslimah (Muslim Community till the Day of Judgement). Hazrat A li (Rad.A) took pledge of loyalty a few months later because he was busy in collecting various parts of the Holy Quran. Some other reasons have also been given for his delay in ”Baiat” which are ignored here. PROBLEMS FACED BY HAZRAT ABU BAKR SIDDIQUE AS A CALIPH After the death of the Holy Prophet, the Arabs were on all sides rising in rebellion. Apostasy and disaffection raised their heads. Christians and Jews were filled with unrest. Some Muslims tribes refused to pay Zakat to the Caliph for ”Baitul Mai” (the public treasury). Some disbelievers declared themselves to be Prophets. There were many problems and much confusion. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) faced all these with unparallel courage and the highest degree of Iman (Faith) which is the characteristic of a ”Siddique”.3 At this place would like to point out that ”Siddiqiat” is the highest stage of Iman (Faith) and ”Tawakkul” (Trust in Allah) after Prophethood as pointed out in the following verse of the Holy Quran. 2 Dr. Majid Ali Khan, P 28. 3 Masud-ul-Hasan, Hazrat Abu Bakr, } .120 Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad. A.) 195 ”All those who obey Allah and Prophet are in the company of house upon whom Allah has shown favours-of the Prophets, ”Siddiqin” (The sincere), ”Shuhada” (The Martyrs), and ”Salihin”) (The Righteous Muslims): Ah! what a beautiful company.” In the following lines I would like to mention the main problems faced by Abu Bakr Siddique (Rad.A) in brief, (i) Usamah’s Expedition The freed slavt of the Holy Prophet and his adopted son, Hazrat Zaid bin Harith (Rad.A) was martyred at the hands of Syrians (Romans) at Mautah in 8 A.H.,. A few weeks before his death the Holy Prophet appointed Hazrat Usamah (Rad.A), the son of Zaid to lead an expedition against Syrians in order to avenge the death of his father, Zaid, when Hazrat Usamah was about to leave, the news of the demise of the Holy Prophet came and the departure of army was postponed. After being chosen as Caliph, the first task before Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was to send out this expedition. As a matter of fact, it was the most critical time in the history of Islam. The entire peninsula was in a state of unrest and disorder. Some of the new converts thought Islam would come to an end with the Holy Prophet’s life. Many of the tribes had entered the fold of Islam only a short time before and were not firm in Islam. About this the Holy Quran has already predicted: The wandering Arabs (Bedouins) say: we have (firm) faith. Say (to them O Muhammad): You believe not (firmly) but rather say ”we submit”, for the Faith has not entered into your hearts.” At the same time news came to Medina thit apostates under the command of some false prophet were planning to invade the town. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was really facing a difficult situation. In the circumstances, the companions approached him to withdraw the expedition of Hazrat Usamah bin Zaid. In their opinion it was unwise to send troops out of Medina because they were needed at home. Here was the test of Abu Bakr’s (Rad.A) faith in following the ways of the Holy Prophet. He got through in his test and proved to be the most firm among all of his companions including Hazrat Umar (Rad.A). Abu Bakr (Rad.A) said he could never alter the decision taken by his master (the Holy Prophet). He firmly replied to his companions, ”How can I fold up the flag which was unfurled by the Holy Prophet (PBUH) himself?” When Muslims saw that Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was firm they requested him to change the command of Hazrat Usamah because he Political an& Cultural History of Islam v/as too young and inexperienced-not yet twenty, thus was not fit to lead the’ expedition. Hearing this Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was annoyed and said, ”D° Y°u warrt me to dismiss a man appointed by the Messenger of Allah?’” At least the army led by Hazrat Usamah left after three weeks °f Holy Prophet’s death. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was also included in *e army. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) sought Usamah’s permissionto leave him in Medina, and he agreed. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) himself bid him farewell and went to some distance out of Medina- The young commander of the army was riding a horse and the great Caliph was walking by his side. After forty days Hazrat Usamari returned to Medina with a great victory, the victory of Abu B^r’s (Rad.A) firm Faith. The success °f Usamah’s expedition also opened the eyes of those who thought is^ was dying out after the demise of the Holy Prophet. Some of the tribes again came back to Islam which they had left. (ii) False Prophets Some disbet*evers declared their Prophethood and started revolt. Four of those were mam figures among such false Prophets. A brief account of theH»is §iven nerc: (a) Aswad Ansi He rose in Yaman and was known as Ansi, ”the Veiled prophet” because \\c Pl)tve’^ on ms face a^ the time. After collecting a big army he siooduP m °Pen revolt against Islam. He was killed by Qais bin Makshuh rM m’s followers scattered (b) Tulaiha He belong^ to the tribe of Bani Asad in northern Arabia Just after the death of the Holy Prophet he rose in open revolt. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A1 sent Hazrat Khalid bin Walid to crush the rebellion. After a fierce fight Tulaiha’s army was defeated and he ran away to Syria. Afterwards ne a§ain accepted Islam, (c) Gajah Bint AI-Harith in Suwaid She belong to the tribe oi Bani Tamim. After the death ot the Holy Prophet a number of chiefs of this tiibe including Malik bii> Nuwairah repudia1’^ *slam an<4 Sajah declared her Prophethood Four thousand peep’8 including some of the chiefs gathered arounc1her to march to Medina. She also foiced those who did not cooperate with her to *bllow. On her way to Medina she was informed about the Islamic &rrny \Q& by Khalid bin Walid who had rushed the rebellion of Tula^a. Hearing the news of Islamic army she was Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rod. A.) 197 frightened and wrote a letter to Musailimah Kazzab (the liar) seeking his co-operation. Musailimah had also declared his Prophethood. A mutual understanding was reached in the beginning but later Sajah married Musailimah and accepted his Prophethood. In the meantime Hazrat Khalid bin Walid reached the headquarters of the tribe of Bani Tamim. After the marriage of Sajah with Musailimah most of the people belonging to Bani Tamim had already re-entered Islam. Hazrat Khalid did not say any thing to such person but fought with those who were still apostates and defeated them. After crushing the rebellion of Bani Tamim he turned his attention to the notorious false Prophet Musailimah Kazzab (the lair). (d) Musailimah Kazzab (The Liar) Musailimah belonged to the tribe of Central Arabia. His fribe did not want to follow the ”Prophet of Quraysh’’, so that accepted him as a prophet. Accordiag to some historians he declared his prophethood during the later period of the Holy Prophet. However he openly did so after the death of Holy Prophet. Hazrat Abu Bakr Siddique (Rad.A) sent Shurahbeei bin Hasnah and Ikrimah (Rad.A) to crush the rebellion. Later on Hazrat Khalid bin Walid (Rad.A) also joined them. Musailima’i was commanding an army of forty thousand Bedouins. Some o ’ them joined only to support their tribe although they did not believe -in Musailimah. The Islamic army of thirteen thousand men was under the command of Khalid bin Walid (Rad.A). A fierce battle was fought. A number of prominent Companions were slain in the fight. In the end Musailimah’s army was defeated. He himself was killed by \\ ilishi, (Rad.A) the same persor who was responsible for Hazrat Hamzah’s martyrdom in the battle of Uhad at a time when he was not a Muslim. In this battle about 800 Muslims were martyred among whom were 360 Companions of the Holy Prophet. A number cf Huffaz (i.e., those who committed all the Holy Quran to memor» were also martyred. Musailimah’s defeat raised the standing ot Muslims once more in the whole of Arabia. Thus in a short period the false prophets and their followers were wiped out bv the * irtue ot firm Faith and wisdom of Siddique Akbar. tfut there were stil! <» number of problems to be solved. (in) Apostasy Movement In order to wipe out ”Riddah” or apostasy Abu Bakr (Rad.A j mobilised all available Muslim force and financed h*i arms .».ith &* 198 Political and Cultural History of Islam Zakai^money which had immensely enriched the Medina treasury. He divided the army into eleven battalions and put ea-ch of them under a veteran commander. He further ordered that operations should be started simultaneously on all fronts. In accordance with the military custom of the time, each of the eleven battalions was placed under an Amir, or commander, who was also responsible for a certain number of the tribes. To eacr of these commanders the Caliph presented a banner that was indicat ve of his aut’mority and to these emblems the allegiance of soldiers and tribesmen \was due. It should be noteJ that, this period no regular forces were * maintained by Medina and that the Muslim army consisted chiefly of those male adults who were capa’ le of bearing a”us. E”veryone was expected to volunteer for service in the cause or Islara_ and for the grace of Allah and in this manner a formidable force was raised to fight in the name of God. Every Muslim soldier was further accustomed to equip himself at his own cost, but Abu Bakr (Rad.A) now granted a subsidy from the central exchequer which led to a general improvement in the standard of individual equLpment. Thus armed and spurred on by their faith in their cause-and! irrespective of the numerical superiority of their adversaries-the Mluslim troops invariably triumphed against heavy odds. The new converts had not learnt the spirit of Islam. For centuries the Arabian tribes knew no authority T”’am dis-ciplined them at/ p” im under certain moral obligations. Drinking and gambling of pre-Isiamic days had been prohibited. Their v, jj spirit rebelled against this moral control. They wanted a chance which they got after the death of the Holy Prophet, and considered it the right time to throw off the yoke of Islam. That was the time when virtually- the whole of Arabian peninsula was under the grip of civil war. It was the firm determination of Siddique Akbar, which permanently quelled the rebellions. Professor Hitti says, ”The short Khilafat of Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was mostly occupied with the so called Ridda (apostasy) wars”. ”The Arabs, throughout the peninsula,” says, another historian W. Myir, ”were relapsing into apostasy”. But Siddique Akbar did not lose heart and faced the situation with utmost courage and Iman. The rebellioa started with the refusal of the tribes to deposit Zakat fund in the Baitul Mai (Public Treasury) as was done during the days of the Holy Prophet. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) ’ ailed a meeting of his ”Shura” (Advisory Council) and sou-ght its advice most of the Companions did not consider. It advisable: to take action Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad. A.) 199 for the time being because of the wars against *alse Prophets and major revolts. But Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was firm on taking strong and prompt action so that others may have a lesson. He therefore decia-ed, ”I swear by Allah, I will fight alone, if others do not support me, agamst every body whosoever refuses a single kid due on him in Zakat”. He launched a big campaign without delay. He collected the troops in Medina and divided them into eleven battalions, each under the command of an experienced commander and sent them out to different parts of Arabia. His instructions for them were to call rebels to Islam first, and if they failed, to fight them. Some of the rebel tribes submitted to Islam without fighting. Wars were waged against those who remained adamant. With the help of these battalions Siddique Akbar crushed all forces of rebellions, disorder and apostasy. He actually showed wonderful courage and ability in suppressing the movement. The apostasy movement which affected the whole of Arabia besides Makkah and Medina, was totally suppressed within a year and Islam was once again the only religion of the peninsula when the rebellion was subdued and Islam was re-established, Siddique diverted his attention towards outside Arabia, rtazrat Khal’d bin Walid (Rad.A) was considered to the fittest a;id most suitable commander for the external expeditions, which would be described later. (iv) The Rebellion of Bahrain Bahrain is a small state in the North-East side of the Arab peninsula by the Persian Gulf. The people of Bahrain accepted Islam in the life time of the Holy Prophet. Sucn ”fter the Holy Prophet’s demise the Muslim governor of Bahrain died and there \\d3 Disorder in the province. Siddique Akbar sent a battalion under the comnia-d of Ala bin al-Hazrami who defeated the rebelled tribe, Banu Bakr of Bahrain. The other tribe of Bahrain, Banu Abdu! Qais, was loyal to Islam and helped the Muslims against the rebels. (v) Other Rebellions There were other rebellions in the adjoining small states like Oman, Mahra, Hazarmaut and Yaman. All these were also suppressed and crushed. * START OF ERA OF CONQUEST The Arabian peninsula was surrounded by the two great Empire. On its North-Eastern side was the border of Persian Empire. At that time Iraq was under the control of Persian Empire. The ZOO Political and Cultmaural History of Islam Northern port of the peninsuaaila was bordered by the Byz; Empire (the Eastern Roman Er*nnpire). It consisted of Syria, Pal md Egypt. Byzantine was a Greek city on the Bosphorus Byzantines were named after thmis city. It was made the capital Eastern Roman Empire in 330 B.C. by Constantine, the Grea* lame of the city was changed la~«tt:er on to Constantinople after th& rf Constantine the Great. (Now it is known as Istanbul in Turkey After suppressing ther; rebellions of internal tribe: Adjoining small states, Abu Ba_Zkr (Rad.A) turned his attention idjoining territories who were -Mdoing a lot of damage to Musli Islam and were continuously ccrsnspirmg against Muslims. The Siddique was not only to suppress their conspiracy against M but, as a matter of fact, to spresssad the universal message of Isia we will see later,, each expedLJition was advised first to invi £nemy towards Islam in a prseaceful way. If they accepter massage of Allah. They were C reated as brothers otherwise M had to accept their challenge.4 ’JHThe s,word was used as a last resc: self defence. Some of the maiam expeditions would be discussi following Hnes in hn’ef which t^ok p!t>ce during the lime of Abu Bakr (Rad.A). DESPATCH OF ELEVEN EXPEDITIONS For the purpose of con«nducting operations in the variou of the country, the map of _Arabia was divided and the e expeditions despatched as follo»»ws: (1) Khalid bin Walid was tzo undertake operations against T and later on march aga iinst Malik ibr> Nuwairah. (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) IS) Ikrimah ibn Abu Ja=ihl was deputed to fight a_ Musaylamah. Ibn Zubayr was sent to subdue Aswad Ansi. Muhajir ibn-i-Abi-Un-nayyah was to invade Yamar- Hadramawt, Al-’Ala was to be responsible for the reduction Bahrayn Hazifa was to reduce iW-1lahran and Uman. ’Amr was sent with tw<=> columns to curb the Bani Qoza, A column was despatcfched under Khalid Ibn-al-Sa’id to the Syrian frontier. parts sleven ”alhah jainst and if Al- pah. .guard 1 Sjcd Asneei AW, A Short History of =The Sanaccns, P. 126. HazratAbu Bakr (Rod. A.) 201 A column was despatched to annihilate the Bani Salim and Hawazin. <*g(”10) Abu Bakr (Rad.A) as generalissimo was to supervise the operations from Medina. 11) A column was kept as a reserve at metropolis. FOR REGULATING THE CONDUCT OF OMMANDERS At the same time that Abu Bakr (Rad.A) gave a banner to the ommander of each column, he issued gensral orders and instructions for regulating the conduct of the army in the course of perations. Every commander or Amir carried a finnan from the Haliph addressed to the belligerent tribes who had renounced Islam rolling upon them to cease fighting. The tribes in revolt were also ^sailed upon to repent and surrender themselves on the promise of a pardon. Those to whom amnesty was granted in this manner \ =-iv;ere then received back into the fold of Islam. The Caliph further i~ :- Hharged his commanders, before the commencement of actual <___»»§>erations, to extend to the combatants an invitation to embrace , but should this meet with a refusal the Muslims were to resort fighting with full fury. This firman preceded the advancing host rand was proclaimed in public before the masses, after which their :sponse to the Agan, or call to prayers, became the criterion by hich the Amir could judge whether or not they were hostile. All ose tribes who did not show themselves at prayers were to be eated as enemies, in addition to the ’irrnan every commander was rovided with another document which contained instructions, ^ulations, and advice about his own conduci and a great deal of ,eful and detailed information about the conduct of the campaign. SHE REAL AIIVl OF MITIGATING HERESY Some western writers maintain that Abu Bakr (Rad.A) «•ould not tolerate the growth of any other creed to save that of Islam the peninsula. According to utem his principal motive in sending 3 t these expeditio ns. vis, therefore, the rejuvenation of Islam by ibrce of arms, This erroneous view misled these writers to the exmnsr- ttent of ascribing the propagation of Islam to the sword and sword a}---««crs!>ne. However, a tool and dispassionate study of the situation and a cUiiimiacz^se and impartial scrutiny of the facts cannot fail to expose the hcrrr=3»-I!owness of the^e allegations. The various warring tribes of ABHOR-aabia, spurred on by a number of upstarts who wanted to fatten 202 Political a/v-’ Cultural History of Islam their purses and carve out a career for themselves, had reverted to the traditional expedient of indulging in factions and feuds. A major portion of those Muslims, and their relatives who lived with the tribes of the impostors, had been subjected to all manner of tortures by the apostates whose inhuman brutality seemed endless. The sufferings of those Muslims who had no one to redress their wrongs or to whom they could turn for succour weighed so heavily on Abu Bakr’s (Rad.A) mind that he was determined to restore law and order at all costs. His expeditions were themselves oerfectly warranted, indeed called for, by the grave situation. Only by so doing could Abu Bakr (Rad.A) have fulfilled his responsibilities as leader of the Muslims for it is the bounden duty of every civilised government to quell sedition and rebellion in order to establish conditions necessary for the maintenance of peace and order. After due deliberation, in the interests of order and tranquility, Abu Bakr (Rcol.A) had reluctantly to resort to arms against the insurgents and for the following reasons: (1) Abu Bakr (Rad.A) had come to the conclusion that the restoration of order and the establishment of peace were a service not only to the community but also to God. In coveting the honour of rooting out the disruptive elements frorr Arabia his motives were in no way sectarian, just as his ambitions were in no way personal. His mission was one of Universal Peace not only to the glory of Arabia but also to the glory of God. (2) The religious dissensions which held sway over the country at that time seemed to him to be a drastic challenge to the formation of a unified and nationalised Arabia. (3) Impostors, in the guise of divine sages, were exploiting the credulity of all and sundry. They had gone too far in fomenting discord amongst the rank and file of the nation. Abu Bakr (Rad.A) regarded the rebels as enemies of the State and saw that a strong hand would be required to curb the malfactors. (4) (5) It was necessary to bring home to the people who evaded the Zakat that they must learn to subordinate their own petty interests to the wider national cause. The time had come for the old tribal leadership to be replaced by a mature form of government-government by a central authority-but the people were being misguided by Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad. A.) 203 the false prophets who preached the gospel of returning to the old ways of tribal liberty and license. These false prophets had to be admonished as the revival of a creed that took little account of law and order wou’d only be detrimental to the national interests and an offence against the spirit of Islam. (6) Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was quite willing to grant amnesty to those tribes who were truly penitent but to those who obstinately persisted in their anarchistic creed he gave no quarter. The heinous crimes and atrocities that had been perpetrated on the Muslim tribes could not be left to go unnoticed and unpunished. (7) Abu Bakr (Rad.A), therefore, decreed that any threat of intransigence and terrorist activity was to be met with all the strength of arms that could be mustered, for^the Caliph believed that only after a thorough conquest, would the peace, that followed, be of art abiding character and a boon for all the parties concerned. EXPEDITION TO IRAQ (PERSIAN EMPIRES) There was a lot of confusion during those days in the Persian Empire. A child, Yezdgird, was ruling over the Empire under the supervision of a lady, Puran Dukht. The Persians helped the rebels of Bahrain and had done all they could do to crush Islam. There were certain Arab tribes living near the border. Some of them accepted Islam which others were Christians. Muthanna, the chief of a border tribe (Wa’il) accepted Islam. Since the bordering Arabs tribes of Iraq (Persia at that time) were the main target of persecution by the Persians. Muthanna and his companions took advantage of the internal conflict of Persian Empire and started small fights. In order that the Persians may not wage a full scale war against Muslims, Abu Bakr (Rad.A) permitted Muthanna to go ahead with his scheme. But later Muthanna came to Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) and sought his permission for a regular fight. The Muslims were endangered by the Persian Empire which wasted to wipe out the increasing power and might of Muslims. Moreover they were not pleased with the help given by the Persians to the Bahrain rebels. Abu Bakr (Rad.A) after consulting his ”Shura” (Advisory Council) permitted him to start full scale war on the condition that first he must invite Persians to Islam peacefully. Since Muthanna was not much experienced, Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) 204 Political and C iltural History of Islam ordered his great general Hazrat Khalid bin Walid (Rad.A) to proceed immediately to reinforce Muthanna’s army. It was the first month of the year 12 A.H. (633 A.D). Hazrat Khalid met the Muthanna’s army at Ubullah. BATTLE OF CHAINS (633 A.D./12 A.H.) Hafir was the place where the first battle between Muslims and Persians took place. Persians were under the command of Hurmuz, a famous Persian general. According to Islamic practice and advice given by the Caiiph, Hazrat Khalid invited the Persians to Islam and wrote to them. Our aim is not to fight. Accept Islam, the peaceful way, and you wil be safe. If not then clear our way to the people so that we may exj lain this beautiful way of life to them. If you accept Islam you will have to pay Jizya (Defence Tax) to the Caliphate. If you do not agree to any of these conditions then the only alternative is the use of sword. Before deciding on the third alternative you should keep in your mind that I am bringing against you a people who love death more than you love your life.” Hazrat Khalid (Rad.A) was right in telling that Muslims loved death in the path of Allah more than 1 ”e loved by .ion-believers. When a Muslim dies in the path of Allah rte is a martyr and gets into Paradise before his blood falls on the earth. Persians weie too proud and paid no attention to Hazrat Khalid’s invitation. A battle took place at Hafir and Persians were defeated and routed. In order not to run from the battlefield the Persian soldiers had tied themselves to one another with chains. Due to this the battle is known as the Battle of Chains. But it proved fruitless because of the effective attack of Muslims. Even the commander of the Persian army was killed in the battle. After the * Battle of Chain at Hafir some other small skirmishes took p’ace at Madhar, Walja and Ullis etc. Each time the Muslims fought with a new force several times bigger but they defeated the Persians not because of their n imber and weapons but due to the power of Iman and trust in Allah. THE FALL OF HIRA AND BATTLE OF FIRAZ (634 A.P 13AJL) Hira was a famous fort< ^f the Persians. After fighting the small battles Jescribed above i sazrat Khalid besieged the city of Hira. Persians, resisted in the beginning but later on they surrendered Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad. A.) 205 to Muslims. Hazrat Khalid bin Walid imposed Jizya (Defence Tax) on them. Then he captured other places including Dumatal Jandal. Some frontier Arab chiefs also submitted to Khalid. The last battle of this expedition of Hazrat Khalid took place at Firaz. A huge force of Persian Arabs (residing in Iraq) and Syrians who joined Persians in that battle crossed the river Euphrates. A fierce battle was fought on the 15th Dhul Qadah, 12 A.H. Hazrat Khalid routed the enemies and conquered the place. By this victory whole of South and most of ..he North Iraq was conquered. Then Hazrat Khalid returned to Hira. HAZRAT KHALID BIN WALID, SAIFULLAH (THE SWORD OF ALLAH) Hazrat Khalid bin Walid (Rad.A) proved to be the most successful general of Islam. With a hfndf.il of troops he was able not to overcome all internal rebellions but aL»o to make Arabia safe foi Islam. Then he proceeded to Iraq and gained victory after victory. It was for his abilities, which were foreseen by the Hol> Prophet, that Khalid was given the title of ”Saifullah” i.e. Allah’s Sword. Hazrat Abu Bakr was quick to recognize Khalid’s (Rad.A) ability he put him incharge of the Iraqi campaign. Hazrat Khalid’s (Rad.A) performance in this campaign has no parallel in history. With an army of a little more than ten thousand men, Khalid (Rad.A) overcame a major part of Iraq and brought it under the banner of Islam. At many times he defeated ei>emies twenty times than his own arm>. Hazrat Khalid (Rad.A) knew that success did not lie in the hands of majority or minority. It lies in the hands ef Allah Almighty. He declared many times that they were not fighting for, the sake of land or fame, their aim was to proclaim Allah’s Kahmah (Allah’s message). When Allah was with them they did noi fear any power. Once he wrote a letter to a comrnandet ut Persian army near Hirai ”Al! praise is due to Allah who lumbled your pride, and disunited you, and destroyed your might. Accept Islam you will be in peace: or pay Jizya (the Defence Tax) and let us spread Allah’s Message. If you do not accept any of these conditions then listtn I have brjught with me such people who love death more than >ou love life ” In Iraq, Hazrat Khalid tought fifteen battles and won complete victory in all of them Hazrat Khalld was not only a great general and conqueror but also a great administratoi He appointed a deputy and a Qazi (Judge) at every place whicr he conquered. Some Muslim teachers 206 Political and Cultural History of Islam were also left to teach Islam to the converts and to preach to nonMuslims by peaceful means. Seeing the character of the noble souls and the natural beauty of Islam, most of the time, entire population entered the folds of Islam. It is a fact that by sword or force only tongues cculd be won not the hearts. It was really the character of Muslims in those days that won the hearts of entire population where they lived. This is a clear proof that Islam never spread by sword or force. Sword was used to clear the way for preaching this truthful way of life, and when people realised its value, grandeur and significance they went all out for it. Iman (Faith) in the affirmation of the heart not of the tongue and the heart could never be won by sword. Character has greater force than sword and this force was, of course, with the Muslims. Unlike most of warriors Hazrat Khalid, the Saifullah (Rad.A) was an extremely kind hearted man. He had given strict orders to his army to follow all the principles of Islam. They were not allowed to da any harm to farmers and other civilians. The army treated the civilians with kindness and respect. This was a surprise for the conquered people. Instead of molesting the women they found the soldiers worshipping and crying before Allah all night. This was something new for them. It was said about Muslims conquerors of the time: ”They rode on the back of horse during the day (to fight in the path of Allah) and on the back of Mussalla (the piece of cloth used for prayers) in the night (to worship Allah). ”The word by word t’anslation is given here to put emphasis. It actually meant they fo” ~’. in the path of Allah throughout the day and worshipped \Hah throughout the night. Of course even during the day they were punctual in obligatory Salats. ’ As mentioned above the month of Dhul-Qadah, 12 A.H, marked the end of Hazrat Khalid bin Walid’s campaign in Iraq. He then returned to the headquarters at Hira. After resting for a while he took a few men with him and came to Makkah for Hajj and returned to Hira after performing the Hajj. On hearing about Khalid’s presence at the Hajj, Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was amazed but he forbade him not to leave his army alone in future. EXPEDITION TO SYRIA (BYZANTINE EMPIRE) It has been stated in the life of the Holy Prophet that the envov of the Holy Prophet, Dihya al-Kalbi, was killed by Syrians in 6 A H. while he was on a mission to Roman Emperor. As a result of wh ch there was the battle of Ivtutah. Later the Hol> Prophet himself Hazrat Abu Hakr (Rad A.) 207 marched with 50,000 men to Tabuk (a border post of Syria) when he heard about the invasion plan of Syrians (he knew as Romans because Syria was a province of Eastern Roman Empire, the Byzantine at that time). Since Syrians did not turn up to fight, the Holy Prophet and his Companions returned without any iight. Again there was a danger of Syrian invasion and the Holy Prophet appointed Hazrat Usarrah bin Zaid as the commander of the army which was later sent by Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) when he assumed the office of the Caliphate. It has been mentioned before that Hazrat Usamah (Rad.A) returned victorious after about forty days. Afterwards Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was informed about the clashes at Syrians border and about the plan of invasion by Roman (i.e., Syrians). This was the time when Heraclius was the Emperor of Byzantine Empire with Constantinople (Istanbul as the capital). When Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) found that the Romans (Byzaatines) began to conspire against the Muslims in co-operation with the Bedouins of the Syrian frontier, he consulted the ”Shura” (Advisory Council) and decided to save the frontiers. As mentioned before, the aim was never to conquer other places. The blame totally lay upon the foreign powers who always encouraged the rebels and by sending them reinforcement attempted to shatter the nascent power of Muslims. Even western historians like Sir William Muir admit that the Muslim leaders were not responsible for the wars with Persia and Byzantine. A famous Muslim historian, M.M/ Siddiqi writes in his book, ”Development of Islamic State and Society” ”These (the wars) were not started by Muslims, nor was there slightest attempt on the past of the Islamic leader’s to impose their own way of life on the foreign peoples. True Islam was a missionary religion and expanding force. The Holy Prophet himself had invited the ruling monarchs of the surrounding countries to accept Islam. But he had never, by word or deed, tried to trespass their domains”. To take strong action against Romans (Byzantines) was also necessary keeping in view the Arab trade with Syria as the border clashes made the trade routes dangerous. So in the year 13 A.H., he raised a big army and divided it into four battalions. Each battalion was put under the command of an experienced general. They had to march in different directions. Hazrat Abu Ubaidah bin al-Jarrah had to march on Hims, Hazrat ’Amr bin al-A’s on Palestine, Yazid bin Sufyan on Damascus, and Shurahbeel bin 208 Political and Cultural History of Islam Hasnah on Jordan (which was a part of Syria at that time). The army was divided into many companies so that the enemy may not hit with full force on any one of the battalions. The total ni’mber of men was 27,000. At the time of departure of the army Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) gave some valuable pieces of advice to each commander. A few of them are as under. (1) Always fear Allah because He knew what the hearts conceal. (2) Treat your sujordinat.es well. (3) Honour the representatives of your enemies. (4) Always be truthful. (5) Keep away from untruthful men and be intimate with those who are truthful and faithful. (6) Do not be dishonest in any way. (7) Do not disturb saints and worshippers of other religions. (8) Do not destroy places of worship. (9) Do not kill a women, an old man and children and those who are not fighting with you (i.e.. civilians). (10) Do not cut flowering trees. (11) Do not ruin any populated place. (12) Do not kill goats, camels and catties besides what you need to eat. (13) Do not burn gardens. (14) Do not be dishonest in booty. When Heracleus heard about the Islamic armies, he also sent four armies to face them. Each of those armies was several times bigger than the total ’Islamic army. The Muslim commanders informed Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) about the situation and sought reinforcement. They also informed him about their proposal to merge the four armies under one command. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) approved the proposal of merger. On receiving orders from the Caliph, Hazrat Khalid handed over the charge of affairs in Iraq to Muthanna bin Harith, and hastened to Syria at the head of ten thousand men. Hazrat Khalid (Rad.A) faced some resistance at army places on his way to Syria and conquered many cities and forts including Iraq, Rahit, and Busra, Busra was a city in Syria, thus Hazrat Khalid conquered the first place in Syria before he joined the Allied Islamic forces. At last he Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad. A.) 209 reached Ajnadyn in the month of Rabi-ul-Thani 13 A.M. (according to some historians he reached i” Rabi-ul-Awwal).5 THE BATTLE OF AJNADAYN (634 A.D./13 A.H.) When Hazrat Khalid reached Ajnadayn he called a council of the commanders of Islamic armies whose total strength was between forty and forty five thousand. The first proposal put before them by suggesting that one of them should act as the commanderin-chief turn by turn each day. The chief command for the first da\ was given to Hazrat Khalid (Rad.A). He divided the army into several sections and put each section under the command of the commander. The Romans were about two hundred fifty thousand in number while the Muslims were little more than forty thousand. When the Islamic and Roman armies faced each other somebody among the Muslims remarked: ”How numerous is the Roman army! ”Hazrat Khalid said, ”The number of people does not matter. It is the final outcome which is important”. At last the battle started. In the beginning the Romans put pressure upon Muslims. Seeing this Tkrimah bin Abu Jahl took pledge of some Muslims that they would not give the field to the enemy and would fight into death. The Roman army was headed by Theodore, brother of Heraclius, the Emperor but there was not that type of discipline in their army as Muslims demonstrated. A fierce battle was fought. The Romans horsemen would not bear the brunt of Muslim attack, and started to flee. Roman cavalry was totally discomfited. Then Muslim forces fell on their infantry and disposed its ranks. Thus Romans were badly defeated and took shelter in the trench but were chased and slaughtered in large numbers- Three thousand Muslims were martyred in this battle. Defeat at the battle of Ajnadayn was a great shock to Byzantium. After the victory at Ajnadayn the Muslim armies marched forward and laid siege to Damasc is. In the meantime Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) fell sick. He received the news of the victory at Ajnadayn when he was confined to bed. Von Kramer has made the following observation on the Muslim conquest of Arabia: ”Islam was everywhere triumphant. fo Medina the caravans wended their way with booty of war, or with money paid in as taxes or money paid in as tributes. Great enough Muhammad Arshad. Islamic Histor>, P 210 Political and Cultural History cjIslam were the direct successes of Islam but greater still were the indirect ones Apart from the extraordinary progress of the new religion, which convii ed the rude sons of the desert more than anything else of its truth, the religi-Ais war at home led to a complete transformation of the social conditions throughout ihe peninsula . The daz, :i. • brilliance of the victories that had made the haughty apostates prostrate themselves before the Caliphate, vindic. ted Islam as formidable and triumphant force that had come to stay Islam had er rged as the national religion of Arabia. Here and there the lawless Bedouins still showed signs of resentme at the payment of Zakal and in the earlier stages of the development of Arabia as a nation abhorred the settled andorderly life of the towns: but on the whole, Islam effected a complete transformation in the character and outlook of the life of the tribes, biingmgas it did into the lives of the most unruly elements, discipline, loyalty and respect for the authority of a central government and spreading the peace of God among the believers. Out of the disintegration, chaos and turmoil that threatened to engulf the peni nsula after the Holy Prophet’s death, Abu Bakr (Rad.A) evolved tranquility, order, discipline and peace, Ethically, Islam inspired the tribes with new values belief in the unity of God taking the place of superstition and ,dol-worship. It also gave them a personal cosmopolitan outlook instead of the narrow and restricted vision that had been theirs before and which had prevented them from seeing beyond the ””mediate interests of their clan or township. Politically, Islam welded them into a nation, but over and above the feelings of nationalism it also established the fraternity and equality of all rnankinc on earth. Ihe old social structure, its vanities and special injustices became more and more discredited as the roots of the new theocracy sunk deeper and deeper into the Arabian soil. Culturally, the Qur’anic revelation provided a great impetus to learning and scholarship and the dreary darkness of ignorance, in which Arabia had been groping for long ages was now dispelled, by the light of the new fa.th. Islam was, therefore, a great deal more than a new religion, it was also a new form of government and the foundation ofa new learning. For this remarkable achievement, Abu Bakr (Rad.A) deserves more credit than any man, saveonty the Holy Proi**; °” whom be peace. With wisdom and foresigjit, Abu BaKr v^a”-< •/ launched the campaigns that were to veld the* peninsula into an indivisible whole and which would transform discord and hatred into HazratAbu Bakr (Rad. A.) 211 a national solidarity that nothing could overthrow. The strength of Islam was to prove itself solid as a rock against which in the centuries to come more than one empire was to hurl itself in vain. Today, in the twentieth century the distinct individuality of the Muslims and their culture still bears witness to the sweeping transformation that Islam brought about in Arabia fourteen hundred years ago. Abu Bakr’s (Rad.A) reign the civil and executive powers of the Amils were delegated to his military commanders who also collected taxes. However, as soon as was practicable Abu Bakr (Rad.A) removed the Revenue Department from the jurisdiction of the army commanders, and appointed separate officials to deal with Finance. In the smaller provinces and sub-divisions Abu Bakr (Rad.A) appointed commissioners to represent the Caliph in the territory entrusted to their charge, and although the powers of these officials were restricted in theory they were in fact unlimited in practice. Undef Abu Bakr (Rad.A) the administrative units of Arabia were as follows: (1) Makkah, (2) Ta’yf, (3) San’a, (4) Zabid, (5) Janad, (6) Thur (Muzaina), (7) Khaulun, (8) Najran, (9) Bahrayn, (TO) Dumat al-Jandal, (11) Medina the metropolis of the Caliphate. Syria was divided into the following four units: (1) Damascus, (2) Himis, (3) Urdun, and (4) Filistin (Palestine). Abu Bakr (Rad.A) further appointed an Ameer in every large town in Southern Arabia to safeguard its economic and political interests. Southern Arabia having been a great commercial centre from pre-historic times its people had reached a high pitch of civilization. It was, however, to Medina that the Caliph attached the greatest importance-the city of his Master and the metropolis of the Muslim commonwealth-and he personally governed the city through a Council of Elders. THE GOVERNORS AND THEIR DUTIES The Governors who administered the far-flung divisions of [ the Empire held the most important offices of the State. They were | the representatives of the Caliph, responsible to him alone, and they I were also the chief executive officers of the province under them. Their most important duties were to: 212 (1) Political and Cultural History of Islam Officiate and lead Divine service daily in public congregation and to lead ceremonial services; also specially to offer Khutba on Friday. (2) Superintend the army, e.g., the distribution of troops and the disbursement of their pay. (3) Collect all taxes and supervise imports. (4) Maintain law and order and look to the spiritual matters of. the province. (5) Superintend public morals and bring delinquents to book. (6) Supervise the despatch of the annual pilgrim caravans to Makkah. (7) Conduct wars against the unbelievers; and supervise the distribution of the booty and the passing of the Royal Fifth to the State Treasury in Medina. (8) Distribute annuities to old soldiers and their dependents. (9) Pass on the balance of the accounts (after the deduction of al 1 administrative expenses and the pay of the army) to the Royal State Treasury at Medina. (10) Help and improve the condition of the peasantry and develop the trade of the Dhimmis. THE BLEND OF JUDICATURE AND EXECUTIVE During the reign of Abu Bakr (Rad.A) the Governor performed the dual functions of a judge and an executive officer, and it was only in later ages that the two functions were separated and the power of the Governors limited. SECRETARIES AND GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS SERVING UNDER ABU BAKR (RAD.A) The following were the most prominent officers serving in the Government of Abu Bakr (Rad.A). Abu Ubaydah bin al-Jarrah, who, at the beginning of Abu Bakr’s (Rad.A) reign was the Chancellor of the Exchequer; Umar (Rad.A) the chief Qazi; Zaid ibn Thabit (Rad.A), Ali (Rad.A) and Usman (Rad.A) who acted as secretaries of the Commonwealth and who conducted the Caliph’s correspondence and issued instructions to subordinate officers; and the Governors appointed over the territory over which they ruled. The State Revenues For Abu Bakr (Rad.A) the policy governing the collection Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad. A.) • 213 and distribution of state revenues and taxation was ”tax the rich to feed the poor”. The chief sources of state revenue were: (1) Ushr, (tithes) and Zakat (Sadaqah or the poor tax) which was payable by all wealthy Muslims on property and possessions situated within the bounds of the Islamic Commonwealth. (2) Kharaj (the land tax) payable from the produce of the land by non-Muslims in conquered territories. (3) Jizya or the poll tax, payable by non-Muslims. (4) The war booty or the Royal Fifth: Ghanimah and Fay. (5) Miscellaneous, payable in kind by the subject races who were called upon to provide supplies of provisions such as wheat, oil, honey and fat, for the troops stationed in their territory. The Sadaqah, or Alms-tax The Sadaqah came from two different sources: (1) From property the value of which was not disclosed by the owner and which was used for charities nominated by the giver. (2) From property definitely declared, e.g., agricultural Lands, fruit trees, cattle, and golden ornaments. STATE ORGANIZATION The Rule of Law The Arab chroniclers usually describe the judicial administration of Abu Bakr (Rad.A) as ”The Rule of Law”, a phrase which sounds modern to our ears probably borrowed from those early times. The reign of Abu Bakr (Rad.A) saw the establishment of the principles of legality and impartiality-i.e. the people began to be governed, not by the arbitrary will of an individual, but by the law and by a law that was applicable to everyone irrespective of rank or wealth or official status. The application of the law of Islam was an assurance for the people that the courts were there to protect them and the judges who were the custodians of justice, performed their judicial functions without any pressure from outside or above. No interference was ever made by the State with regard to the rights of private citizens and any aggrieved person whether Muslim «r nonMuslim could have recourse to the courts for settlement of disputes ^o single instance is to be found where the executive encroached 214 Political and Cultural History of Islam upon the authority of the judiciary and many cases are cited of Amils and Ameers being tried by ordinary judges even when the complainants were non-Muslims To us moderners there appears nothing unusual in this but in those early days such an equitable legal system represented an important stage in the development of legal morality and a considerable advance on the European States of those times, where the clergy and the nobility were exempted from the jurisdiction of ordinary laws in ordinary courts and where under the Feudal System, the poor received scant justice at the manorial courts established by the landlords. In the face of such comparison the Muslims of today may well look back with pride to the days of Abu Bakr (Rad.A) and to the origin of their legal system. The Origin of the Judiciary and the Duties of a Qazi The founder of the judiciary in Islam was the Holy Prophet and he appointed Ali (Rad.A) as his first Qazi. This was during the ministry at Medina and Ali (Rad.A) served at Yaman. To become a Qazi a man had to be of irreproachable character and there were clear-cut rules governing his conduct, of which some of the most important were: (1) A Qazi should be impartial and honest so that he might administer the law equitably. (2) A Qazi should not be of an irascible temper but should be moderate, well-balanced and patient. (3) The burden of proof should lie \\ith the plaintiff. (4) Should the defendant be unable to produce evidence his affidavit should be considered admissible. (5) The contending parties could always compound their disputes except in offences committed against Qur’anic laws. (6) A Qazi even after having delivered his verdict could reconsider his decision. (7) Cases should as far as possible be decided at one sitting. (8) Should the defendant riot appear in court on the date of the hearing, the case would be decided ex-parte against him. (9) Every Muslim was eligible to give evidence save those who -e had previously been convicted or those who had previously given false evidence or against whom perjury had been established.’, Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad. A.) 215 ADMINISTRATION OF HAZRAT ABU BAKR (Rad.A) Democratic Way of His Government Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) gave the first lesson to whole mankind of ’Government by the people’ when nobody knew about it. On every occasion he decided matters after due consultation with eminent companions. He used to say: ”I am but the Khalifah (deputy) of the Prophet of Allah” (i e I have tu foiiow o:>!y the ways of the Holy Prophet). Many a time he told the people: ”I swear by Allah, I never liked to be a ”Khalifah. I even never thought about it. nor desired it either secretly or openly. The yoke of ”Khalifat” has been put on my neck by force. 1 wish to transfer this trust to a more suitable person”’. Once some Muslims complained to him about the strictness of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) and said, ”He is behaving in such a way as though he is the ”Khalifah” instead of you”. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) told them, ”of course, he is the fittest person to be the Khalifah”. I am but a humble servant of Almighty, who has been forced to take charge of this high office.” Shura (Council of Advisors) Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) always decided matters of state after consultation. There was a special ”Shura” for this purpose. Although the selection or the election of such council did not ta1’ „ place after public voting, but the prominent figures included ’)fl fjie ”Shura the most popular persons in the public. If an ele-^,^ as we know it today, had taken piace at (hat time, all of t’ Ibn-i-Sa’d has recorded uT’t whenever Hazrat Abu Bakar faced a problem, he called eminent Mu’:?j».•’’•> and Ansar and the following people (i.e. following people were the permanent members of the ”Shura”): Hazrat Umar (Rad.A), Usman, Ali. Abdur Rahman bin Auf, Mu’adh bin Jabal, Ubaiy bin Ka’b and Zaid bin Thabit (Rad.A)”. On special occasions common consultation took place in 216 Political and Cultural HistoryOy/s/flm which all the prominent Muhajirin and An^ar were calied besides the above mentioned companions were called for consultation.6 Appointment of Officers For public offices, Hazrat Abu B^r (Rad.A) did not choose his sons or family members, but gave ths ciiance to people of high merit. Whenever he appointed an offn>er; he advised him and explained his duties. On the appointment of ’Amr bin A’s and Walid bin Uqbah as the collector of the Zakat fr^m tne trjbe of Quda’ah, he advised them as follows: ”Fear Allah operi|v ancj secretly. whosoever fears Allah. He provides him sustenanc^ from sucn source about which he never thought. Whosoever fear^ Allah, Allah forgives his sins and gives him double reward. No dou^ to have goodwill for the people is great piety. You are on such a w^y tnat yOU mav go beyond the prescribed limits very easily Suck to me ru|es prescribed by the religion and that would save you from all evj|s.” When he appointed Yazid bin S’ifyan as the Governor of Syrja ne gave him following advice. ”O Yazid! you have relations in Syr\a, do not try to give unlawful benefits to your kins. Of this I am afrajd of my officers. The Holy Prophet said: if a Muslim officer appOints his kins on big posts which they do not deserve, he will |,e cursed for that by Allah and Allah will not accept any of hisexcu^es or apology for that until he enters Hell.” Supervision Over Officers He was a strict administrator an^j never allowed any of his officers to behave in an irregular manner whenever he found any officer amiss, He immediately warned him, Qnce on some mistake he wrote to Hazrat KISid bin Walid ”You are enjOying and the bloo^’ of Muslims is flowing nea;by yourtent”. , /’ Officers of His Government The capital of the State was Medir Masud-u Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad. A.) 217 The Governor of Makkah was Hazrat Utba bin Usaid. He and Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) died the same day. Governors of other places were as under: Ta’if Usinan bin al A’s San’a Muhajir bin Umayyad Hadramaut Zaid bin Ubaid Kholan ( a part of Yaman) Ya’la bin Ubaid South Yaman Abu Musa al-Ash’ari Janad (a part of Yaman) Muadh bin Jabal Bahrain Ala bin al-Hadrami Dumatul Jandal Ayaz bin Ghanam Iraq Muthanna bin Harith Najran Jarir bin Abdullah Near the end of his reign, Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) had appointed following commanders of Islamic armies in Syria: Abu Ubaidh bin al-Jarrah, Yazid bin Abi Sufyan, ’Amr bin al-A’s and Shurahbeel bin Hasnah. Hazrat Khalid bin Walid (Rad.A) was the commander-in-chief and the greatest general of Islam during the time of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A). Baitul Mai and Revenue Administration Dm ing the time of the Holy Prophet and also during the peiiod of Abu Bakr (Rad.A) there was no separate department for revenue, Zakat, Sadaqa and other taxes and booty used to come to Medina for Baitul Mai which was under the charge of Abu Ubaidah bin Jarrah (before his departi.ite to Syria as the commander of an army). Whatever funds came in the Baitul Mai were distributed among the needy and the poor immediately. During the later period of his Khilafat Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) built a house for Baitul Mai but at no time money or any other thing accumulated in it. Once somebody asked Abu Bakr (Rad.A) to take care of the safety of Baitul Mai, he said that one lock was enough for that because much was not allowed to lie in it.’ During the first year of his Khilafat he gave ten Dirhams as a stipend to each adult in Medina whether he vva^ a free- person or a slave, next year when the income had increased he distributed twenty dirhams to each person. In this way he gave the same status to slave 1 Histoij ot I dily Caliphate. 1’ 101 218 Political and Cultural History of Islam as that to free person because in human needs all were equal. After the death of Abu Bakr (Rad.A) when Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) checked the Baitul Mai in the presence of Hazrat Abdur Rahman and Hazrat Usman (Rad.A), he found only one dirham in it, he exclaimed, ”May Allah bless Abu Bakr (Rad.A).” Then he called the treasury officer and asked him, ”How much money did come in revenue for Baitul Mai? ”He replied,” two hundred thousand Dinars”. (Dirham was a silver coin in those days while Dinar was a gold coin). Following were the main sources of revenue: Zakat, Ushr (Special Land tax on lands), Jizya (Indemnity tax), and Booty Army and Its Administration There was no regular Islamic force during the time of the Holy Prophet. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) also followed his example. However, when any army departed during his time, he divided it into various battalions. Each battalion was put under the command of an officer, who was under the control of the commander of the whole army. Moreover, he also appointed commander-in-chief of various armies. The commander-in-chief of the four armies sent to Syria was Hazrat Khalid bin Wa’id (Rad.A) who was also known as ”Amir-ulUmara”, as mentioned in some books of history. He took particular care of the moral training of the military personnel when he sent armies to Syria, he gave the following instructions to tticnr ”During your expedition you would find some people who devote themseJvcr exclusively to worship their creator. Don’t disturb them and leave them in their sanctuaries. I give you the following advice: (i) Don’t kill any women, children or old person; (ii) Don’t cut any flowering tree; (in) Don’t destroy any inhabitant place; (iv) Don’t kill camels or goat except when you need them for your meals; (v) Don’t burn an oasis; (vi) Don’t be dishonest in booty; (vii) Don’t be coward in the field.” He reserved a part of the revenue for the purchase of arms and for the maintenance offerees. Special pastures were reserved for horses and camels used in the battles. One of such pastures was situated in Baqi and another was situated at Rabadha. He also used to inspect army Camps. There were no permanent cantonments during his time. Once an Islamic army was encamped at Jarf, Hazrat Abu Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad. A.) 219 Bakr (Rad.A) himself went to inspect the army of Banu Fazarah. Seeing him all the men stood up in his honour and said. ”God bless you”, some of them said. ”O Khalifah of the Prophet of Allah! we have brought healthy horses and mares, and we are very good riders. Please give us a big standard”. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) said. ”I can’t give you a big standard because it has already been taken by Banu Abs”.8 The Department of Muftis (Jurists) Besides the judiciary in which Qazis used to decide the cases, there was a special department of Muftis whose duty was to solve various problems of Muslims in the light of the ”Holy Qur’an” and the ”Sunnah” of the Holy Prophet. Following were the Muftis in Medina: Hazrat Umar, Ali, Usman, Abdur Rahman bin Auf, Mu’adh bin Jabal, Ubaiy bin Ka’b, and Zaid bin Thabit. No other person besides them was entitled to give verdict or to lay down rules of Islamic Law to Muslims in the light of the ”Holy Qur’an” and the Sunnah. Judiciary The Judiciary was totally separate from the executive. The Judges appointed by Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) were Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) and Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) in Medina. Being a great Jurist Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was also a Judge and gave decisions on various cases. Punishments He used to give punishments as prescribed in the Holy Qur’an or told by the Holy Prophet. He did not establish any police force or any department for it. However, he appointed Hazrat ’Abdullah bin Mas’ud as the Sentinel to take care of crimes. He also laid down such punishments which were given in the ”Holy Qur’an” or ”Sunnah”. For example he fixed punishment of forty lashes for drinking liquor. He also paid special attention to the safety of highways and various parts of the state. He gave severe punishments to robbers and persons committing breach of peace. Division of Arabian Peninsula into Various Provinces Hazrat Abu Bakr Siddique (Rad.A) divided the Peninsula into various provinces for convenience of administration. In his time following were the provinces of Arabia, Medina, Makkah, Taif, San’a (North Yaman), Yaman (i.e. South Yaman). Najran, Hadramaut, Bahrain and Dumatul- Jandal. Every province was under Shah Moin-ud-Din Ahmad Nadvi, Tarikhe Khulfa-i-Rashidm, (Urdu) P. 153. 220 Political and Cultural Histonj of Islam the control of a Governor who was the chief executive officer of that region. He did not change the Governors or officers appointed by the Holy Prophet during his time.9 He devoted his full energy to administration of the newly born Islamic State. Hazrat Abu Bakr’s (Rad.A) reign was short and full of rebellions, still his administration was very sound. He followed the footsteps of Holy Prophet faithfully and to the fullest possible extent and kept strict watch over the affairs of his government. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) always helped him in administration and justice and fulfilled the promise made by him at the time of the election of Abu Bakr (Rad.A). He laid down the foundation of a true Islamic republic upon democratic principles. His strong faith and trust in Allah were reflected in his administration. A western historian, Sir W. Muir writes: ”His reign was short, but after Muhammad (PBUH) himself there is none to whom the Faith was more dear.” DEATH AND REVIEW OF HIS ACHIEVEMENTS Illness of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) and Umar’s Nomination It was the 7th Jamad-ul-Akhira, 13 A.H. that Abu Bakr (Rad.A) fell ill. He had a severe fever. When the illness took a serious turn he called the ”Shura” to consult about his successor, the second Caliph. Since he had seen some confusion after the demise of the Holy Prophet for the selection of a Caliph, he preferred to let the Muslims decide the matter in his presence. Following were the leading figures present in the Shura. Umar, Usman, AH, Abdur Rahman bin Auf, Muadh bin Jabal, Zaid bin Thabit and other leading Muliajirin and Ansar. According to some historians he first consulted some of the most prominent companions before calling the meeting of the General Shura about this. Among these persons were Usman, Abdur Rahman bin Auf and Usaid bin Hadir etc. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) put his proposal for Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) to be the second Caliph- All of them agreed with the proposal except for an objection by some of the companions about his strictness that was the only ground on which Hazrat AM (Rad.A) and Talha (Rad.A) also did not agree with Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A). But Abu Bakr (Rad.A) rejected their plea on the ground that burden of Caliphate would make him milder. Since there was no opposition to Hazrat Abu Bakr’s (Rad.A) view, Hazrat Umar (Rad A) was declared to be the next Caliph and Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad. A.) 221 all the companions, including Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) and Hazrat Talha (Rad.A), agreed to it.10 At this point I would like to point out that the decision of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) for the selection of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) in his presence during his life was purely based on his ”Ijtihad” (personal judgment of a Jurist) as explained by him after his nomination of Umar (Rad.A) was recorded. As a matter of fact it was the need of the time and Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was totally right in his ”Ijtihad”. The proof of this is also the ”Ajma” (agreement) of the companions on his proposal to select a Caliph while he was still alive. Although the appointment of the Caliph did not take place in the same way as it happened with Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A). It was not undemocratic in the sense that the nomination of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) took place after fair consultation with the ”Shura”. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) never wanted anything which would make Islam weak after him. He knew what had happened after the death of the Holy Prophet the repetition of which was to be avoided. The strength of the Muslim community lay in unity and that had to be preserved at any cost. For these reasons Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) wanted an agreed person to be nominated as his successor in his presence. Therefore he took a decision by ”Ijtihad” for the nomination of a Caliph after due consultation. After the ”Shura” had agreed on Hazrat Umar (Rad.A), Haztat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) asked Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) to wirte the will. This is the declaration which is made by Abu Bakr bin Abi Quhafah (Rad.A) which he is about to leave for the next world. At this time even a non-believer starts to believe and even a great sinner returns to faith, and a disbeliever begins to trust in Allah. I appoint Umar bin Khattab (Rad.A) as the Caliph. You must follow his orders and obey him. I have done everything good for the sake of Allah, for His Holy Prophet and for the welfare of his religion and Muslims and for myself in appointing him. I hope that he would be honest and just but if he changes his ways and becomes unjust, I would have no responsibility, as I do not have the knowledge of the unseen. Everybody is responsible for what he does.”11 Afterwards he went up to his balcony with the help of some persons and addressed a big gathering of Muslims: ”O my brothers! I l> Akhar Shah Napb Ahadi larikhe Islam (Urdu)P31l ’ Saeed Ahmad Akbar Abadi, Siddique-i-Akbar (Rad A) (Urdu) P 125 Saeed Ahmad Akbar Abbadi, P 106 222 Political and Cultural History of Islam Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad. A.) 223 have not appointed any of my relations or brothers as a Caliph. I have chosen the best person among you. Do you agree on this. All of them replied in the affirmative. Then he called Umar (Rad.A) and talked with him for a long time and gave him words of parting advice. Some of them are as under: ”O Umar (Rad.A) always fear Allah. An optional deed is not accepted unless the obligatory deed is done. The weight of your goodness would be heavy on the Day of Judgement. If you followed the right path in this world. The deeds of the persons who followed wrong path in this world be having no weight on the Day of Judgement. They will have a terrible time. Make the Holy Qur’an and Truth your guide for success. Umar (Rad.A) if you follow the path propose for you. I will surely be by your side.” Abu Bakr (Rad.A), a Saviour of Islam Siddique Akbar took the office of Caliphate at the most crucial and critical moment of Islamic history. He gave Islam a new life after the death of the Holy Prophet. Islam in its infant stage, when he was entrusted with the responsibility of Caliphate, was threatened by rebellions, rise of false Prophets and apostasy movement. He crushed all the futile powers because of his unshakable faith. No amount of difficulties could make him deviate from the Sunnah of the Holy Prophet. He brought unity among the Muslims and crushed all the rebellions. In view of his great service for the cause of Islam at that critical moment when there was a lot of confusion Abu Bakr (Rad.A) may rightly be called the Saviour of Islam. It was in the time of Abu Bakr (Rad.A) that Islam started to cross the Arabian borders. A major part of Iraq came under his rule and Muslim armies had captured many important cities of Syria. Thus Islam, the religion of the whole mankind, started to be a world religion in his period. Collection of the Holy Qur’an One of the greatest services rendered to Islam by Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was the collection of the Holy Qur’an. There were hundreds of Huffaz among the companions during the lifetime of the Holy Prophet but it had not been complied in book form though its memorization continued even after the death of the Holy Prophet. In various battles which took place against rebels and false Prophets, a number of Huffaz companions were martyred. In the battle against Musailimah al- Kazzab about seventy Huffaz had died. It then occurred to Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) that necessary steps should be taken to preserve the Holy Qur’an intact in its original form against every kind of danger and it was not wise to depend exclusively upon those who had learnt it by heart. Therefore, he urged Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) to put it in black and white in the form of a book. Other companions also agreed with Umar’s (Rad.A) opinion but Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) hesitated in the beginning because it was not done by the Holy Prophet. However after some discussion he agreed to it and appointed Hazrat Zaid bin Thabat (Rad.A) for this work who was hesitant at first but later, he changed his mind and started the work. Hazrat Zaid bin Thabet (Rad.A) was the best qualified person for this work because he had acted as an amanuensis to the Holy Prophet, and was one of the companions who had learnt the Holy Qur’an directly from him. Moreover, he was also present on the occasion when the Holy Prophet recited the whole of the completed Holy Qur’an angel Gebriel. Hazrat Zaid bin Thabit adopted the same order of the various chapters of the Holy Book as was revealed to the Holy Prophet. In the compilation of the Holy Book a number of prominent companions assisted him. The complied copy of the Qur’an was kept in the house of Ummul Mu’minin, Hazrat Hafsah (Rad.A) who was one of the wives of the Holy Prophet and daughter of Hazrat Umar. It was proclaimed that anyone, who desired, might make a copy of it or compare with it the copy one already possessed.12 The collection of the Holy Qur’an in a book form was not an act against the Sunnah (ways) of the Holy Prophet because the Holy Qur’an declares itself ”A Book” at a number of places e.g., in the very beginning it says. ”This is the Book” (2:2). During the Caliphate Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) sent copies of the same compilation of the Holy Qur’an, collected during his Caliphate. In this way we see that Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) kept doing the great work of his Holy Prophet with unshakable faith and full courage he had struggled to the utmost. Islam is for ever grateful to its greatest hero, the next to Prophets, for the great services he rendered to it. Hazrat Abu Bakr’s Caliphate lasted for only two years, three months and ten days (according to the Islamic calendar).1 Preaching of Islam As the Khalifah of the Prophet of Allah, he paid special attention towards preaching the right way of life. Because of his ” Shah Moin-ud-Din Ahmad Nadvi. P. 144. ’ Masud-ul-Hasan, P.240. 224 Political and Cultural History of Islam efforts the whole of Arabia once more and for ever re-entered Islam. He gave strict instruCvions to all the armies to call at first, the enemy to Islam. Invitation to Islam was usually given for three days before the start of a battle. A number of tribes in Iraq and other places accepted Islam without any battle when Hazrat Khalid and other commanders preached. Once a Christian Bishop of Hirah accepted Islam after seeing the good conduct of the Muslims. CHARACTER Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was the most distinguished figure of Islam after the Holy Prophet. He was mild and gentle but stern when necessary. He was the true embodiment of Islam. Being diligent, wise, full of wisdom and great statesman, he occupies a unique place in the history of Islam. His name would remain for ever in the minds of Muslims. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was the most pious companion of the Holy Prophet. He never took unlawful meal. Once one of his slaves brought for him some food to eat. He took a morse! out of it but afterwards he learnt that the slave got it as a result of sooth saying. He then remarked, ”Ah! You would have surely killed me.” He tried to disgorge it and when he did not succeed he drank water and then vomited the whole thing out. He never spoke any obscene language in any situation. Once he said a harsh word to Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) which he realized later and asked him to forgive him. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) delayed in excusing him. He was so much perturbed that he went to the Holy Prophet who asked’Umar (Rad.A) to excuse him.14 Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) used to fear Allah most of all. Once he went to a garden where he saw a bird. He sighed deeply and said, ”O bird! you are lucky indeed! You eat and drink as you like and fly but do not have fear of reckoning on the Day of Judgement. I wish that I were just like you. Sometime he said, ”I wish I were a blade of grass whose life ended with the grazing of some beast: or a tree that would be cut and done a\va> with”.’5 He was a great worshipper. It is said that Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) used to perform Salat similar to that of the Holy Prophet. He was the one who spent all of his life belongings for the sake of Allah and His Prophet. The Holy Prophet gave him the glad tidings of Paradise in these words: ”Abu Bakr’s (Rad.A) name shall be called Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad. A.) 225 out from all the gates of Paradise and he will be the first p^.son of my Ummah (people) to enter it”.16 Von Kremer in his immortal work ”The Orient under the Caliphs” says, ”Abu Bakr the successor and representative of the Prophet in the highest affairs of the Muslim community was a simple man of the old Arabian fashion, and when summoned to the Caliphate, he was changed in no respect. Outside the town in a small village,, called Sunah, he lived with his wife Habibah under a tent of camel hide in a style as simple and unostentatious as that of a Bedouin Shaykh. Thus did he live for seven months after his election. In the morning he used to start for the town either on foot or on horse-back, reaching it just before sunrise to conduct the morning prayer. In a similar manner he returned home in the evening. He subsequently came to settle in town, but h’s household always remained as unpretentious as ever. He had oniy one slave who after finishing the domestic work, made himself useful by cleaning the swords of the faithful”. H.G. Wells says, ”The true embodiment of the spirit of Islam was not Muhammad (PBUH) but his close friend and supporter Abu Bakr. There can be little doubt that if Muhammad (PBUH) was the mind and imagination of primitive Islam, Abu Bakr was its conscience and its will. Throughout their life together it was Muhammad (PBUH) who said the thing, but it was Abu Bakr who believed the thing”. ”And then Abu Bakr, with that faith which moves mountains, set himself simply and sanely to organise the subjugation of the whole world to Allah-with small armies of 3,000 or 4,000 Arabs-according to those letters the Prophe. had written from Medina in 628 A.D. to all tne monarchies ofJ.v won’J”. H.G. Wells further says, ”And the fttempt came near to succeeding. Had there been in Islam a score o/men, younger men to carry on his work, it would certainly have succeeded. It came near to succeeding, because Arabi; was now a centre of faith and will, and because nowhere else in tht tvorld until Chi^a was reached, unless it was upon the steppes of Russia or Turkestan, was there another community of free-spirited men with any power of belief in their rulers and leaders”. 14 A A/iz. Abu Bakr (Rad A). P 104 15 Muhammad Ah, Early Caliphate. P.58 1 William Muir, Rise and Fall of Caliphate, P. 160 226 Political and Cultural History of {slant According to Encyclopedia of Islam, ”His was a gentle character. During the reading of Quran, he shed tears, a thing that made a great impression on many, but especially on the women; and as his daughter related, he wept with joy at the news that he might accompany (Muhammad) in his emigration”. ”No sacrifice was too great in his eyes for u,? sake of the new faith. Thus it came about that °f h’s considerable fortune estimated at 40,000 dirhrnSj he brought to Medina the small sum of 5,000 d’h’hms”. Sir William Muir says, ”Abu Bakr had no thought of personal aggrandisement Endowed with sovereign and the irresponsible power, he used it simply for the interests of Islam and the people’s good. But the grand secret of his strength was faith in Muhammad”. Lane Poole on the charactei of Abu Bakr, ”Abu Bakr’s calf*1 judgment and quick sagacity joined to a gentle and compassionate heart, were of incalculable service to the faith of Islam”. Edward Gibbon says, ”From tne rapid conquests of the Saf^cens a presumption will naturally arise that the first Caliphs coitunandfcd in person the armies of the faithful, and sought the crown of Martyrdom in the foremost ranks of the battle. The courage of Abu Bakr, Umar and Usman had indeed been tried in the persecution and wars of the Prophet; and the personal assurance of paradise must have lairght them to despise the pleasure and dangers of the present world. But they ascended the throne in a venerable or mature age, and esteemed the domestic cares of religion and justice the most important duties of a sovereign. Except the presence of Ujnar at the siege of Jerusalem, their longest expeditions were the frequent pilgrimage from Medina to Makkah; and they calmly received the tidings of victory as they prayed or preached before the sepulcher of the Prophet. The austere and the pride of their simplicity insulted the vain magnificence of the kings of the earth. When Abu Bakr assumed the office of caFph, he enjoined on his daughter A’isha to take a strict account of his patrimony, that it might be evident whether he were enriched or impoverished by the service of the State. He thought himself entitled to a stipend of three pieces of gold, with the sufficient maintenance of a single camel and a black slave; but on the Friday of each week, he distributed the residue of his own aad the public money, first to the most worthy and then to the most indigent of the Muslims. The remains of his wealth, a coarse garment and five pieces of gold, were delivered to his successor, who lamented with a modest sigh his own inability to equal such an admirable model”. HAZRAT UMAR (RAD.A) (634 - 644 A.D./13 - 23 A.M.) Life Before Islam Umar (Rad.A) belonged to ”Adi” family of Quraysh tribe. In the 8Ji generation, his lineage joins with the Holy Prophet. Abu Hafs was his patronymic name and ”al-Farooq” his title given by the Holy Prophet. He was born in 583 A.D., about forty years before the great Hijrah. The early life of H??rat Umar (Rad.A) is not known in detail. In his youth he was a famous ”Tev’rr -••<< ^rctc,, and a spirited person. He was one among the few people in Makkah who knew reading and writing before Islam. His main occupation was business. When the Holy Prophet got revelation and invited people to Islam, Umar became the sworn enemy of Islam and the Holy Prophet and did not hesitate to harm the Muslims and Islam at every opportunity.1 Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was the second Caliph of Islam and the second of the four Patriarchal Caliphs, one of the most notable figures in Islam, he was famed for his strong will and HJ^ct impetuous and unambiguous character. Before he became Caliph, he Was known to be uncompromising and even violent. When the responsibility of the Caliphate was given to him he became more even-tempered, but still forceful. Under his rule the Islamic Empire expanded with almost miraculous speed and it is fair to say that it ^as Umar (Rad.A) who, after the Holy Prophet, was most influential ln molding the Islamic state and determining its nature. Now we study in detail about the period of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A). Dr Majid Ali Khan, The Pious Caliph, P 67. 228 Political and Cultural History of Islam HAZRAT UMAR’S ACCEPTANCE OF ISLAM It was sixth year of the Holy Prophet’s mission when Qurayshi leaders called a meeting and asked a volunteer for the assassination of the Holy Prophet. Umar (Rad.A) offered himself for the job and everybody in the meeting exclaimed that he was the right person for it. While he was on the way with a sword in his hand he met Sa’d bin Abi Waqqas who enquired of him about his destination. Umar (Rad A) told him that he was going to murder the Holy Prophet After some discussion Sa’d said, ”You had better take care of your own family first. Your sister and brother-in-law both have accepted Islam.” Hearing this, Umar changed his direction and went straight to his sister’s house. When Hazrat Umar knocked at the door they were studying the Holy Qur’an from Hazrat Khabbab (Rad.A). His sister Fatimah was frightened on hearing Umar’s voice and tried to hide the portion of the Holy Qur’an which she was reciting. When Umar entered the house he enquired about their Islam and on finding that they had embraced Islam he first fell upon his brother-in-law and beat him severely. When his sister intervened he smote her so violently on her face that it bled profusely. On this his sister burst out: ”Do whatever you like, we are determined to die for Islam -.Vhc- TTm*r <*w his sister bleeding, he cooled down and felt ashamed. He loved Fatimah very much but could not tolerate her conversion to Islam. However, deeply moved, ’Umar (Rad.A) asked her to show the pages on which the Holy Qur’an was written. But she was, after all, Umar’s sister and told him straight, ”You can not touch it unless you take a bath and make yourself clean”. He washed his body and read the leaves. That was the beginning of Surah Tana (Chapter 20 of the Holy Qur’an) when he came to the verse: ” Lo! I even, am Allah, there is no god save Me. So save Me and establish Salat for My remembrance”. Umar exclaimed ”Surel> this is the word of Allah, take me to Muhammad (PBUH). On hearing this Hazrat Khabbab (Rad.A), who had h.dden himself in the house came out from inside and said, ”O ’Umar! Glad tidings for you, it seems that the prayer of the Holy Prophet which said la* night has been answered in your favour. He had prayer to Allah: 0 Allah strengthen Islam with either ”Umar b. Khattab or Umar b Hisham when so ever thou pleaseth.” Umar then went to the Holy Prophet. On seeing him the Holy Prophet asked him, ”Umar! what brings you here”. He said am here to embrace Islam”. Hearing this the Muslims shouted witn Hazrat Umar (Rad. A.) 229 joy, ”Allahu Akbar” (Allah is the Greatest) and the sound went the air of Makkah. As a matter of fact, ”Umar’s conversion to Islam was a terrible blow to the morale of the disbelievers. Abdullah bin Mas’ud, a great companion, says ”Umar’s conversion to Islam was a great triumph, his emigration to Medina a tremendous reinforcement and his accession to Caliphate a great blessing for the Muslims”. UMAR (RAD.A) GETS THE TITLE OF ”AL-FAROOQ” Conversion of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) strengthened Islam. Hitherto, Muslims had lived in constant fear of disbelievers, and most of them were concealing their faith. The Muslims were now able to offer their Salat publicly. When Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) became a Muslim he declared his faith openly before the Quraysh Chiefs though they started laughing at him but could not do any harm to him. Then he requested the Holy Prophet (PBUH) to offer Salat in the Ka’buh. On getting the consent of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) led a party of the Muslims to that place. Hazrat Hamzah, who had accepted Islam a few days before Umar (Rad.A), carried another party of the Muslims to Ka’bah. When all the Muslims gathered in the Ka’bah they offered their Salat in congregation. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) led this first public Salat in the history of Islam. For this courageous and bold action of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A), the Holy Prophet gave him the title of ”Al-Farooq” i.e., the one who make a distinction between the ”Right” (Haqq)and the ”wrong” (Batil). Migration to Medina When the Muslims were ordered to migrate to Medina most of the Muslims left qu\Jy and secretly, but Hazrat Umai (Rad.A) declared it openly. He r-ut on lis arms and first went to the Ka’bah. After performing the Sal? i he amounced loudly: ”I am migrating to Medina. If anyone wants 10 check me, let him come out. I am sure that his mother would cry for his life.” Thi re was no man in Makkah to accept the challenge of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A). Hazrat Umar’s Services to Islam before His Khilafat (Caliphate) Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) had great love for Allah and the Holy Prophet. He participated in almost all the big battles: Badr, Uhad, Azhab, Khayber, Hunain etc. In the expedition to ”Tabuk” he gave half of his wealth in the way of Allah. He was next to Ha/rat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) to sacrifice his belongings for the cause of Allah. 1 lie 230 Political and Cultmal History of Islam Holy Prophet (PBUH) also had a deep love for him. Once he remirked. ”If there were any Prophet after me, he would have been Iltnar*’. In another tradition in Bukhiri, Hazrat Abu Hurairah rRad.A} narrated that the Holy Prophet said, ”In Bani Isra’il there were people who were not Prophets but Hiked to Allah, were anyone in my Urru.!ah like those persons, he would be Umar”.2 The death of Holy Prophet was gnat shock to him, and he could not believe it until Hazrat Abu Bakr t Rad.A) reminded him of clear verse of the Holy Qur’an on the subject. He then went to the Council Hal! alongwith H^-rat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) where the people of Medina had assembled to select the First Caliph. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was the first person to pledge loyalty (Rai’i’t) at the hand of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A), and hel”»e& him throughout the duration of his rule. KHILAFAT Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) as the Second Caliph of Islam As described in connection with the life of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A), during his illness he consulted the ”Shura” about the next ”Khalifah” end then gave his decision in favour of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) who took the charge of Caliphate after the death of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) on 22nd of Jamadi-ul-Thani, 13 .A.H. (23rd August 634 A.D.). Umar (Rad.A) followed fully the ways of the Holy Prophet and the policy of his predecessor with his oharacteiistks, ?e&\ and vigour. It was his strict adherence to the ’ S’innah” of the Holy Prophe* which helped him to subdue the mighty Emoires of Persia and Byzantine. His Caliphate marked the ”Golden era” of Islam. I would like to discuss only main events which took place during the Caliphate of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) in brief. Fall of Persian Empire During the time of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A), Hazrat Khalid bin Walid conquered a part of Persian Empire, known as the Kingdom of Hira. Then he was ordered by Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) to join the expedition to Syria.3 At the time of his departure, he appointed Muthanna bin Harith as the Commander of the Islamic Arm>. The Persians became furious at the loss of the Kingdom of Hira and the Elpperar-sent a large army under the command of a ver> 1 Dr. Majid Ali Khan, P.70. 3 Sj«l Ameer Ali, A Short History of The Saracens, P 32. Hazrat Umar (Rad. A.) 231 famous General, Rustam the Commander-in-Chief of Persian armies. In view of the growing pressure of Persians, Muthanna requested Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) for reinforcement. At the lime there was a large gathering of Muslims in Medina to take pledge of loyalty (Bai’at) at the hard of the new Caliph (Hazrat Umar (Rad.A)). He put the matter before the people (Muslims) but did not get any response in the beginning. Then Hazrat Umar (Rad.A), in his sermons stressed the importance of Jihad and a large number of Muslims volunteered to help Muthanna against the Persians. Abu Ubaid-a!- Thaqafi was appointed as the Commander of the Islamic army comprising five thousand men. In the meantime Persians attacked the places conqueied by Muslims and they lost some of them. In the early stage of the battles Rustam sent his subordinates to face Muslims. THE BATTLE OF NAMAIJQ (634 A.D./13 A.H.) When Abu’ Ubaid had reached there a battle took place at ”Namariq”’ and the Muslims won it. A number of famous generals of Persians army including Jaban, right hand of Rustam, were killed in the battle then some small battles also took place at Kaskar. THE BATTLE OF THE BRIDGE (634 A.D./13 A.H.) The defeat of Persians startled Rustam and he gathered a huge army to face the Muslims. The army met the Muslims on the bank of the Euphrates under the command of Bahman, a famous Persian warrior. Bahman asked Hazrat Abu Ubaid whether Persians should cross the river or the Muslims. Hazrat Abu Ubaid was overconfident and chcse to cross the river, although some of the Muslim generals like Muthanna did not like to cross the river, and preferred to let the Persians come. The Islamic army crossed the ri’ jr but lost the battle. Hazrat Ab« Ubaid was also martyred and the Muslims fell one after other The Muthanna took over the command and ordered reconstructing of the bridge which had been destroyed. The elephants of the Persian anny caused considerable damage to the Muslim army. However Muthanna could save only 3000 men out of 9000. THE BATTLE OF BUWAIB (634 4.D.) Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was ^hwksd at the defeai of the Muslim army. He vent special messengers to vaiinu The Muslim, arrny, under the command of Muthanna, met the Persians at Bmvaib. The Muslims invited the Persians to uoss he river and they ,ccepted it. The number of Muslim army was a little more than 20,000 while the Persians ^^\^^ bigger in number, were estimated as two hundred thousand* A fierce battle took place. Muslims fought desperately and after a*un ,ght, the Persian, were defeated. They ^<”^*^£ crcsi Ae river Euphrates because the bridge oum uy destroyed by the M^ns. There -as a total d»»^’” *’*^ annv The commander of the am- Mehran was slam mft.sbatt e and not less than a hundreds of thousand men ^** rTrt of the field. As a result of this victor)’, the whole of western part ot Persians bmpire (now iraq) fell into Muslim hands. Change of Persian Ruier The shoeing defeat at Buwaib had shocked the Persian Empire. It was noCgly J cause of great disturbance tc>^uU«b«t to the public as well. £Or the first time they realised the s*^t Muslims. The nev,s of the loss of one hundred thousanI Persian and only few hundred Muslims was received with ^_*^-”£% time, a woman P%an Bukht was the Empress. The Iranians replaced the Empress by a yoimg (21 years old) EmPero;YeZ.dglld/freoS Emperor reorgauLd %Ke army and strengthened *e fronUer defences. There a,rose a number of rebellions m *V^” ^^ by Muslims as a *esult of ^hich Muslims again lost some of the parts which they had c^nquered. When H^t xjmar heardjhis news he asked Muthom. o call the border ^bes and to return^ withir|^B*^ reinforcement reached hitn. He himself declared Jihad all over tn land and sent ettlissaries to collect an army for the Holy war AH army of 20,000 Maslinis was collected. Hazrat Umar (Rnd.A) T Hazrat Umar (Rad. A.) 233 4 Dr. Majid All Kh^n< p 74. * Ibid. himself wanted to lead the army this time but the ”Shura” (Advisory Council) did not agree to it. The name of Hazrat Sa’d bin Abi Waqqas (Rad.A), a great warrior and dne of the uncles of the Holy Prophet was proposed to lead the army to which Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) agreed. The army was having 70 of those Companions who had participated in the first battle of Islam at Badr. When the army was leaving Medina, Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) gave instructions to Hazrat Sa’d bin Abi Waqqas (Rad.A). Some of those are as under: ”Allah does not repel evil with evil but he repels evil with good. All men high and low are equal before him. One can win Allah’s favour only through devotion to His service. Remember that the ”Sunnah” of the Holy Prophet is the only correct way of doing things. You are going on a heavy mission which you can discharge only by following the truth. Inculcate good habits in yourselves and in your Companions.” This advice clearly shows that the aim of Muslims was to proclaim Allah’s message- Islam, rather than to fight the sword was used to clear the barriers in the way. In the meantime Muthanna died and his brother Bashir joined Hazrat Sa’d (Rad.A) with an army of eight thousand. Hazrat Sa’d was indirect contact with Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) all the time who was constancy giving instruction about the movement of the army from place to place. Finally Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) sent instructions to him to encamp at Qadisiya and to send an envoy to the Persian Emperor Yezdgird, with the message of Islam and peace. Islamic Emissaries Following the instructions of the Caliph, Hazrat Sa’d encamped at Qadisiya. The Muslims had to wait there for about two months for the Persian armies. In the meantime Hazrat Sa’d sent an envoy to the Emperor Yezdgird. Yezdgird held his court to receive Muslim envoys. The court was a mirror of the worldly pomp and glory of the Persians. Hazrat Human bin Maqran invited the Persians and the Emperor to Islam and told them about the Holy Prophet. He said: ”O Persians, we call you towards the path of peace i.e. Islam. If you accept it, you are our brothers and we will leave Allah’s Book, the Holy Qur’an for your guidance to follow His commandments. If you reject this sacred message, pay us the ”Jizya”. The third alternative is the sword in case you reject the first two offers, so that we may take our own course to spread this message.” 234 Political and Cultural History of Islam Yezdgird who was very proud of his power and army, lost his temper on hearing this and insulted the envoys. Hf got a basket full of earth and put it on the head of leader, Hazrat Asim (Rad A). When Hazrat Asim carried the earth to Hazrat Sa’d (Rad.A), he took it as a sign for victory. The ill-treatment of the Persian Emperor hastened the war. The Emperor sent an army of one hundred thousand men. This time Rustam, the commander-in-chief, was himself leading the Persians army. Other famous commanders of the trmy were Jalinus, Mahran bin Bahram Razi and Harmuzan. Rustam vas afraid of Muslims and hesitated to face them. He took six months to reach Qadisiya from Mada’in, the Capital. He wanted to negotiate with the Muslims in the first instance. Therefore he asked them to send a delegation. The Muslim delegation went to Rustam’s camp at the head of Hazrat Rabi bin Amir (Rad.A). There took place much discussior jut no decision was reached. Hazrat Rabi gave the message of IsL Rustam again asked Hazrat Sa’d (Rad.A) to send the delegat;~-_ This time he sent Hazml Hudhaifah (Rad.A) who also put the same three conditions and told him if he did not accept them within three days, the third alternative i.e. the use of sword would remain and would be acted upon. Third day Rustam again requested Muslims to send an emissary and this time Hazrat ’Mughirah bin Shif bah (Rad.A) went. RuFtam tried to negotiate in terms of money by saying: ” I think, you are poor and hungry. We would give you so much of wealth that would be sufficient for the whole of your life,” Hearing this Hazrat Mughirah (Rad.A) angrily replied, ”of course we were hungry and poor but Allah sent His Messenger to us because of whom our fate changed and Allah nourished us. He asked us to obey only one God and to spread His message. If you follow His message (Islam) you are our brothers, we will never fight with you. If you don’t, then let u« sn.cad His Kalimah and you pay to us ”Jizya”: otherwise the sword will give the final decision”. Hearing this Rustam got furious and vowed to kill all the Muslims as soon as the sun rose the next day. Hazrat Mughirah (Rad.A) returned to the Muslim camp. THE BATTLE OF QADISIYA (635 A.D./1? A.IL) As soon as Hazrat Mughirah left the Persians camp, Rustam asked his army to prepare for an attack in the morning. There was a canai between the two armies. He ordered building of a bridge over Hazrat Umar (Rad. A.) 235 it. Next day in the morning he crossed the canal to attack the Muslims when both the armies were ready to fight, hazrat Sa’d bin Abi Wiqqas (Rad.A) told Rustam through an epistle: ’’Rustam! There are people with me to whom death (in the path of Allah) is more attractive thari is wine to people in your army”. At last the battle started at Qadisiya in the month of Muharram, 14 A.H. (June, 635 A.D.). Hazrat Sa’d was sick and drected the operation from the sick bed. This battle was hotly contested and lasted for three days. Muslims were about 28,000 in number while the Persian army was estimated at 120,000 (four times bigger than Islamic army). Rustam displayed great skill in arraying his troops. On the first day the battle started amidst loud cries of ”AHahu Akbar” (Allah is the Greatest). Though the Muslims displayed great valours and skill but the Persian elephants played havoc with the Muslim cavalry. The Arab horses were not trained to fight in a battle having elephant. However Muslim archers and lancers rained arrows and spears and knocked down many elephant riders. The battle ended without reaching a final decision on the first day.6 The following day the battle again ended without a victory for any of the two armies. On the third day Muslims wrapped pieces of cloth round the bodies of their camels to frighten the Persian elephants. The plan worked out successfully. Moreover a-number of Muslim archers pierced the eyes of the elephants and cut their trunks. The blind elephants ran towards the Persian army and destroyed their ranks. The battle continued to the fourth day. Now the blind elephants played a havoc with the Persians themselves. Then some of the Muslim warriors from among the chief of the clans rushed towards Rustam and destroyed the special battalion around him. The canopy of Rustam was blown in the air and he himself tried to flee. He was detected by the Muslims and was slain. Seeing their slain commander, the Persians started fleeing for their lives. Thousands of Persians were slain. There were about six thousand Muslims casualties while the number of the Persians killed was thirty thousand. The Battle of Qadisiya proved to be decisive in the history of Islam. It shattered the strength of the Persian Empire. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) received the news with great joy. The Muslims gained ’ Dr Majid Ali Khan, P 79 236 Political and Cultural History of Islam immense booty which was distributed among the troops according to the Islamic Law and a fifth portion was despatched to the Baitul Mai. Following the victory at Qadisiya Muslims chased the Persians. They captured Babal and Kutha and then laid siege to Bahrah Sher, a very important and strong fort at the outskirt of the Persian Capital, Mada’in (Ctesiphon). The siege went on for two months and ultimately Muslims captured the fort. The next step was to conquer Mada’in, the capital itself. FALL OF MADA’IN, THE CAPITAL OF PERSIAN EMPIRE (637 A.D.) The city of Mada’in was situated on the east bank of river Tigris and was almost surrounded by it. After a rest of few months, Hazrat Sa’d took permission from Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) to invade the capital. When Hazrat Sa’d (Rad.A) marched, the Persians destroyed the bridge on the river. The river was deep and turbulent but the detenr.iuation of Muslims was not affected. They were having full faith in Allah Almighty, die Creator of the Universe. It has been recorded in some books of history that on finding the destruction of the bridge by the Persians Hazrat Sa’d said: ”Allah made a way in the Red Sea for Moses and hi? follower-.. He will surely help us who are following His Last Prophet, Hazrat Muhammad (PBUH).” He consulted the generals of his army and then ordered the Muslims to go across. First of all sixty horsemen plunged themselves in the river and crossed it. Then th^ whole army crossed the river as if it were walking on the ground. Seeing the Muslims crossing the river the Persian archers rained arrows on the Muslims. Hazrat Sa’d had already appointed six hundred archers on nearby hill. They assaulted the Persians who ran away saying: ”Dev rmdand, Dev amdand” i.e., ”The giants have come! The giants hi.ve come”. The Muslims crossed the Tigris without any severe loss. Yezdgird and his ministers had already fled and the capital was captured without any opposition. With this victory the whole of the territory between the Euphrates and the Tigris came under the possession of the Muslims. The prophecy of che Holy Prophet came true: ”A group of Muslims will capture the white palace of the Persian Emperor”. Both Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) and Hazrat Sa’d (Rad.A) thanked Allah for this great victory. When che rich booty from the white palace of Yezdgird reached Medina, tears came out in the eyes of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) 7 Syed Ameer Ali, P. 29. Hazrat Umar (Rad. A.) 237 and he remarked, ”I am weeping because riches had often the cause of enmity and mutual bitterness. Those people who have such evils, ultimately lose respect”. THE BATTLE OF JALULA (637 A.D./16 A.H.) The Persian Emperor took shelter in Kulwan and started preparation for a big assault on the Muslims. Now Kharzad, brother of Rustam was the commander-in-chief. He gathered a huge army to avenge the past defeats. After consultations with Hazrat Umar (Rad.A), Hazrat Sa’d bin Abi Waqqas (Rad.A) sent an army under the command of Hashim and Qa’qa to face the Persian army at Jalula. Again a fierce battle was- fought and ultimately the Persians were defeated who fled further north. The Muslims advanced ahead and captured ”Qa’ka” and finally Hulwan where Yezdgird, the Emperor was staying. He fled to Khurasan and settled down in Merv. The last big battle was fought in the month of Muharram, 19 A.H. (646 A.D.) at Nihawand in which the Persians were completely defeated. Then a number of small battles took place and the Muslims conquered Hamdan, Azerbaijan and Armenia by the year 21 A.H. Muslim Rule Over The Persian Empire The Persian Emperor fled to Isphan, then to Kirman and from there to Balkh. The Muslims chased him everywhere. Ultimately the whole of Persia came under the sway of Islam by the year 23 A.H. The Muslims marched as east as Sindh. They captured Makran and Baluch. But Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) stopped them who were under the command of Hakam at that time. He did not want to extend his frontiers at the price of Muslim blood. Thus Makran was the last place in the east under the ;ule of Muslims during the Caliphate of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A). After the capture of Persian Empire, Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) remarked: ”Allah has destroyed the Persian Empire, now they cannot harm the Muslims. O Muslims, if you do not follow the straight path, Allah would take this power from you and hand it over to whom He likes. It must Lv clarified here that at no place Muslims forced nonMuslims to accept Istar*!. Islam spread because of its teachings and because of the practical life of Muslims. Some western scholars have accepted this fact. R.A. Nicholson writes in ’A Literary History of the Arabs’ ”It must uw be supposed the followers of Zoroaster and Christ in these countries were forcibly converted to Islam. Thousand embraced it voluntarily”. The conquest of the Persian Empire 238 Political and Cultural History of Islam prov:ded the Muslims with unlimited resources. At the same time it also brought Muslims into touch with luxuries and as time passed they gave up their simple living and fell prey to some vices prevailing in those days Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) had feared. The Cities of Basra and Kufa Muslims established two military cantonments one at Basra and other at Kufa in 638 A.D. Later en these cantonments became big cities. Basra was established at the Shatt-ul- Arab and was important because it guarded the passage from the Persian Gulf to Mesopotamia. Kufa was founded at the bank of the Euphrates. Afterwards these cities became important centres of Islamic culture and civilization. THE EASTERN ROMAN EMPIRE (BYZANTIUM) Conquest of Syria The causes of the war between the Muslims and the Byzantines (commonly called as Romans) have already been discussed. During the time of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) the Muslims had defeated Romans on the Syrian front and captured a number of cities like Busra and Ajnadain. They laid siege to Damascus when Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) passed away. After his death they captured Damascus, Hims and Qansrin. In all the three battles Hazrat Khalid bin Walid played an important role. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) recognized Khalid’s merits and said, May Allah bless the soul of Abu Bakr (Rad.A) he put Khalid in the right place.” The f»” r these important cities made the Byzantine Emperor, Herculius, furious and he sent a huge army to fight with the Muslims. In order to face this big army, Muslims left some of the places, occupied by them and returned to safer border. When the Islamic armies were leaving the conquered places, they paid back the ”Jizya” received from the non-Muslim inhabitants of those places saying ”Since we cannot protect you, we are returning it.” This was unique example in history. The people of those places were greatly impressed by the Muslim’s treatment. It is given in some books that the people of those places cried when Muslims left their places. THE BATTLE OF YARMUK (636 A.D./15 A.H.) After the fall of Damascus, Hims and other places, the Romans fled to Antioch where Heraclius was staying and was thinking of moving to Constantinople, his permanent capital. They Hazrat Uinar (Rod A) 2*9 appealed to Heraclius to help them against the Muslim armies He held this court at Antioch and began raising huge army against the Muslims to wipe them out of Syria. The Muslims had aheady gathered at Yarmuk to face the Roman army. The Romans were several times larger in number than the Muslims,. In the beginning the command was in the hand of Hazrat Khalid bin Walid (Rad.A) but during the battle he received the letter of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) deposing him from the post of commander-in-chief. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) appointed Abu ’Ubaidah bin Jarrah (Rad.A) as the *-ommander-in-chief. A fierce battle was fought on the 20th August, 636, and at the end the Romans lost the field. The cavalry fled and the infantry was put to cword. Theodoras, the commander of Roman army himself fell and his entire army was turned into a fleeing, panic stricken mob. According to Tabari, about one hundred thousand Romans were killed in this battle. Muslim casualties were three thousand. The battle of Yarmuk was a turning point in the history of Byzantine Empire. The power of Byzantine was crushed in this battle. The fate of Syria was decided and it fell in the hands of Muslims for ever. Hearing the defeat at Yarmuk. Herculius left Antioch and fled to Constantinople saying: ”Farewell, O Syria1 and what an excellent country this is for the enemy”. Removal of Hazrat Khalid (Rad.A) From the Command Hazrat Khalid bin Walid (Rad.A) was successful and powerful genera! of Islam. He occupied a unique position in the history of heroism, and devoted his whole life to the cause of Islam. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) always appreciated his services. But there were certain complaints against him, especially for being extravagant, when he awarded 10,000 dinars to a poet. Hazrat Khalid could not give satisfactory explanation to Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) hence he was removed from command. But Hazrat Khalid proved to be a very true Muslim and fought like an ordinary soldier in the army. As narrated above, he was deposed when the battle of Yarmuk was going on. The Caliph’s order was delivered to Khalid but it had no effect on him. He went on fighting ? fiercely as before. After the battle was over, his dismissal became known when some body asked him why the news did not damp his spirit at all, he said, ”I was fighting for the cause of Allah”. According to those historians who had the opinion that the Battle of Yarmuk took place before the fall of Damascus, Hazrat 240 Political and Cultural History of Islam Khalid bin Walid was deposed in the early part of Umar’s Caliphate, which some think it took place around 17 A.H. because according to them the Battle of Yarmuk took place after the fall of Damascus. Regarding the removal of Hazrat Khalid some of the Muslim historians say: ”He (”Hazrat Umar (Rad.A)) had deposed Khalid from the government, not because of tyranny or fraud, but because he deemed it essential to admonish the people, who were inclined to put their trust in an arm of flesh, instead of looking to the Giver of all victory”. Fall of Jerusalem Hazrat Amr bin al A’as was in the beginning leading the army in front of Jerusalem. After the capture of Antioch and other key cities of Byzantine, Hazrat Abu Ubaidah (Rad.A) also joined him along with Hazrat Khalid bin Walid (Rad.A). They laid siege to the great city of Jerusalem, surrounded by a huge wall. Since the people of Jerusalem had already seen the defeat of Byzantine forces they offered a peaceful truce provided the ”Khalifah” came in person to sign the treaty in their presence. The proposal was passed over to Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) at Medina and after consultation with the ”Shura” he accepted the offer.. Hazrat Umar at Jerusalem Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) appointed Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) as his deputy and went to Jerusalem with his slave. They were having one camel on which each of them rode by turn. When Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was entering Jerusalem it happened to be the slave’s turn to ride on the camel. Though the slave offered his turn to the ”Khalifah” but Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) refused and remarked: ”The honour of Islam (i.e., being Muslim) is enough for all of us.” He entered Jerusalem holding the rope of camel on which was riding his slave. His clothes were dirty and there were several patches on them. Hazrat Abu Ubaidah, Khalid bin Walid and other commanders came some distance tc receive him. They were wearing costly garments. This made Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) angry. He threw some pebbles at his generals (to show his anger) and said, ”Have you changed so much in just two years? The only way for the success is the way of Holy Prophet. Then Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) signed the treaty under which the inhabitants of Jerusalem were granted complete security of their life and property. Their places of worship were secured and remained intact. All the people were allowed to follow their religion freely. Hazrat Umar (Rad. A ) 241 The gates of the city were then opened and the Muslims entered the Jerusalem in the year 16 A.H (i.e., 635 A.D.). According to some history books the date given on the treaty signed by Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) falls in the 17 years A.H. It is possible therefore that the Muslims conquered it early in 17th year A.H. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) visited the city. The time of the ”Salat” had reached. The Christians allowed the Muslims to perform Salat in the big church but Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) declined to do so that it might not be an excuse for the future generations to take over the church from them. He offered the Salat with the Muslims on the steps of the church. Even then he gave in writing to the Bishop that the steps would never be used for congregational prayers or for the Azan in future. Umar’s Mosque at Jerusalem Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) laid the foundation of a mosque at a place as ”Sakhra” proposed by the Bishop, where Allah sent revelation to Prophet Yaqub (Jacob or Israel Alaihis-Salam) and where the great temples of Solomon were built. He himself \vorked like a labourer for building the mosque. That mosque is know n as the Umar’s (Rad.A) mosque”. Conquest of Jazirah and Mesopotamia After the conquest of Jerusalem the Romans tried to regain Syria. The Muslim did not want territorial expansion, they were fighting either to protect the birth-place of Islam, Arabia or in selfdefence. Their aim was only to proclaim Allah’s message and to preach Islam freely. Whenever they were allowed a free passage to show the right path no fighting took place as it co’Jd be noticed in the case of Jerusalem. Never in the history of Islp.n any nation was forced to forsake its religion and to accept Islam. The people of Jazirah (now North Western part of Iraq) plotted to oust the Muslims from Syria. Hercu.ius, the Emperor of Byzantine sent his army to help the people of ”Jazirah”. They invaded Hims, a fort whic!< had been conquered by the Muslims under the command of Haz.,^ Abu Ubaidah vRad.A). The Muslims fell upon the enemies and ,sat them off. Jnder such conditions Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) order d Muslims for ;e to occupy ”Jazirah”. After its conquest Jazirah (Mesopotami i) was put under the Governor of Horns (Home). Jazirah was conquered under the command of Ayaz bin Ghanam (Rad.A). 242 Polit’cal and Cultural History of Islam The Severe Famine and Plague In the year 17-18 A.H., Hijaz and Syria were faced by a severe famine and drought. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) took steps to get food supplies from Egypt, part of which had been conquered by Hazrat Amr bin al A’s (Rau.AV He sent three big ships of grains to Medina which were unloaded in the presence of .lazra umar (Rad.A). He himself distributed the grains among the needy. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) did not take any delicacy during the famine period. When he was requested to take care of his health he said. ”If I don’t taste suffering, how can I know the suffering of others?” When the famine became intolerable he prayed to Allah in a big gathering of Muslims. It has been narrated that the prayers had not even finished when rains started to pour down. About the same time plague spread in the most part of Iraq, Syria and Egypt and it caused great havoc not only to civilians but alsp to the Muslim armies. After the plague Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) went to Syria to inspect the losses caused by the plague. The important figures Abu Ubaidah, Mu’adh bin Jabal and Yazid bin Sufyan (Rad.A) had passed away- He appointed Muawiya bin Abi Sufyan as the Governor of Damascus in place of his brother Yazid bin Abi Sufyan. THE CONQUEST OF EGYPT (639A.D./17A.H.) Being a powerful province of Byzantine Empire and having the strong base of Byzantine navy at Alexandria, Egypt was great danger to the security of Hijaz (Northern Arabia). The Romans were busy in plotting against the Muslims to regain the territories conquered by the Muslims and to attack them through Egypt. Obviously it was necessary from the point of view of defence to drive back the Romans from Egypt. Therefore towards the close of 17 A.H. (638 A.D.). Hazrat Amr bin al A’s (Rad.A) who had collaborated in the conquest of Palestine, repeatedly urged the Caliph to authorize him to lead a campaign against the valley of the Nile. He got the necessary permission from the Caliph and set out from Palestine for Egypt at the head of four thousand men. According to a number of historians it took place in the 18th year A.H. i.e., 639 A V. All of them agree that a part of Egypt had been conquered before the great famine which happened in 17-18 A.H. If it is true the date of invasion by ”Amr bin al-A’s” must be before 18 A.M.. Hazrat Amr bin al-A’s entered Egypt by the route of Wadi al_Arish and after attacking some small towns laid siege to one of the Hazrat Umar (Rad. A.) 243 strongest forts of Romans in Egypt at Fustat (which later became Cairo). The fort was conquered after some time. The fall of Fustat gave a severe blow to Roman might in Egypt. Constantine II, the Byzantine Emperor, hearing the news of the fall of the fort near Fustat got furious and sen a big army to Alexandria. Hazrat Amr bin al-A’s therefore set out for Alexandria from Fustat. He got reinforcement from th. Caliph. Alexandria was the strong hold of the Romans in Egypt. They could easily send reinforcement and supplies to Alexandria by sea. It really was a difficult task to conquer it. Hazrat Amr bin al-A’s laid siege to the city but no result came out for six months. Seeing this condition Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) wrote to Hazrat Amr bin al-A’s (Rad.A). ”I am afraid that the Muslims have not been acting fully jupon the teaching of the Holy ”Qur’an” and the Sunnah (ways) of the Holy Prophet. The only way to get victory is to follow strictly the ways of the Holy Prophet. They should therefore be more and more strict on it. Then try to give final blow to the enemy”, Hazrat Amr (Rad.A) read the letter before the Muslims. Umar’s (Rad.A) orders were at once carried out and at last Alexandria was conquered after a heavy engagement According to some western historians it was conquered in 642 A.D., while some of the Muslim historians say that Alexandria was conquered in 640 A.D. (20 A.H.). After the conquest of this great city, one time a glory for the Romans, Hazrat Amr wrote to Caliph, ”I have captured a city from the description of which I shall refrain. Suffice it to say I have seized therein 4000 villas with 4000 baths, 40,000 poll-tax-paying Jews and 400 places of entertainment for royalty”. Philip Hitti writes: ”The Caliph entertained his general’s messenger with bread and dates; they all joined in a thanks-giving service in the Pi^phet’s mosque”. Afterwards Hazrat Amr (Rad.A) captured the remaining fortresses in Egypt and it came under the full sway of Islam. Local Christians and Jews were giving freedom of religion; various taxes imposed by the Romans were abolished and the general condition of the country improved. The Egyptians had never enjoyed such a Period of prosperity and peace before. A very inhuman custom was Prevailing in Egypt at that time. The Egyptians used to sacrifice a beautiful maiden every year to please the river Nile so that it may bring more water. After the victory the matter was reported to Hazrat (Rad.A) who prohibited this. By chance the same year the Nile 244 Political and Cultural History of Islam had very little water and a condition of drought seemed to prevail over there. Hazrat ’Amr (Rad.A) wrote to Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) to seek his advice. He wrote the following letter and asked Hazrat Amr to throw it in the Nile. ”From Umar (Rad.A), the servant of Allah and ”Amir (Leader) of the Muslims to the River Nile of Egypt. O Nile! If you flow of your own desire we do not need you. If you flow by the order of Allah, we pray to Him to keep you flowing”. The letter was thrown into the Nile and it over-flowed that year. In this way Egyptian were stopped from un- Islamic practice. This had a very good effect. The Egyptians realised the spiritual power of Islam, and entered its folds.8 HAZRAT UMAR’S (RAD.A) ADMINISTRATION - A PICTURE OF f SLAMIC DEMOCRATIC RULE Hazrat Umar the Pioneer of the Islamic Democracy Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was the pioneer of modern civilization to form a state based upon the Islamic democratic system, the system which was incorporated in the West as late as 19th and 20th centuries. He was the greatest democratic administrator whose example is unparallel not only in the history of Islam but also in the history of modern civilization. A vast part of the Middle East, Persian Empire and Byzantium, was conquered during the ten years of his ”Khilafat’ which he consolidated into a state governed by Islam i.e. Laws. ”As an administrator ,”says Prof. Arshad, ”He remained a model for all great Muslim rulers during the whole Islamic history”. Another famous historian, Amir Ali says, ”During the thirty years that the Republic lasted the policy derived its character chiefly from Umar (Rad.A) both during his lifetime and after his death’’. The constitution of Islamic Caliphate during the time of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was based entirely on the Islamic democratic system. All matters were decided after consultation with the ”Shura” the details of which would be given in the following pages. He remarked, ”It is essential for a ”Khalifah” to consult his ”Shura”. Once he said, ”I do not desire that you may follow anything that arises from my caprice”. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) had clearly stated on various occasions that he should be obeyed as long as he was obeying Allah and the Holy Prophet. 1 Dr Majid Ah Khan, P.89. Hazrat Umar (Rad. A.) 245 Muslims and non-Muslims were treated alike. Although the Arab peninsula was declared to be purely an Islamic State, his attitude towards the non-Muslims was very tolerant. He followed the Jews and the Christians, living in the peninsula, to stay there if thev so wished and nobody would interfere in their religious affairs. To those who desired to migrate the ensured safe journey up to the borders. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) also gave compensation for their properties and other facilities. Islamic Republic Based Upon ”Shura” As stated before all matters were decided after consultations with the ”Shura”, the Advisory Council during his time. There were three main types of ”Shura”. The first ”Shun” consisted of very prominent and popular companions like: Hazrat Usman, Ali, Abdui Rahman bin Auf, Mu’adh bin Jabal. Ubayy bin Ka’b, Zaid hin Thabit, Talha and Zubair (Rad.A). They were permanent members of the ”Shura”. All the important matters were decided in consultation with these persons. This ”Shura” could be named as the Higher Advisory Council. The second ”Shura” was the General Advisory Council which consisted )f many companions from amongst the Ansar and Muhajirin. The companions who participated in the battle of Badr were given priority in this ”Shura”. All matters of general interest were discussed with this ”Shura”. In this ”Shura” were also included the chiefs of various clans and tribes. The third type of SJ ura ”ranked in between the Higher an^ the General Advisory C ouncil. It consisted of some selecte.. companions among the Muhajirin and Ansar. Matters of specia: interest were put before the ”Shura”. Whenever a ”Shura” was called everyone of its members was fully allowed to give his opinion without any fear or hesitation. On various occasions Hazrat Uma’ (Rad.A) said’ ”I am but an ordinary person like you. I can onh request you to co-operate in the work with which I have beer entrusted by you” The Way to Call the General ”Shura” Since the special ’’Shura” comprised only few member there was no special way to call it. The way to call the, ”Geneie* Council of Advisors,” was that a man used to call the following words loudly, ”As-Salat-u-Jamiah’\ in the Prophet’s Mosque from a high place. Hearing this call the people would know that a meetii,. of the ”Shura” has been calied arid assembled in Ihe rms- ». Ha?,’ f 246 Political and Cultural History of Mam Umar (Rad.A) first of all offered two rakaa’t Nafl (optional) Salat and that put the matter before ttu ”Shura”. Every person was allowed to give his opinion. Decisions were usually taken on the basis of unanimity or sometimes by majority. But the Khalifah was not bound to accept the decision of majority. In the interest of Islam and Muslims he could use power of veto if he considered it proper. Freedom of Opinion Freedom of opinion was not only \llowed at the time of meeting of the ”Shura” but on all occasion 3. As a mattir of fact Hazrat Umar’s (Rad.A) period was an exemplary period as far as this principle of the democratic ’”’ay of government is concerned. There is no other example in history when people gave their opinion so freely, and criticised the ruler vi.e. t’ie Government^ «o openly. The Caliph had himself introduced this pnnciple, nov. 1 in those days, through his address. A part of one of his address is quoted as under: ”O people! I am but a trustee of your property and wealth, like a person who is trustee of the property and wealth of an orphan child. Had ! been rich I would not have taken any allowance for my services. In case I needed I would have accepted only to the extent of the need. Friends! you have certain rights over me and you are fully allowed to claim your rights anytime. One of such rights is Don’t allow me to misappropriate the Indemnity tax and booty. You have the right to check that the poor, the needy and disabled person amongst you should get allowances for their livelihood. You have the rvht 1 -ake sure that the borders of the stale are sa’e and that you are not n danger. Once a person in a pubJc meeting stood up and said, ”O Umar, fear Allah”. The audience tried to stop him but Hazrat Umar said, ’Let him say, he is free to give his opinion. If people do not give their opinion they are useless and if we (the rulers) do not listen to them, we are useless”. Not only the men but women too enjoyed the freedom of opinion. Once Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was suggesting the quantity of dowry to be fixed at the time of Nikah (Marriage) which was not in accordance with Islamic principle. A veiled lady immediately stood up and said’ ’’O Umar, fear Allah”. Hearing this Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) realised his mistake and accepted her objection. It was this freedom of thought and opinion which paved the way to Hazrat Umar’s success. He was a stern ruler as far as implementation of law was concerned but at the same time he vas just, and democratic, a true follower of Islamic democracy in which Hazrat Umar (Rad. A.) 247 every person has freedom of opinion within the limits of ”Shariah” (Divine Law), i.e., under the sovereignty of Allah ?nd the authority of His Law. He acted upon the principle of equality and brotherhood of mankind on one side and justice and truthfulness on the other. Not only the Muslims but the non-Muslims were also free to express their opinion. He made no discrimination between Muslims and nonMuslims in matter of justice, human rights and fair play. Provincial Administration Hazrat Umar was an outstanding model for the succeeding Muslim rulers in administration. ”During the thirty years that the Republic lasted”, says Ameer Ali, ”the policy derived its character chiefly from both during his life-time and after his death”. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) divided the whole Islamic Khilafat (i e., Islamic State into various provinces each with a capital). The following were, the provinces and their governois in 23 A.H., i.e., near the end of Hazrat Umar’s Caliphate. 1. 2. 3. Governor Nafi bin Abu Harith. Governor Governor Mu’awiya Sufyan. Abu Musa Ash’ari. Mughirah Shu’bah. bin Abu bin bin Governor Amr bin al-A’s. Hijaz with Makkah as its capital; Syria with Damascus as its capital; Iran with Basrah as its Governor capital; Iraq with Kufa as its capital; Egypt with Fustat as its capital; Palestine with Jerusalem Governor Alqamah bin Majsz. as its Jazira (i.e. Mesopotamia) with Hims (Horns) as its controlling capital; Governor Umair bin Sa’d. The Central province of Arabia with Medina as its capital. The capital of the state was also Medina. The title of the provincial Governor was ”Wali”, who was the chief administrator and generally the supreme commander of the armed forces of rhat province. In each province there were usually following officers besides the Governor: The Treasury Officer (Sahib-i Baitul-Mal); the Revenue Collector (Sahib-i-Kharaj); the chief police officer (Sahib-i- 6 7. 8. 248 Political and Cultural History of Islam Hazrat Umar (Rod. A.) 249 Ahdath); the Judge (al-Qazi). In those provinces where the governor was not holding the office of the commander of armed forces, a separate commander was apoointed. Foi example, in the beginning in Kufa, Hazrat Amar ibn Yasir (Rad.A) was the ”Wali” (the Governor), Usman ibn Han if (Rad.A) was the revenue collector. Abdullah ibn Masud was rhe treasury officer, Shuraih was the Judge and Khazai was Secretary of Defence (i.e., Diwan). Usually the officers were appointed after consultation with the ”Shura”. The provinces were divided into districts. Each district was> administered by an officer cal»ed ’Amir’ All the governors and the high officers of the province were called to Makkah every- year on the occasion of Hajj when Muslims from the entire area gathered there. Complaints against them were recorded by the Khalifnh. Enquires were made and grievances were removed. All the officers were paid high salaries so that they may not indulge in bribery and. corruption. The Khallfah was the Religious Head of the State hot only the khahfah and the Governors were also great scholars of Islam. They were all administrative officers, theologians, jurists and pious. The Khalifah himself was the overall religious head of the state. He used to lead five limes compulsory salats and jurna’s salat in the Holy Prophet’s Mosque at Medina, and also the Eid salats at the Musalla for ”Eid” in Medina. At time of Hajj he was the leader of Hajj and in his absence a person was appointed by him as his deputy, in religious matters he used w give his verdict based upon the ”Shari’ah. In case of a question of law he usually consulted a special committee for that purpose working under a department known ,is ”Shuha-i-Ifta (The department of Jurists), or sometimes he sent tne matter directly to the Committee. Hazrat AH, Usman. Mu’adh bin Jaba!. Abdur Rahman bin ’Auf, Ubay> bin Ka’b. Zaid bin Thabit, Abu Hurairah and Abu Das da (Rad.A) were the main Muftis” at Medina. The Khalifah did not Sicsitate to enquire about a Hadith \vhicn he dH not know. At the same time he did not allow others to narrate Ahadith (saying of the Holy Prophet), not known to him without a witness. Besides performing the duty of the administration each govuru wa« also the religious head of the province. He had to lead five saksts u> the nearest mosque, the Juma’a saiat in the Masjid alJami: (The main mosque of the capita!) and also the Eid salats on ”Eid Musallahs”. Judiciary The judicial functions were entrusted to Qazis (judges). A Qazi was completely free of executive administration On a number of occasions the Khalifah (Hazrat Umar) himself appeared before a Qazi to defend himself in some cases. The provincial Qa/is were completely independent of the provincial governors. The Qazis were paid good salaries so that there might not be even a slightest chance of bribery. The monthly salary of Qazis like Hazrat Salman, Rabi’ah and Shuraih (Rad.A) were 500 Dirhams. The monthly salary of Hazrat Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A) was 1000 Dirhams. ”Umar (Rad.A) was the first ruler in Islam’” says Ameer Ali, ”to fix salaries for judges and to make theit offices distinct from the executive officers.” In a number of books like ”Tabqat-ul-Fuqaha”, and ”Mawardi” an ordinance sent by Umar (Rad.A) to various Qazis is quoted. ”It is essential for a ”Qazi to be just in his decisions and should not give any preference to the persons considered eminent in the society. The complainants should produce proof in support of their case while the defendants are allowed to take an oath (depending upon the nature of the cas*-)- Agreement between the tw > parties is permissible except when such agreement makes unlawful act lawful or a lawful act unlawful. If truth is known after a decision has been given, you are allowed to reconsider the case and change the decision. When you do not tind guidance in the Holy Qur an or in the Ahadith for decision of a case ponder over it (on the basis of the broader principles of Shari’ah i.e. Divine Law) and search foi its solution in the light of past decisions given by the righteous predecessors. (In the case you do not get the solution in past decisions), ’hen apply your own mind (i.c do Ijitihad or Qiyas based upon the Holy Qu»Jah and the Sunnah (i.e. the practices of the Holy Prophet”. The Qazis appointed by Hazrat I..mar (Rad.A) among the most pious, truth fui and trustwurthy Muslims of his period. Besides bein^ pious, they were also ^reat junscs and scholars. The Qazi of Medina was Hazrat Zaid bin Thabet (the scribe of Wahy” Revelation). There were two Qazis at Kufa, Hazrat Abdullah bin Masud and Hail at Shut ah (Rad.A) other Qazis during the Caliphate of Hazrat Utnar (Rad.A) wetc: Salman bin Rabi; Abdur Rahman bin Rabi. fmran bin Hasin, Abu Maryam, and Jamil bin al-Umar etc. (Rad.A). 250 Political and Cultural History of Islam Hazrat Umar (Rad. A.) 251 Since Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was also a jurist, he also held courts, and sometimes as the court of appeal in a position which could be described as the chief justice now-a-days. Once he inflicted the Sharia punishment of eighty lashes for drinking on his own son Abu Sahmah which resulted in his death on the spot. There are a number of other examples which show the Islamic justice prevailing at the time. Muslims and non-Muslims both were equal before his justice. Once a Muslim killed a Christian, Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) inflicted capital punishment upon him. Department of Education Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) took special interest in imparting Islamic knowledge to the Muslims. The Holy Qur’an was compiled in a Book form during the period of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) on Umar’s (Rad.A) insistence. He established schools for teaching the Holy Qur’an in all the conquered territories. Such schools were located in the M” jids. A number of writers like Ibn-i-Jauzi have mentioned that the teachers of such schools received good salaries. Besides teaching the Holy Qur’an they also trained the people in reading and writing. The Huffaz (i.e. the Muslims’who commit whole of the Holy Quian to their memory were specially honoured. In the provinces of Syria and Palestine following teachers were appointed: ’Ubadah bin Samit, Mu’adh bin Jabal and Abu Darda (Rad.A). They established schools in Hims, Palestine and Damascus. Police Department and Institution of Prisons To kee.p order inside the state, a police force was necessary. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was the first Muslim Head of State who established the Police Department. The police force at the time was known as ”Ahdath” and the police officer as the ”Sahibul Ahdath”’ Hazrat Abu Hurairah (Rad.A) was appointed as the ”Sahibul Ahdath” for Bahrain. When he was going to take charge of his duty, Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) gave him the following instructions. ”Keep peace in the area. Let not the people contravene law. They should not measure cr weigh incorrectly. Nobody should build any house on roads so as to hinder the passage. No one should over-load animal. Nobody is allowed to sell or buy liquor”. There was no jail in Arabia before Hazrat Umar (Rad.A). He bought five houses in Makkah and used them as prisons. He also set up jails in some districts of various provinces The punishment of exile was for the first time introduced by Hazrat Umar (Rad.A). He exiled Abu Mihjan Thaqafi to an Island as puni >hinent for drinking liquor. I The Bait-ul-Mal (Public Treasury) and Revenue Administration A public treasury (Bait-ul-Mal) was for the first time established by the Holy Prophet in the form of a common fund for the benefit of the general public. During the time of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A), a house was purchased for the purpose but there were no saving beside one Dirham when he passed away. Dunng the Caliphate of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) the Bait-ul-Mal was immensely enlarged. He reorganized the entire system on a very sound and just basss. The officer incharge of the public treasury (Bait-ul-Mal) was known as ”Sahib-i-Bait-ul-Mal.” There were treasury officers in each province. Guards were also appointed for the Bait-ul-Mal. In Medina there was the central treasury and regular accounts were kept. Following were the main sources of revenue. i) Jizya (Indemnity or Defence Tax); ii) Zakat (Poor tax); Khiraj (Land tax); Ushr (Special land tax); Booty (Income from the conquered places); Tax on non-Muslim merchants or traders (because they did not pay Zakat). The tax on non-Muslim traders was introduced by Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) for the first time. The reason was obvious, they did not pay Zakat while Muslim merchants had to pay Zakat. Ushr, the special land tax equal to one tenth of the produce was taken from large holdings. The Zakat fund was kept in special account books and was spent in accordance with the Islamic laws as given in the Holy Qur’an. From the rest of the fund, expenditure on general administration and warfare was met. The surplus was distributed among Muslims which was determined by three main principles, the relationship and the closeness with the Holy Prophet; priority of conversion to Islam and sacrifices for its cause; and military service to Islam. For example, the Badriyin received 5000 Dirhams each, those who participated in the battle of Uhud or participated in the ”Treaty of Hudaibia” received 4000 each. The Muslims who accepted Islam before the conquest of Makkah but after the ”Treaty of Hudaibia” received 3000 each. Those who fought in Syria or, Iraq received 2000 each and those who took part in the battles after this in) iv) v) vi) Hazrat Umar (Rad. A.) 253 252 Political and Cultural History of Islam received 1000 each. Any ordinary soldier who fought during the time of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) received 500 to 600 Dirhams. The stipend was given to every Muslim whether male or female, young or old. Even new-born babies also received stipends. Sir William Muir in his book ”Caliphate” comments on it: ”A people dividing amongst them the whole revenues spoil and conquests of state. On the basis of an equal brotherhood is a spectacle probably without parallel in the vcrld”. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was very cautious in spending the public fund. There are a number of instances which could be presented here. Once Hazrat Uriar (Rad.A) fell sick and the physician advised him to take lions >. There was plenty of honey in the Rait-uiMal. He went to the Prophet’s Mosque and called General ”Shura”. When people assembled he said, ”! need some honey, I would be thankful if you allow me to take some honey from the Bait-u!-Mal”. He took personal care cf the Bait-ul-Mal properties. Once a camel belonging to the Bait-ul-Mal ran away. He himself went in search of it. In the meantime a chief of a cl?n came to meet him. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) said to him ”T ease help n e in my work. I am searching a camel of the Bait-ul-T,ial”.^uch examples are unparallel in the history of whole civilisation and they show extreme vigilance by Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) of public funds. At this place 1 would like to mention two more things in connection with the Revenue Administration of Ha/ rat Umar (Rad.A) (a) Survey of lands in Iraq; (b) Indemnity Tax. (a) Survey of Land in Iraq Before Islam there was no administration in Arabia, Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) introduced a full administrative system based upon Islam. When Iraq was conquered he did not allow the conquered land to be distributed as estate among the warriors. He granted it to the people as state p-operty. There were many objections raised by the ”Shura”. Hazrat Umar’s (Rad.A) plan was formulated, then he ordered survey of the conquered land in Iraq. Land tax has assessed according to the income of the farmers. No tax was levied on lands which were trusts for places of worship or which were owned by orphans. Fore’ ts was considered as state property. Big estates, owned individually ty people were not taken away from them. In o’ner places like Syria and Egypt more or less the same system remained enforced as was before Islam as far as the ownership of estates was concerned. However he took those estates which were owned by Imperial officers of Roman Empire and distributed them among the farmers. No Muslim was allowed to take over any piece of land. However purchase of lands was allowed. He constructed a number of canals of irrigation purposes. In Egypt alone one hundred twenty thousand labourers worked to construct various canals from the river Nile. All these labourers were paid by the state (b) Jizya (Indemnity or Defence Tax) Some Western writers have objected to realization of | indemnity tax from the non- Muslims of the state. But this tax was taken for their safety against any invasion from outside. There are instances that when Muslims left a conquered place due to some reason, they returned the Jizya taken from the non-Muslims of that place. In many agreements signed by Muslims during the wars, it was clarified that Jizya would be ppid to the state by the nonMuslims for their protection and in case the state (i.e. Muslim Govt.) took any help from them for their protection they would not have to pay the Jizya. Following agreement was signed with the inhabitants of Jarjan. ”It is our responsibility to protect your property against any invasion and you would pay annual tax (jizya) in lieu thereof. If we seek your help for protecting you, we would not charge any tax (Jizya)”’. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) had issued orders to various commanders during the battles with Persians. Hazrat Abu ’Ubaidah (Rad.A) the commander at the Syrian front returned all the irdemnity tax, he had received, when he left the conquered places for the time being to return to safer borders against the Romans at Yarmuk. More over utmost care was exercised in levying the Jizya. The poor and orphans were never charged. There was no Indemnity tax on old persons who could not work, n the agreement which was signed at Hirah this verv well be seen. ” f any old man is unable to earn, or if a rich man becomes poor, of if r> person meets an accident, then no Jizya would be charged from bin . Muslims are responsible to take care of such persons and to pay them for their needs from the Bait-ul-Mal”. Once Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) saw an old non-Muslim begging. He asked him the reason for begging. The old man said that he had to pay jiz>a. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) immediately brought him home and gave some money to him. Then he ordered the officers not to charge jizya from such persons. He was so solicitous about non-Muslim that he left a will: Take care of the ”TJhimmis”’ i.e., the non-Muslim. Do 254 Political and Cultural History of Islam not break any agreement signed with them. I do not take that work from them which they can do not. Fight for their protection (if some body attacks them)” This is an exemplary treatment, a nation could give to conquered people. Personal Care of the Public and Stipends to Disabled Persons and the Poor Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) used to take personal care of the public. A number of instances could be cited in this connection. Once a caravan came to Medina and alighted outside the city. He himself guarded the caravan during the night and saw to their needs. He was going round one night when he saw a women with some children who crying due to hunger. He himself brought some flour and butter etc., from the Bait-ul-Mal and personally prepared meals for the children. His slave, Aslam offered his services but he said, ”You can not help Umar (Rad.A) on the Day of judgement. He is himself responsible for it.’’ Once he saw a Bedouin staying outside the city and his wife was in the throes of child birth. He immediately called his wife who worked as a midwife. Every day afler the congregational Salats he used to sit in the Masjid in order to listen to the complaints of the people. Any person having any need reported to Umar (Rad.A) and he helped him. Besides the allowance described above he also gave stipends to poor and disabled persons regardless of their faith and creed. To find out the needs of the people he used to go out during night time. Construction of Mosques and Establishment of Schools He founded a number of schools. Masjids were used for giving religious instructions. A number of Masjids were built by Hazrat Umar (Rad.A). He asked the governors of various provinces specially of Syria to build at least one mosque in each city or town. In Kufa a separate Masji6 was built for every clan. According to some historians he built four thousand Masjids. The Haram (Masjidul-Haram) in Makkah was too small for the increasing Muslim population. He extended it and built a wall around it in order to sepa-ate it from the township. He covered the Ka’bah with very cost’y Egyptian cloth instead of ordinary cloth. The Masjid of the Holy Prophet was also extended. He bought all the houses and properties surrounding the Masjid besides the houses of the chaste widows of the Holy Proohet, and extended tne Masjid. A big platform was constructed in the yard of the Masjid to impart Islamic knowledge. Hazrat Jmar (Rad. A.) 255 Construction of Office Buildings and Erection of New Cities Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) L»uilt a number of offices for various needs. The construction of prison in Makkah and Bait-ul-Mal in the Medina has been mentioned before. The Treasury Houses were also built in various provinces. The construction of the building of Treasury House (Bait-ul-Mal) was supervised by a Persian engineer ^ozbah who used the same type of cement in the building as was used :r. the palaces of the Persian Emperors. A number of rest-houses for travellers were also built. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) also built many new roads and bridges. The road between Makkah and Medina was broadened and a number of rest-houses and police posts were built on this road. As described above a number of canals were constructed for irrigation and for supply of fresh water. A nine mile long canal was constructed in Basrah which brought water from the river Tigris. Some governors also built canals. Hazrat Sa’d bin Waqqas built a canal in Kufa. A number of new cities were founded. Special Care of Agriculture Agronomy was the main source of income during those days. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) took special care of the welfare of agriculture and the farmers. As stated before he dug a number of canals for irrigation. A number of gardens were planted on his order. He made a law under which no Muslim could acquire land from the natives of the soil in the conquered territories. However land could be purchased. He supported both Muslim and non-Muslim farmers. Introduction of Islamic Calendar For the first time in the history of Islam, Calendar was introduced in the present form by Hazrat Umar (Rad.A). The date of start of this Calendar was fixed as the date of the ”Hijrah” (migration) of the Holy Prophet. Thus the Calendar is also known as the Hijrah Calendar. Regular Army One of the biggest achievements of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was to keep regular armies of the State. He encouraged Muslims to join the regular forces whenever the need arose. For the first time in the history of Islam all irregular armies or mercenaries were divided into clearcut classes of regular and irregular armies. The army personnel was well paid and their families also got allowances. Separate registers for regular and irregular armies were maintained. In order to keep military tradition of the Muslims. Hazrat Umar 256 Political and Cultural History of Islam (Rad.A) did not allow the army personnel to held land in the conquered territories, which might have impaired military powers of Muslim soldiers. Cantonments were built for soldiers where they iived in accordance with Islamic practices. It would be discussed in the following pages how these .cantonments turned into centres of Islamic culture and knowledge, thus became the Muslim quarters to preserve Islamic culture and practice. C&ntra) cantonments were built in the following places. Medina, Kufa, Basrah, Mosul, Fustat, Damascus. Hims (i.e Homes), Jordan, Palestine, and Ramla. Besides the Commanding officer, the army had translators, Doctors, Surgeons and Detectives. Each corps of soldiers was headed by an officer known as ”Anef’ where his duty was to distribute the salary, dress and other necessities. The non-commissioned officer of every ten soldiers ,was known as ”’Amiru! A’shar”. Minimum salary of soldier was 200 to 300 Dirhams annually besides his personal necessities and allowances given to his family in his absence. Some officers got salaries ranging from 7,000 to 10,000 Dirhams annually. No regular military personnel was allowed to do business or agriculture. It was compulsory for every soldier to be trained in swimming, riding, and walking barefooted besides other military training. The army was generally divided into cavalry and infantry. Each central cantonment had at least four thousand horses for the cavalry. Stables were provided with big pastures. Special care was taken of the horses. There were big granneries in cantonments to supply food to the military personnel. Special arrangements were made to protect the frontiers. Hazrat Abdullah bin Qaish was the officer incharge of this branch. He built a number of fortresses in the frontier region. Once the number of soldiers in all the Islamic armies was counted and it was found that about one million equipped soldiers were present in all the regular and irregular armies. This was done after the Muslims had conquered the Persian Empire and a major part of Byzantium, otherwise in the beginning a number was for less as mentioned in connection with the various battles that took place during the time of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A). As a matter of fact Umar (Rad.A) made every Muslim a soldier and every one was anxious to fight in the path of Allah. Non-Muslims were also included in the army. It is wrong to say that only Arabs were in the army because among Muslims themselves there were a number of non-Arab races Hazrat Unar (Rad. A.) 257 commonly known as ”Ajamis” who accepted Isla.m during the time of Hazrat Abu Bal^. (Rad.A) and Hazrat Umar (Raid.A) and took part in Jihad (Holy Waf\ Special cafe was taken Of the health of arrny personnel. Fn 17 A.H. when Mada’i^ was conquered, the climate was not suitable tor the soldiers. When Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) heard about it he wrote to Utbah bin Ghaz^an ^at soi,jjers should be permitted to go to suitable places di)rjng autumn Cantonments were constructed at places suitable frot,, tne point of view of climate. The Mail System was very efficient. Suitable persons were appointed to carry maj| frorn the army to Medina and vice versa. The Caliph (Hazrat Un^ (Ra Preservation of Islamic Practice and Culture by Establishing Mu^i^ Quarters As stated above the Muslim army was required to live in the cantonments. Late». these cantO’iments were annexed to ,the civil quarters which ultimately resulted in the establishment of new cities These Muslim qu^rters or smilil colonies were established in the conquered territories m t{ie fornl of Model Islamic Towns in order to preserve Islamic practices and culture the puipose of such quarters was to save Muslit^s from the effect of non-Islamic culture and to show local non-Muslims the practical shape of Islamic society. These Muslim quatters attracted the local public towards Islam. It was the charm of ^sjam which ultimately caused them to accept it and to change thejr non- Islamic beliefs, traditions, culture and in many instances thQ« ianguage as well- Ail this cannot be done by force. Hearts and languages cannot be changed at the point of sword. If Muslim quarters had not been set-up at that tinne it would have been difficult for I^jamjc ways to prevail in the countries which are now proud to call t^emse|ves asMuslim States. Seeing the practical 258 Political and Cultural History of Islam lives of Muslims their sense of equality, and high morals, the local population was so attracted that they changed even their language. Arabic was not the local language of Syria, Egypt and Iraq when these places were conquered by Muslims. The love lor Allah His Holy Prophet, His Last Book (the Holy Qur’an) caused the inhabitants of these places, who accepted Islam, to change their languages and treat the beautiful Arabic, the heavenl> language as their own language raiher their mother tongue. In this way Hazrat Umar’s (Rad.A) act of setting up Muslim quarters, ultimately became the cause of the spread of Islam. DEATH OF THE CALIPH AND REVIEW OF HIS ACHIEVEMENTS Martyrdom of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) The glorious rule of Ha/rat Umar (Rad.A) came to an end with his death on Wednesday the 27th of/il Hijjah, the >ear 23 A.H. (643 A.D.) when he was 61 years old. fliere \\as a Persian slave of Hazrat Mughirah bin Shubah, named Abu 1 u’l u’i-iro/. One day he complained about the burden his master had imposed upon him. The complaint was not genuine, hence Hazrat Umar (Rad’.A) ignored it. Next day, early in the morning when Ha/rat Umar (Rad.A) went to Masjid to perform Fajr Salat, the slave who was hiding in a corner, attacked him with a dagger and stabbed Ivm six times. People overpowered the assassin but he slew himself v\ith the same dagger. The injuries were so serious that the Caliph died the next morning. Before his death the Muslims asked him about his successor,.he appointed a penal of six persons. Ha/rat, Usman, Ali, Zubair, Taiha. Sa’d bin Waqqas and Abdur Rahman bin Auf (Rad.A) to select a ”Khalifdh” from amongst them within three days after him He requested Hazrat Aisha (Rad.A) for permission for his burial by the side of Holy Prophet. Though she had reserved that place for herself but on Umar’s (Rad.A) request she gave it to him where he was buried. CHARACTER The period of Hazrat Umar’s (Rad.A) Caliphate undoubtedly is the ”Golden Age” of Islam in every respect. He was a man of extra-ordinary genius who not only moulded the destiny of the nation but made history of his own. He followed the footsteps of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) to the fullest extent. It was Umar (Rad.A) under whose rule Islam became a world power and the mighty empires of Hazrat Umar (Rad. A.) 259 Persia and Byzantine crumbled before the arm of Islam. Within ten years of his glorious rule, the whole of the Persian Empire, Syria. Palestine, Egypt and a part of Turkey came under the banner of Islam and the nations entered the fold of Islam. He was not only a conqueror but also an exemplary administrator who originated an efficient system of administration, and thus he was the real founder of political system of Islam. He enforced Divine Law (Shariah) as the code of a newly formed International Islamic State; he safeguarded the internal safety by introducing the police force; he gave stipends to the poor; he constructed cantonments and fons for the safety of Islamic armies: he founded new cities for the growth of Islamic culture and civilization; he improved agriculture and economics of the Islamic State; he founded the educational system in an Islamic State; in brief he was the founder of great Islamic State. He was a very pious Muslim. His success lay in two things fear of Allah and his love for the Holy Prophet. He never used even oil from the Bait-ul-Mal (Public Treasury) to burn a lamp at night for his personal needs. Whenever he finished the official work he put off the lamp. He used to patrol in the city at night to find out the needs and requirements and conditions of the people. He did not hesitate to take his wife to work as a midwife for a poor woman. The salary he got from the Bait-ul-Mal was so low that it was hardly enough for him and his family’s needs. When some of the eminent Muslims requested him to increase the amount he said: ”The Holy Prophet has left a standard by his personal example. I must follow him”. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was the most just ruler in the Islamic History. All the citizens, including the Caliph himself, were equal before law. Once he appeared before a court at Medina to clarify his position against a complaint. The Qazi wanted to stand in his honour, but he did not allow him to do so, so that there would be no distinction between him and an ordinary person before law. He was really the founder of modern democratic system. In short he was the best example of an ideal character, and was the greatest ”Khalifah” of Islam after Abu Bakr (Rad.A). He selflessly devoted his whole energy for the cause of Islam. Muslims will always be indebted to him for his great achievements. As a matter of fact a separate book is required to describe his character and his services to Islam. PIETY His dress, meals and general behaviour were similar to those of the Holy Prophet. There were usually a number of patches on his 260 Political and Cultural History of Islam dress. He always took very ordinary meals. Once Yazid bin Abi Sufyan invited him to a feast and when special dishes were brought before him. he stopped eating and said, ”I swear Allah in whose hand is the life of Umar (Rad.A), if you would not follow the ways of Holy Prophet, Allah would cause you to be away from the ”(SiratulMustaqim)” (The straight path)”. He did not leave his characteristic simplicity even though he was ruling over a vast empire from Iran to Tripoli. He used to sit on a mat made of date-palms. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) feared Allah and was wholly devoted to Him. It was his usual practice to cry and weep during Salat. Sometimes he passed whole of the night performing Salat and crying before Allah and because of tears his beard used to get wet. It was his usual practice to weep during the Fajr Salat. On hearing or reading the verses of the Holy Qur’an containing description of the Day of Judgement and he used to weep so much so that his whole beard would get wet. Once he was leading Fajr Salat when he recited a verse from Surah Yusaf:’! expose my distress and anguish only to Allah”. (12:16), he started to weep and his voice was heard in the back row of the congregation. Because of excessive weeping due to fear of Allah his eyes were swollen. He was fearful of the account to be taken on the Day of Judgement. Once he took hold of a straw and said: ”I wish I was a straw (to be saved from the account on the Day of Judgement)”. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) sacrificed almost all of his wealth for the sake of Allah and for Holy Prophet. Once he said, ”I love the Holy Prophet more than anything besides my life”. Hearing this the Holy Prophet remarked, ”Nobody is (a true) Muslim unless he loves me more than everything of the world including his own life.” On this Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) said, ”Now I love you, O Prophet of Allah, more than my life. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) as a Great Scholar Before the advent of Islam there was no tradition in Arabia of reading or writing. There were only seventeen people among Quraysh who could read or write at the time when the Holy Prophet started to receive Divine revelation. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was one of those seventeen persons. His writing and lecture are still found in some old books. The first address he gave as a Caliph is as under: ”O Allah, I am strict, make me soft. I am weak give me power. The Arabs are like refractory camels, I will endeavour to bring them to the straight path.” He was also Hazrat Umar (Rad. A ) 261 interested in poetry and sometimes he composed verses. Umar (Rad.A) was one of the most fluent Quraysh. Arabic knowing persons can appreciate the fluency of his writings and addresses. Many of his sayings became aphorisms of literature. He was a great Jurist and Theologian of Islam. Because of the fear of making any mistake he did not quote many Ahadith (saying of the Holy Prophet) even though he was fully conversant with them. He never allowed a person to quote any Hadith which was not well known without producing any attestator in support of it. If somebody quoted a Hadith before him which he had never heard, he at once asked him to bring a witness failing which he would be punished. He was expert in deriving laws from the Holy Qur’an and the Hadith. A full volume could be compiled out of the verdicts and judgments given by Hazrat Umar (Rad.A). As a matter of fact he opened a new door of ”Ijtihad” in the history of Islamic Law and jurisprudence and settled a number of disputable cases during his Caliphate. Preaching of Islam As the viceroy of Holy Prophet his foremost duty was to spread and preach Islam. As mentioned above, the aim of various battles and wars was to clear the way for the Muslims for preaching Islam. Whenever any army had to attack a place it had to call the inhabitants of the place to Islam. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was very strict in this respect and he had given standing orders to the commanders not to start war unless they had first invited the people to Islam. If they accepted it, there was no question of war and if they did not, then the war was fought only with those who were not given free hand to Muslims to preach the right path. No person was ever forced to forsake his own faith and accept Islam. The method adopted to preach Islam was demonstrated by actual practice. For this purpose he ordered Muslims to establish their own quarters and present the practical shape to Islam before the population. Seeing the truthful way, the inhabitants of the place were attracted towards Islam. No soldier was allowed to take any property or anything by force from the conquered people. 262 Political and Cultural History of Islam Because of their treatment by the Muslims sometimes the whole army of the enemy accepted Islam. After the battle of Qadisiya a battalion of four thousand Persians accepted it. After the victory of Jalula, the chiefs of the place entered the folds of Islam alongwith the inhabitants. A commander of the army of Yadzgird named Siyah accepted Islam with his battalion during a battle in Persia. All the inhabitants of the town of Bulhat in Egypt accepted Islam at one time without the use of any force only by seeing the piety of Muslims. A rich merchant and the chief of a place in Egypt, named Shata, accepted Islam with all the inhabitants of the place only after hearing about the character and piety of Muslims at the time when Muslims had not even reached that place. These are only a few examples to show that Islam spread because of the character of Muslims at that time. Umar (Rad.A) was very strict in ensuring that no Muslim forced any non-Muslim to accept Islam. Through his advice, letters and addresses he made it clear to all the Muslims that they had to adhere to the ways of the Holy Prophet which was the only method to preach Islam. Umar’s (Rad.A) Period was the Golden Age of Islamic History Thus we see that Hazrat Umar’s period was the Golden Age of the Islamic history when Islam was practised in its true form. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) intiated 41 good practices during his period, which were based upon the Holy Qur’an and the Sunnah of the Holy Prophet. These are known as ”Awliat-i-Umar (the initiations of Umar). The details can be seen in the books of Islamic History like Tabari, Ibn-i-Athir, and Tarikh-i-Khulfa etc. Most of these initiations have been mentioned the preceding pages in brief. Actually Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was the founder of Islamic Democracy based upon the Holy Qur’an and the Sunnah of the Holy Prophet. CHAPTER 19 HAZRAT USMAN (RAD.A) (644 - 656 A.D./24 - 35 A.H.) EARLY LIFE Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) belonged to a noble family of Quraysh. His ancestral pedigree joins with that of the Holy Prophet in the fifth generation. He was from the ”Umayyah” family of Quraysh, which was a well reputed and honourable family of Makkah during the pre-Islamic days. In the famous battle of ”Fujjar” the commander- in-chief of the Quraysh’s army, Harb bin Umayyah was from the same family. The descendants of this family are known as ”Banu Umayyah” or ”Umawwin”. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was born in 573 A.D. His patronymic name was ”Abu Amr” and father’s name was ”Affan bin Abul A’s”. He was known by the name ”Usman ibn Affan”. Hazrat Usman was one of the few persons of Makkah who knew reading and writing. When he grew up, he started business in cloth which made him very rich. He used his money in good ways and always helped the poor. Usman (Rad.A) was a soft natured and kind hearted man. He did not hesitate to spend any amount of money on seeing a man in trouble in order to remove his misery. For his noble qualities the Makkhans had great respect for him. Acceptance of Islam Hazral Usman (Rad.A) accepted Islam when Abu Bakr (Rad.A) preached to him. He was one of those Muslims who accepted Islam in its very early days. Though ”Banu Hashim” (the Holy Prophet’s family) was rival to ”Banu Umayyah” (HaTrat Usman’s (Rad.A) family), and the latter was in power a( thai time 264 Political and Cultural History of Islam Hazrat Usman (Rod. A.) 265 yet Usman (Rad.A) did not hesitate to acknowledge the Prophethood of Hazrat Muhammad (PBUH) which meant authority and supremacy over ”Banu Hashim”. This was one of the reasons why Qurayshi leaders, beionging to Banu Umayyad (like Abu Sufyan) were opposing the HoJ-y prophet. Thus acceptance of Isiam in such a position shows the clear mindedness of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) when he accepted Islam, the Quraysh who once loved Usman (Rad.A) became his enemies. Even his relatives like Hakam (one of his urcies) began to rebuke him and chastised him severely. Emigration to Abyssinia When life in Makkah became hard for the Muslims, he went to the Holy Prophet and sought permission to take refuge in Abyssinia, along with Bother Muslims. The permission was gianted. Hazrat Usman (Rad A; and his wife crossed fhe Red Sea with other Muslims and migrated to Abyssinia. At the time of his migration the Holy Prophet remaiked: ”Usman is the first man of my Ummali to migrate (for the sake of Allah) with his family”. He stayed (here for a muple of months and came back to Makkah when he was wrongly informed by somebody that die Quraysh had accepted Islam. Usman (Rad. Aj Gets the Title of ”Zfeun-Nurain” Hurfzt Usman (Rad.A) migrated second time with other Muslims to Medina. He could not participate in the first battle of Isiam against non-be’ievers of Makkah at Badr, because his wife was very i[\ She died berore the Muslims returned from Badr after the victory. The rioly Prophet gave him giad tidings that he wouid get tlie same reward as though he had participated in fhe battle. After the •death of Hazrat Ruqa>yah (Sad A), the Holy Prophet married his next daughter, ”Umm KuisunY” with him and he was given the title of’Zhun-Nurain’” i.e., the man with two lights.1 His Other Services for the Cause of Isiam before Caliphate He was very prominent Muslim to serve Islam by all means. He participated in almost all the battles with the non-believers in wh’ch the Holy Prophet had also taken part, except ”Badr”. At the time of the ”Treaty of Hudaibia*’ he was sent to Makkah to negotiate with the non-believers. Then the Muslims were wrongly informed about his murder by the non-believers of Makkah. It is for this reason that the Holy Prophet sought a pledge by the Muslims to fight with the non-believers in revenge of his murder. That pledge is known as Of MajiJ an Khan, The Pious Caliphs, P 129 ”Bai’at-al Rizwan” (the pledge of Rizwan). For Usman’b pledge, the Holy Prophet put his left hand (representing Usman’s hand) on his right hand. When the Mughajirin (Emigrants) from Makkah came to Medina, they had great difficult} in getting drinking water. Hazrat Usman (Rad,A) bought a well named Bi’r-i- Rumah from a Jew for twenty thousand Dirhaim for free use of Muslims, That was the first trust ever made in the history of Islam. The Holy Piophel gave him the glad tidings of paradise for this act. When the number of Muslims increased, the Holj Prophet’s mosque became too small to accommodate the increasing population. It was ”Usman (Rad.A) who responded to the Piophet’s call and brought land for its extension When the Holy Prophet went to the expedition of Tabuk, Ha/rat Usman (Rad.A) bore toe expenses for one third Islamic army (i.e., about 10,000 men). He also gave one thousand Dinars (gold coinsj to support the rest of the army. The Holy Prophet remarked on this, ”Nothing will do any harm to Usman (Rad.A) from this day, whatever he docs”. Hazrat \ ’sman (Rad A) was one of the scribes of the ”Wah> (Revelation) and also used to write other documents (letter0* and messages etc.) of the Holy Piophet. At the time of election of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was present in the Assembly Hal) of Medina. During the Caliphate of Abu Bakr (Rad.A) and Umar (Rad.A) he was a member of the ”Shura” (Advisory Council). He occupied a prominent position in the affairs of the Islamic State during that time. Hazrat Usman (Rad. A) Elected as the Third Khalifah (Caliph) Before his death, Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) appointed a panel of six men to select a ”Khaiifah” from amongst themselves and then sought his approval through Bai’at (pledge of loyalty) by Muslim public. He also instructed them to make the nomination within three days. The panel included Us>man, Ali, Sa’d bin Abi Waqqas, Talha, Zubair and Abdur Rahman bin Auf as the members. The panel could not arrive at any decision even after long meetings. Then Hazrat Abdur Rahman bin Auf proposed somebody to withdraw his name in order to decide the matter. When he got no response, he withdrew his own name. The remaining members agreed that he could take a decision. He consulted each member individually except Hazrat Talha (Rad.A) who was not present at 266 Political and Cultural History of Islam Medina. It so happened that Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) proposed Ali’s (Rad.A) name and Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) proposed Usman’s (Rad.A) name for the post of Khalifah. But Zubair and Sa’d were more in favour of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) than Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). After more consultations with other companions and thinking over the problem during the third night, Hazrat Abdur Rahman bin Auf (Rad.A) gave his decision in the morning of the fourth day in favour of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A). , First of all Hazrat Abdur Rahman bin Auf (Rad.A) took Bai’at at the hands of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) and then all the Muslims present in the Mosque followed suit and took Bai’at (pledge of loyalty) at the hands of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) in this way, Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was declared to be the third Caliph. When Talha returned to Medina, Usman (Rad.A) requested him either to accept the post of ”Khalifah” (as he was among the persons proposed by Hazrat Umar for the post) or to acknowledge h;m as Khalifah by taking Bai’at. Hazrat Talha declined to be the Khalifah and took pledge of loyalty at his hand, saying ”How can I object to your being the Khalifah when all the Muslims have agreed upon you.” Administration of Syria During the time of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A) was the governor of Damascus controlling a part of Syria. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) after combining three provinces viz Syria, Palestine and Jordan into one, appointed Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A) as the governor of the whole Syria. During the late period of Hazrat Urnar (Rad.A). Heraclius, the Emperor of Byzantium died at Constantinople in 641 A.D. and his son, Constans (641-668) after some confusion became the Emperor of Byzantine Empire which was reduced to Anatalya (now a part of Turkey) and Asia Minor besides some state in the Eastern Europe, with Constantinople as its capital. The Romans (Byzantines) were having a covetous eye on the part conquered by the Muslims, specially Syria and Alexandria (in Egypt). They again started raising a big army against Muslims and incited the people to rebel against the Islamic Government after the death of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A). Roman Invasion of Alexandria In the year 25 A.H. (645 A.D.) there was a big rebellion in Alexandria, and in 26 A.H., the Roman army took possession of city after a fight with the Muslims. Hearing this Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.) 267 directed Amr bin al A’s (Rad.A) to crush the rebellion and back the Roman invasion. Hazrat Amr (Rad.A) again attacked the city and drove the Romans out, and recovered the port city of Alexandria. Administration of Egypt During the time of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) there was no full pledged governor in Egypt. The powers of the governor were divided. Hazrat Amr bin al A’s was the commander-in- chief of the forces and Hazrat Abdullah bin Sarah (Rad.A) was incharge of revenue. But Amr had more say in the matters of administration. There arose a dispute between Hazrat Amr and Sarah in year 27 A.H. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) investigated the case and found that Hazrat Amr was not right, so he recalled him to Medina and Hazrat Abdullah bin Sarah was appointed as governor of Egypt. Hazrat ’Amr was not pleased with the decision. During the time of ’Amr (Rad.A), the annual amount of taxes was two million dinars. Conquest of Anatalya and Cyprus Constan II, the Byzantine Emperor tried to take over Syria and ordered his army to march on the Muslims. Seeing the Roman invasion, Hazrat Amir Muawiya (Rad.A) led an army to Asia Minor where the Romans were gathered. He defeated the Romans and took over the city of Amuria. Within a short period of time he conquered a vast part of Asia Minor. Following these victories Hazrat Amir bin Muawiyah (Rad.A) turned his attention to Mediterranean. The island of Cyprus was very important from the defence point of view. He sought Usman’s (Rad.A) permission for sea fighting. The Khalifah approved his plan. For the first time in the history of Islam, a naval force was built and in the year 28 A.H. Mu’awiya sent a fleet of 500 ships under the command of Hazrat Abdullah bin Qais Harthi. After some fighting, the island of Cyprus was occupied and the inhabitants of the island agreed to pay the same tribute to Muslims as they did to the Romans. Later on in the year 33 A.H. (653 A.D.) Hazrat Amir Mu’awiya also conquered the great fort of Anatalya. He also attacked Constantinople, the capital of Byzantium, in the year 34 A.H. (654 A.D.) but was not successful in conquering it. (It was really in the lot of Sultan Muhammad Fatih who conquered it on 20 Jumadiul Awwal 857 A.H. i.e. 29 May 1453 A.D.).2 Administration of Iraq During the time of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) Iraq was governed ’ Majid Ali Khan, P. 134. 268 Political and Cultural History of Islam by the governor at Kufa. Hazrat Sa’d was the governor whom Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) recalled to Medina on some minor complaint. But at his death bed Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) desired reinstatement of Hazrat Sa’d (Rad.A) Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) fulfilled his desire and appointed Hazrat Sa’d as the governor of Iraq in the year 26 A.H. There arose a dispute between Hazrat Sa’d and Ibn Mas’ud (Rad.A) who was the treasury officer of Kufa. Ibn Mas’ud complained to the Khalifah. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) enquired into the matter and found that Hazrat Sa’d was not right, therefore Hazrat Sa’d was again deprived of the governorship and Hazrat Walid bin Uqbah was appointed as the new governor in 30 A.H.,. Hazrat Walicl bin Uqbah was accused of drinking liquor for which he was not only dismissed but was also whipped in accordance with Islamic law. According to some historians. Hazrat Walid bin Uqbah was wrongly accused by seme conspirators but Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) had to punish him because of the evidence given against him. Then Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) appointed Hazrat Sa’d bin al A’s as the governor of Kufa. Again rowdy elements of Kufa plotted against their governor in the year 34 A.H. When Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) received a number of complaints against Sa’d bin al A’s he replaced him by Hazrat Abu Musa Ash’ari (Rad.A) Rebellion of Azerbaijan and Armenia Azerbaijan and Armenia were conquered during Hazrat Urnar’s (Rad.A) time. There arose a rebellion against Islamic government after his death. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) ordered Hazrat Walid bin Uqbah (who was the governor of Kufa at that time) to crush the rebellion. He sent Islamic forces and regained the territory taken over by the rebellions. This happened in the year 26 A.H. During the same period, Hazrat Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A) sent an army to Armenia to face the Romans. The Islamic army was under the command of Habib bin Muslimah. He occupied some of the forts but Constans II sent a huge army of 80,000 men to face the Muslims. Seeing the situation Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A) wrote to Hazrat Usman (Rad A) for reinforcement. He ordered Walid bin’ Uqbah. He received Khalifah’s order when he was returning from Azerbaijan after taking it over from the rebels. He immediately sent an army of eight thousand men under the command of Salman bin Rabi’ah to Armenia. The two armies conquered the whole region of Armenia after defeating the Roman forces. They also conquered some more parts of Asia Minor including Iran and Garjastan. Thus Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.) 269 by the end of the 26 A.H. the territory upto Caucasus Mountains (now in the U.S.S.R) came under the sway of Islam. Administration of Iran and Conquest of Afghanistan Iran was under the administrative control of the governor of Basrah. Hazrat Abu Musa Ashari (Rad.A) was the governor of Basrah when Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) died the people of Basrah complained against him and wrongly accused him of partiality for the Quraysh at last Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) recalled him to Medina and appointed Hazrat Abdullah bin Amir as the governor of Basrah. As stated before whole of the Persian Empire was conquered during the time of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) and Persian Emperor, Yedzgird had ultimately fled to Balkh. After the death of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) the exiled Emperor tried to instigate a rebellion in the frontier region of the empire against the Islamic rule. To crush this rebellion Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) appointed Hazrat Ubaidullah bin Ma’mar but he was not successful and was martyred in a battle. Then Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) asked Abdullah bin Amir, the newly appointed governor to deal with the rebels. He crushed the rebels. He crushed the rebellion and conquered some more parts viz. Hisra, Gazna, Herat and Kabul. He also took over Balkh. Thus the whole of Afghanistan was conquered. Then he took over Samrakand, Tashkand, Sajestan Arghiyahn and Turkmenistan. Conquest of Khurasan and Tabrastan In the year 30 A.H. Hazrat Sa’d bin A’s newly appointed governor of Kufa, marched towards Khurasan with army in which some prominent figures like Hazrat Hasan, Hussain, Abdullah bin Abbas, Abdullah bin Umar etc. (Rad.A) were also included who had returned from North African expeditian. At the same time Hazrat Abdullah bin Amir (the governor of Basrah) also marched there before Hazrat Abdullah bin Amir reached Sa’d bin A’s conquered a number of places including Tabrastan and Jarjan. In the year 31 A.H. Hazrat Abdullah bin Amir again marched there after hearing the news of rebellion. Then he conquered the remaining part of Khurasan, In the meantime, Yedzgird, the exiled Persian emperor reached the north in Turkmenistan and tried to collect an arm> but was again defeated by the Muslims at Sistan and fled there upon one of the Turk chiefs and Naizak Khan invited him while he was going to meet him he stayed in a village there some body killed him while he was asleep for his precious garments and cash in this way the last emperor of the vast Persian empire passed away. 270 Political and Cultural History of Islam Conquest of North Africa For the defence of Egypt it was necessary to drive away the Byzantines from North Africa. Tripoli was a stronghold of Byzantine. When Hazrat Abdullah bin Sarah was appointed as a full rank governor of Egypt. He took permission from the Khalifah to advance into northern territory. During Hazrat Umar’s (Rad.A) time Amr bin al A’s (Rad.A) had penetrated into the coastal part of North Africa from some distance. After his appointment as a governor of Egypt Hazrat Abdullah bin Sarah (Rad.A) received permission from the Khalifah to penetrate deep into North Africa in 27 A.H.,. He went with an army to conquer Tripoli, the main Byzantine fort of North Africa at that time. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) also sent a reinforcement from Medina which included men like Hazrat Hasan, Hussain, Abdullah bin Umar, Abdullah bin Zubair, Abdullah bin Amr bin al A’s and Abdur Rahman bin Abi Bakr etc., after some fight the inhabitants of Tripoli agreed to enter into a settlement and promised to pay Jizya” (indemnity) equal to two and half million Dinars annually. After the conquest of Tripoli, Hazrat Abdullah bin Sarah spread his armies around Tripoli near a city named Yaquba faced a huge Byzantine army, under the command of a famous Byzantine commander, announced a reward of one hundred thousand Dinars (gold coins) and the hand of his beautiful daughter to the person who struck off the head of Hazrat Abdullah bin Sarah, the Muslim commander. Hearing this Hazrat Abdullah bin Zubair requested Hazrat Abdullah bin Sarah to announce reward of one hundred Dinar. This victory cleared the way for advance of Muslims in North Africa and soon they captured Tunisia and Morocco and a part of Algeria. Second Invasion of Alexandria by Romans In the year 35 A.H. (655 A.D.) Constantine sent a fleet of 500 ships to invade Alexandria. The Muslims got ready to beat back the enemy Hazrat Muawiya the governor of Syria, also ordered his fleet to sail from there to face the Romans. Hazrat Abdullah bin Sarah advanced with his fleet and faced the Romans in the mid sea. That was the first big navel battle in the history of Islam. Though the Muslims were not experienced in naval battles, yet they did not find it difficult to beat back the enemy. The retreating Romans took refuge in the island of Sicily and the Muslims returned victorious. Invasion of Spain After the conquest of North Africa, Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) gave orders for the invasion of Spain. He appointed Abdullah bin Nafai, as the commander of Muslims army under the chief command Hazrat Usman (Rad. A ) 271 of Abdullah bin Sarah, the governor of Egypt. Abdullah bin Nafai conquered some part of Spain but soon returned and was not successful in his mission. (Spain was as a matter of fact in the lot of Tariq bin Zayad who conquered it in the year 92 A.H. i.e. 711 A.D.). Thus we see that during the Caliphate of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) the Muslims conquered a number of new areas. They took over Anatalya and Asia Minor in the West including Cyprus, Afghanistan, Samarkand, Tashkand, Trukmenistan, Khurasan and Tabrastan in the East and North East Libya, Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco in North Africa. In this way Muslims wear ruling over a vast part of Asia and Africa viz Afghanistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Persia, Iraq, Armenia, Azerbaijan Turkey, Cyprus, Syria, Palestine, Jordan, Egypt, Libya, Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco and of course Arabia and Yaman including the Gulf states. All these countries and places were under one flag, and the Islamic state was far bigger than any one of the past mighty Byzantine or Persian Empires. Islam as a religion was also prevailing in Abyssinia (now Ethopia) and in some parts of East and Central Africa though these places were not under the direct control of the Caliphate. INTERNAL DISORDER The first half of Hazrat Usman’s (Rad.A) Caliphate was very peaceful. During this time the Muslims gained many victories as described above, and the Caliphate extended to a vast area of the then known world. But the later part of Hazrat Usman’s (Rad.A) Caliphate was marred by a terrible civil war which ultimately lead to the murder of the Caliph himself. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was a very gentle and soft hearted person. The people who wanted to create chaos among the Muslims took advantage of his soft nature. Hazrat Umar’s stern hand had kept away the undemocratic and non-Islamic customs, and the practices that prevailed in the courts of Persian and Byzantine Empires. But Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) sometimes overlooked the faults of the governors and other officers in various provinces though he himself totally and completely followed the ways of the Holy Prophet and the first two Caliphs. His compassionate nature made the provincial governors bold as a result of which unrest in the provincial capitals grew and ultimately it engulfed the whole Islamic state. The enemies of Islam were in search of a suitab’e occasion to work against Islam and the Muslims. They got the desired opportunity for this and sent out their men to disturb the peace and to spread false news. Only the main events that 272 Political and Cultural History oflflant happened during that time would be discussed in the following lines.1 Conspiracy of Abdullah bin Saba Abdullah bin Saba a clever Yamanite jew who had accepted Islam only for self-interest and to destro) peace of the Islamic state took the leading part in the agitation against Hazr&t Usman (Rad A). He was having a number of followers who had accepted Islam only to create disharmony among the Muslims. He invented quite a few beliefs and started to preach them. He based his beliefs upon the love of the Holy Prophet and his family (Ahli Bait). Some of the beliefs invented by Abdullah bin Saba were:- (1) Every Prophet left a ”Wasi” (administrator) behind him, and the ”Wasi” was his relative. For example Prophet Mosa (Moses) made Harun his ’Wasi’ (administrator). Consequently the Holy Prophet must have a ’Wasi’ and his ’Wasi’ was Hazrat AH (Rad.A). Being th^ ’Wasi’ Hazrat AH (Rad.A) was the only rightful man to b$ the Khalifah. He went to the extent of declaration that the (Caliphate)of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A), Umar (R%1.A) and Usroan (Rad.A) was unlawful. The only way to redress matters was to remove the then Caliph, Hazrat Usman (Rad.A). (2) He said that it was strange for the Muslims to believe that Jesus (Alaihis Salam) would descend from the heaven to follow Islam and to fight for Muslims against non- believers and not to believe that the Holy Prophet would not come back so he believed that the Holy Prophet being superior to Jesus as the Last Prophet and the leader of ail Prophets, would also come back. (3) He started to give wrong commentaries of various verses of the Holy Qur’an and twisted their meaning in favour of his beliefs He preached his false self-coined beliefs secretly and selected the main headquarters of Muslim military power, Kufa, Basrah, Syria and Egypt as centres of his activities. He picked up a number of newly converted Muslims who lent an easy ear to what he said. Some simple Muslim who were having certain complaints against various governors also joined him. It was the real cause of all the troubles. Muhammad Arshad, Islamic History, P.250 Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.) 273 First of all he visited Medina to note the internal condition of the capital. He pretended to be a very pious Muslim but could not get much followers over there. Then lie came to Basrah and started to preach his beliefs and incite the public against Muslim officers. At that time Hazrat Abdullah bin Amir was the governor Hearing about his activities he called him and made certain enquiries because of which he was frightened and left Basrah leaving his followers and worker* over there under the supervision of Hakim bin Hublah. one of the opponents of the governor. From Basrah, Abdullah bin Saba moved to Kufa and found it more suitable for the destructive activities. He pretended to be a very pious Muslim and because of his show of piety, a number of simple Muslim started to respect him. Then he preached his beliefs. Soon the governor of Kufa, Hazrat Sa’d bin al A’s was informed about him. He called him and warned him against his false beliefs and the damage he wanted to cause to the Muslim community. For this reason he left Kufa as well but made Ashtar as his deputy with instructions that the mission should be carried on secretly. From there he also went to Damascus but was not successful because of the strict control of Amir Mu’av\ iya (Rad.A). At last he selected Egypt and went there. The governor of Egypt Hazrat Abdullah bin Sarah was busy in the battles against Byzantine forces in North Africa and could not pay much attention to Ibn Saba’s activities. He continued correspondence with the followers in Basrah, Kufa and other places from Egypt and gave them directions for creating disorder and rivalry among the Muslims. His followers, most of whom were pretending to be Muslims, used various techniques to increase their strength. They made a gieat show of piety and posed to be very pious worshippers. They indicated people to forge complaints against the governors Various officers and the Khalifah as well. A new campaign against most of the officers was started by calling them irreligious, nonpractical and bad Muslims. They sent forged letters from place to place which talked of injustice and unrest in the place from where they were posted Such letters were usually sent to Sabaites (the followers of Abdullah bin Saba) who read them out as many people as possible. These forged letters also showed that Hazrat Ali (Rad.A), Talha, and Zubair (Rad.A) had full sympathy with them and with their mission and they disliked the ”Khalifah”, Hazrat Usman (Rad.A). These were the three leading companions in Medina 274 Political and Cultural History of Islam at that time. Thus the people of various places began to believe that there was a widespread unrest and that the leading companions wanted to remove the Khalifah. The Sabaites also worked throughout the state against various governors. They were the real cause of their removal from time to time. Sabaites were the main figures behind the removal of Hazrat Abu Musa Ashari from the governorship of Basrah at the time when their mission was not so popular. They spread rumours against Hazrat Walid bin Uqbah, governor of Kufa, and wrongly accused him of drinking liquor, and provided false witnesses against him because of which the Khalifah punished him. When he was punished they accused the Khalifah of punishing innocent Muslim. When Hazrat Abdullah bin Amir (Rad.A) was appointed as the governor of Basrah to replace Hazrat Abu Musa Ash’ari they incited the public against him and against the Khalifah that he was related to the Khalifah because of which he was given the governorship in his young age. On one side they incited the people against the governors and on the other they accused the Khalifah. On the basis of complaints when Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) removed the governors they criticised him to be unduly kind to his relatives by appointing them to big posts. Allegations Against Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) (1) Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) belonged to the family Banu Umayyah of Quraysh. Before Islam there was rivalry between Banu Umayyah and Banu Hashim, the family of the Quraysh to which the Holy Prophet and Hazrat AH (Rad.A) belonged. In Medina the Sabaites incited Banu Hashim against Banu Umayyah, actually against Hazrat Usman (Rad.A), by saying that he was removing Hashmites from the big offices in order to support Umayyads and that he was unduly considerate to his family. (2) They alleged that Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was extravagant and gave away money to his relatives. Thus squandered the Baitul Mai. The allegation was absolutely false. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was one of the wealthiest merchants in Arabia due to which people called him Ghani (The Richman). His liberal contributions towards the cause of Islam during the life of the Holy Prophet have been mentioned in the preceding pages. His generosity continued in the same way during his Caliphate. He spent his own Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.) 275 money to help the poor and also his relatives but never took anything wrongfully from the Bait-ul-Maal. Not only this he did not accept any allowance from the Bait-ul-Maal for his services as Caliph. Through his addresses and speeches he clarified his position several times and gave satisfactory explanations to the false accusations against him. Once he promised to give one fifth of the booty of Tripoli, the state share, to Hazrat Abdullah bin Sarah, the then Governor of Egypt, for his invaluable services and the bravery he showed in the battles that took place between the Muslims and the Byzantine forces in North African territories. But the general public disapproved his view and he asked Abdullah to return that share. (3) One of the allegations levelled by Sabaites against Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was that he had burnt some copies of the Holy Qur’an the fact was that Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) sent copies of the Holy Qur’an, written by Hazrat Zaid bin Thabit by the order of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) during his Caliphate, to various places of the state and asked the governors and other officers to burn all those copies of the Holy Qur’an which were incomplete and were not in accordance with the Holy Qur’an compiled by Hazrat Zaid bin Thabit. This was done in order to avoid confusion between the Muslims because there were some copies of the Holy Qur’an at that time in which the order of the Surahs (chapters) was not like that which was proposed by the Holy Prophet in accordance to Hazrat Gabriel’s instructions as commanded by Allah. Moreover, some of the copies existing at that time at various places other than Medina were lacking in some chapters, and were incomplete. For this reason Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) got copies made from the standard Book compiled during the time of Abu Bakr (Rad.A) and sent them to various places. Differences had also arisen due to differences in hand-writings so he also standardised the way of writing the Holy Qur’an. This has been considered as one of the greatest services of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) rendered to Islam for which he has been given the title of Jami-ul-Qur’an (the compiler of the Qur’an) although the Holy Qur’an was compiled in a book form by Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) on the insistence of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A). 276 Political and Cultural History of Islam (4) At this place I would like to mention something about Hazrat Abu Zarr Ghifari (Rad.A) because this allegation is concerned with him. He was a well-known and pious companion of the Holy Prophet who always kept aloof from the world and its riches. He was not in favour of accumulation of money and saving it. As regards the Bait-ulMaal (Public Treasury), he held the view that all the money should be spent for the welfare of Muslims as soon as it came through taxes etc. In Syria he started to publicise his opinion and a number of people followed him. Seeing this Hazrat Amir Mu’awiya wrote to Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) who recalled Hazrat Abu Zarr (Rad.A) to Medina and then he retired to a village named Rabdhah near Medina. Abdullah bin Saba tried to gain favour of Hazrat Abu Zarr (Rad.A) when he was in Syria but he rebuked Ibn Saba and told him that the beliefs he was preaching were foreign to Islam and that his aim was to create chaos among the Muslims. When Hazrat Abu Zarr (Rad.A) had retired they started accusing Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) that he forced him to live in a village. Not only this but they also accused him of ill treatment of other recognized companions like Hazrat Ammar bin Yasir and Hazrat Abdullah bin Mas’ud (Rad.A). But all of these accusations were false. (5) One of the allegations against Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was that he called Hakam bin A’s to Medina who was exiled by the Holy Prophet. However this step of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was not too wise. Not only this but he also appointed Hakam’s son Marwan as his chief secretary which was not liked by some prominent companions and also by the Muslim Public. The forthcoming discussion on this point would reveal that Marwan became the main cause of insurgents excitement who ultimately assassinated the Khalifah. It is alleged that he wrote to Egypt’s governor Hazrat Abdullah to kill Muhammad bin Abi Bakr whom Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) had appointed the governor of Egypt in place of Muhammad bin Abi Bakr, when the insurgents pressed Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) to do so but this, too, was false. The letter was sheer forgery. There are some other false allegations which were levelled by Sabaites to defame the Khalifah. Since most of them are Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.) 277 purely theological in nature and not political. They are not been mentioned here. Conference of the Governors When the unrest caused by Sabaites went on growing in all parts of the state, the news began to pour in Medina. The leading companions asked Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) to take steps against them. So he called a conference of the governors in Medina in the year 34 A.H., just after the Hajj. All the governors attended the meeting. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) enquired from them about the growing unrest in the state. They told him that it was due to some mischief-mongers who wanted to overthrow the government. They suggested that such persons must be punished and those who were the leaders must be put to sword. But Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) disliked the suggestion and told them that without just cause he would never shed even a single drop of Muslim blood. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was not willing to take stern action against such persons because he did not want that hundreds of men should be massacred for his interest. Instead, he sent a mission of four persons: Muhammad bin Muslimah, Usamah bin Zaid, Ammar bin Yasir and Abdullah bin Umar (Rad.A) to tour the provinces. After the governor’s conference was over Hazrat Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A) suggested that he should leave Medina and should pass some time in Damascus but he said, I would not leave Medina even though people kill me. Then Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A) requested Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) to allow him to send an army to Medina for his protection but Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) did not agree to even that. Tour of the Mission The mission sent by Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) toured various places and uu’ked *-iih *hs people Thre<- of them .^ttmecf ro i»iedi,,a and reported to Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) that the conditions were normal. The fourth member of the mission Hazrat Ammar bin Yasir did not return. He was sent to Egypt where Abdullah bin Saba and his followers coaxed him and he started to live with them instead of returning to Medina. Saba Gets Friends Abdullah bin Saba was in search of some important men who were having some influence over the Muslims. At last he won over three important figures. One among them was Hazrat Ammar bin Yasir, described above. The other two joined Ibn Saba before r 278 Political and Cultural History of Man Hazrat Ammar. They were Muhammad bin A IJudhaifah and Muhammad bin Abi Bakr. Muhammad bin Abi^i Mhaifah was an orphan and was brought up by Hazrat Usman rku/.A) along with some other orphans. When he grew up he des|\ad some big post. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) did not consider him fit fed ihat. So he left Medina and went to Egypt and ultimately V ^icd Ibn Saba. Muhammad bin Abi Bakr (Rad.A) was in joif . The creditor complained to the Khalifah who decided the ”ebt /, impartially in favour of the creditor as a result of which Muha^ase^d bin Abi Bakr left Medina and came to Egypt and ultimately joym/lbn Saba. Plan of the Sabaites The Sabaites were planning to cause a /ral rising when the governors were away to attend the conferen(<*en^owever the plot could not be carried out. Kufa was the main c^. H of the Sabaites besides their headquarters in Egypt. The hooligVe /of Kufa tried to carry out the plan and did not allow the goven’hs LO enter the city when he returned from the conference. They diV fjded that Hazrat Musa Ash’ari should be appointed as the govet’W in place of Sa’d bin A’s. Their request was granted and Hazrat (W ^an (Rad.A) sent Hazrat Musa Ash’ari to Kufa. Jsn/ Then they chalked out another plan aq ^cided that their ring leaders should meet at Medina. This plan ^ d’ to serve double purpose. On the one hand they wanted to sti^Had/he situation for future course of action, and on the other hand th^y /anted to show to the public that they put their grievances before 0 v/Khalifah” but he did not pay any attention to them. V According to the plan three delegatiq /;ame. One from Egypt, the second from Kufa and the third }|h ’. Basrah. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was informed about their pla^orOt he accepted it quietly. When these Sabaites entered Medin^ b*v>me companions suggested to Usman (Rad.A) to kill them buA sAold that without sufficient legal grounds no men can be execute nd that he would try to remove the misunderstandings. He told t|\ /, I would be kind to them and if kindness failed to work I would r^enf/r sacrifice myself for Allah’s will. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) listeneAth/ them and gave a long address in which he replied to all the ch^l ta^ which were put against him. Some parts of his historical ac! IrejVggVe quoted here: ”I have been accused of loving my kinsmen and *s a/>e unduly kind to them. It is not a sin to love one’s relatives (\\o i have never been unjust to other people because of my love of m»t I Datives. Whatever \. J Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.) 279 I give them that is from my own pocket. I never spent anything on my relatives and kinsmen from public funds ” ”It has been said that I have appointed comparatively young men as officers. I did it only because I found them abler for the cause of Islam. Nobody could deny their honesty and the work they rendered for the cause oflslam and the Muslims. The appointment of Usamah as the commander of the army by the Holy Prophet is proof that youth is no disqualification.” It has been alleged that I gave the whole booty of North Africa as reward to the governor of Egypt. It is true but when I learnt the public objection to it. I took back the money from the governor and deposited it in the Bait-ul-Maal.” ”It is said that I have reserved the public pastures for my personal use. I swear by Allah that I never did it. In public pastures only those animals graze which are the property of the Bait-ul- Maal (Public Treasury). All of you know that when I was entrusted with this office (i.e. Caliphate) I had more animals than any one in the whole of Arabia but now I have only two camels that are to serve me at the time of Hajj. How could I reserve the public pastures for my personal use?” ”People accuse me of sending copies of the Holy Qur’an. The Holy Qur’an is Allah’s book sent down to his Prophet. The companions who wrote it under the direct supervision of the Holy Prophet are still alive. I have sent only that copy of the Holy Qur’an which was compiled by those companions ” It is said that I called Hakam to Medina who was exiled by the Holy Prophet. Actually the Holy Prophet exiled him from Makkah to Taif. Then the Holy Prophet had allowed him to live at Medina on my request. I only put into force the permission granted by the Holy Prophet himself....” In this way Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) gave satisfactory explanation to all the allegations put against him by the Sabaites. In the end of his address he asked the audience: Tell me if all what I have said is not correct.” But the aim of these ring leaders was to create mischief. They returned to their places and instead of telling the truth told them that the ”Khalifah” was not ready to set things right. Then they planned to send strong contingent^ from places like Basrah, Kufa and Egypt for the forthcoming Hajj. The parties were to leave their places pretending to perform Hajj but their aim was to go to Medina and decide the matter with the sword i.e. to change the ”Khalifah” by force. Though the ”Khalifah” knew about this plan 280 Political and Cultural History of Islam from before hand but he did not want to use force. He was determined to win over his enemies with love and compassion.4 MARTYRDOM Insurgents (Sabaites) Enter Medina At the time of Hajj in the year 35 A.H. (656 A.D.) came near they started to put their plans into action. In the month of Shawwal 35 A H the> started coming in small groups from various places. In all about three thousand Sabaites came, one thousand from each place viz. Basrah, Kufa and Egypt. The group from Basrah stayed at Dhi-Khashab, and those from Kufa stayed at A’was while the Egyptians stayed at Dhi-Murwah. All three places are near Medina. All of them wanted Hazrat Usrnan (Rad.A) to step down but there was some difference of opinion regarding the next ”Khahfah”. Because of Ibn Saba, the Egyptians wanted Hazrat Ali (Rad.A), but Kufites preferred Hazrat Zubair while Basrites were in favour of Hazrat Talha. The Egyptians came to Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) and requested him to accept the ”Khilafaf”. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) replied, ”The Holy Prophet has told us that the parties of Dhi-Khashab, DhiMurwah and A’was are cursed. Every pious Muslim knows about it. I can’t cooperate with >ou. Go back to your places.” The insurgents from Kufa made the same request to Hazrat Zubair who also gave the same reply. The Basrites approached Hazrat Talha who also refused. When Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) heard about the insurgents he sent some of the leading companions including Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) to them. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) assured the insurgents that their complaints would be listened to”. They put certain demands including the dismissal of the governor of Egypt and appointment of Muhammad bin Abi Bakr as the new governor. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) accorded to their demand without any question then he gave a short address in which he said, ”By Allah, for the cause of truth, I am ready to obey even a slave. I promise to fulfill your demands. Saying this tears rolled down the eyes of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A), and audience also wept. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) then again assured insurgents and they seemed to be satisfied and started to go back. All the Muslims at Medina thought that trouble had ended. The Siege of Khalifah’s House A few days later Medinites were surprised to hear shouts of Masud-ul-Hasan, Hazrat Usman, P.210 Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.) 281 ”Revenge”, ”Revenge”, in the streets of Medina. Hearing the shouts Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) came out to enquire about the matter. The insurgents showed a letter to him under the seal of Khalifah and signed by Marwan bin Hakim, the chief secretary of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) the letter was being carried to the Governor of Egypt by a special messenger whom they intercepted on the way. The letter said; ”Uqtal Muhammad bin Abu Bakr (Rad.A)” (i.e. kill Muhammad bin Abu Bakr (Rad.A)) (i.e. Accept Muhammad bin Abu Bakr (Rad.A) as governor). Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) tried to pacify them but they did not listen to him and went straight to Usman (Rad.A), saying: ”We do not want Usman (Rad.A) to be the Khalifah. Allah has made his blood lawful for us. You should also help us”’. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) said, ”By Allah I have nothing tj do with you. It seems that you have hatched a plot and are trying to carry it out”. When the insurgents went to Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) he took a oath that he knew nothing about the letter. But they did not believe him and said ”Whether you wrote it or not” You are unf ~ be the Khalifah and you must abdicate”. They threatened to kill him on which Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) replied, ”I do not fear death, but I do not want to shed Muslim blood”. When Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) saw that I the insurgents were not in control and Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) did not ” want to use force against them, he left for Ahjar, a place few miles away from Medina, because his position was becoming difficult as the insurgents wanted to drag him in the dispute. Afterwards the insurgents demanded Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) to give up the ”Khilafat”. He rejected their demand and said,”I can’t take off the rode of honour with my own hands that Allah has bestowed upon me.” Consequently the insurgents laid a siege to his house and did not allow him to come out except for offering Salats in i the Masjid. But later on they did not allow him to come out even for I the Salats. The siege went on far forty days. During the last few days Ithey also stopped supply of water. Some brave Muslim youths like Hazrat Hasan, Hazrat Hussain, Muhammad bin Talha, Abdullah bin Zubair (Rad.A) were guarding the gate of the house so that nobody among the insurgents could enter the house. Beside Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) and his wife. Naila, Marwan bin Hakam was also in the house. He did not allow any person to fight with the insurgents although a fight took place among the Hazrat Hasan, Hussain and Marwan and the insurgents. 282 Political and Cultural History of Islam When hardship grew, some eminent companions like Hazrat Mughirah bin Shubah requested the ”Khalifah” to take action against the insurgents and said that all the people of Medina were ready to fight for him but he did not agree to shedding of blood of Muslims. Then they proposed that he should leave the house through the back door and either go to Makkah or to Damascus where he would be safer but he accepted neither of the proposals. The things got worse day by day and at last the crisis arrived. Martyrdom of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) The only weapon with Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was his kindness and soft nature. He addressed several times the insurgents from the roof of his house and reminded them about his family relations with the Holy Prophet and the services he had rendered to Islam but they never listed to him. The insurgents were afraid that the Hajj was coming to an end and after the Hajj a number of supporters of the ”Khalifah” would come to Medina. They decided therefore to assassinate him without delay. As stated before, they did not want to fight with Hashmites like Hazrat Hasan, Husain and Abdullah bin Zubair who were standing guard at the main gate of Hazrat Usman’s (Rad.A) big residence. The reason not to fight with Hashmites was that they had incited a number of people against Banu Umayyah (Hazrat Usman’s family) in favour of Banu Hashim (Hashmites). To the insurgents climbed the back walls of the house and entered the room where Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was reciting the Holy Qur’an. On seeing Hazrat Usman one of the insurgents hit his head with an axe while the next struck him with a sword. His wife Naila tried to shield her husband but she also got several wounds and her fingers were chopped off. Chronicles record that Muhammad bin Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was the leader of the assassins. He got hold of Hazrat Usman’s (Rad.A) beard and pulled it. On this Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) remarked: ”O my dear nephew if your father (Abu Bakr (Rad.A)) were alive you would not have done this.” The remarks of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) cut him to the quick and he turned back and did not take part in the assassination. After giving severe injuries to Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) one of insurgents, an Egyptian named Amr bin Hamq cut off Khalifa’s head. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was assassinated on Friday, the 17th Dhul Hijjah, 35 A.H. (the 17th July, 656 A.D). The News of Martyrdom The news of Hazrat Usman’s (Rad.A) cruel assassination shocked everybody. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) received the news when he Hazrat Usman (Rod. A.) 283 was returning from Ahjar to see Hazrat Usman (Rad.A). He was stunned on hearing the assassination of Hazrat. Usman (Rad.A) and exclaimed. ”O Allah, you know it, I am free from any blame.” He rebuked his sons Hasa’n and Husain (Rad.A) and others who had stood guard at gate for not being more alert. After assassinating the Khalifah, the insurgents took over charge of Medina. They also looted the ”Bait-ul-Maal”. Medinites were afraid of them and did not come out of their houses. The corpse of the ”Khalifah” could not be buried for two days. At last some Muslims succeeded getting into the house and carried out the burial service. There were only 17 Muslims who participated in the burial prayers. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was 82 years old at the time of his assassination and remained in the office of ”Khalifas” for about 12 years. His words ”I do not want to spoil Muslim blood to save my own neck” will be remembered for ever in the history of Islam. He sacrificed his life to save Muslim blood. Consequences of Hazrat Usman’s (Rad.A) Assassination The death of Usman (Rad.A) produced a series of disastrous consequences. Firstly, it destroyed the unity of Islamic peoples, for they, for centuries after, remained divided on the question of the Caliphate. The’Caiiphate of Ali (Rad.A) was perpetually troubled by the cries of vengeance on the murderers of Usman (Rad.A). The martyred Caliph himself had said to the rebels: ”Remember, if you ever kill me the Muslim people would not remain united in prayer or in Jihad”. Muawiya and the Umayyads rose to power on the plea of avenging the death of Usman (Rad.A). Majid Ali Khan, writes, ”The assassination of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was unparalleled in Islamic history and it had far-reaching effects. Hazrat Huzaifah (Rad.A) the secret keeper of the Holy Prophet’s prophecies remarked on hearing the assassination of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A), ”Ah, the assassination of Usman (Rad.A) divided the Muslims till resurrection, they would never be united again.” It proved to be true because just after the assassination civil war started and continued upto the tragedy of Karbala. At that time the Muslim community was divided into groups. Joseph Hell, a Western historian says: ”The assassination of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was a signal for civil war”. Wellhausen, a German historian says, ”The murder of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was more epoch-making than, |l almost any other events of Islamic liistory.” Hirti has remarked: With Hazrat Usman’s (Rad.A) death the political unity of Islam came to an 284 Political and Cultural History of Islam end. Soon Islam’s religious unity was divided. Islamic society entered upon a period punctuated with Schism and civil strife that has not yet ended.’’ Muhammad Arshad, writes, ”Unity of Islam which was maintained by the first two ”Caliphs” was lost and serious dissensions arose among the Muslims.” The assassination of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was followed by great civil wars and battles between the Muslims. The system of centralized government initiated by Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was shattered and a number of internal movements started of which the Kharijite’s movement was the most serious. REVIEW OF HAZRAT USMAN’S (RAD.A) SERVICES TO ISLAM Victories Hazrat Usman’s reign constituted a glorious period in the history of Islam. The territories of Islamic state (Caliphate) were immensely extended. Though the conquests during his time were not so much in number as during the time of Umar. Nevertheless they were not few. He ruled over a vast part of the then known world, right from Kabul (Afghanistan) to Morocco. He put down the rebellions with an iron hand. During Hazrat Usman’s period Muslim naval force was developed and Muslims started naval victories. The victory over the huge naval force of Byzantine Empire comprising 500 ships has been termed as the Grand Victory. After the capture of North African territories by Muslims and gaining full control over Mediterranean. The mighty power of Byzantine and Roman Empire had collapsed. Actually Islam was at the zenith of its glory during the period of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A). Official Manuscript of The Holy Qur’an One of the magnificent services to Islam done by Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was to safeguard any possible change in the codex of the Holy Qur’an. After the conquests by the Muslims hundreds pt thousands of non-Arabs, whose mother tongue was not Arabic, accepted Islam because of its teachings. Hazrat Hudhaifah (Rad.A) one of the prominent companions of the Holy Prophet went for ”Jihad” (Holy War) during that time and noticed many differences in the manner of recitation (Qira’t) of the Holy Qur’an. The Syrians recited in a way different from that of Kufis. The Kufis differed from Basris and so on. As a matter of fact these differences were due to Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.) 285 the differences in the way of writing Arabic. Seeing this condition Hazrat Hudhaifah reported the matter to the Khalifah on his return from the ”Jihad” and suggested that the Medinese codex should be regarded as authentic, i.e. the Holy Qur’an which was written and compiled in Book form during the time of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) and was kept with Ummul-Muminin Hazrat Hafsah (Rad.A). Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) took that Book from Hazrat Hafsah (Rad.A) and canonized the Medinese codex. He asked Hazrat Zaid bin Thabit (Rad.A), the person who wrote it during the time of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) to make copies of the same with the help of some other companions like Abdullah bin Zuabir and Sa’d bin A’s etc. Then he ordered all other copies beside the Medinese codex, to be burnt and destroyed throughout the state. Those people who earned their living in the provinces as the receptacles and expositors of the sacred text were not pleased with this act. It has been discussed before that such persons criticised Usman (Rad.A) for burning unauthentic texts. However for this great service Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) is famous as the ”Jam’ul-Qur’an” (The compiler of the Qur’an). Extension of The Mosque of Holy Prophet The mosque of the Holy Prophet was too small for the increasing Muslim population. He bought a big plot of land in the neighbourhood of the mosque, but some of the persons living in the nearby houses did not want to leave their places even for reasonable compensation. For four year no new construction was built. One day he gave an effective lecture after Friday Salat and the people agreed to donate their lands then the mosque was extended in the year 29 A.H. Preaching Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) spent a lot of his time in preaching to the prisoners of war. Many of them accepted Islam because of his efforts. He also taught Islamic law to the Muslims. Once he himself demonstrated the correct method of making wuzu before a large gathering of Muslims. He took special care to send missionaries to various places and appointed teachers to teach Islamic law, the Holy Qur’an and Hadith. Persons were appointed to make the rows (saffs) of worshippers straight during a congregational Salat specially on Fridays when the congregation was quite large. Construction of Buildings, Bridges, Roads and Embankments A number of new buildings were constructed for offices at various places. Rest houses were constructed on various high ways 286 Political and Cultural History of Islam Hazrat Usman (Rnd A.) 287 and guest houses were built in various cities like Kufa for the welfare of the general public, new bridges and roads were constructed, and general condition of various roads was improved. The roads leading to Medina were given special attention. He got tanks made and wells dug up along many roads to supply water to the travellers. Medina was not safe from floods, sometimes the buildings of the Prophet’s mosque were in danger. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) constructed a strong embankment along that side of the city which used to get flooded. This was known as the embankment of Mahroz. Usman (Rad.A) as a Great Scholar Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) had a beautiful handwriting because of which the Holy Prophet appointed him as one of the scribers of the ”Wahy” (revelation). His style of writing was well recognize among the companions. Arabic knowing persons can recognize the fluency of his writings specially of the letters and the orders he sent to various officers during his Khilafat. Though he was not an orator but his way of lecturing was very effective. His addresses and lectures can be seen in history books. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was a great scholar of the Holy Qur’an and was a Hafiz. Although he was not a great jurist like Umar (Rad.A) and Ali (Rad.A) nevertheless he was well qualified in this respect his verdicts and judgements have been mentioned in books. He was considered an authority on the laws of Hajj. Even Umar (Rad.A) asked Usman (Rad.A) about that during his time. ADMINISTRATION OF HAZRAT USMAN (RAD.A) Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) observed the same principles in his government as were laid down by Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) in the following lines some of the main features of his government would be described in brief. ”Shura” (Council of Advisors) He maintained the council of advisors ”Shura” in the sarre way as was maintained by the first two Caliphs. The main members of his ”Shura” were Hazrat Ali (Rad.A), Zubair and Talha. General Councils for consultations were also called from time to time. All the prominent companions, governors and prominent officers were present in the general council, held in the year 34 A.H. to consider the internal condition of the state. Administration of the Provinces Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) divided the state into various provinces according to a new plan. Before him there were three provinces in the region of Syria viz Palestine and Jordan. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) combined all the three provinces into one-Syria and put it under the control of a single governor, Mu’awiya (Rad.A). This was necessary and important from the point of view of defence. Hazrat Mu’awiya (Rad.A) was a good and intelligent administrator and was able to control the whole region in a better way. He also separated the post of governor from that of the commander of the armed forces in various provinces. Separate officers were appointed for both the posts who were under direct control of the Khalifah. However in some cases this rule was not observed due to lack of suitable persons. Though Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was a soft natured gentleman, yet he did not condone the mistakes of his officers including the governors. The details have already been mentioned in the preceding pages on various occasions he sent commissions of enquiry. On Fridays he used to come to the mosque long before the ”Khutbah Azan” to listen to the complaints of Muslims and to remove their difficulties on the occasion of every Hajj he used to listen to the public about their difficulties and complaints against officers. Administration of the Armed Forces Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) kept the armed forces on the same pattern as was laid down by his predecessor. During his time there was a notable increase in the number of armed force not only he increased the military power of the Islamic state (Caliphate) but also connected various military units with each other. For example when Hazrat Mu’awiya (Rad.A) needed reinforcement to face the Romans. The armies in Iran and Armenia were immediately moved to Syria. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) established a number of new cantonments at Tripoli, Cyprus, Armenia and Tabrastan. Besides the central cantonments there were a number of small cantonments as well in various districts. He had made arrangements for breeding and raising of horses and camels large pastures were reserved for the animals used for military purposes. The pasture at Rabdhah near Medina was ten miles long and about nine miles wide. Another pasture near Medina at Darbah was six miles long. He built ponds near the pastures and house for the caretakers. Number of camels and horses had immensely increased to meet the needs of the armed forces. There was 40,000 camels in one pasture alone at Darbah the number of 288 Political and Cultural History of Islam animals kept all over the vast Islamic state was stupendous. He took special care of military personnel and increased their allowances. The civil departments were separated from the military departments. One of the remarkable features in the development of military power during the period of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was the establishment of naval force. The Muslim navy was expanded and very well equipped. Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A) played a very important role in this respect. He is the man who worked for the development of Islamic naval force under his command the first naval battle took place in the history of Islam. Administration of Public Treasury and Revenue During the time of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) the revenue of the state was greatly increased. The Kharaj of Egypt alone was two million Dinars annually during the time of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) but it increased to four millions annually during Usman’s (Rad.A) period. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) used the entire public funds for the general welfare of the public. He increased the allowances given to various people and the poor. Not only this he also arranged for free distribution of food stuffs and cooked meals to the poor and disabled persons, during the month of Ramzan. He used a major part of the revenue in construction of bridges, roads, barrages, and mosques etc. He also fixed salaries for the Muazzin which had not done by Hazrat Umar (Rad.A). No Use of Force Against Civilians Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) showed an exemplary tolerance against the insurgents. By not using force against the civil public, he set the first example of the highest democratic rule in human civilization. If studied from this point of view, it would be noted that Usman (Rad.A) was at the peak of modern democratic principles. It is unfortunate that the masses at that time were not trained for that highest form of democracy. They have had experienced in the past of the tyranny of Persian and Roman Emperors and their officers. However the base elements took advantage of Islamic democratic principles and incited some of the Muslim population against the Khalifah. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) used all the democratic principles, now prevailing in the modern society, to satisfy the insurgents. He gave before the public, full explanation of all the allegations brought against him, and the public was fully satisfied with his explanation. He acceded to the demands of the insurgents by appointing Muhammad bin Abi Bakr as the Governor of Egypt. But he did not Hazrat Usman (Rod. A.) 289 resign because the majority of the Muslims were in his favour and only a few were the mischief-mongers. His words ’”I do not want to spill Muslim blood to save my own neck” would be remembered for ever.5 CHARACTER Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was a very pious companion .and a man of high character. He was the most modest of all the companions of the Holy Prophet. He used to fear Allah very much. Tears used to roll down his face because of Allah’s fear. He used to say grave is the first stage among all the stages of the Hereafter. If a person is successful there he would be successful on the Day of Judgement too. If a person faces difficulty in the grave, other stages would also be difficult for him”. He used to do household work although he was one of the wealthiest persons in the whole of Arabia. He would not wake his slave to take any help from him when he got up to perform Tahajjud Salat. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was very soft spoken if any person talked to him in a harsh tone he always replied gently. Once he was delivering ”Khutbah” of Juma’a Salat, a person shouted during the sermon :”O’ Usman (Rad.A), repent of Allah’s sake and keep away from going wrong”. He immediately turned his face towards the Qiblah and exclaimed ” O Allah, I am the first to repent before thee and to turn towards thee.” He never took any allowance from the ”Baitul Mai” for his services as a Khalifah. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) got 5000 Dirhams annually as an allowance from the public treasury thus Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) contributed 60,000 Dirhams after his 12 years service towards the public fund. Examples of his generosity have already been given. He was the most generous among all the wealthy companions and never hesitated to spend his money for the cause of Islam and Muslims. His house was one of the biggest in Medina which he built near the mosque of the Prophet. He established a library in the back of his house for the education of the Muslims. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was the third Caliph of early Islam. Among the rightly guided Caliphs his rule was the longest. Extensive conquests were made during his period. History has, however, not done full justice to him. He has become a controversial figure in history, and different historians have expressed different views about 1 Saeed Ahmad, Akbar Abadi, Hazrat Usman Zunnu-Nurain, (Urdu) P. 156. 290 Political and Cultural History of Islam him. In his book History of the Saracens, Ameer Ali assesses Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) in the following words: ”The election of Usman (Rad.A) proved in the end to be the ruin of Islam. Usman (Rad.A) though virtuous and honest was very old, feeble in character, and quite unequal to the task of government. He fell under the influence of his family. He was guided entirely by his Secretary Marwan, one of the most unprincipled of the Umayyads. Usman (Rad.A) displaced most of the lieutenants employed by Umar (Rad.A), and appointed in their stead incompetent and worthless members of his own family. The weakness of the Caliph and the wickedness of his favourites created a great ferment among the people. Loud complaints of exaction and operation by his Governors began pouring into the capital. Ali (Rad.A) expostulated several times with the Caliph on the manner in which he allowed the government to fall into the hands of his unworthy favourites. But Usman (Rad.A) under the influence of his evil genius Marwan paid no heed to these counsels.” In his book History of the Arabs, Philip K. Hitti observes as follows: ”Usman (Rad.A) who committed the words of Allah to an unalterable form, and whose reign saw the complete conquest of Iran, Azerbaijan and Armenia was a pious and well meaning old man, but too weak to resist the importunities of his greedy kinsfolk. His foster brother Abdullah formerly the Prophet’s amanuensis who had tampered with the words of the revelation and who was one of the ten proscribed by Muhammad at the capture of Makkah, he appointed Governor over Egypt. His half brother Walid b/Uqbah who had spat in Muhammad’s face, and had been condemned by the latter, he made the Governor of Kufa. His cousin Marwan b Hakam, a future Umayyad Caliph he put in charge of the Diwan.-Many important offices were filled by the Umayyads, the Caliph’s family. Charges of nepotism became wide spread. The feeling of discontentment aroused by his unpopular administration was fanned by the three Qurayshite aspirants to the Caliphate, Ali (Rad.A), Talha and Zubair.” Usman (Rad.A) was upright, dutiful and generous. In chastity arid integrity, Usman (Rad.A) was as firm as a mountain. Modesty was the salient feature of his character. The Prophet himself was so much pleased with him that he gave his two daughters in marriage to him. He was very rich but he contented himself with plain dress. His services in the recension of the Holy Quran were invaluable. He sacrificed his own life rather than wield the sword against the rebels. A man who sacrificed his life for the solidarity of Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.) 291 Islam, and the good of his subjects can easily be called a true patriot and a benign ruler. In his book Early Heroes of Islam, S.A. Salik observes as follows: ”Such was the tragic end of one of the most generous, pious, pure and heroic souls of early Islam. In spite of his opulence he led a simple life, but with a magnificent liberality he spent his money in charity. He purchased the well named Rauma, and assigned it for the benefit of the public; subscribed liberally for the force which eventually took part in the battle of Tabuk; distributed to the needy a large quantity of grain in a period or famine at his own expense, acquired lands and extended the apostolic mosques of Medina and Makkah, and performed the duties of the Caliphate without any remuneration. To his recension of the Quran we owe the present correct edrtion of the Book. On account of a verse in the Holy Quran he considered it a sacred duty to help his relatives. He put them in important public offices and gave them large sums of money out of the public treasury. Taking advantage of his kind and mild nature his unworthy relatives, several of whom were governors of provinces, committed acts of high handedness and injustice which caused discontent. Being faced by strong and even armed opposition he would at times consent to their dismissal, though not convinced of ;the necessity of the step. As soon as such opposition ceased he would withdraw his consent. He was however willing to punish those responsible for specific complaints though he declined to dismiss them wholesale or to deliver them to blind fury. With equal magnanimity he declined to employ force against the malcontents and cause unnecessary bloodshed among Muslims, but with awful coolness, uncommon courage and exemplary self-sacrifice he laid down his own life to allay the fury of the rebels. But for his mildness which leaned to the virtue’s side, he would have been an ideal ruler of men. As a private individual his character was simply adorable.” In his book History of the Caliphs, Jalaluddin Suyuti observes: ”Usman (Rad.A) ruled the Caliphate twelve years. For six years, he governed the people without the people having anything to reproach against him, and he was more beloved by the Quraysh than Umar (Rad.A), for Umar (Rad.A) was stern with them, and when Usman (Rad.A) ruled them, he treated them with leniency and was attached to them. But afterwards he became heedless of their affairs, and appointed his kinsmen to high offices during the last six years, and bestowed upon Marwan a fifth of the revenues of Africa, and 292 Political and Cultural History of Islam lavished on his kindred and family the property of the State, and explained it as the assistance to kindred which the Lord had enjoined, and said, ”Verily Abu Bakr and Umar (Rad.A) have neglected in that matter, and I have taken it and divided it among my kindred but the people disapproved of it.” In his book, ”Development of Islamic State and Society” Mazharuddin Siddiqi observes: ”There were too many interests to be reconciled, the Ansar against the Muhajreen; the Hashimites against the Umayyads; the Bedouin tribes against the aristocracy of Medina. In a democratic set up which did not provide for a regular constitutional machinery with well defined rights and duties, everything depended on the personal quality of the ruler. Usman (Rad.A) would have succeeded if he had been a dictator either temperamentally or constitutionally, or if there had been an adequate constitutional machinery behind the social democracy of Islam. But it was clearly a dangerous solution to have democratic liberties such as the Arabs had without a strong hand like Umar (Rad.A), or without a full fledged democratic constitution which was inconceivable in an age like that or in a country like Arabia.” In his book History of the Caliphs, Professor Muhammad Khizri Bek has expressed the view that all the allegations that were levied against Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) were frivolous, and were with regard to matters which vested in the authority of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A), and with regard to which he was competent to act in his discretion. The main charge against him was about the behalf. Islam authorised and those Holy Prophet made no restrictions in that behalf. Islam enjoined equality, and Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was free to choose any one from among his relatives for any appointment if he considered him fit for such appointment. Professor Khizri has expressed the view that in Shariah the demand for the deposition of the Caliph was not authorised and those who raised the demand betrayed Islam. In his book Usman b Allan, Raza Misri observes that in the Caliphate of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) there was great discontentment against Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) on account of the appointment of his relatives. In the course of time the discontent multiplied. If Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) had wished he could have made amends What happened was that he would repent and would promise the deposition of his relatives, but v\ould do nothing to implement or fulfill his promise. If he wanted to favour his relatives there could have been other ways of doing so. They could have been appointed Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.) 293 to less important posts for they were not at all capable of being appointed to higher posts. The times needed the appointment of men of caliber and good record to high office. Many companions of stainless character were available, and if Usman (Rad.A) had availed himself of their services history would have taken a different course. In his book The Caliphate, Sir William Muir has observed that the history of the period has been coloured by the jealousy and animosity between the Umayyads and the Abbasids. When the Abbasids came to power they tried to tarnish the history of the Umayyads. Sir William Muir observes that in these accounts, Marwan the unpopular cousin of Usman (Rad.A) has received constant abuse as the author of Usman’s (Rad.A) troubles. Marwan is painted as the evil genius, but all this is tinged by the Abbasid and antiUmayyad prejudices. Sir William Muir holds that the story of large free gifts to Marwan which fonned one of the grounds of impeachment against Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) reads like a party calumny. Assessment Unfortunately, history has not done proper justice to Hazrat Usman (Rad.A). Extensive conquests were made during the Caliphate of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A). While sufficient details are available about the conquests made during the Caliphate of Hazrat Abu Bakr, and Hazrat Umar (Rad.A), no details are available about the conquests made during the Caliphate of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A). A greater part of Spain was conquered during the time of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) but surprisingly no details are available in this behalf, and even the names of the territories occupied by the Muslims are not known. It appears that most of the history books were written during the Abbasid period, and the tendency with the pro-Abbasid writers was to suppress the achievements of the Umayyads, and the history of the period of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was mutilated because Usman (Rad.A) was an Umayyad. Shia writers have been very loud in their criticism of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A). Even a writer like Ameer Ali has condemned Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) as an old man, feeble in character, and quite unequal to the task of Government. The view is obviously biased and therefore unfair. The Sunni writers were supposed to take a favourable view of the Caliphate of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A), but as history books were mostly written during the Abbasid period, and the Abbasids were opposed to the Umayyads, the tendency with pro-Abbasid writers was to suppress the achievements of the Caliphate of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) simply because he was an Umayyad. 294 Political and Cultural History of Islam The source books that have come down to us are loaded with so much material unfavourable to Hazrat Usman (Rad.A), that some of the Sunni writers when writing about Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) took the apologetic way of approach, and shifted the blame to Marwan and other Umayyads around Hazrat Usman (Rad.A). These writers have purposely or otherwise projected the view that Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was himself virtuous and honest and the Umayyads who were close to Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) were his evil genius, Sir William Muir’s view is that such allegations are frivolous, and are merely due to party calumny. We do not have many books about the biography of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A). In Pakistan only two books in Urdu are available on the subject. One is a book by Raza Misri and the other is a book by Tana Hussain. Tana Hussain has not furnished much of biographical details about Hazrat Usman (Rad.A). A greater part of the book is devoted to the justification of the agitation against Hazrat Usman (Rad.A). Raza Misri has given some biographical details, but his impressions about the activities of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) are on the whole unfavourable. Unfortunately I have not come across any publication containing an objective assessment of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) or his Caliphate. As I have studied the history of the period, and studied the facts as an impartial historian my impression is that much of the criticism that was levelled against Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was misplaced, and the agitation against him was the result of a conspiracy sponsored by foreign powers with a view to subverting Islam from within. Nothing succeeds like success and nothing fails like failure. As the Caliphate of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) came to an end in chaos and confusion culminating in his assassination, we cannot regard his rule as a Caliph to be a success. As a man Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was not liable to any reproach; he was an embodiment of all the good qualities that a good Muslim should have. He was, however, not successful as a ruler. That was not so because of any lapse or weakness on hib part; that was so because he was ahead of the times. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A), his predecessor, ruled with a strong hand, and in this way, he kept the democratic tendencies of the Arabs under control. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) tried to rule as a democrat, and in the absence of any safeguards to restrain the people from indulging in false propaganda, the liberties of the people degenerated into license, and brought the Muslim polity to grief. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) did not succeed as the Caliph not because he was weak or he favoured his relatives, but because he was kind to the people, and the people took undue advantage of his kindness. 20 HAZRAT ALI (RAD. A) (656-661A.D./35-49A.H.) Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) excelled in both sword and pen. A scholar and orator, Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was the most accomplished man of the time. His sayings are proverbial in the profundity of thought and wisdom. He was known as the gate of knowledge Because of his learning, wisdom and intelligence, his advice was very much valued by Caliph Abu Bakr (Rad.A) and Uitiai (Rad.A) and he occupied the position of a prime counsellor in their Khilafat. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was a lion in bravery as well as in generosity and magnanimity. Simple, frank, sincere and large- hearted, Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was an embodiment of all humane virtues. But his simplicity, frankness and large-heartedness proved his great drawbacks as a ruler because he easily believed his men, so his shrewd enemies easily deceived him. Early Life Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) was born. some thirtj \ears after the birth of the Holy Prophet. He belonged to the most respectable family of Qufaysh, the Banu Hashim (i.e. Hashmites). His father Abu Tahb was the real uncle of the Holy Prophet who brought him up after the death of the Holy Prophet’s grandfather. Hazrat Ali’s mother wa,s Fatimah bint Asad, who belonged to Banu Hashim. Hazrat Ali’s patronymic name was ”Abul Hasan”. The Holy Prophet gave him another name, ”Abu Turab” which was most liked by Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). The Holy Prophet took Hazrat Ali (Rad A) in his childhood from his father Abu Talib, and brought up him like his own. 296 Political and Cultural History of Islam First Youth to Accept Islam When the Holy Prophet started revelations Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) was about ten years old. The Holy Prophet disclosed his mission before Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) and he accepted it immediately1 thus he became the first youth to enter the folds of Islam. When the Holy Prophet started to preach openly, he invited all of his family members to a feast and announced his mission before them. Nobody listened to him, but young Ali (Rad.A) stood up and said, ”Though my eyes are sore, my legs are thin and I am the youngest of all those present here yet I will stand by you. O Messenger of Allah.” hearing this all the leaders of Quraysh laughed but Ali (Rad.A) proved his words to be true after supporting the Holy Prophet in his mission for the beginning till the end. The Holy Prophet loved him very much. The night when the Holy Prophet was migrating to Medina, his house was surrounded by the bloodthirsty tribesmen, who had plotted to assassinate him. They were ready to kill any person who came out of the house. In such a situation, the Holy Prophet asked Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) to sleep in his bed. He followed the command gladly and immediately jumped in (he bed. Although the Makkahans did not accept his mission, they considered the rid}’ prophet the most trustworthy man of Makkah a«;u continued keeping their ’trusts (cash and gold etc.) with him. It was Ali (Rad. A.) to whom the Holy Prophet gave the deposits to return to the owners, when he was leaving Makkah for Medina. Ali (Rad. A.) migrated to Medina after returning the deposits. Problems faced by Hazrst Ali (R-au.A) as a Caliph The insurgents’ shameful act of assassination of the Caliph could never have been imagined by Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) v. a^iy other eminent Companion at Medina. It came -* a total surprise to Hazrat An t’kaol. A..) whose two sons, Hasan and Hussain (Rad. A.) were guarding the gate of Usman’s residence. The insurgents after climbing the back wall of the residence had assassinated the Caliph. The assassination of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was really due to creation of faction among the Muslim Community which was the goal of Abdullah bin Saba and his followers (the insurgents), and they achieved it. After the assassination of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A), the insurgents virtually controlled the capital, Medina for several days. 1 Dr Majid Ali Khan, The Pious Caliphs, India, 1982, P. 177. Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) 297 The Muslims were frightened and sat behind closed doors. After the assassination of Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.) an unprecedented calamity had fallen on the Muslims and for three days. Medina was without any government. Afterwards the insurgents approached Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) to be the Caliph. Egyptians led by Ibn Saba and Ghafqi were the main group of insurgents behind the proposal for the Khilafat of Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) first declined to bear the responsibility of this great office. But the insurgents pressed him to accept it. As a matter of fact Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) wanted to approach Hazrat Talha and Hazrat Zubair (Rad. A.) who were included in the panel of the six persons appointed by Hazrat Umar (Rad. A.) to select a Caliph. He wanted to take pledge of loyalty (Bia’at) at the hands of any of these two gentlemen. But at the end, pressed by the threats of the regicides he decided to put the matter before Muslim public in the Mosque of the Holy Prophet. Most of the Companions in Medina considered him, to be the fittest person for ”Khilafat” after Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.). He then agreed to take the responsibility and gave his consent. On 21st Zul Hijjah 35 A. H. pledge of loyalty took place at the hands of Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) first of all the leading insurgents took the pledge of loyalty on his hands, followed by the general public, at Medina. Hazrat Talha and Zubair (Rad. A.) did not want to take a pledge (Bai’at) until the case of Hazrat Usman’s (Rad.A) assassination was decided. Before that Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) had offered the off:.--? of Khilafat to both of them but they had declined. However under the threats of insurgents they iouic the pledge of loyalty at Hazrat Ali’s bands, on the condition: ”You (i.e. Ali (Rad.A)) have to decide matters according to the Holy Qur’an and Sunnah (ways of the Holy Prophet) and would punish the guilty according to Islamic Law.” Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) agreed to their conditions. Ho/rat Sa’d bin Waqqas said that he would take pledge when ali the Muslims had done so. Following Companions did not take pledge at the hands of Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.): Muhammad bin Muslimah, Usamah bin Zaid, Hassan bin Thabit, Ka’b bin Malik, Abu Sa’id Khudri, Nu’man bin Bashir, Zaid bin Thabit, Mughirah bin Shu’bah and Abdullah bin Salam. Most of the members of Banu Umayyah (Usman’s Family) also did not take pledge of loyalty at Hazrat Ali’s hands. Some of such persons who did not take Bai’at went to Syria. 298 Political and Cultural History of Islam However the majority of the Muslims in Medina took pledge at the hands of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was the most suitable and the fittest person for Khilafat after Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.). If some of the Companions did not take pledge on his hands, because of the political situation of that time, it did not mean that his Khilafat was not accepted by the Muslim majority. Besides Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) nobody including Hazrat Muawiya (Rad. A.) claimed to be the Caliph at that time. The difference between them was the question of punishment to the assassins, which took the shape of various battles. As it would be seen afterwards Hazrat Amir Muawiya (Rad. A.) declared his Khilafat only after the death of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A.). Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was declared to be the Caliph not only by the insurgents but by the Muslim public as well including the leading Ansar (Helpers) and Muhajirin (Emigrants). This could also be noticed with the fact that in the first battle which took place between Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) and Hazrat Aisha (and her group) about 800 of those Companions who had participated in the ”Treaty of Hudaibia”, were with Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) besides other Companions. As a matter of fact Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was the most popular figure at that time and was the most appropriate person to be the fourth Caliph. Disobedience of Abdullah bin Saba and other Sabaites On his third day as the Caliph , Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) asked all the Sabaites (insurgents) to return to their places. Some of them started to go back but a party headed by Abdullah bin Saba did not obey the Caliph pretending al! the while to be his friends. In the history of Islam this was the first incident of disobedience of a Caliph. Their aim was to be with him in order to create mischief as it would be observed later.2 Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.), faced a very difficult situation. His three main problems were: (i) To establish peace in the State and to set right the deteriorating political situation, (ii) To take action against the assassins of Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.) who had gone underground after he took the office. Actually some of them were among the persons who requested Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) to take office of the Khilafat, but neither he nor any other Muslim at that time knew the Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) 299 : Dr Ma|id All Khan, P. 186 real assassins. It was the hardest job at that time to find out the real assassins because the persons who recognized them had already left Medina, and those among the Sabaites, who were present there did not tell Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) the truth. All of the Sabaites told Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) that they did not want to assassinate Hazrat Usman (Rad.A), that was done only by some of the wicked persons whom they did not recognize. Some time, therefore, was required to investigate the matter and that was possible only after peaceful atmosphere was restored in the state which, unfortunately, never occurred during the Caliphate of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) as the situation continued to be worsen. (in) The third problem was the attitude to be adopted towards those Companions (Rad. A) who would not pledge loyalty at the hands of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) unless he either handed over the assassins to them or punish them according to Islamic law. Though we cannot criticise the sincerity of their intention but in fairness to Ali (Rad.A), it has to be said that it was rather an impossible job for Ali (Rad. A.) to fulfill their demands immediately in that situation. Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) was a very straight forward man who considered the ”Khilafat” (Caliphate) as a great trust. His aim was to establish peace in the State which should be the first aim of every good ruler in such a place where certain elements try to destroy the order. According to leading Islamic jurists it is quite right for a Muslim ruler to delay the cases of murder etc. in order to establish peace in an Islamic State Hazrat Ali (Rad. A) was quite right in his decision to tackle the assassins on restoration of normally. The events which took place during the caliphate of Hazrat Ali in the form of various battles will be discussed in the light of the above facts. Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) Seeks to Ascertain the Names of Hazrat Usimn (Rad.A) Assassins After assuming office, Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) tried to find out the assassins of Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.). He called Marwan bin alHakm, the chief secretary of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A), who was present, in the house at the time of assassination, but he had already left for Damascus along with a number of Banu Umayyads. The only other witness was Hazrat Naila, wife of Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.). But she was a housewife who used to live under 300 Political and Cultural History of Islam ”Hijab” (Pardah) in accordance with Islamic custom and as such she could not tell the names of the persons present at that time except the features of some of them. She could only name Muhammad bin Abi Bakr who had entered the house but as stated before he had left the house before Hazrat Usman’s (Rad.A) assassination. Moreover Muhammad bin Abi Bakr took an oath (in accordance to Islamic law) that he was not an assassin and he had left the house as soon as Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.) recognized him and said, ”O my dear nephew, if your father (Abu Bakr (Rad.A)) were alive you would have not committed this.” Hazrat Naila gave her evidence in favour of Muhammad bin Abi Bakr and had confirmed that he was not one of the assassins. In spite of his efforts Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) could not locate the assassins. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) Dismisses the Governors In the opinion of Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) the governors appointed by Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.) were basically responsible for all the events. They did not pay much attention to check the subversive activities of the insurgents. So he dismissed all the governors appointed by Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.). Some of the Companions did not agree with Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) on this. Among such persons were Hazrat Mughirah bin Shu’bah and Hazrat Ibn Abbas (Rad. A.). They advised Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) not to take such a hasty action. According to them it was not wise to dismiss them unless they pledged loyalty to Hazrat Ali (Rad.A), because Usman’s assassination could be an easy excuse for them to refuse the pledge of loyalty to Hazrat Ali. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) did not listen to their advice because he believed that expediency should not be the guiding factor. Hazrat Mughirah bin Shu’bah (Rad. A.) was totally against Ali’s action. He left Medina and went to Makkah. He appointed Hazrat Abdullah bin Abbas as the governor of Yaman; Usman bin Hanif as the governor of Bashrah: Ammarah bin Hissan of Kufa, and Qais as the governor of Egypt. Hazrat Sahl bin Hanif was asked to take charge of governorship of Syria from Hazrat Amir Mu’awiya (Rad. A.).3 When the governors went to take charge they were faced with difficulties. Egypt was one of the provinces in favour of Ali (Rad. A.) but when the new governor, Qais reached there the public was divided in three groups. Some of them accepted him but others 3 Muhammad Asad, Islamic History, India, 1980, P.209. Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) 301 demanded that the assassins must be punished first. There was a third group, belonging to Sabaites and the insurgents, who demanded that the assassins must not be punished in any case. Same difficulty was faced by the newly appointed governor of Basrah. A group of people was in favour of the insurgents while the other was against them. While the governor of Kufa was on his way a spokesman of Kufis came and asked him to return to Medina because they did not want to change their governor Hazrat Musa Ash’ari (Rad. A.) in any case. So Hazrat Ammarah bin Hissan (Rad. A.), the governor designate, returned to Medina. The new governor of Yaman, Hazrat Abdullah bin Abbas did not face any difficulty because Ya’la, the old governor had already left Kufa for Makkah before Hazrat Ibn Abbas reached there. When Hazrat Sahl bin Hanif, the governor designate of Syria, reached Tabuk (the out-post of Syria), Amir Mu’awiya’s cavalry men stopped him from proceeding any further and asked him to go back to Medina. Thus Kufa and Syria were the two provinces which had openly flouted Hazrat Ali’s authority. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) sent his special messengers to Kufa and Syria. The governor of Kufa, Hazrat Abu Musa Ash’ari (Rad. A.) sent a satisfactory reply and assured Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) of his loyalty to him. Not only this he also wrote to him that he had already taken pledge of loyalty for him from the people of Kufa. The case of Hazrat Mu’awiya was entirely different. Hazrat Amir Mu’awiya’s Demand for Assassins After the assassination of Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.) his family except his wife Naila, Reached Damascus and told Amir Mu’awiya (Rad. A.) the details. They also carried with them the blood stained shirt of Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.) and the chopped off fingers of his wife Hazrat Naila. Amir Mu’awiya, a kinsman of Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.) was shocked on hearing the news, and when it was made public, all the Muslims of Syria were greatly perturbed. Hazrat Amir Mu’awiya (Rad. A.) was a great statesman and was in Syria for about 20 ysars. He hung the blood stained shirt and the chopped off fingers of Hazrat Usman’s wife on the ”Mimber” (pulpit) of the Jami Mosque of Damascus because of which the Syrian Muslims got inflamed. This was the situation of Syria when Sahl bin Hanif, the governor designate of Syria was forced to return to Medina from Tabuk. On receiving the special messenger from Hazrat Ali (Rad.A), Amir Mu’awiya (Rad. A.) did not reply for about three 302 Political and Cultural History of Islam months and detained the messenger. Then he sent his own messenger to Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) in Rabi’ul Awwal, 36 A.M. The messenger handed over the letter to Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) addressed as ”From Mu’awiya to Ali (Rad.A)”’. When the letter was opened it was a blank paper on which only ”Bismilla-Hir-Rahmanir Rahim” (In the name of Allah, most Gracious, most merciful) was written. Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) was amazed to see the letter, which was in fact an insult to the office of the ”Caliph”, The messenger also told Ali (Rad. A.) that 50,000 Shaikhs of Syria were bemoaning the death of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) and were determined to fight until the assassins were handed over to them. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) replied, ”O Allah! you know it well that 1 am free from any charge of Usman’s assassination. I swear by Allah that the assassins have escaped.” The Sabaites pretending to be friends of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A), tried to create another disturbance by trying to kill the messenger, but Hazrat Ali (Rad. A) did not allow it. However exchange of hot words took place between them and the messenger. Amir Mu’awiya’s reply was a clear indication of his intention. The matter was not going to be settled without force. Therefore Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) decided to use force against Mu’awiya (Rad. A.) and started preparations for it Hazrat Ali’s elder son, Imam Hassan (Rad. A.) was a man of rather mild temper. He requested his father to give up the Khalifat and not to think of fighting against Muslims (i.e , to start a civil war). But there was no other way and Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) had to handle the situation with an iron hand in order to keep the provinces under the centre as they were since the time of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad. A.). This was the first time in the history of Islam when the Muslims were preparing to fight against each other. As a Caliph, Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was quite right in his decision. Not to pledge of loyalty was an open revolt against his authority and he had to deal boldly with any type of international rebellion. Hazrat Amir Mu’awiya (Rad. A.), as a matter of fact, was over-excited on the tragic assassination The family of Usman (Rad. A.) which had reached there after the assassination was also a cause of this attitude. Moreover some of the Sabaites, whose only aim was to divide the Muslim community, had reached Syria and incited the Muslims against Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). They were playing double role. On the one side a group of them was with Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) to stir him up against Mu’awiya (Rad. A.), while on the other side some of them Hazrat Ah (Rad. A.) 303 went to Syria only to inflame the feelings of Muslims over there. Under such conditions Mu’awiya (Rad. A.) had no alternative but to insist upon his demar-’ for punishment of the assassins before pledging loyalty to Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.). Hazrat Aisha’s Demand for Chastisement of Assassins While Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) was preparing for war against Amir Mu’awiya another difficulty arose. After the assassination of Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.) some members of his family went to Hazrat Aisha (Rad. A.) who was in Makkah to perform the Hajj. They and a number of Medinites informed her about the tragedy while she was on her way from Makkah to Medina after the Hajj. Hearing the news of assassination of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) she returned to Makkah and appealed to the people over there to avenge the death of Hazrat Usman (Rad. A.). Hundreds of people including the governor of Makkah came out at Aisha’s ca!l. The governor of Yaman, Yal’a bin Munabbah also joined her in Makkah. Among Banu Ummayyads who joined Hazrat Aisha in Makkah were Said bin A’s, Walid bin Upbah and Marwan bin Hakam. In the meantime Hazrat Talha and Zubair (Rad. A.) demanded Hazrat Ali to punish the assassins. He told them, ”Please wait. I will do my duty as soon as conditions allow me.” Hazrat Talha and Zubair were not satisfied with Hazrat Ali’s reply and left Medina for Makkah to join Hazrat Aisha (Rad. A.). They had not correctly assessed the delicate situation in Medina. The city was not free from the grip of Sabaites and there was a general feeling against Umayyads in the public. Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) was anxious to restore peace first so that the assassins could be punished.4 In Makkah, Hazrat Aisha (Rad. A.) started to march to Medina at the head of about two thousand men with the object of dealing with the assassins. Hazrat Abdullah bin Zubair was also there. They also asked him to join but he declined to do so and remained neutral. When Hazrat Aisha was about to march to Medina, proposals came to vijit Basrah first to collect more supporters. She decided to go to Basrah. Hazrat Aisha Goes to Basrah While Hazrat Aisha was on her way to Basrah more people joined her in the way. By the time she reached Basrah, there were three thousand men under her flag. The governor of Basrah, Usman Syed Ameer Ah, History of Saracens, P 50 304 Political and Cultural History of Islam bin Hanif (appointed by Hazrat AH (Rad.A), sent some men to find out the object of her visit. She and other Muslims told them that they wanted to tell people of their duty towards the late Caliph so that proper action would be taken to punish the assassins. The messenger of the governor asked Hazrat Talha and Zubair for what reason they were breaking the Bai’at on the hands of Hazrat AH (Rad.A). They told them that the pledge (Bai’at) was taken from them at the point of sword, and that they would have kept the pledge if Hazrat AH (Rad.A) had avenged Usman’s assassination. The governor of Basrah decided not to allow them to enter the city till he got help from Hazrat AH (Rad.A). He called a public meeting and asked people to fight against them. In the meeting some people favoured the governor while some of them supported Hazrat Aisha, Talha and Zubair. The supporters of Hazrat AH (Rad.A) and the governor came out to fight. Hazrat Aisha (RacLA) Takes Over Basrah Hazrat Aisha (Rad.A) gave a stirring speech before the Muslims. It was so impressive that half of the supporters of the governor left him and joined Hazrat Aisha (Rad.A). Seeing this she tried to settle the matter peacefully instead of fighting. But there were some agents of Abdullah bin Saba (Sabaites) specially his famous disciple., Hakim bin Hublah, who did not allow any settlement. He attacked Hazrat Aisha’s (Rad.A) army before the governor gave him permission to do so. The fight took place but no result came out till the evening. In the meantime the-governor got instructions from Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) to resist Hazrat Aisha’s (Rad.A) army if they did not agree to pledge of loyalty to him. Then a furious battle took place in which Usman (Rad.A) bin Hanif, the governor, was defeated and captured. Hakim bin Hublah and some of his followers were killed, and Basrah was occupied by the Hazrat Aisha (Rad.A) and her supporters.5 CIVIL WAR March to Basrahh The capture of Basrah by Hazrat Aisha (Rad.A) made the situation very grave. The Islamic state was really oh the verge of serious civil war. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) never wanted to start war against the Muslims but the internal situation at that time compelled !Dr. Majid Ali Khan, P. 194 Hazrat Ah (Rad. A.) 305 him to do so. War was unavoidable. The Caliph, therefore, postponed his march to Syria for the time being in order to set things right in lraq.*He decided to march on to Basrah. A number of Ansar and other Companions were not in favour of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) leaving Medina, instead they asked him to send his army. When Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was leaving Medina. If you leave it at this moment, you would never come back and the capital would be changed.” But he decided to go ahead with his mission because of the seriousness of the situation. Some of the Companions remained neutral and did not join Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) even though he asked them-to-do so. Among such persons were: Abdullah bin Umar (Rad.A), Muhammad bin Muslimah, Sa’d bin Waqqas and Usamah bin Zaid (Rad.A).Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) started for Basrah towards the end of Rabi-ul-Awwal, 36 A.H. i.e. Nov. 656 A.D. Abdullah bin Saba and his followers were accompanying Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). Help from Basrah Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) asked Abu Musa Ash’ari to send help but he got no response because Hazrat Abu Musa dreaded a civil war. Therefore Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) sent his eldest son, Hasan (Rad.A) to Kufa who addressed the people and pleaded for Ali (Rad.A). The people were stirred on the appeal and about nine thousand men marched on to join Ali (Rad.A). Hazrat AH (Rad.A) Seeks Peace Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) assured all the people accompanying him that he would try his best to avoid blood-shed and to set the things right peacefully. On reaching Dhi’qar, a place near Basrah, Hazrat Ali (Rad.A), with his characteristic aversion to blood-shed sent his cousin Abdullah bin Abbas and Qa’qa bin Amr (Rad.A) to negotiate peacefully with Hazrat Aisha (Rad.A), Talha, and Zubair (Rad.A) who were preparing to face Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) with a big army. j The messengers of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) assured Hazral Aisha (Rad.A), Talha, and Zubair (Rad.A) that Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) would avenge the assassins of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) as soon as peace was established in the state. Hearing this they were satisfied and there were hopes for a peaceful settlement.6 But in the army of Ali (Rad.A) there were Abdullah bin Saba and his henchman to whom peace was 5 Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. I, Germany, 1985, P. 383. 306 Political and Cultural History of Islam fatal. At the possibility of peaceful settlement they were much disturbed. They met in a secret council and whispered to each other that Ali (Rad.A) was prepared to avenge the death of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A). They were determined to make the peaceful settlement a total failure.7 They sent their agents to Basrah to incite the Muslims population by saying that if Ali (Rad.A) entered Basrah he would enslave all the inhabitants and would kill all the youths. The Basrites, therefore, must check and fight him back. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) hoping for a peaceful settlement, marched towards Basrah to talk personally with Hazrat Talha and Zubair (Rad.A). The two armies were facing each other Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) gave an address to Basrities in which he said. ”I am but your brother I will avenge Usman’s assassins,” Hazrat Talha, Zubair and Basrites were fully satisfied with what Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) told them. Ali (Rad.A) also returned to his camp very satisfied. He gave strict orders to his men not to fight in any case, and prayed all the night to Allah. But Ibn Saba and his henchmen had planned otherwise. In the dlrkness of night they made a sudden attack on Hazrat Aisha’s (Rad.A) army. Hazrat Talha and Zubair were startled by the sudden attack and said, Ali (Rad.A) could aot desist from shedding Muslim blood and he has ordered a night attack. On the other hand Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was shocked when he was told by Sabaites that Talha and Zubair had taken them by surprise. He also remarked in the same way that they did not stop from taking the blood of Muslims. According to Tabari the following Sabaites were the leaders behind this plan: Ashtar Nakh’i Ibn Sauda, Khalid bin Muljam, Alba bin Haitham and Shuraib bin Aufa, Ibn Saba was the ring leader THE BATTLE OF CAMEL (JAMAL) (656 A.D.) Soon a full scale war started. Hundreds of Muslims fell on each side. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was greatly pained at the situation. He tried to stop the battle but the battle had already flared up. In the dawn the troops of Hazrat Aisha (Rad.A) apprised her of the situation and suggested that she should mount on a camel in Hijab (Pardah) so that the situation might ease. But it worked the other way and Basrites thought that Hazrat Aisha (Rad.A) came in the field to fight with them. During the fight Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) reminded Talha 7 Ibid Hazrat Ah (Rad. A.) 307 and Zubair (Rad.A) the words of the Holy Prophet: ”one day you (Talha and Zubair) will fight Ali (Rad.A) wrongly.” They remembered the saying and left the battlefield but when Talha was le. ving the field somebody rained arrows on him and he was killed.8 When the fight did not come to an end Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) ordered one of his men to cut the hind legs of the camel on which Hazrat Aisha (Rad.A) was mounting in a ”howdah”. The order of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was carried out and the camel fell on its forelegs. Hazrat Aisha (Rad.A) was taken out of the^’howdah” with due respect. The battle came to an end in favour of Tiazrat Ali (Rad.A). Hazrat Aisha (Rad.A) was sent with due respect to Medina escorted by her own brother, Muhammad bin Abi Bakr. In this battle about ten thousand Muslims on both sides lost their lives. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) felt deeply moved because of the loss of Muslim blood. Hazrat Zubair who had already left the field after remembering the Holy Prophet’s saying was going to Makkah, he stopped in a valley to perform his Salat, but was slain by a man, named ’Amr bin Jarmoz while he was busy in his Salat. When Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) came to know, he rebuked the murderer by saying: ” I have seen him fight for the Prophet of Allah several times. I give the murderer the news of hell-fire.” After the battle he took pledge of loyalty from the people of Basrah and appointed Hazrat Abdullah bin Abbas as the governor of Basrah. He gave general amnesty to all those who fought against him including Marwan bin Hakam and other persons of Banu Umyyah family. The address which Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) gave at Jami Mosque of Basrah before the Bai’at (Pledge of loyalty) moved the Muslims, and they were convinced that Ali (Rad.A) was a just Caliph. Change of Capital Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was very much grieved on seeing the disrespect of the ”Haram” (Forbidden Place) of Medina when the ii -.urgents laid siege to the late Caliph’s house and then assassinated him. He wanted to change the capital to save Medina from future political disturbance. After staying for a few days at Basrah, Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) went to Kufa. There he was given a warm welcome. He got more supporters at Kufa and thought it to be a more suitable place as the capital of his Khilafat. Therefore in Rajab 36 A.H., he decided to transfer the capital from Medina to Kufa. 1 Encyclopedia of lilam, Vol I, P 382 308 Political and Cultural History of Islam Hazrat All’s Final Invitation to Hazrat Mu’awiya Hazrat AH (Rad.A) now turned his attention towards Hazrat Mu’awiya (Rad.A). He was then ruling over the whole Islamic State with the exception of Syria. The peace minded Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) wanted a peaceful settlement. He, therefore, wrote a letter to Hazrat Mu’awiya (Rad.A) asking him to take pledge of loyalty at his hand in the interest of Islam and the unity of the Muslims. But Hazrat Mu’awiya (Rad.A) again demanded of him to avenge Hazrat Usman’s assassins first. The show of Hazrat Usman’s blood- stained shirt and the chopped-off fingers of his wife, Hazrat Naila, was still going on in the Jami Masjid of Damascus. The powerful Syrians had rallied round Hazrat Mu’awiya (Rad.A). On the other hand Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was still unable to overcome the insurgents, when Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was still unable to overcome the insurgent. When Hazrat Amir Mu’awiya’s messenger came to Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) to put the demand to hand over the assassins, 10,000 men of Hazrat Ali’s army said with one voice: ”All of us are the assassins of Usman (Rad.A).” Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) then said to the messengers, Hazrat Muslimah, ”You can see for yourself the situation. I am still unable to find out of the real assassins.” But Hazrat Mu’awiya was determined not to give up his demand. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) finding no other way, was compelled to declare war against Hazrat Mu’awiya (Rad.A). The Battfe of Siffm (657 A.D./37 A.H.) The above situation forced Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) to march out against Syria. In the beginning there was not much response to Hazrat Ali’s call. But when Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) explained the position to the Muslims, a large army gathered around Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) and 50,000 Muslims came out under his banner to fight the Syrians. When Mu’awiya (Rad.A) came to know about Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) advance, he too proceeded with a vast army and occupied a better position in the field. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) encamped at Siffm, and Amir Mu’awiya on the other side of Siffm.9 Hazrat Ali’s intention was not to shed Muslim blood in vain. He therefore again tried and sent a deputation of three men on peace mission to Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A). Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A) again demanded that the assassins of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) must be slain before any compromise can be reached and that he was demanding I Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) 309 this as a ”Wali” (next of kin of murdered person) of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A). The demand was again refused by Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) on the ground that he was not able to locate the real assassins and it would need some time, and that the Pledge of Loyalty must be taken without any condition. In the montn of Zhul Hijjah 36 A.H. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) ordered his troops to take positions. But there seemed unwillingness to fight on both sides. Muslims were facing Muslims. However in the beginning fighting began with single combats followed by light encounters of single battalions. Thus the whole month of Zhul Hijjah ended without any big fight. When the moon of Muharram appeared, Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) and Mu’awiya made a truce for one month. During this time he again got an opportunity for renewed peace talks. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) sent another mission led by Adi bin Hatim Tai to Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A). But this time Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A) took it as a threat and refused to recognize Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) as the Caliph unless he avenged Hazrat Usman’s assassination. In this way the last attempt proved to be fruitless. On the evening of the last day of Muharram 37 A.H. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) gave orders to his army to attack the Syrian forces because they had been given enough time to think; The war started the following morning. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) gave strict orders that no person should be killed if he left the field or ran away. Women and old people would be secure. Hazrat Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A) also gave the same order to his army. The wai started on Tuesday 1st Safar , 37 A.H. On the first day a battalion of Hazrat Ali’s army, led by Ushtar fought with the Syrians led by the Habib bin Muslimah. On the second day another battalion led by Hashim bin Utbah from Hazrat Ali’s side fought with the Syrians led by Abul A’war Salama. On the third day the battalion from Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) side was led by Hazrat ’Ammar bin Yasir and the Syrians were led by Amir bin A’s (Rad.A). During the battle Hazrat Ammar bin Yasir (Rad.A) was martyred but no result came out. The martyrdom of Hazrat Ammar bin Yasir, however, proved that Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was right because of the following Hadith mentioned in Bukhari, Muslim, Tirmidhi and other authentic books of Hadith: According to this Hadith the Holy Prophet said, ”Ammar bin Yasir would be killed by a group of rebels.” Since Hazrat Ammar was fighting in favour of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) and was killed by the 1 G. T. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam. London, 1986, P. 28. 310 Political and Cultural History of Islam army of Hazrat Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A) Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was in the right and his opponents were the rebels. For seven days the battle continued in this way. A new battalion used to fight from each side under a new commander. On the 8th day the whole army of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) clashed with the of Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A). A fierce battle was fought but with no end in sight. According to most of the historians, Hazrat ’ Ammar bin Yasir was martyred on that day. However no result came out till the evening. The death of Hazrat Ammar bin Yasir was a shock to Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). The battle went on the whole night. At one time Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) reached the tent of Hazrat Mu’awiya and challenged him to fight personally with him instead of shedding Muslim blood, the winner would be the Caliph. But Hazrat Mu’awiya (Rad.A) did not accept the challenge because Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was a noted warrior of Arabia. On the second day of the battle Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A) was about to lose the battle. But, Amir Mu’awiya was a shrewd person and had been the governor of Syria from Hazrat Umar’s time. He had with him Hazrat Amir bin A’s, the conqueror of Egypt and a recognized statesman of Arabia. Seeing the impending defeat he consulted Hazrat Amr bin A’s who advised Amir Mu’awiya to give orders to the troops of the front ranks to fasten the Holy Qur’an to their lances as a sign that war would cease and that the decision would be referred to the Holy Book. Seeing copies of the Holy Qur’an on lances, Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) recognized it as a clever move of the enemy but a good many men of his army did not share his view and stopped fighting. Being helpless he ordered his troops to stop fighting. Arbitration Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) sent his envoy to Hazrat Mu’awiya (Rad.A) to find out what he meant by making the Holy Qur’an a judge. Hazrat Amir Mu’awiya told him that he wanted an arbitration through judges, one from his side and the other from Hazrat Ali’s side, and that both the parties should abide by the decision of the judge. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) accepted it. He tried to make Hazrat Abdullah bin Abbas as the arbitrator from his side, but some of his followers objected to it on the ground that he was related to Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). They proposed the name of Hazrat Musa Ash’ari (Rad.A). Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) accepted their proposal and he was appointed as the arbitrator of ’Ali’s (Rad.A) side. Hazrat Mu’awiya Hazrat All (Rad. A.) 311 appointed Amir bin A’s (Rad.A) as the arbitrator from his side, and none of his followers questioned his choice although he was related to Amir Mu’awiya. This shows that the followers of Hazrat Mu’awiya were more united than the followers of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). There were many Sabaites in Hazrat Ali’s camp and they were the real cause of such differences. Wherever they saw the Muslims uniting they tried to create confusion with the aim of disuniting them. In case the two arbitrators could not come to an agiesment, the decision was to lie with eight hundred men (four hundred from Hazrat Ali’sxamp and four hundred from Hazrat Mu’awiya’s camp) and it would be settled by the majority. A place named Dumat- ulJandal, in betweeft Syria and Iraq, was proposed for the talks. Both the judges with 800 would go there to finalise their award by the month of Ramzan and to make it public. A temporary agreement was signed on 13th Safar, 37 A.H. between Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) and Hazrat Mu’awiya. The two armies then left for their homes leaving about 90,000 men dead in the field of Siffin, which number exceeded the total Muslim casualties in all the Islamic battles against the nonMuslims by the time.10 Khawarij or Dissenters Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) who was almost winning the battle against Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A) marched back from Siffin with a sense of loss. There was a tremendous loss of Muslim lives in Siffin. Never before in the history of Islam had the loss of Muslim blood been so heavy. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) after all wanted a peaceful solution, although the price was heavy. When Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) announced the agreement before his troops formed of various tribes Two brothers of the Tribe of Anza stood up and opposed appointment of arbitrator (”Hakam” or Judge) between the two parties for Allah’s commandments were with them in the form of the Holy Qur’an which is the best ”Hakam”. Other people also followed this example and a good many people were against the arbitration. According to them the arbitration was against the spirit .of Islam. Some of these men requested Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) to throw away the agreement but he said, ”I did not want any agreement ->t that stage b ^ you forced me to do so. When ! gave my word of honour, you are for ’ng me to give them up. I would never do it.” Tlie followers of ’ Dr Ata M, ^h/-ud-Din, Ah (Rad A) the Superman, Lahore, 1980, P 213 Political and Cultural History of Islam Hazrat AH (Rad.A) split into two groups. One group stood by the agreement while for the other the arbitration was un-Islamic. The second group, which was opposing arbitration, was known as Kharijites (Khawarij in Arabic). By the time Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) returned to Kufa, their number reached 12,000. They did not stay with other Muslims in Kufa instead, they encamped at Harorah and appointed Sheith bin Rabi’ as their commander-in-chief and Abdullah bin Kawa as their Imarn to lead Salat. They announced their policy which was as follows: ”The Bai’at (Pledge of Loyalty) is only for Allah, and He alone is to be obeyed. To spread good and forbid evil according to the Holy Qur’an and the Sunnah is our foremost duty. There exists neither a Caliph nor an Amir Both Ali (Rad.A) and Mu’awiya are in error. Mu’awiya in error because he did not accept Ali (Rad.A) while Ali (Rad.A) is in error because he agreed on arbitration. After gaining power, we will set up a social order based on Allah’s Book (i.e. Holy Qur’an).” Ali (Rad.A) Sends His Emissary to Khawarij After returning to Kufa, Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) sent Abdullah bin Abbas to remove the misunderstanding of the Khawarij (Dissenters). Instead of returning to the right belief, they started a lengthy argument with him. Seeing this Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) himself went to them. He gave them all the assurances that the arbitration would only be accepted if it was based upon the Holy Qur’an and the Sunnah. He was successful in his efforts after a great difficulty, and the Khawarij joined him again temporarily. Verdict of the Arbitrators The two arbitrators thought over the matter for six months then met at the frontier town of Dumat-ul-Jandal in Sha’ban, 37 A.H. (Jan. 658). Each of them was having four hundred men with him. The commander of men from Hazrat Ali’s side was Shuraih bin Hani, and the Imam Hazrat Abdullah bin Abbas. The four hundred men from Mu’awiya’s camp were under Surjil bin Samah. Besides these some neutral companions like Abdullah bin Umar (Rad.A), Abdullah bin Zubair, and Sa’d bin Abi Waqqas were also present there.” Hazrat Amir bin A’s the judge appointed by Hazrat Mu’awiya, was a famous statesman and diplomat of Arabia. On the other hand Abu Musa Ash’ari, the judge from Hazrat Ali’s side, was a sin pie Muslim, unacquainted with diplomatic tactics, {n the 1’ Masud-ul-Hasan, Hazrat All (Rad A), Lahore, 1988 P 278. Hazrat Ah (Rad. A ) 313 beginning a discussion between the two judges took place A scribe was ordered to write down the points of agreement during the discussion. They reached on the following agreement after a long discussion: ”Ali and Mu’awiya both withdraw their right for the Khilafat. The Muslims should appoint a third person as their Caliph.” According to some historians the discussion was not recorded and the agreement was reached verbally. However they could not reach an agreement on the choice of the most suitable person to be approved as the Caliph in place of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) or Hazrat Mu’awiya. \ After the agreement Hazrat Amr bin A’s asked Hazrat Abu \Musa Ash’ari to make it public by announcing it in the mosque pefore the Muslims. Hazrat Abu Musa (Rad.A) announced: ”We have agreed that neither, Ali (Rad.A) nor Mu’awiya would be considered as the Caliph. You may elect any other man you think fit.” After this Hazrat Amr bin A’s (Rad.A) stood up and said, ”I do not consider Ali (Rad.A) fit for the Khilafat, but in my opinion Mu’awiya is fit for it.” The statement of Hazrat Amr not only meant one sided decision according to which Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was supposed to lose his power but not Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A). Hearing the statement of Amr bin A’s (Rad.A) there was a big uproar. The result of the arbitration was a mere confusion. In this way the arbitration proved to be a futile and the hopes of peace were gone. Both the parties left the place in great disgust. The acceptance of such arbitration, really proved to be disastrous to Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). Hazrat AH (Rad.A) lost the case before it opened. When Ali (Rad.A) heard the result of the arbitration he said, ”The judgement is not based upon the Holy Qur’an and the Sunnah which was the condition for arbitration. Therefore it cannot be accepted.” He then delivered a lecture in the Jami Masjid of Kufa and asked the Muslims to prepare to attack Syria. Split in Muslim Community As soon as the Khawarij knew the result of arbitration they again separated and this time rose in an open revolt. A new group was thus created in the history of Islam which proved to be more dangerous than any other group existing before then. As it has been discussed in connection with the assassination of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) the Muslim community was divided into four main groups viz, Usmanis, Shi’ani-i-Ali, Marhabah and Ahl-al-Sunnah. Marhabis were absorbed in other groups. The remaining three groups were still 314 Political and Cultural History of Islam existing. Now the fourth group of Kharijites (”Khawarji”) was formed. Before proceeding further let us see the main beliefs of these •groups. (i) Usmanis They were now confined to Syria under the banner of Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A). They demanded that until the assassins of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) were punished or handed over to them, they would not accept the Khilafat of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). But after the so called judgment of the arbitrators, they totally rejected the Khilafat of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) and took Bai’at (Pledge of Loyalty) at the hand of Amir Mu’a\viya after declaring him as the Caliph. (ii) Shi’an-i-Ali They called themselves as the friends of Ali (Rad.A) in the beginning but later on they developed their own beliefs and considered Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) ^ ”Was!” I.e. Administrator of the Holy Prophet, and the only fit person for the Khilafat. They not only criticised and condemned Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A) but also Umar (Rad.A), Abu Bakr, and Usman (Rad.A) and discarded the authority of the first three Caliphs. However they did not criticize the first two Caliphs openly during the time of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). As years passed this group became an exponent of a separate school of thought in Islamic Law and Jurisprudence and they wrote their own books of Hadith; History of Islam and Commentaries of the Holy Qur’an based upon their beliefs. They disagreed with most of the works produced by Sunni Scholars. (in) Ahl-i-Sunnah wal-Jamma’ah The majority of the Companions, and Muslims at the time were not only in favour of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) but all the preceding Caliphs i.e. Abu Bakr (Rad.A), Umar (Rad.A) and Usman (Rad.A). They believed that the ’”Right Path” was to follow the Sunnah of the Holy Prophet and the traditions of his pious Jama’ah (i.e. all the Companions), especially the first four Caliphs who set examples to solve various problems according to the Holy Qur’an and the Sunnah. This group was in great majority not only at that time but in all the periods of Islamic History. They fully supported Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) during his Khilafat. According to them Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A) was not right in not accepting Hazrat Ali’s (Rad.A) authority. But they considered that mistake based upon ”Ijtihad.” After all, he was a pious Companion Hazrat Ah (Rad. A.) 315 and the sincerity of a Companion must not be questioned. Hazrat Shah Waliullah, in his famous book. Izala-ul-Khafa writes: Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A) was an excellent Companion of the Holy Prophet. Do not criticize or condemn him. Moreover Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A) was one of the scribes of the Revelation (i.e., the Holy Qur’an) during the time of the Holy Prophet. It is necessary, therefore, that we must not question his sincerity. Due to political conditions at that time, he was strict in his demand of chastisement of the assassins of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A). Most of the historians agree on this point that he did not declare himself a Caliph during the life of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) although people took Bai’at on his hand. (iv) The Khawarij The Khawarij were more a political group than theological. They accepted the authority of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) and Umar (Rad.A) but denounced Hazrat Usman Ali (Rad.A) and Mu’awiya (Rad.A). They said that the ”Hakam” (Arbitrator or Judge for the dispute between Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) and Mu’awiya) was agi»i..^ the principles of Islam. Only Allah had to be obeyed through the Holy Qur’an and not the Hakam. They also formulated a number of other beliefs as well. In the later period of Islamic history this group became almost extinct. The Kharijite Trouble The Khawarij set up their centre at Nahrwan and began to preach their cult. Many people gathered around them and they gained sufficient strength. They were very harsh to those who differed from them and regarded such Muslims as rebels against Islam and murdered them. Loyalty to the Caliph was a great crime in their eyes and they called it ”the cult of personality”. The Kharijites seemed to be very pious as far as their appearance was concerned. They used to offer long Salats, wore simple dress and were honest in their dealings. But they were misguided in beliefs and killed all those who said that they were the followers of the Caliph. After the failure of arbitration Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) wanted to march to Syria but the Kharijite movement diverted his attention. It was a great danger not only to the Muslim unity but to the Islamic beliefs and practices as a whole. It was an urgent need to wipe out such a movement in its early stage. Therefore he set out for Nahrwan, the centre of Khawarij instead of Syria. Reaching there Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) tried to negotiate \vith them peacefully. He setu some prominent Companions to persuade Khariji leaders but they did 316 Political and Cultural History of Islam not listen to them. Then Hazrat Ali asked them to hand over such people who have murdered innocent Muslims. He told them that he would leave the rest if they handed over the murderers. To this he replied to the Caliph, ”All of us are murderers and we want to murder all of your followers. We would never stop from this.” The stage reached when there was no other way than to fight with them. Before declaring war against them Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) declared that those who would be loyal to him or those who left Nahrwan and did not fight would be given amnesty. On his appeal 3000 Kharijites repented and again took Bai’at at his hands. The rest did not move from their position. The battle began. A fierce fight took place. Kharijites fought desperately but were defeated. Most of their leaders were slain. After the battle Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) searched the slain body of the man about whom the Holy Prophet had prophesied and had given some of the signs which were, really the forecast of Kharijite trouble. Hazrat AH (Rad.A) found the body with all the signs told by the Holy Prophet and remarked, ”The Holy Prophet was very true in his prophecy.” Unwillingness to March to Syria After the battle at Nahrwan Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) wanted to march on to Syria but his men were in no mood for that. They asked for some rest when he was encamping at Nakhila, some miles away from the Capital. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) allowed them to take some rest over there but they started to slip away to their homes, and only a few of them were left with him. Seeing the situation Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was also forced to return to Kufa. After some time Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) again asked the Kufis to march on to Syria. He gave a stirring address in the Jami Masjid of the Capital but the leaders of Kufa did not show any inclination. Despite many efforts Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was not successful in raising another army against the Syrians. Loss of Egypt Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) appointed Qais bin Sa’d (Rad.A) as the governor of Egypt. He took pledge of loyalty from the Egyptians for Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). The inhabitants of the town of Khartaba were not loyal to Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). He left them alone on the condition of a peaceful conduct. Some friends of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A), who were having an eye of Qais to Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). They told Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) that Qais was more sympathetic to Hazrat Mu’awiya and must be sacked. Hazrat Ah (Rad. A ) 317 When Hazrat Mu’awiya noticed that the opinion of Qais was doubtful in the eyes of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A), he declared him as his man. Hearing this Hazrat A!i (Rad.A) dismissed him and appointed Muhammad bin Abu Bakr as the governor of Egypt. Muhammad bin Abu Bakr (Rad.A) was a young man and was not able to control the Egyptians in a tactful way. He forced the people of Khartaba to pledge loyalty for Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) and remained busy with them for a long time. In the meantime the battle of Siffin took place but he was so busy with the internal affairs of Egypt that he could not send any army to help Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). \ After the battle of Siffin Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) appointed Malik ^bin Ushtar as the governor of Egypt. Ibn Ushtar was a strong man, but he could not join his duty and passed away in the way Muhafnmad bin Abu Bakr, therefore, continued as the governor of Egypt. After the award of the arbitration, the Syrians declared Hazrat Mu’awiya as their Caliph and took Bai’at on his hands. According to a number of historians, Amir Mu’awiya did not declare himself as the Caliph during the life of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). However he tried to extend his control over the Islamic state after the award. The first step was to send his army under the command of Hazrat Amr Ibn A’s to attack Egypt. Muhammad bin Abu Bakr, the governor of Egypt wrote to Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) for help. But before he got any help Amr Ibn A’s (Rad.A) reached Egypt with six thousand men. Ten thousand inhabitants of Khartaba also joined his army. They easily beat back two thousand men of Muhammad bm Abu Bakr. He himself took shelter in a house but was caught and slain. In 38 A.H. Hazrat Mu’awiya (Rad.A) became the master of Egypt. He appointed Hazrat Amir Ibn A’s as the governor. Unrest in Basrah and Iran Hazrat Abdullah Ibn Abbas (Rad.A) was the governor of Basrah controlling the whole of Persia and other parts of the Islamic State in the East. Basrites were pro-Ali but there were Usmani (proMu’awiya) elements well over there. In 38 A. H. Hazrat Abdullah Ibn Abbas went to Caliph’s to pay a visit to the Caliph. Abdullah Ibn Hadrami, an Usmani (pro-Mu’awiya) was in Basrah in those days. In the absence of Ibn Abbas he saw his chance and incited the people to avenge the assassination of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A). He got support and was able to raise an army which invaded Basrah. The governor’s deputy, Ziyad Ibn Abi Sufyan, could not face him and fled. Hearing the rising Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) sent Jariah Ibn Qudamah who belonged 318 Political and Cultural History of Islam to Ban! Tamim tribe. He went to Basrah with fifty people and negotiated with Basrites, most of whom were from Bani Tamim tribe. He was successful in his mission and the rebellion was put down. Ibn Hadrami and seventy of his followers shut themselves in a house which was burnt by pro-Ali Basrites. When the People of Eastern Persia and Kirman heard the burning of Ibn Hadrami they refused to pay Kharaj in portest. However their rising was put down by military action. Pro-Mu’awiyan Parties Invade Various Parts After the award, Usmanis tried to create general unrest in the country. During the year 39 A.H., strong parties were set out from Syria. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) tried to stir his friends in Kufa but they would never come out at Ali’s call. Neither they were prepared to fight the Syrians again nor they tried seriously to check the invading parties of Usmanis. One of such parties went to Ain al-amr under the command of Nu’man Ibn Bashir but he was defeated by Ali’s governor, Malik Ibn Ka’b. Another party of six thousand men under Sufyan Ibn Auf went to Ambar and Madain (Midian). They killed the officer incharge of Ambar. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) sent Sa’id Ibn Auf with an army but they ran away. Another party of three thousand men under Dahak Ibn Qais came as far east as the reighbourhood of Basrah. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) sent four thousand men under Hajar Ibn Adi. A fight took place in which 19 Syrians (Usmanis) were killed. Rest of them ran away in the darkness of the night. In the same year (i.e., 39 A.H.) Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) sent his deputy Ibn Abbas, to lead Hajj. Amir Mu’awiya also sent his deputy, Yazid Ibn Sanjar to lead the Hajj. A tussle between the two men took place. At the end it was settled that a third person, Shaibah Ibn Usman Ibn Abi Talha, would lead the Hajj. In this way Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) lost this symbol of Khilafat growing more and more helpless. Loss of Hijaz and Yaman Hijaz and Yaman were still under the control of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). In the year 40 A.H., Amir Mu’awiya sent Busr Ibn Abi Artat with three thousand men to Hijaz. First of all he went to Medina. The governor of Medina, Abu Ayub was not able to check the Syrians and he left for Kufa. Busr took pledge tc loyalty from the Medinites forcibly for Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A), and exclaimed, ”Had Mu’awiya not forbidden me, I would not have left a single adult in Medina alive.” Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) 319 After taking over Medina, Busr reached Makkah and occupied it unopposed. There too he took the pledge of loyalty from the Makkans for Amir I-.u’awiya forcibly. From Makkah Busr went to Yaman. At that time Hazrat ’Ubaidullah Ibn Abbas was the governor of Yaman. Hearing of the Syrian army he fled to Kufa. Busr occupied San’a, the capital of Yaman and killed two little sons of ’Ubaidullah. He also slew a number of Ali’s supporters in Yaman. Hearing the cruelty of Busr, Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) sent Jariah Ibn Qudamah with two thousand men. But before he reached Yaman, Bu^r fled to Syria. He also sent Wahb Itti Qudamah after establishing Ali’s rule in Yaman, was advancing to Makkah. As soon as he Beached the Holy city, he received the news of Hazrat Ali’s assassination which ended his campaign. According to Ibn Jarir at the end of the year 40 A.H. a treaty was signed between Amir Mu’awiya and Hazrat Ali (Rad.A), on the request of Amir Mu’awiya to avoid bloodshed among the Muslims. Under that treaty Syria and Egypt remained under the control of Amir Mu’awiya and the rest of the state under the control of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). Thus the conflict between the two parties ended. This civil war which ended to the detriment of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was the end of Islamic democratic rule. But according to some other historians, no treaty took place between Hazrat Ali and Mu’awiya. While Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was preparing to attack Syria, (for which he had issued an ordinance compelling each and everyone under him to march to Syria) he was assassinated. Victories The civil war did not allow Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) to launch Jihad (Holy War) and the Islamic Empire saw no further extension. However some parts of Sistan (near Kabul) were conquered during this period. According to some historians Muslims made a naval attack on Kohan (Near Bombay, India) in the year 38 A.H.12 MARTYRDOM AND REVIEW OF WORKS Assassination of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) After the battle of Nahrwan the ”Khawarij” had gone underground. As a matter of fact they were as much against Hazrat ’Ali (Rad.A) as they were against Hazrat Mu’awiya (Rad.A). They were still working against the Caliph and they were greatly disgusted with the civil war that seemed endless. To end this state of affairs, ’ For detail see, Masud-ul-Hasan, Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) 320 Political and Cultural History of Islam they worked out a dangerous plot. According to them, Muslims were divided because of differences between Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) and Amir Mu’awiya. They also disliked Amir Ibn A’s and considered him as chief planner for Amir Mu’awiya. They decided, therefore, to assassinate all the three of them. It was planned that the three personalities would be struck at the same time on the same day. Three persons, appointed to assassinate Ali (Rad.A), Mu’awiya, and Amr bin A’s (Rad.A) were Abdur Rehman bin Muljam, Bark Ibn Abdullah, and Amr Ibn Bark respectively. Early hours of the 17th of Ramzan, 40 A.H., was fixed for the assassination.11 After the Fajr Salat of the 17th Ramzan in the year 40 A.H. (661 A.D.) the three appointed Kharijis struck the three men. Amir Mu’awiya escaped with a scratch, Hazrat Amr bin A’s did not turn out for the Imamat because he was sick that day, thus was unhurt, but Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was mortally wounded with the poisoned sword of Ibn Muljam. He passed away in the evening of Ramzan 20, 40 A.H. Ibn Muljam was caught by the people after he had struck Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) asked the Muslims to slay him if he died. Before his death Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) called his sons and advised them to serve Islam and to be good with the Muslims. When somebody asked him should the Muslims take pledge of loyalty at the hands of his elder son. Hazrat Hassan, he replied, ”I leave this decision to the Muslims,” He also advised people not to kill any person other than the assassin to avenge him. He was sixty three years old at the time of his death and had ruled for four years and nine months as the Caliph. REVIEW OF HAZRAT ALPS (RAD.A) SERVICES TO ISLAM Period of His Khilafat The period of Hazrat Ali’s Khilafat extending to four years and about nine months, was marked by civil war. His rule was characterised by a series of revolts for the first time in the history of Islam. He was elected as the Caliph in the most critical period of Islamic history. The martyrdom of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was an extraordinary event about which the Holy Prophet had already prophesied. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was in a very difficult situation. On the one hand the assassins and the insurgents were creating endless Dr. Maj id Ah Khan, P. 216. Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) 321 trouble for him, and on the other hand Banu Umayyah (Usman’s family) fled to Syria and incited Amir Mu’awiya to stick to his demand for avenging Hazrat Usman’s assassins. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) faced these problems and difficulties with extraordinary courage and presented before us an exemplary character. He never had full support even from his friends in Kufa but still remained firm in his position.^ As it has been described before, he could never locate the real assassins of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) and this could not b’j achieved until peace was established. Therefore his first task was to create an atmosphere of peace in the state. But the Sabaites (insurgents) never wanted peace. They worked on both sides. On the one side they made it difficult for Hazrat Alt (Rad.A) to find out the assassins, and on the other hand they sent their agents to Syria to incite the people (especially Umayyads) against Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). Their main aim was to let the Muslims fight among themselves so that they might proposer. Although Hazrat Ali knew all this but he was unable to take any firm action because of the civil war. The third problem faced by Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was the Kharijite movement. They were extremists and misled a number of innocent Muslims. They did not hesitate to use sword igainst persons who did not agree with them. They developed man) beliefs foreign to Islam, although they appeared to be very pious but very politically, they were corrupt. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) dealt with them with an iron hand. He realized that if they were ’iot wiped out in the beginning they would mislead future generations. He was successful in destroying their strong hold. However some of them, who escaped, went underground but they -ere never in a strong position.14 Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) tried his utmost >»o unite the Muslims and bring them back on one platform but he was not successful. The tragic death of Hazrat U -man (Rad.A) wrs a signal for blood shed among the Muslims. The • ompanions werj not to be blamed for it at all. This was caused by anti-Islamic elements in the form of Sabaites. (Abdullah Ibn Saba and his followers). Historical facts bear it out that ’Abdullah Ibn Saba became the greatest enemy of Islam. It was he who shattered the unity of Muslims forever. After completing their mission the Sabaites made a pretence of being Ali’s friends but Dr. Majid Ali Khan, P. 219. 322 Political and Cultural History of Main they never helped him nor the cause of Muslim unity, no sooner had Hazrat AH (Rad.A) assumed Khilafat than a group of the same miscreant Sabaites who had brought about the cold-blooded assassination of Hazi’at Usman (Rad.A) began to demand due retribution for the murder of the Caliph and started to incite Muslims only to create division among them. Thus they played a double role. A group of them showed themselves as friends of Ali and another group (much smaller than the first) went to Syria and other part” of Islamic State to incite the Muslims against Hazrat Ali (Rad.A).Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) faced all these problems with courage and never lost heart. He was a man of strong will cower and determination and was quite right in his ”.ecisions. CHARACTER Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was a model of simplicity and self denial. He led a simple life from the cradle to the grave, and was a true representative of the Holy Prophet. Ali (Rad.A) had neither a servant nor a maid when Fatima (Rad.A) the most beloved daughter of the Holy Prophet was Married to him. She would grind corn with her own hands. Purity of motives and selflessness were the keynote of his life. He was a wise counsellor, a tiue friend and a generous foe. He did not have a desire for the Khilafat after Hazrat Usman’s assassination, but whsn he was selected lie tried his best to fulfil his responsibility. He was very honest and trustworthy. His trustworthiness can well be imagined from the fact that the Holy Prophet entrusted to him all the cash and other things, he was having in his trust, at the time of his migration to Medina so that Ali (Rad.A) would return them to the owners. Once some oranges came to Bait-ul Mai, Hazrat Hasan and Hussain took one orange each. When Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) saw them having the oranges he took the fruit away from them and distributed them among the poor. Whenever any booty came to be distributed according to the Islamic law, he distributed it very honestly. Once he distributed all the revenue of the Bait-ul-Mal (Public Treasury), then broomed it and offered two rak’at Salat in the room. He did not leave his simplicity even though he was the Caliph and the ruler of a vast state. Once a person named ’Abdullah Ibn Zarir had an opportunity to take meals with him. The meal was very simple. Abdullah asked, ”O Amir-ul-Muminin, don’t you like the meat of birds?” Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) replied, ”The Caliph has Haz.-at Ali (Rad. A.) 323 aright in Muslim (public) property only to the extent sufficient from him and his family.” Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was a very generous Muslim. He never refused a beggar. Sometime he gave all of his property to the poor and sold his arms to get food. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was a great worshipper and used to offer long^aiatSv-He was Hafiz of the Holy Qur’an. He was so punctual for the ”Tasbih” (the famcus Yasbih-i-Fatima) i.e. remembrance of Allah that he never left ;t, even during battles. He was very kind to others. He showed his kindnes* ev?n to his enemies. Once one of his enemies fell down naked because of his attack. Seeing his condition he did not kill him and left him so that he might not be ashamed of his nakedness. After the battle of ”Jamal” against Hazrat Aisha (Rad.A), he treated Hazrat Aisha (Rad.A) very respectfully. He himself went to see her and when she told him that she would like to go to Medina he asked her brother Muhammad Ibn Abi Bakr to escort her. He never mistreated his enemies. During the time of the Holy Prophet once he overcame a Jew in a fight, and sat on his chest to kill him. The Jew spat at his face. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) at once left him. Seeing this the Jew was very much surprised and asked the reason. Ali (Rad.A) said. ”I was killing you for Allah’s sake but when you spat on my face, my sincerity was endangered because of the personal feelings.” Hearing this the Jew immediately accepted Islam. His character and morals were so high that even Amir Mu’awiya praised them. Once Amir Mu’awiya asked Dirar Asadi. One of his friends, to tell some of Ali’s high quality. Dirar Asadi refused first but when Amir Mu’awiya insisted Dirar said, ”He was a man of strong will power and determination. He always gave a just judgement, and was a fountain of knowledge. His speech was full of wisdom. He hated the pleasure of this world and loved the darkness of night to cry before Allah. His dress was most simple and he u.i.ed simple meals. He lived like a common man and when anybody put any question before him, he replied with outmost politeness. Whenever we asked him to wait for us he waited like a common man. Although he was very near to us because of his high morals, we were afraid of him sometimes of his grandeur and eminence due to his nearness to Allah. He always respected a pious man and a scholar. He was nearest to the poor. He never allowed a powerful man to take advantage of his power. The weak were never disappointed of his justice. I bear witness that in many battles he 324 Political and Cultural History of Islam woke up during the night and took hold of his beard and started to cry and weep before Allah as though he was in a state of commotion and exclaimed: ”O world! do not try to betray me. I have divorced (left) you long ago Do not have any desire for me. I hate you. Your age is short and your end is despised. O! the provision is very little and the journey is too long (i.e., the journey to hereafter), and way is full of danger....” Hearing this Hazrat Amir Mu’awiya started to weep and cry and said, ”May Allah bless Abul Hasan (i.e. Ali (Rad.A)). I swear by Allah he was a person of the character, you described.” At this point it should be noted that the differences of the Companions were not like that of us. They differed with each other for the sake of Allah but always admired each other’s good habits. Although Amir Mu’awiya was having differences with Hazrat Ali (Rad.A), he admired the excellence of Ali (Rad.A) throughout his life and often said that he could never be equal to Ali (Rad.A). As a matter of fact the degree of their sincerity could not be imagined. We think every thing in terms of worldly benefit, they considered every matter in terms of love with Allah, love with the Prophet of Allah and the success in the hereafter. Ali (Rad.A; the Gate of the City of Knowledge The Foly Prophet said, ”I am the City of Knowledge and Ali (Rad.A) is its Gate.” No doubt Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was a great scholar and jurist of Islam. He had memorised whole of the Holy Qur’an during the time of the Holy Prophet and knew its commentary including the order of descem and the time of revelation of various verses. It is given in Tabqat-e-Ibn Sa’d that Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) said, ”I could tell for each and every verse of the Holy Qur’an why and when it was revealed.” Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) has been counted among the top most commentators of the Holy Quran. Nobody among the Companions with the exception of Abdullah Ibn Abbas was so learned in the Holy Qur’an as Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). His commentaries of various verses of the Holy Qur’an have been given in a number of books like ”Ibn-i-Jarir,” ”Ibn Abi Hatim”, ”Ibn Kathir” etc. He had confined himself to his home for six months after the death of the Holy Prophet only to collect various parts of the Holy Qur’an. He was excellent in deducing law from the verses of the Holy Qur’an. When he argued with Khawarij on the question of arbitration they could not stand before him. He was also very learned in the knowledge of ” Nasikh’’ and ”Mansukh” i.e. the knowledge of such Hazrat Ali (Rad. A.) 325 verses of the Holy Qur’an outstanding the laws given in other verses.15 Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) spent thirty years of hi<; ;ii”» with the Holy Prophet and knew all the manners and practices ot the Holy Prophet. He stood next to Abu Bakr (Rad.A) as far as the knowledge of sayings, practices and orders of the Holy Prophet were concerned. During the period of the first three caliphs and also during his time he was the great Mufti (Jurist) of Islam. He performed this service for about thirty years after the death of the Holy Prophet. In the narration of Hadith he was very cautious like three of his predecessors. For this reason only 586 Ahadith, narrated by Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) have been mentioned in the books of Hadith. He has also mentioned a number of sayings of various Companions as well Hazrat Shah Wali Ullah of Delhi says: ”Most of the Ahdith in connection with the appearance of the Holy Prophet, his method of offering Salat and praying to Allah etc. have been mentioned by Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) because of the fact that he was with him (jot only in his public but also in the private life.” Ali (Rad.A) was one of xhe few Companions who were having collections of Hadith recorded during the time of the Holy Prophet. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was not only a great scholar but a great Jurist as well. He \v?s famous for giving correct verdicts of different problems very quickly which were based upon the Heiy Qur’an and the Sunnah of the Holy Prophet. Great Companions used to visit him for seeking solution of different problems of Islamic Law and Jurisprudence. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) remarked, ” Hazrat Abdullah Ibn Mas’ud said, ”Ali’s decision is the most authentic.” Because of his vast knowledge of th M )l> Qur’an and Hadith, he became the greatest jurist of his ime, is Islamic Jurisprudence requires knowledge of the Holy Qur’an and Hadith to the fullest possible extent. On many occasions ue corrected the decision given by great Companions like Umar (Rad.A) and Usman (Rad.A). Even though Amir Mu’awiya was having differences with Ali, he sometimes referred some of the complicated problems; ot Islamic law to Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) and admitted his profundity in this field. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was a great orator as well. On many occasions mobs of people were changed because of his effective speeches. Arabic knowing persons can note the beauty of his ’ Majid Ali Khan. P.224. 326 Political and Cul’-uril History of Islam speeches. He was a wonderful master of the Arabic language. His writings were as effective as his speech. He had also composed a few poems as well. He also framed rules of Arabic syntax and appointed Abdul Aswad to compose a book on the basis of the rules he framed. Ixk. doubt Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was one of the greatest sons of Islam. Very few Companions equalled ’nim in his closeness to the Holy Prophet of, which refined the qual ties of head and heart. Muslims are forever indebted to him. ADMINISTRATION OF HAZRAT ALI (RAD. A.) General Administration Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) follo\ ef^ the admini’;rative pattern set by Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) and did not make any noticeable changes. He tried to improve the administration of those places where it was not proper during the time of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A). He usually gave useful advice to his governors at the time of their appointment. When he appointed Hazrat Ka’b Ibn Malik for supervision of various officers in various provinces he gave him the following instructions, ”Check officers of each and every district of Iraq thoroughly so that they may not act wrongly.” Watch for General Morals of the Officers Like Hazrat Umar (Rad.A), he was very particular for the standard of morals of his officers. He never allower* his officer to neglect tnei.” duties or too behave immorally. C ice he found that Mancihar Ibn Jarud, governor of Istakhr, spent most of his ti’ne hunting instead of giving attention to administration. He w/ote to him: ”I have been informed that you .ire spending much of your time in hunting and recreation and neglect your duties. If that is true you would be punished for that.” When his negligence was proved, Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) dismissed him. He wrote to another governor for his negligence: ”It has come to my notice that you are leading a luxurious life Your tables are provided with different varieties of meals which . urnon people cannot get. You behave un-Islamically while you are alone, but deliver sermons like most pious people (Siddiquin) on pulpits (Mimbars) If these complaints are true then remember that you are in loss and I would punish you You can not hope for the reward given to righteous people in a positior when you have spoiled the ’wealth of orphans and widows for your pleasure Repent of your sins and give the right of Allah due upon you.” Besides warning them in writing he also sent various commissions to watch the officers of various provinces. Hazrat All (Rac1. A.} 327 Baitul-Mal (Public Treasury) and Administration of Revenue He took care of Bait-ul-Maal in the same way as was done by Hazrat Umar (Rad.A). Or.~c his cousin Hazrat Abdullah Ibn Abbas (Rad.A) took ten thousand Dirhams from Bait-ul-Maal. When he knew about it. He immediately wrote to Hazrat Abdullah Ibn Abbas to return it and warned him for future. He never allowed his family members to take from the ”Bait-ul-Maal’’ more than what they deserved. Once hazrat Amr Ibn Salamah brought some fat and honey from Isphahan in ”Kharaj” (Land Tax). Hazrat Umm-iKulthum, daughter of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) took some honey and fat from that. When Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) counted the barrels of hone> and fat the next day he found that one barrel of each was missing. Then he was told that his daughter^ook them. He immediately paid the price of the honey and fat used by his daughter. Hazrat Abu Rafi. the salve of the Holy Prophet, once took a pearl from the Bait-ulMaal for his daughter. When Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) knew about it he not only took it back but also «’arned him not to do that ever again in future.16 Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was very strict in the matter of public revenues and its adniinistration. Whenever there was delay in receiving the tax he immediately wrote to the officers. Once Yazid Ibn Qais was very late in sending the revenue tax, Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) wrote him: ”Explain the delay in sending the Kharaj. I advise you to fear Allah and warn you not to repeat it in future, otherwise your virtues would be lost and your Jihad (Holy War) for the sake of Allah would be spoiled. Fear Allah, and keep awa> from unlawful wealth. Don’t give me a chance again to warn you for your mistakes ” Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) improved the taxation system. He imposed land tax on forests the produce of which was not being contributed meet military expenditure or was being marketed. Stipends from the Bait-ul-Maal to the Poor Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) gave stipends to the needy persons and helped the poor from the Bait-ul- Maal. He was very generous in this respect. Even though Persians had revolted against him one time he treated them so generously that they were highly pleased with him and remembered him for a long time, and named him ”Arabi Noshairwan” (the Just Arab). ’ For Detail, See, The Arabs Adtr inistrajion in S. A. (.’ f lus^anr 328 Political and Cultural History of Islam Kindness to non-Muslims He was very kind to his non-Muslim population (Dhimmis). He instructed his officers to treat them well and to take special care of their needs. Once he wrote to one of his officers, Amr Ibn Muslimah: ”It lias come to my notice that the non-Muslims (Dhimmis) of your area ai’e complaining about your strict behaviour. Treat them weil and don’t be i,o strict with them. Your strictness may cross limits and can turn into cruelty.” Once a cana! for irrigation belonging to non-Muslims was covered with rubbish. When Hazrat \li (Rad A) was informed about it, he immediately wrote to the officer-incharge, Karzah Ibn Ka’b Ansri, ”The non-Muslims (Dhimmis) of your area have complained that one of the irrigation canals belonging to them has been covered with rubbish. It is your du*y to get it cleaned. I swear by Allah that it is better for you that the non-Muslims ofyo’ir :trea continue living happily than migrating to i>.fhu” area because of difficulties.”’ Justice His justice was equal to Both the Muslims and the nonMuslims, the poor and the rich and officer and subordinate. He had himself once appeared before the Judge (Qazi) and the decision was given against him because of lack of evidence. Once his Armour was lost. After sometime he saw it with a Christian. He filed a suit against him in the court of the famous judge, Qazi Shuraih. Qazi Shuraih asked him to produce a witness but he could not do so. The Armour was returned to the Christian. The Christian was so impressed that he accepted Islam immediately saying: ”This is the example set by Prophets. The Caliph’s case has been rejected because he had no evidence for his lawful claim. Administration of Army Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was an experienced army genera! of Islam. He had fought a number of battles in the company of the Holy Prophet. During his Caliphate he gave a crushing defeat to his opponents in the bdttle of ”Jamal” (Camel). He also defeated Hazrat Ali (Rad. A ) 329 Khawarij. As has been said before, he had the upper hand in the battle of ”Siffin” but accepted arbitration only for the sake of Muslim unity. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) established a number of new cantonments in the state and built a number of forts. He built a number efforts in Persia when there was a revolt Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) took special care of his border with Syria, which was under the control of Hazrat Mu’awiya (Rad.A). He established a number of army posts all along the Syrian border. He built a bridge over the river of Euphrates which was very important from the defence point of view. The fort of Askhar, built in Persia was considered to be one of the strongest forts of his time. Preaching of Islam To preach true way of life i.e. Islam, is one of the foremost duties of a Caliph. He paid special attention to it during his Caliphate. Although he was not able to conquer many regions during his Caliphate because of the civil war, yet a number of people accepted Islam because of the good treatment meted out to them. In Iran many peop’e accepted Islam due to his kindness with the public. Those who forsook Islam re-joined the faith because of Ali’s teachings. Thus we see that Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was a great administrator. He was one of the closest Companions of the Holy Prophet and possessed unparalleled courage, vigour and faith. 17 Dr.MajidAliKhan,P.232. 328 Poh heal and Cultural History of Islam Kindness to non-MusIi% He was very kind to his non-Muslim population (Dhimmis). He instructed his officers to treat them well and to take special care of their needs. Once he Wrote to one of his officers, Amr Ibn Musiimah: ”It has come to my notice that the non-Muslims (Dhimmis) of your area are complaining about your strict behaviour. Treat them well and don’t be sO strict with them. Your strictness may cross limits and can turn mt0 cruelty.” Once a canal for irrigation belonging to non-Muslims was covered with rubbish. When Hazrat \\i (Rad.A) was informed about it, he immediately wrote to the officer-incharge, Karzah jjjn ^a’b Ansri, ”The non-Muslims (Dhimmis) of your area have complained that one of the irrigation canals belonging to them has been covered with rubbish. It is your duty to get it cleaned. I s\vear by Allah that it is better for you that the non-Muslims of yo;ir :irea continue living happily than migrating tu irfher area because of difficu]jjes ” Justice His justice was equaj to 6oth the Muslims and the nonMuslims, the poor and the rjcn and officer and subordinate. He had himself once appeared bef0re the Judge (Qazi) and the decision was given against him because Of lack of evidence. Once his Armour was lost. After sometime he $aw it with a Christian. He filed a suit against him in the court of the famous judge, Qazi Shuraih. Qazi Shuraih asked him to prodtlce a witness but he could not do so. The Armour was returned to the Christian. The Christian was so impressed that he accepted ]siam immediately saying: ”This is the example set by Prophets. The Caliph’s case has been rejected because he had no evidence for his lawful claim. Administration of Army Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was an experienced army general of Islam. He had fought a rmrnber of battles in the company of the Holy Prophet. During his Caliphate he gave a crushing defeat to his opponents in the battle of ”Jamar (Camel). He also defeated Hazrat Ali (Rad. A ) 329 Khawarij. As has been said before, he had the upper hand in the battle of ”Siffin” but accepted arbitration only for the sake of Muslim unity. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) established a number of new cantonments in the state and built a number of forts. He built a number efforts in Persia when there was a revolt. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) took special care of his border with Syria, which was under the control of Hazrat Mu’awiya (Rad.A). He established a number of army posts all along the Syrian border. He built a bridge over the river of Euphrates which was very important from the defence point cf view. The fort of Askhar, buiit in Persia was considered to be one of the strongest forts of his time. Preaching of Islam To preach true way of life i.e. Islam, is one of the foremost duties of a Caliph. He paid special attention to it during his Caliphate. Although he was not able to conquer many regions during his Caliphate because of the civil war, yet a number of people accepted Islam because of the good treatment meted out to them. In !ran many peop’e accepted Islam due to his kindness with the public. Those who forsook Islam re-joined the faith because of Ali’s teachings. Thus we see that Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was a great administrator. He was one of the closest Companions of the Holy Prophet and possessed unparalleled courage, vigour and faith.17 (7 Dr. Majid Ali Khan, P. 232. CHAPTER 21 BAS! FEATURE OF THE GOVERNMENT OF ”KHULFA-1- RASH1D1N” FOUNDATION OF KHILAFAT As d-scribed in the beginning ”Khalifah” means a vicegerent or viceroy. Man is the vicegerant of Allah Almighty as described in the ’Holy Qur’air. ”And when thy Lord said unto the angles: Lo! I will create a vicegerant on earth: (11:30). To perfect the trust of viceroyship (Khilafat) Allah <=ent his last Messenger, Hazrat Muhanunad, who was fully successful in building up a nation as demanded bv Allah, out of the warring tribes of Arabia. He establish-d a community and a state whose foundations were laid on firm faith in Allah and upon the ”Sunnah” of His Prophet. The Holy Prophet trained the Muslims of his time, known as ”Sahabah” (the companions) for 23 years and aroused and directed their latent forces to observe and preach the Right Way of life. He initiated the best system of government for the human race, which we may call as the ”Islamic Democratic System”: the full accomplishment of which was left to his successors, who were called his ”Khulfa” (the Caliphs), the Khulfa-i-Rashidin” (The Pious Caliphs). The institution ”Khilafat” therefore came into existence with the accession of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) (the First Caliph), who became the first head of the Islamic State better be called as the Republic of Islam. His appointment was not pre-planned as the Holy Prophet had not nominated him. It was the ”Ansar” who wanted to choose a successor to the ”Holy Prophet after his death, the details of which have already mentioned. The ”Ansar” as well as ”Muhajirm” accepted him as a ”Khalifa’’ in a special gathering and it was approved next day in the general assembly of the Muslims r *e Basic Feature of the Governmen t of ”Khulfa-i-Rashidm ” 331 Mosque of the Holy Prophet through pledge of loyalt). This became a precedent for the subsequent elections of succeeding ”Khulfa”.’ GOVERNMENT UNDER ”KHULFA- I-RASHIDIN” The Government of ”Khulafa-i-Rashidin” rightly called as the Islamic Democratic System was based upon the following pn’-iciples: (i) Election of the ”Khalifah” by ”Shura” and General Consent The ”Khalifah” was never a nominated person during the period of the Pious Caliphs. The election of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A), as described above, took place. It was an exemplary democratic way of election never held before in history. The election of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A), Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) and Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) also was in no way undemocratic. If the voting system, as we know today had prevailed in those days, all these three Caliphs would had got the largest number of popular votes in their respective times. Although Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) nominated Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) as his successor, nevertheless it had the backing of general consent of the people. At the time of nomination he asked the Muslim to assemble in the Mosque of the Prophet and told them ”Do you agree on the successor and propose to appoint. I swear by Allah I have not done anything wrong in proposing the name of the person who is not my relative. He is no less a person than Umar Ibn Khattab. I ask you to listen to him and obey him”. All the Muslims said with cnc voice, ”we will listen to him and obey him.” The election of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was done by a panel of persons appointed by Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) and then approved by the general public in the mosque. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) was also nominated by the public. When insurgents approached him, he clearly said, ”I cannot allow you to take pledge secretly. It should be done by the Muslim Republic”. His nomination was approved by the Muslims. Hazrat Aisha (Rad.A), who opposed him in the beginning because of the delay in taking avenge from the assassinators, consented to his ”Khilafat”. Amir Mu’awiya (Rad.A) did not agree on his ”Khilafat” due to the political situation at that time but he did not declare himself a ”Khalifah” during the life time of Hazrat Ali (Rad.A). S A.Q. Hussaini, Arab Administration. P 35. 332 Political and Cul ural History of Islam This clearly proves ^hat the companions considered the institution of ”Khilafat” as a sacred office and believed that a ”Khilafah” must be appointed on the basis of ”Shura” and general consent. Once Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) heard a man saying, ”I would take pledge at the hand of the person I liked most after Umar (Rad.A)”. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) said, ”If a person took pledge on the hand of a person without the ”Shura”, then both of them (i.e. the person who took the pledge and the person on whose hand the pledge was taken) should be killed”. Hazrat Abu Musa Ash’ari (Rad.A) said, ”Khilafat (or Imamat) established by ”Shura” while kingship is established by sword”. (ii) The ”Khilafah” was bound to follow the Holy Qur’an and the Sunnah Though the ”Khalifch” was the head of the State, he was bound by all means to follow the Holy Qur’an and the Sunnah of the Holy Prophet. He had to exercise his authority according to the injunctions of the Holy Qur’an. If the ”Qur’an” was not explicit in any given matter he wao bound to refer to ”Sunnah” of the Holy Prophet. In case there was no clarification in the Sunnah it had to be referred to consent of scholars and coald give his own verdict based upon the Holy Qur’an and ”runnah”.2 The ”Khilafah” haa to perform some religious duties. He was the Imam of Holy Prophet’s mosque for five times Salat. To lead congregational Salat (in the position of an Imam) was regarded at that time as the sign of religious and political leadership in Islam. The ”Khalifah” was also the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. He used to appoint generals and send armies for war and at times he also gave instructions to the generals. Usually the ”Khalifah” took advice of the ”Shura” in appointment of the generals. The ”Khalifah” was also the final court of appeal and acted in a position similar to that of ”Chief Justice” of today. In the beginning (i.e. during the time of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A)) juuges were not appointed and the ”Khalifah” used to decide all the cases himself as the Holy Prophet (PBUH) did so. In the provinces the Governors used to perform judicial functions on his behalf. But later on (i.e. during the time of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A)) separate judges were appointed and the judiciary was independent of the executive, but the ”Khalifah” was considered as the final court of appeal, S.M. Imamuddin. Muslim Administration. P 22. Basic Feature of the Government of ”Khulfa-i-Rashidin” 333 because all the ”Khulafa-i-Rashidin” were prominent jurists and experts of Islamic Law and Jurisprudence of their time. It has been already mentioned that Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) separated the executive and the judiciary for the first time in the Islamic history. (in) The Majlis-i-Shura or the Council of Advisors Although the ”Khalifah” was the head of the State and the highest authority, he did not generally decide matters without consultation. The consultative body or the Council of Advisors was known as the ”Shura” consulted it in all the affairs of the State. The ”Shura” has its origin in the teachings of the Holy Qur’an and one chapter of the Holy Book is named as ”Shura”. The Holy Prophet who was the source of all the Islamic knowledge and who was the sole authority of Islamic Laws, himself followed the ”Shura” and was commanded by Allah to do so. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) the pioneer of the Islamic Democracy had emphasized on several occasions that there can be no ”Khilafat” except by consultation. The number of the members of the ”Shura” was not fixed. The ”Shura” consisted of the principal companions of the Holy Prophet who were given preference on the basis of their services to and sacrifices for Islam. The ten companions who had been given the glad tiding of paradise in this world by the Holy Prophet and were known as ”Ashrah Mubash-Sharah” were the chief members of the ”Shura”. They were Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A), Hazrat Umar (Rad.A), Hazrat Usman (Rad.A), Hazrat Ali (Rad.A), Hazrat Abdur Rehman Ibn Auf, Hazrat Talha. Hazrat ’Zubair, Hazrat Sa’d Ibn Waqqas, Hazrat Abu Ubaidah Ibn Jarrah and Sa’id Ibn Zaid. Besides the leading Muhajirin and the leadirg Ansar were also included in the ”Shura”. On special occasions ev>’n common citizens of Medina or visiting dignitaries and chief of tri )es of various provinces were also called to attend the meeting of ths ”Shura” a herald used to go round proclaiming ’’As Salate Jami’ah (i.e. Assembly for prayers). Every body in the ’”Shura” was free to express his views whether they we. s in accord with the Khalifah’s opinion or not. Once Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) clarified it in a short address given in a meeting of a ”Shura”. I have called you to share with me the trust of which I am the trustee. I am an ordinary person amongst you and you are free to claim your rights. Everyone of you is free to oppose me or to agree with me. I will never impose my view upon you. The ”Shura” used to advise the ”Khalifah” in the performance of various duties. The Khalifah also took t dvice of the ”Shura” in appointment 334 Political and Cultural History of Islam of generals for the armies in the appointment of Governor, in the despatch of the armies, in the fixation of salaries, in the appointment of public officers and judges, in assessment of taxes and in creation of new posts etc. Neither the ”Khalifah” nor the ”Shura” was a sovereign legislature body. They did not have any power to change the Islamic Law or to modify it or to violate the dictates of the ”Holy Qur’an and th ”S-nah”. The ”Khalifah” used to refer first of all to the ”Holy Qur’an” in case of a new problem, then to the Sunnah. In case he did not find any solution in these sources he referred it to the soecial ”Shura” which included the Chief Jurists and the Scholars of that time and usually the matters were decided by their unanimity ^ bv the ”Ajma” (or the unanimous consent of the scholars^ In absence of all the above three sources he used upon the Holy Our’an” and the ”Sunnah”. It should also be borne in mind that the ”Khalifah” at that time was also an expert of Islamic Religion and law and a great Jurist and by all means was authorised to give his verdict by ”Qiyas” or ”Ijtihad” for every Muslim is not authorised to do so unless he has acquired that standard of knowledge. (iv) Freedom of Opinion At no time in history this rule was observed so completely as durine the time of K’mlafa- i-Rashidin. Every Muslim was free to exp^sshs opinion and even to criticize the ”Khalifah”. The details have mentioned before. The ”Khalifah” not only met the Muslims during the time of meeting of the ”Shura” but also five times ,n the congregational Salat, once a week in the Friday, and once a year at the tTme of Hajj wnen the Muslims from all part of the state assembled at Makkah. The ”Khalifa” did not live in palaces having big gates. 1 here was no watchman at their house which was open to every Muslim It was the strict order of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) for the Governor not to keen watchmen at their houses so that the every body could see them freely and could put his problems to them. The houses of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad A) and Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) were below the standard of the houses of most of the Muslims. They were merely riud huts and Ivew one was free to visit them any time he liked Freedom of the opinC as observed during the time of Khulfa-,-Rash,dm is exemplary even for the modern age. Basic Feature of the Government of ”Khulfa-i-Rashidin” 335 (v) ”Bait-ul-Maal” was not considered as personal property of the ”Khalifah”. For the first time in the history, the treasury or the ”Bait-ulMaal” was considered as public property and not the persona! property of the rul^r. They considered it as a great trust of the Muslims and never spent even a single dirham accorjing to their own, choice. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) and Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) and Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) took only that amount of salary from the Bait-ulMaal which was sufficient for a common man. Hazrat Usman (R.ad.A”* ”ever took anything from the Bait-ul-Maal. Once Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) asked Hazrat Salman Farsi (Rad.A), ”Tel! me whether I am a king or Khalifah.” He replied, ”If you impose tax of even a single Dirham as a Muslim wrongly and spend it wrongly, you are a King, otherwise you are a Khalifah”. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) clarified on various occasions what a ”Khalifah” was entitled to take from the Bait-ul-Maal ” for his use. He said, ”Nothing is Halal” for me and for my family from Allah’s money (i.e. the Bait-ul-Maal), except a dress for the summer and a dress for the winter, and a salary equal to the income of an average Qurayshi. I am no more than an ordinary Muslim amongst you”. Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) took a small salary from the ”Bait-ulMaal” which was barely enough for his family. At the time of his * death he asked his wife to sell his property and pay back the money he took from the ”Bait-ul-Maal” as his salary. Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) followed the example of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) and Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) and took a salary equal to an ordinary Muslim’s income. He used to wear a Tai’mad having a number of patches on it, and there were a number of patches in his shirt as well. They all treated the ”Bait-ul-Maal” as a trust. (vi) Supremacy of Law In those days the Islamic Law was supreme. The ”Qazis” and the Courts were never interfered in their proceedings. They were totally free from any kind of pressure. The ”Khalifah” did not think of himself as an extraordinary person, independent of the law. In the eyes of law he was just an ordinary Muslim. A Qazi was free to give decision against the ”Khalifah” as he was free to give it against a common man. The example of Hazrat Umar’s time has already mentioned. Here is cited an example of Hazrat Ali’s time. Once Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) saw a Christian selling his lost armour during his Caliphate. He did not take it by force but put him in the Court. 336 Political and Cultural History of Islam Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) had no evidence to prove that it was his armour and the Qazi gave his decision in favour of the Christian. Whenever ”Khalifah” appeared before a ”Qazi” he did not allow the ”Qazi” to pay to him undue respect and asked him to treat him (the Khalifah) like a common Muslim. (vii) The Government (Khilafat) was treated as a ”Trust” They did not treat the Government (Khalifat) as their inherited right but as a great ”Trust” and as such they declared themselves as ”Trustees”. The first address of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A), after he was made the ”Khalifah” has already been mentioned in which he said, ”1 have been appointed as a ruler over you, although I am not the best amongst you. 1 swear by Allah who holds my life in His hands that I never wanted it (i.e. the ”Khilafat) and I never prayed to get it Obey me till 1 obey Allah and his Prophet.” Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) declared, ”Don’t obey me when I am disobeying Allah. 1 explain to you the rights you have over me and you are free to demand them anytime....”. Whenever Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) appointed a Governor or an officer he advised him, ”I am not appointing you to be the master of the public. You have been appointed so that you may establish Salat, and observe justice and pay the rights of the people to them”. Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) said in his first address. ”I am to follow my predecessors and not to create a new thing in the Government. 1 promise you to obey the Book of Allah, to follow the Sunnah of His Prophet and to be observant in three matters: (a) The principles formed on the basis of the conscious opinion of the Muslims will be obeyed, (b) in case I do not find any principle set by my predecessors 1 will decide a case after due consultation, (c) I will not punish you until it is due in law”. When Hazrat Ali (Rad.A) appointed Hazrat Qais Ibn Sa’d (Rad.A) as the Governor of Egypt he sent a communication to the Muslims of Egypt which read: ”You have the right to see if we are following the Book of Allah and Sunnah of His Holy Prophet, and are ruling over you according to the right path; and that we may order you even at your back”. The above examples clearly show that they treated the government as a great trust entrusted by Allah and not an inherited institution like kingship.3 3 Levy. Social Structure of Islam, P.278. CHAPTER ADMINISTRATION UNDER THE PIOUS CALIPHS The Prophet Muhammad nominated no successor. It would be idle to speculate why with his genius for organization he neglected to make such provision for the future of the new religious community he had founded. For unknown reasons, Holy Prophet made no stipulations for the choice of his successor. The society he left behind had a greater range and scope than the tribal organization. After the demise of the Holy Prophet it was considered necessary to have the institution of the Caliphate in order to provide leadership in succession to the Holy Prophet for the preservation of religion and the administration of temporal affairs; and it was obligatory to the people to appoint an Imam by the consensus of the community. It was with the election of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) that the institution of the Caliphate came into being. Al-Mawardi gave the minimum requirements are seven; (i) Soundness of the limbs, (ii) To formulate his own decision (in) Courage and ability (iv) Qurashite (v) Justice (vi) Knowledge (vii) Soundness of the senses. The immediate successors of the Holy Prophet, called the rightly guided Orthodox Caliphs, had evolved the institution of the Caliphate on the principles of Qur’an and Sunnah. In the time of Caliphs the administrative and legislative affairs were carried in accordance with the Qur’anic injunctions and the Sunnah. Since the Orthodox Caliphate was an ideological state. The major objectives of the Caliphate in accordance with the famous verses of the Qur’an were to establish prayer and pay Zakat, and enjoin good upon the people and to restrain them from committing wrong. The seat of the Caliphate (632-661 A.D) was at Medina , the city of the Holy 338 Political and Cultural History of Islam Prophet the boundaries of the Caliphate were further extended on all sides during the rule of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) and Usman (Rad.A). 1 shall describe the administrative structure under the Pious Caliphs. The Caliph Since the Caliphate was a trust in the hands of the chosen Caliph, the Caliph was not a master but a whole time servant of the public required to carry on the affairs of the state in accordance with the laws of Shriah for good of the people. He was the supreme head of the state. His major functions were temporal. He had no religious authority. He had no power to change any injunctions of Islamic Law. Qur’an and Shriah were the guiding principle for the Caliph. He had not sole authority in legal decisions of the state. He was not allowed to devote any part of his time to his personal works, but for his necessities of life, he was allowed to take fix allowance for him. He was also allowed to have fixed allowance for his family in accordance with the early decision of his Advisory Council. The system of election in Islam described by many historian and jurists like al-Mawardi, Kaladun, Tusi, Anwar Chejne and Arnold. On the whole there were many flaws in the system of election in Islam about the Caliphs. But the status and position of the Caliph was very sacred for the Muslims.1 The Majlas-e-Shura The Caliph was not the sole master of the Islamic state. He was bound to the decision of the Advisory Councils in all religious and economic .matters. He was assisted by the council or Shura which was comprised by the principal companions of the Holy Prophet. Its meeting was often held in the Masjid-i-Nabwai. All important matters of the state decided by majority in this Advisory Council. In this council all the affairs of the state carried out according to the injunctions of the Qur’an and Sunnah of the Holy Prophet. Several members of this council were also assigned certain portfolios and all problems of legislation and administration, were put before it and thoroughly discussed and decided. The council had a sense of collective responsibility. Thus both in theory and practice the Shura was an essential part of the Caliphate. Administrative Structure of the Provinces Under, Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad.A) there was not a vast empire as had in the time of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) the great. Umar (Rad.A) S.A.Q. Hussaini, Arab Administration, P.35. Administration under the Pious Caliphs 339 was not merely a great soldier he was an equally great administrator. Side by side his, conquests, he displayed unique genius in organizing the civil admir^stration of subjugated territories. For that purpose he divided the empire into eight provinces (i) [Medina (ii) Makkah (in) ’ Kufa (iv) Basrah (v) Egypt (vi) Palestine (vii) Syria (viii) Jazriah He appointed the separate governors in each province for the proper administration and fair development of their provinces. Like the division of province of Palestine, he divided into two big areas or units. The headquarters of one was Aylia and that of the other Ramlah. The division of the Egypt in the form of Upper and Lower Egypt, separate system of administration according to the needs of the people enforced. After the demise of the Holy Prophet, the frame work of central administration, provincial administration had fully changed on account of expansion of the empire. There were some provincial- official who managed the administrative problems in the provinces. There is the list of the following: (i) Wali or Governor (ii) Amil or Collector (in) Qazi or Judge (iv) Katib or Secretary (v) Shaib-al-Bayit-al-Mal: Finance Secretary, all these officers worked under the Caliph. Governor Governor was the chief administrator in that area who was appointed by the orders of the Caliph, who was called Wali. Role of Shura and appointment of these officials both were part and parcel in that period. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was extra genius minded, so he was more careful about the choice of the Governors and other provincial and central officials. At the appointment, the Caliph gave some instruction to the governor about his duties and powers. The words of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) to the newly appointed governor of Basrah, ”Listen, you are not appointed to rule over the necks of the people, but to guide them in the right path, which you know the Qur’an and the Sunnah of the Holy Prophet render unto the Muslims, their rights. Do not beat them. Do not place guard at your gate so as to shut the people from approaching you. Do not shut your doors against them, least the strong amongst them devour the weak ones”. Under these directions the governor worked in his office. The 340 Political and Cultural History of Islam governor was the head of province and representative of the Caliph in that unit of administration. He performed all those functions in the province as the Caliph done in the centre. He maintained the law and order in the province. He was the military Commander of the provincial forces. Governor had some officials who assisted in all matters of the province. Governor resided at the Dar-ul-Imara in that province.2 Amil or Collector The economic policy of the Caliphate was very sound and profitable. The revenue administration run by some officials, Amil was one of them. Each district had a revenue officer called the Amil or tax collector. He collected the land tax and other taxes which were imposed by the government. Qazi (Judge) Administration of the justice has its own importance in all the times. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was the great administrator of civil and military matters. He appointed the separate judicial officials. Before the time of Caliphate this was done by the governor of the province. The Qazi was chosen with consent of the members of the Advisory Council. The supreme judge’s powers vested to the Caliph. Mosque was the official court in all judicial matters. There was no charges of the decisions matter like the present. Qazi was required to follow the Qur’anic injunctions and Sunnah in all judicial matters. Ijma or collective opinion system in all matter which had not proper solution in Holy Qur’an and the Sunnah of the Holy Prophet. If it was not possible by Ijma then matter was decided by Ijtihad. Police System To keep law and order inside the state, a police force was necessary. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was the first Muslim head of state who established the police department. The police force at that time was known as ’Ahdath’ and the police officer as the ”Sahibiul Ahdath”. A famous compiler of the Hadith. Hazrat Abu Hurairah was appointed as the police officer for Bahrain. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) gave the following’ instructions as he was going to join his duty. ”Keep peace in the area. Let not the people contravene law. They should measure incorrectly. No body should build any house on roads so as to hinder the passage. No one should overload an animal. No body is allowed to sell or buy liquor”. /Administration under the Pious Caliphs 341 Muhammad Arshad, Islamic Histor\. P 105 System of/Jails There was no jail system before the advent of Islam Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) introduced this institution for the first time in Islamic State. He bought ten houses in Makkah and used these as a prisons. He also set up jails in various cities of the country. The system of punishment for the criminals introduced by Hazrat Umar (Rad.A). The punishment of exile was also introduced in the state. He exiled Mitijan to an island as a punishment for drinking the liquor. REVENUE SYSTEM A public Treasury (Bait-ul-Maa!) was for the first time established by the Holy Prophet in the form of common fund for the benefit of the general public. Syed Amir Hasan Siddiqi in his book ”Caliphate and Sultanate in Medieval Persia” writes about the revenue system of Islam as thus. ”The economic policy of the Caliphate was also based on some of the verses of the Qur’an and some injunctions in this behalf. The Qur’an lays down the basic guiding principle of Islamic economy in the verse of the Qur’an. So that wealth should not circulate only among the rich from among you. Hence the distribution of wealth among all classes of believers has been institutionalized in the form of a tax on hoarding known as Zakat. As I have mentioned in the administration of the Holy Prophet the five sources of revenue in Islamic state. Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) reorganized the entire system of revenue on very sound and just I basis. The officer incharge of the public treasury was known as ”Sahib’i’Bait-ul-Maal. There were appointed amils in every district of the Islamic state for the sound and fair collection of the revenue. Following were the main sources of revenue: , 1. Zakat 2. Jizya 3. Kharaj 4. Fay 5. Khumus. Zakat and Sadaqat Poor rate and voluntary alms by the Muslims. Zakat was imposed all the Muslims which has the material prosperity or the Mai according to Nisab, poor are excluded by that source of the state. It is levied on: 1. Gold and Silver: 20 mithqal gold 7” tola Silver. 2. Animals kept for trade purpose 3. Goods of merchandise. 342 4. Political and Cultural History of Islam Hidden treasure found in the state. Jizya It was a tax chargeable from non-Muslims in lieu of the guarantee extended to them for the protection of their life, property, religious rites, their exemption from military services. Al-Kharaj Kharaj was the land tax collected from the non-Muslims. It was imposed on the Jews of Khayber. All lands which occupied by the Muslims, retained under the Jews in return of the Kharaj. Al-Fay State lands, al-Fay, The lands in the conquered territories which come under the direct ownership of the state. Under the Holy Prophet the Fadak was the Crown Land. The income from which was distributed among the Holy Prophet’s relatives, the poor, or fauns and needy. Khums The spoils of the war which was captured by the Muslim army from the foes one fifth share of the state and then other was distributed among the Muslims. Ghanimah was also the same one This brief account of the taxation policy of the early Caliphate shows justice and prosperity of the masses of that period. The system of revenue of the Caliphate was based on sound and fair system of collection. Its purpose was the benefit of the people. Register of pensions ensured that state revenue would be utilized for the betterment of the Muslims. With the emergence of a new dynasty which Caliphate changed into monarchy, revenue system was also changed.3 MILITARY SYSTEM UNDER THE ORTHODOX CALIPHS The army was comprised of tribal levies, and volunteers drawn chiefly from Medina, Fayf, and other cities. They were paid at the first time from the tithes; after war from tithes and taxes. In the beginning the Caliph appointed the Commander-in-Chief only, upom whom devolved the choice of the officers. As the Commander-imChief represented the Caliph, he presided the prayers. Where the several army corps were united, it was always clearly stated which o>f the generals should preside at prayers, as that indicated his position as a General-in-Chief. Administration under the Pious Caliphs 343 In the days of ignorance Arabs had not awarded of the tactics which were introduced by the time of Orthodox Caliphs. Afterwards those Arabs attained the highest position in the history of warfare in the world. Hazrat Abu Bakr’s (Rad.A) military genius, in planning such a large and a systematic campaign, has not yet received due praise. This army was under the boy-Commander, Usama who fulfilled his tasks. Abu Bakr (Rad.A) then sent out eleven expeditions organized with such great skill that the whole of the great peninsula was subdued in the most systematic way imaginable. ORGANIZATION UNDER HAZRAT UMAR (RAD.A) One of the biggest task of Ha/rat Umar (Rad.A) was to keep regular army of the state. He encouraged the Muslims to join the regular forces whenever the need arose. For the first time in the history of Islam all irregular armies or mercenaries were divided into vivid at classes of regular and irregular armies. The army personnel were well paid and their families also got allowances. Separate register for regular and irregular armies were maintained. In order to keep military tradition of the Muslims, Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) did not allow the army personnels to hold land in the conquered territories, which might have impaired military prowess of Muslim soldiers. He divided the whole empire into nine military districts, constructed cantonments at strategic places and towns, stationed troops, there and the frontiers posts and along the boundary lines fort constructed. ARMY UNDER THE PIOUS CALIPHS Before the Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) the number of soldiers were very small. There was a small unit having 3000. With the victories over the Persians and Syrians, number of soldiers were increased. In Kufa alone, which later grew into a very large military station, there, were during that period 4000 soldiers. In every year 30,000 soldiers were recruited. There were Persians, Syrians, Greeks and Egyptians professing Islam, Christianity or Judaism. The Great Diwan Under the administration of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) most of the Arabs were enrolled in the armies of Islam. In addition to the Arabs even those non-Arabs who had embraced Islam were under an obligation to fight for the sacred creed. These soldiers had to be supported. For the sound administrative measure, Hazrat Umar (Rad~A) regufate the receipts and disbursement of the revenue, he established the department of finance under the name of Diwan. 344 Political and Cultural History of Islam Classification of the Soldiers Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) arranged the masses of the Arab tribes according to the nature of the relations with the Holy Prophet. Those who were the scholars of the Qur’an and those who had rendered special services to Islam received high annuities. The Arab soldiers and their Mawali were assigned three to four hundred dirham each. A hundred dirham each was fixed for weaned children. This was the first example in the military history of the world where the state took the responsibility of feeding and clothing the entire population of the state. A critic like the Sir William Muir writes in Annals of Early Caliphate, ”A great nation dividing thus amongst them their whole revenues, spoils, and conquests, first on the principle of equal brotherhood, and next on that martial merit and spiritual distinction is a spectacle probably without parallel in the world.” Military Districts The vast empire of the Islam was divided into nine military districts apart from the political division of the state. Each one of them called jund. These were the following: 1. Kufa 2. Medina 3. Basrah 4. Mousil 5. Misr, Egypt 6. Fustat 7. Damascus g. Hims 9. Palestine. These were the most important places of the Caliphate times. There were regular barracks for soldiers in all these places. Each of the nine military stations had a huge stable with 4000 horses and their equipment ready so that at a short notice 36000 cavaliers could be put on the field. Branding of Horses it ’ It was the technique check against the corruption. Every horse was branded on the thigh, fighter in the way of God special attention was devoted to breed superior varieties of horses. Each of the military centre had a record office and a provision store. There was also a pay master attached to each military station through whom salaries were disbursed. Soldier’s Emoluments Great care was taken in the protection and welfare of the soldiers at that time. The less amount of salary in the period of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) was 200 uirhams per year. With the passage of time the amount increased raised through 600 dirham per year of a soldier. Much attention was paid in the health of the soldiers, each station had a number of physicians and surgeons for the soldiers. Administration under the Pious Caliphs 345 Formation of the Army The army of the early Islamic state consisted of two kinds of troops, the cavalry and infantry. With the passage of time there was a great military revolution in the Caliphate. The archers, scouts of intelligence corps and service corps. Shields, lances, swords, bows, arrows were used in the war. Army Division Arabs had fully aware of the army techniques of the neighbouring countries. They divided as follows, center and the two flanks rear and front division of the army. Military Officials Under the Pious Caliphs the administration of the military system was very advance in the time of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A). Ameer was the head of the army who was appointed by the Caliph. The Areef Under the Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) this officer was appointed to control and supervise all the affairs of the tribes, of which the major Arab army consisted. He had an extra charge of pay master of the army. On the March When the Muslim army was on the march the commander took all the steps for the protection of the Muslims. First, scouts were sent for the information about the enemies. Behind it army marched. Supply Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) established the supply department which was known as Ahra. All the things required by the army were provided by that department. The first officer appointed to organize the supply department was Amar bin Utbah. Use of Flags Flag was used in the battles as signal for the attack. In the battle of Nihawand, Numan gave the signal for attack by waving the flag. By the end of the Pious Caliphs, Muslim had organized a very efficient army of first class well disciplined fighters with all the weapons of their age including important siege engines, they had efficiently built up a system of marching, camping, transport, supplies and other essentials of a first rate army; and they had learnt and improved the technique of defense t>f laying siege, of taking a fortress by storm and of fighting huge armies with a much lesser number. The Holy Prophet had devised for them a unique method of warfare; and in every respect, in organization, in supplies, in weapons, in technical skill, the equality of the soldiers and Cornmanders in tactics, and above all in morale, the Muslims had outstripped all thefr contemporaries.4 4 S A Q. Hussaini, P.70. CHAPTER 23 THE KHARIJITES Basically the Kharijites belonged to the revolutionary party which took part in the assassination of Usman (656 A.D). After that they merged themselves with the Shiites. They fought in the battle of Camel (656 A.D.) against Hazrat Ayesha. They were with Hazrat Ali during the battle of Siffm (657 A.D). So far they did not maintain a separate entity. In the battle of Siffm, when Mu’awiya’s forces were facing defeat, he asked his troops to raise the copies of the Holy Book on the point of their lances, meaning thereby an appeal to arbitration on the word of God. The sabotage worked, Hazrat Ali knew it and declared that it was a stratagem of war, but his men became divided on the issue. Some were in agreement with him, others, mostly from Banu Tamim said that they fought in the name of God, and so when the word of God itself was claimed as arbiter they could not spurn it. This latter opinion prevailed and a truce was negotiated. The Syrians chose Amr Ibn A’s their delegate while Abu Musa Ashari was selected by the Alids though against the will of Hazrat Ali.’ While the negotiations were proceeding, the same people who had forced Hazrat Ali to accept the arbitration, refused to accept any one as arbiter in the matter of Holy Book. They said that arbitration was an error, because the word of God in regard to real authority was clear and definite, and arbitration implied doubt and suspicion with regard plan taken by either party. But this doubt was not justified, for they and their friends who had fallen in the war, were believers and they had fought with the convention that right i Mitlnh Hiisjwn pvolution ot Social institution in Islam. P 160 The Kharijites 347 was undoubtedly on their side. This theory was enunciated in the favour of Kharijites dogma-”there is no authority but that of God”. The idea spread like thunder and was echoed all around. These people demanded of Hazrat Ali to accept his error or rather that he had committed an act of disbelief and therefore, should abrogate the term of the arbitration which he had pledged with Mu’awiya. Hazrat Ali refused to accept this position for obvious reasons. Therefore, these people separated them from his party and organized themselves into a separate group, to be called Kharijites. They set up their headquarters at a village Haroura near Kufah after which they were called Harourites. Hazrat Ali fought against them fought battle at Al-Nahrawan and a large number of them were killed. But he could not exterminate their ideology; rather this defeat segmented their hatred of Ali so much so that they hatched a conspiracy to kill him. And one Abdur Rahman bin Muljam assassinated him one morning when he was leading Congregational prayer.2 The power of the Kharijites rose rapidly. They remained a great danger for the Umayyad Caliphate for a long time. Their bravery and pluck in battles, their hardiness and pursuance against odds was most astonishing. On many occasions they almost annihilated the authority of the Umayyads. Their power, however, finally but gradually was broken by the famous Umayyad general Muhallab bin Abi Sufrah. For long, the Kharijites remained a mere political party. During the reign of Abdul Malik they mixed their political teachings with metaphysical problems. The Azaraiq were the sect chiefly reputed to have made this innovation. Their most famous principle, they declared was that the injunctions of religion were essential part of faith, and faith was not mere profession. And one who omitted these injunctions is a ”Kafir”. The Kharijites were never united. They exhibited the Bedouin traits of extreme freedom and independence. So they soon became divided into two main groupos. One was in a valley near Basrah. They ravaged Kirman, Pars and often threatened Basrah. The most prominent among them were Nah abi-Azaraiq etc. This group was mainly handled by Muhallab bin Abi Sufrah. The other group took its abode in the desert and secured in Yamama, Hadramaut, 348 Political and Cultural History of Islam Yaman and Taif. The prominent among them were Abu Talib, Najda bin Amir and Abu Fudaik. The Umayyads did not succeed against these two groups except after most exhausting and protracted battles and campaigns. Their Creed They were originally a political faction. They began by announcing their verdict on matters relating to the Caliphate. They spoke of the righteousness of Hazrat Abu Bakr and Hazrat Umar, and of Hazrat Usman, during the first seven years of his regime. They disowned him when he introduced the various innovations and deviated from the path of his predecessors, and of Hazrat Ali, they said that Hazrat Ali committed a grave sin by accepting arbitration. They also condemned those who fought in the battle of the Camel. They abused Mu’awiya as infidel. So their original talk was as to who deserved the Caliphate and who not and as to who was real Muslim. Later on they developed a theory of the Caliphate. 1. The Caliphate was an elective principle. 2. The Caliph is to be elected by universal suffrage. 3. When elected, the Caliph cannot argue about the validity of his position or election, and he cannot submit the matter to arbitration. 4. The Caliph needs not to be a Qurayshite. He is simply to be a Muslim from any stock of Muslims, even from the Negroes. 5. The Caliph must carry out the injunction of God other wise he was liable to deposition. It was on this account that they elected one of them Abdullah bin Dahib as their chief. He was a non-Qurayshite, a man from Azd. Similarly all the great Kharijites leaders were non-Qurayshite. Further, it was with this principle that they opposed the Shiite claim that the Caliphate was confined in the House of the Prophet, and the Sunnite dogma that it vested only in the Quraysh. It was this principle that drove them to rise in arms against the Umayyads and the Abbasids, for they did not fulfill the condition of the Caliphate in their opinion. Their Main Teachings Few principles were common to them all: 1. The theory of the Caliphate communicated above. 2. The theory of belief as mentioned above. The Kharijites 349 3. Another principle which was claimed by most of them was that there was no need of an Imam except in emergency, that is when the laws of religion were not respected. Main Sects According to Shaharastani, they became divided into seven sects, but the following four were most important. (1) The Zariqa: Nafi bin Azariq was their leader, i) They should not marry amongst other. ii) Others who called themselves Muslims were like the infidels of Arabia, they must be fought against; in) Hiding of real belief and acting on expediency (Taqiyah), amounted to disbelief. iv) Killing of other Muslims by treachery is justified. (2) Al Najdiyah: Followers of Najda bin Amir Al-Hanafi. i) One who errs after endeavouring Jo discover the right solution (Ijtahad) is excusable. ii) Religion consists of two things, belief in God and belief in the mission of the Prophet. If after accepting these fundamentals, one errs in other things, he is to be excused. in) The sin of lying is greater than that of adultery and drinking. (3) The Ibadiyah: Followers of Abdullah bin Ibad al-Tamimi. This sect is still found in North Africa and elsewhere. i) They were extremist like others. They preached that inter-marriage and mutual inheritance with other Muslims was allowed. The killing of Muslims was not justified. This sect was always on peaceful terms with the Caliphs. (4) The Safriyah: Followers of Ziyad bin Asfar. They were mostly like the Azariqa, with the exception that they justified expediency in oral but not in practice. The Kharijites were mostly Arabs. They were the most democratic sect in Islam. But they were most harsh, prejudiced and unbridled and they 350 Political and Cultural History of Islam looked down upon the clients, otherwise they would have received a great following from the latter.3 Chief Traits 1. They performed the religious duties with great sincerity and devotion. They hated sin and lie like anything. They were extremists, in everything. Even for ordinary omissions declared others as infidels and for petty things they rebelled against their leaders. Most of them declared others as disbelievers and meted out to them worse treatment. They slaughtered the women and children of other Muslims without mercy or demure. It was this violence and barbarism which excluded them from the Muslim community in general. 2. They were most ardent in their faith and defended it with wonderful bravery with the might of their arms. As a result of this, most of the best men in Islam looked on them with affection and reverence. Hazrat Ali at his death advised his followers not to fight the Kharijites any more. Umar bin Abdul Aziz regarded them as men who had erred badly in search of truth. They were never afraid of any thing on earth. They debated with the ablest and most pious men to their age, like Hazrat Ali and Ibn-Abbas and denounced their faith loudly under all circumstances. They sent their messengers to the Umayyad Caliphs to correct them. 3. Their courage, intrepidity and valour are proverbial in Arabian literature. Their exploits and deeds of heroism are depicted in their own unmemorable political compositions with which classical Arabic poetry is surfeit. 4. Their Arab origin was another point which endeared to the Muslim in general. Matlub, P.165. CHAPTER 24 THE UMAYYADS (661-750 A.D./40-123 A.H.) Rise of the Umayyads Upon the abdication of Hazrat Imam Hassan, Amir Mu’awiya became the acknowledged head of the Islamic world. The new ruler of Islamic Commonwealth founded the Umayyad dynasty whose sovereigns differed little from the non-Arab potentates as regards their administrative traditions and methods of government. They secularized the state. Into Islamic polity they introduced the following changes which finally ”exercised the most potent influence on the fortunes of the empire and the development of the nation.” (1) During the period of Orthodox Caliphate the Chief Executive (the Caliph) was elected by a popular vote of Medina, which election was duly accepted by the outside Arabs. From Mu’awiya’s time the reigning monarch began to nominate his successor, and the leading chiefs of the kingdom took oath of allegiance in the royal presence; whilst in the provinces the governors took oath of allegiance from the notable persons on behalf of the presumptive Caliph. From the time of Merwan I, two consecutive successors began to be nominated simultaneously by the reigning sovereign. This novel practice of nomination struck at the root of the republican spirit of Muslim community, and gradual 1> encouraged the development of worst traditions of Oriental despotism which finally damaged seriously the cause of Islam. (2) • Under the Orthodox Caliphs the Bait-ul-Maal or the Public Treasury was in fact the property of the people, and all members of the Islamic Commonwealth had equal claims upon it. Actually every Muslim got an allowance out of the 352 Political and Cultural History of Islam income of the state. From Mu’awiya’s time the revenues of the empire became the private property of the reigning monarch. With the exception of Hazrat Umar bin Abdul Aziz every Umayyad sovereign regarded the Public Treasury as his personal property and actually vast sums of Public Treasury were spent by him to oblige his favourites and courtiers. (3) The Holy Prophet in his life-time had extinguished the flames of tribal jealousies by preaching the principles of equality and universal brotherhood. Out of numerous tribes of one hundred different kinds the Prophet’s words created a homogeneous nation. In the days of the Republic the tribal jealousies were held in check. All state-officers were appointed on the grounds of merit irrespective of their tribal affiliations. The Umayyad Caliphs, to serve their own ends, revived the tribal jealousies by playing off one tribe against the other. Even Caliph Hisham did not hesitate from pursuing this foolish policy. Thus the old racial jealousy between the Modharites and the Himyarites, which had nearly died out in the days of the Republic led to several conflicts with the most disastrous consequences to the cause of Islam. (4) In the days of the Republic the Caliph was accessible to the meanest of his subjects, wandering about at night to ascertain the condition of the poor people without any guard or escort. Thus the Caliph was actually the servant of the people whom he served most zealously. He was seen dressed in ordinary clothes, and his residential house was not distinguishable from the houses of ordinary men. Thus there was no distinction between the ruler and the ruled. The Umayyad sovereigns, in imitation of their contemporary Asiatic kings, lived in castles and palaces, and employed bodyguards for their protection. Thus they developed a distinct ruling class and claimed special privileges which were denied to ordinary citizens. (5) Islam preached universal brotherhood by condemning racial superiority. In the days of the Republic the officers of the state were appointed irrespective of their racial origin on the basis of their virtuous character. Piety of conduct rather than administrative efficiency determined the tenure of the state 353 officers Hazrat Khalid \\as dismissed from his military command because he \\as a bit extravagant. Hazrat Sa’ad bin Abi Waqas \vas dismissed from his governorship because it was alleged that he had been late one day in the performance of his pravers. No provincial governor could remain in office in defiance of popular sentiments But in the I’mayvad regime the state was completely seculari/ed. Racial superiority of the Arabs was emphasised. Henceforth the Arabs formed the aristocratic portion of society. None but a person of Arab origin was considered eligible for the highest- administrative post H\en in the matter of appointments administrative ability rather than piety of conduct received top-most prioiilv Tyrannical governors like /ivad and Hajjaj could remain in office in .defiance of popular opinion on account of their administrative efficiency. This fact was wholly alien to the true spirit of Islamic republic. (6) 1 he Orthodox C’aliphs li\ed simply in accordance with the principles of Islam. Drinking, gambling, racing and loose manners could not be tolerated by the Caliph. It was also essential that the character of the Caliph and his governors should be above reproach. The Umayyad sovereigns, excepting four, were thorough drunkards. Racing was their favourite pastime 1 bus in the matter of drinking wine and of most other things the I may v ad kings set Islam at naught. (7) Free thinking, free discussion and free criticism of the governmental action constituted the distinctive features of administration under the Republic. The Caliph was assisted by a Council of I Iders composed of the principal companions of the Holy Prophet. Important administrative problems were discussed publicly. On several occasions Hazrat I’mar. whenever adversely criticized, had to explain his line of action But under the I’may > ads things took a different turn. The Council of hldeis disappeared. Free criticism of the governmental policy was not tolerated. Abdul Malik strictly forbade free talk in the royal presence. All important administrative problems were tackled b> the Umavvad sovereigns in their individual discretion. Stringent measures were taken against the critics. Thus every effort was made to erush the democratic spirit of the Arabs by discouraging free expression of public opinion. CHAPTER Ameer Mn’nwn/a (Rnd. A) 355 AMEER MU’AWIYA (RAD. A) (661-680 A.D./ 41-60 A.H.) Mu’awiya (Rad.A), the founder of the Umayyad dynasty of Caliphs based in Syria ruled as generally acknowledged Caliph from 661-680 A.D.1 Mu’awiya’s reign witnessed not only the consolidation but the extension of the territories of the Caliphate. To this period belongs the expansion in North Africa for which Uqbah ibn Nafi was in the main responsible. In the east the complete conquest of Khurasan was undertaken from al-Basrah, the O\us was crossed and Bukhara in far-away Turkestan conquered. Thus Mu’awiya (Rad.A) became not only the father of a dynasty but the second founder of the Caliphate after Hazrat Umar (Rad.A).2 Rise to Power The distinguished soldiers of Islam. Yazid and Mu’awiya (Rad.A), were the sons of the famous Abu Sufyan b. Harb, who shared the honour and prestige of supplying food and water to the pilgrims of Ka’bah with Abu Talib b. ’Abdul Muttalib. led the Makkhans against Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and accepted Islam only when the Medinites were about to enter into Makkah as conquerors. The Muslim army in Syria was divided into three contingents one under the command of Yazid which pushed on towards Damascus and his brother Mu’awiya (Rad.A) bore his standard. Mu’awiya (Rad.A) helped his brother in the conquest of Saida (Sidon), Irqa, Jubayl and Bayrout (Beirut) on the sea-coast of the Damascus province. Mu’awiya (Rad.A) had the privilege of being included among the witnesses to the agreement Umar (Rad.A) signed at alJabiyah before the occupation of Jerusalem b> the Muslims. In the 1 l:nc\clopediaofl.slam. Vol VII. P 263 2 Him. I’ 194 siege of Caesarea in 17/638 Mu’awiya (Rad.A) worked along with Amr b. al-A,s. Soon Yazid, who had succeeded Abu Ubaydah as Governor and Chief Commander, died like his predecessor in pestilence and was succeeded by his brother Mu’awiya (Rad.A), who forced the garrison of Caesarea to surrender in October 640 A.D. The new advantageous position that Mu’awiya (Rad.A) held gave him time and opportunity to prove his generalship and administrative genius b> maintaining strict discipline and consolidating his rule. He was wise and able but a man of great ambition. Mu’awiya (Rad.A) engaged himself in consolidating the administration of Syria and, with sagacious foresight, strengthened his hold against the Romans. He controlled the Arab soldiery with the help of the influential citizens of Makkah and Medina a large number of whom had meanwhile settled in Syria. By the time his close relation Usman (Rad.A) succeeded Umar (Rad.A) in the Caliphate the entire province of Syria enjoyed peace under his strict rule. In 26/64? the second year of the Caliphate of Usman (Rad.A), the eastern Romans advanced from Asia Minor. They were repulsed with the help of 8.000 Arab volunteers received from the eastern provinces. Mu’awiya (Rad.A) launched an expedition against Asia Minor and passing through Armenia, which had been conquered for him by Habib ibn Maslamah al-Fihri as early as 644-5, reached Tabaristan in the east and Tiflis and the Black Sea in the north. Hostilities between Constantinople and Damascus thus began leading to serious consequences. Mu’awiya (Rad.A), who had been once refused permission by Umar (Rad.A) to attack the Greeks in Eastern Mediterranean waters in retaliation for the attacks on the Syrian coasts made by the Byzantines from their naval base at Alexandria, now obtained permission from Caliph Usman (Rad.A) to do so. Thus he conquered Qabrus (Cyprus) in 28/649. Aided by naval expeditions from the ports of Syria and North Africa his army pushed forward the conquests in the Levant and Asia Minor and six years later it ran over along the Lycian coast to the vicinity of Constantinople. The land force under Mu’awiya’s direct command, however, could not push beyond Caesarea in Cappadocia. Ruler of the West Mu’awiya (Rad.A) was loyal to Umar (Rad.A) and Usman (Rad.A) but proved disloyal to Ali (Rad.A) when he ordered the dismissal of Mu’awiya (Rad.A) and other governors going against the advice of al-Mughirah and Ibn al-Abbas. Mu’awiya (Rad.A) was 356 Political ami Cultural History of Islam then at war with the By/antines and had won a clear victory on the seas although his land force could not push beyond Caesarea. Pressing need at home compelled him to pay an annual tribute of 1,000 nomismata, and daily a horse and a sla\e and to conclude a treaty with Constans I in 659. He \\as then free to concentrate all his troops against Ali (Rad.A). After the assassination of Usman (Rad.A), his relatives moved to Makkah and his blood- stained shirt along with the severed fingers of his \\ife, Naila, v\as sent to Mu’awiya (Rad.A). who displayed them in the Mosque of Damascus. He refused to take the oath of allegiance at the hand of Ali (Rad.A) or to abdicate his office in favour of All’s nominee Ibn al-Abbas. until Ali (Rad.A) had brought the miscreants to task. Instead of using the angry Syrian mob against the regicides and the Arab Bedouin rebels, Ali (Rad.A) delayed the taking of necessary steps against the assassins of Usman (Rad.A) as he preferred not to stir up a hotbee’s nest. This delay gave an opportunity to the miscreants to mingle with the soldiery and the followers of Ali (Rad.A) and offered a strong reason to the Syrians for suspecting Ali (Rad.A) to be in collusion with the assassins. This led to the battle of Siffm in 36/657 and the consequent break-up of the empire into two portions, controlled by Mu’awiya (Rad.A) and Ali (Rad.A) respectively. The latter had to submit to the circumstances and reluctantly agreed to be contented with the mastery over the eastern provinces alone, and to conclude a treaty with the former in 40 A.H/660 A.D. Mu’awiya (Rad.A) ascended the throne and was proclaimed Khalifah at Ilya (Jerusalem) in Safar 40/July 660 A.D. Khalifah of the Muslim Empire His de facto authority as Khalifah in the West was, however, not ultimately recognized by Ali (Rad.A) who raised an army of 40.000 for a Syrian campaign but before he could launch it, he was assassinated by one, Ibn Muljam, at Kufah and was succeeded by his eldest son. al-Hasan. Hasan sent Qays at the head of 12.000 men in advance to check the Syrian troops which had. meanwhile, set out through Mesopotamia towards ’Iraq before the assassination of Ali (Rad.A). while Hasan himself waited with the main army at al-Madain. There arose a rumour that Qays was killed in a battle fought against Mu’awiya (Rad.A) in Syria. Hasan was, therefore, surrounded by his disloyal troops. They conspired to hand him over to Mu’awiya (Rad.A). The Caliph took refuge in the Palace of the Ameer Mu’nwn/a (Rad. A) 357 Chosroes and was forced to send a letter of abdication to Mu’awiya (Rad.A) in his favour. Hasan then retired to Medina and was allowed to retain the treasury of Kufah containing five million dirhams and the revenues of a Persian district, for his subsidy. Mu’awiya (Rad.A) further agreed not to revile Ali (Rad.A) in Khutbahs from the pulpit of a mosque within Hasan’s reach in Rabial Awwal 41/July 661. He was poisoned by his wife after about eight years in 669 (A.D.) at the age of forty-five. Qays. who was still alive, having obtained terms for the safety of his soldiers, laid down his arms and submitted to Mu’awiya (Rad.A), who in his turn rushed to Kufah to receive homage from the people of’Iraq and other eastern provinces. Thus the de facto ruler of Syria and Egypt became the Caliph of the whole of the Islamic World only about five months after Ali’s assassination. The year 41 A.H. became known as jama’a (the year of Union) and thenceforth Damascus became the capital of the Muslim Empire. This was the third capital of the Muslims, the first being at Medina and the second one at Kufah. APPOINTMENT OF GOVERNORS Amr b. al-A’s Amr b. al-A’s the conqueror of Egypt, who had been deposed by Usman (Rad.A), was re- appointed by Mu’awiya (Rad.A). He conquered Egypt for him from Muhammad b. Abu Bakr, the supporter of Ali (Rad.A), in Safar 38 A.H. (July 658). ’Amr entrusted his nephew, Uqbah ibn Nafi, in 41 A.H/661-62 with the task of bringing the unruly Berbers of North Africa under control and he himself died later at the age of 73 years in 43 A.H/663. The Berbers belonged to the Hamitic branch of the white family and perhaps originally hailed from the same stock of the Semites. They had been provoked by the Roman settlements in Ifriqiyah to give stiff resistance to the Muslims. The new Muslim general overran the littoral as far as Barqah and Waddan, fought against the Berbers and ravaged their lands for several years to bring them under control. Receiving a reinforcement of 10,000 Syrian Arabs in 50/670 he laid the foundation of a military cantonment at Qayrawan which gradually developed into the capital city of ifriqiyah to the south of Tunis. Uqbah used it as a base of operations against the unruly Berbers who, inspite of the long rule of the Romans, had retained their tribal organization and characteristics. The Romans settled only in the coastal towns of Ifriqiyah whereas the Arabs mixed with the Berbers and settled both in towns 358 Political ami Cultural History of Islam and villages. Consequently Islam spread rapidly. Uqbah. who had been recalled, for a short while, from North Africa but reinstalled by Yazid in 682 A.D., pushed his conquest to the middle Atlas region in Tangier where he suffered a martyr’s death in 683 near Biskra at Tahudah on the edge of the Saharah desert at the hands of the Berber chief Kusaytah. His tomb named after him Sidi Uqbah is still extant. Al-Mughirah Al-Mughirah ibn Shu’bah of al-Taif, an unscrupulous careerist, who held the post of Governor in Bahrayn during the Caliphate of Dinar (Rad.A), was appointed Governor of Kufah. a place of turbulence and conspiracy. Al-Mughirah kept the city under strict control. As a shrewd politician, he played the Kharijites and Shiahs against each other and restrained the Kufans from open opposition to the Syrians. He brought about reconciliation between Mu’awiya (Rad.A) and his step-brother Ziyad ibn Abih, who was his former benefactor and had been brought before Mughirah against a charge of adultry in 17 A.H/638. Even after the abdication of Hasan, Ziyad, who was then the Governor of Basrah and Istakhr, did not submit to Mu’awiya (Rad.A). It was only after the persuasion of Mughirah, that Ziyad rendered an account of his stewardship in Persia to Mu’awiya (Rad.A) and presented along with it the arrear of revenue a million gold pieces. Ziyad On failing to establish peace at Basrah, Ibn Amir was replaced by Ziyad, who held the governorship of Basrah in addition to his Persian Command. Ziyad made a furious speech from the pulpit, proclaiming severe measures against the trouble-makers, and by posting a patrol of a thousand armed police men he brought the turbulent city to order. On alMughirah’s death in 50/670 Ziyad was also appointed Governor of Kufah. Thenceforth he lived for six months in each place. With a trained bodyguard of 4,000 strong, Ziyad established a rule of terror and tracked down the and faction, which reviled Usman (Rad.A) and Mu’awiya (Rad.A) at Kufah and Basrah. He settled the most turbulent Kufans along 50,000 Bedouins in Khurasan. His severity in administration became the talk of the town. He dissolved the tribal confederation and broke up the clan organization in the army, dividing it into four groups each under a commander. Ziyad ruled over the entire eastern half of the Empire from the Oxus and the Indus to the Persian Gulf by dividing it into four 1 S M. Imanmddin. \ Political lliston ol’the Muslims. \ol []. p (-, A nicer Mi/’nwn/n (Rnd A) 359 commands.1 His sons held important commands in Basrah, Khurassan and the frontier. Zi>ad proved to be a successful ruler and a very powerful lieutenant of Mu’awiya (Rad.A) and by his action full) justified the great confidence that the Caliph had in him. He died at the early age of 58 in Shaban 53 A.H/Summ6r 673. CONQUEST OF MU’AWIYA (Rad.A) All the conquered lands in the east and north were brought under control and fresh conquests were made. Herat which had rebelled was stormed in 41/661-62 and two years after Kabul was conquered. Similarly Ghazna, Balkh, Qandahar and other fortresses \\ere gradually conquered and all the lands in the south and east up to the Indus valley was brought under subjugation. In 54/674 Bukharah was conquered by a son of Ziyad and two years later Samarqand and Tirmidh were subjugated by a son of Usman (Rad.A). Thus Mu’awiya (Rad.A) was not only the founder of a nev\ dynasty but also that of the Uinayyad Caliphate. War with the Byzantines Hostilities with the Greek had been suspended during the civil war between Ali (Rad.A) and Mu’awiya (Rad.A). The latter had entered into a truce with the Byzantines as mentioned above. By gaining supremacy over the opposition parties under Ali (Rad.A), Mu’awiya (Rad.A) was free to take up arms once again against the Byzantines who were enemies of the Muslims. An arm} was sent towards Armenia and Greece. The Byzantines were defeated severely in 42/662. They suffered defeat partly because of their theological dissensions and partly because of the fiscal oppression of the bureaucracy at Constantinople. The campaign against Armenia was launched both by land and sea and an attack on Constantinople itself began in 49/669. The Byzantine shipyard founded at Acre (Akka) after its conquest was developed and utilized for building Muslim navy by Mu’awiya (Rad.A). Later the shipyards \\ere transferred to Sur (Tyre) by the Umayyads. The formidable expedition to Constantinople suffered due to shortage of provisions and sickness among the troops and further due to the use of Greek fire (naptlia). Yazid. the Crown Prince, was also sent with a naval detachment in support of the land force under Fadalah ibn Ubaycl al-Ansari. Ya/icl succeeded in landing near the capital city but clue to the strong 360 Political and Cultural History of Maw useasan . the Mushm arms seldo m uccccc Hne favour of the Byzantines. , To keep the Muslim possessions safe a chain of fortresses Malik paid to ” ; ,rea,> b may y ads. \Ycllluuscn. Arab Kingdom. I’ Ainccr Mii’nwn/n (Rnd. A) 361 William Muir writes that the. ”Great progress was made by Mu’avviya (Rad.A) in extending his rule eastward. The conquered peoples and their chiefs, impatient of the tribute and restraints of Islam, were continually casting off their allegiance: but the yoke was yearly becoming more secure. The territories in the far north and east continued long a precarious tenure: but in the south all the country up to the banks of the Indus \\as gradual Iv being consolidated under his rule”.’1 According to Encyclopedia of Islam. ”Thereafter. Mu’auiva (Rad.A) had much to do in order to consolidate Sufyamd rule. Externally, there was above all the matter of Byzantium. In the Mediterranean he had alread) successful!} challenged Bxzantine seapower: in addition to having dealt with Cyprus and raided Rhodes and Sicily, he had in 655/A.D. been in command of an Arab fleet of 200 vessels that had resoundingly defeated Constans ll’s fleet of 700- 100 vessels at the battle of the Masts. On the land frontier to the north, he had. as early as 646. advanced into Anatolia as far as Amorium but further progress had been limited and the actual frontier had been more in the area of Adana by the time the onset of uar with AM (Rad.A) had forced Mu’av\iya (Rad.A) to come to terms with the Byzantines on the basis of payment of tribute. Now. however, he busied himself with settling Syrian coastal towns and improving their fortifications: Alexandria too was completely fortified and Egypt once more became the springboard of expansion into North Africa. The land offensive westwards was accompanied by an aggressive Arab policy at sea following the death of Constans II in 668. An expanded Arab navy raided as far as Sicily in 669, while the army in North Africa established al-Kairovvan as a base and forayed into what is now Algeria. Rhodes and Crete were overrun in 672 and 674 respectively and the naval expeditions that followed amounted to a seven-year blockade of Marmora and Constantinople-a blockade that came to an end shortly before Mu’awiva’s death, when the Arab fleet was beaten off with Greek fire in 679. The same period witnessed regular annual incursions by land into Anatolia-incursions that had the advantage of providing booty and keeping the Arab army in trim. But late in his reign. Mu’awiya (Rad.A) once more may have had to enter into arrangements involving the payment of tribute to the Byzantines, this time in order to cope with the Mardaites.” Conquest of Africa Having established his position at home, Mu’awiya (Rad.A), 1 Muir. P.96. l,nc\clopedia-«>f Islam. Vol VII I’ 265 362 Political nnd Cultural History of Islam embarked upon a career of conquest. The conquest of North Africa \vas a memorable event of his reign. In the beginning of his reign. Amr bin A’s was the Governor of Egypt. He \\as so much disturbed b\ the Romans that he sent his famous General Uqba to North Africa. He fought against the Romans for a long time and brought Africa under his sway. He founded Kairowan to the south of Tunis in 50 A.H./670 A.D. and strong!} fortified it against the raids of the Berbers. Kairowan subsequently became the capital of North Africa. But few years later Uqba was surprised by the joint attack of the Roman and Berber armies. He with his small army fought against the enemy but was defeated and killed. Kairowan again fell into the hands of the Berbers. Uqba was one of the best Generals of the Muslim world. He is regarded by the European historians as the Muslim Alexander. First Muslim Navy One of the ambitions of Mu’awiya (Rad.A) was to conquer the Byzantine capital, Constantinople and with this end in view, a formidable expedition was sent against Constantinople under the command of his pleasure-loving son, Yazid. The expedition was not successful for various reasons. The name of Mu’awiya (Rad.A) will remain fresh in the memory of the readers as the builder of the first Muslim Navy. While he was the governor of Syria, he had built a fleet of nearly 500 ships to fight with the Greeks on the Mediterranean Sea. With this fleet he conquered Cyprus, Rodes and other Greek islands near the coast of Asia Minor. Mu’awiya (Rad.A) made great progress in extending his rule in the East. Herat, having rebelled, was stormed in 41 A.H./661 A.D. and two years later Kabul was captured. Ghazna, Balkh, Qandahar, Bukhara, Samarkand and Tirmidh were also annexed to the empire of Islam. Thus the reign of Mu’awiya (Rad.A), ”witnessed not only the consolidation but also the extension of the territories of the Caliphate”. Project of Carrying the Prophet’s Staff to Damascus In 50/670 Mu’awiya (Rad.A) thought of removing the as a (staff) of the Prophet (PBUH) from Medina to Damascus but he was dissuaded from doing so. Damascus being the capital of the Muslim Empire and the Syrians being victorious against the Byzantines, Syria nad become the focus of Islamic Empire. The Arab tribes specially the Ka\sites from the northern part and Kalbites from the southern part of Arabia came and settled in Syria. The-conquerors and the conquered lived peacefully as friends and the Christians were Ameer Mil’nunya (Rud A) 363 better off in the reign of Mu’awiya (Rad.A) than under Heraclius. The Christians were employed as adv isers and the Church of Edessa destroyed b> an earthquake, was rebuilt at the order of Mu’awKa (Rad.A). B\ bringing the Prophet’s staff to Damascus the Caliph wanted not onl> to attach sanctity to the city and attract the attention of the Muslim masses but also to use it as a symbol that the city had become the citadel of Islam.8 Mu’awiya (Rad.A) as a King Mu’awiya (Rad.A) was the first man who transferred the Caliphate to a Mulk-republican to kingship. He once said. ”I am first of the kings”. He made the Caliphate a hereditary kingship b> nominating his son Yazid in 676 A.D. to the future throne. His example of nominating the next Khalifah became a precedent and was followed by the subsequent Khalifahs of the Umayyad dynasty. This practice was equally followed by the Abbasids and by the later dynasties. Hence he may be called the founder of hereditary kingship in the history of Islam. The tribal democracy of his predecessors was gone for ever and Mu’awiya (Rad.A)’ replaced it by his personal rule and autocracy which his successors turned into the pattern of the Byzantine or Persian absolutism. Outwardly, Mu’awiya (Rad.A) observed the forms and functions of the Khalifah. Like the Pious Khalifahs he led the prayers on Friday. But unlike them, he kept himself aloof from the common Muslims. He gave up the simplicity and accessibility of the Orthodox Khalifahs. His palace was guarded by armed soldiers and when he appeared in the public, he was surrounded by his bodyguards. He regarded the public treasury as his personal property. He tackled all important problems in his personal capacity and had no connection with the Council of Elders. In this way, he did away the democratic traditions of the Republic. Thus ”the accession of Mu’awiya (Rad.A) to the throne at Damascus heralded the end of Klulafat and the beginning of Kingship’. Thus the foundation for hereditary kingship was laid by the founder of the Umayyad dynasty. ADMINISTRATION OF MU’AWIYA (Rad.A) Mu’awiya (RadA) was a good administrator. He was the first man who instituted the bureau of registry (Diwan al-Khatam) and organized a postal department (D;wan al-Barid). He. in cooperation with Zaid, established a police force, called as-Shurta. S M Imamuddin P Id 364 Political nnd Cultural History of Islam Mu’awiya (Rad.A) separated the criminal administration from the finance. He appointed Governors for the provincial administration and a special officer under the title, Shahib-ul-Kharaj for the revenue administration. He adopted a measure like income-tax of the present day in which he deducted the poor-tax from the fixed annual amounts. Mu’awiya (Rad.A) had the credit of introducing the diwan al-Khatam (bureau of registry), al- Barid (postal service), and establishing the naval power for the first time in Islam. The bureau of sealing official documents, most probably a Persian institution, was organised b\ Ziyad ibn Abih, the Governor of Iraq, the General who re-established the administration of Iraq after capturing power. The mail service was another Persian institution used for carrying official mails and transporting news regarding the happenings in remote provinces to the Caliph. This was a good system of keeping the officials at bay. Some reforms in the coinage were introduced. Bilingual coins with Arabic and Latin inscriptions were issued containing as effigy of Mu’awiya (Rad.A) carrying a stick instead of the figure of a Roman Empire holding a cross. Due to large scale conversions in the provinces the revenue in Egypt alone had fallen to 5,000,000 from 14,000,000 dinars under Caliph Usman (Rad.A). To improve the economic condition of his empire Mu’awiya (Rad.A) introduced certain revenue reforms. For maintaining peace, he preferred the installation of kingship to the practice of election or nomination of the Caliphs. As a tribal chief he possessed the principal virtues of moderation, composure and selfcontrol. He received delegations to smoothen tribal differences and was a great tolerant ruler. During his time, the Christians and Jews enjoyed equal privileges with the Muslims in the socio- political life. The Christian Sarjun ibn Mansur was an influential financial adviser. Mu’awiya’s Death Mu’awiah died at the age of about 72 years on the 1st Rajjab 60’’l8th April 680. On his death-bed he warned Yazid against the two Abdullah’s sons of Umar (Rad.A) and Zubayr, al-Hussain. son of Ali (Had. A), and Ibn al-Abbas particularly against the third. CHARACTER AND ACHIEVEMENTS Mu’awiya (Rad.A) \vas a successful ruler. He was more a politician than a soldier. As a soldier though he was inferior to Ali (R.nd.A). as a military organizer he was second to none. Wise and courageous, he held the dangerous elements around him in check I le kill moral courage even more than physical. Mu’awiya (Rad.A) was Ameer Mu awn/a (Rad. A) 365 undoubtedly a bolder and abler ruler than Ali (Rad.A). the man of physical courage. Abbasid chroniclers have denigrated his character, accused him of introducing the royal throne, the maqsurali for saying prayer in seclusion from the congregation in the mosque and of reciting the khutbah while seated on the pulpit. But the Syrian traditions preserved in Ibn al-Asakir depict his character as that of a true Muslim.9 Mu’av\iya (Rad.A) was a self-made man and one of the best of the Arab monarchs. He seldom used the sword \\hen other means of reconciliation \vere available. The pathetic letter addressed by him to Hasan on his abdication is a testimony to his character. Mu’awiya (Rad.A) won over the Alids by bestowing abundant gifts on them and treating Ali’s (Rad.A) kinsmen prudently. He utilized the services of the poets, \\lio still held great influence on the masses, to the cause of glorifying his dynasty. The nomination of Yazid by a wise and tolerant father like him is. however, considered by some to be a black spot on his character. For nearly twenty years (661-680) from Hasan’s abdication to his own death, Mu’awiya (Rad.A) was undisputed Khalifah of the Muslim world. Arabia which was lukewarm in loyalty, also submitted. Throughout his reign there was prosperity and peace was disturbed but casually by the rebellions of the Kharijis and the Alids All of which were easily suppressed though with some bloodshed. He was equally successful in extending the boundaries in all directions. Mu’awiya (Rad.A) created a peaceful Empire out of chaos and consolidated and extended the already vast territory of Islam in two continents, Asia and Africa. Peace having been established and fresh lands having been conquered, trade and industry developed and economic conditions improved. Taxes were collected from the provinces though they were partly relieved of the burden of pensions that the early Caliphs had granted to their followers. By improved methods of cultivation and canalization agriculture was developed in Hijaz. For his success and achievements Mu’awiya (Rad.A) depended mainly upon the loyalty of his Syro-Arab (Yamanite) and Syrian soldiers and on the collaborations of his three lieutenants Amr ibn al-A’s, the Viceroy of Egypt, Ziyad ibn Abih, the Governor of Basrah and Mughirah ibn Shubah, the Governor of Kufah. The Syro-Arabs regarded him as the legitimate successor of Ilitti. !’ 198 366 Political and Cultural Hilton/ of Islam their old Ghassanid House and fought for his success. The Kalbites, the strongest in Syria, and kinsmen of Mu’awiya’s wife, assured him and his son, Yazid, their support. His lieutenants were known for their tyranny but Mu’awiya (Rad.A) himself was very mild and of reconciliatory habits which proved to be a great boon for him. He created a disciplined army from the ra\\ Syrian soldiers on whose loyalty he depended chiefly and replaced the tribal organization by a well-planned military machinery after the Greek pattern. His success lay mostly in his offensive policy.’” As a statesman, Mu’awiya (Rad.A) maintained equilibrium between the Kaisites (northern Arabs) and the Kalbites (southern Arabs). Though he was more nearly related to the former, he made the son of his Kalbite wife his heir and so he held them both. His aspiration in State policy was to establish a dynasty and when this dynastic interest was fulfilled by the nomination of his son, Yazid as his successor to the throne, his only care was the welfare of the State. As a ruler, Mu’awiya (Rad.A) \\as very generous and upright. He was stern to the unruly and kind and considerate to the poor and the weak. Under his rule, the rulers and the ruled lived side by side. The Christians were happy under his benign Government. He appointed Christians to high offices of the State. One of his chief advisers was a Christian. He rebuilt the Church of Edessa which had been destroyed by an earthquake. Commerce and industry were nourished and nurtured, under his patronage. Thus peace and prosperity prevailed over the whole of the empire. Hence it can be said in the words of Prof. Hitti that he was not only the first, but also one of the best of the Arab kings. Mu’awiya (Rad.A) was a very shrewd politician, cunning diplomat and unscrupulous statesman who did not hesitate to adopt any means, fair or foul, to achieve his own end. Where valour and strength could not avail him, he had resort to cunning and guile. The character of Mu’awiya (Rad.A) has been depicted by Osborn in his famous book, ”Islam under the Arabs” in which he says. ”Astute, unscrupulous and pitiless, the first Khalitah of the Umayyads shrank from no crime necessary to secure his position. Murder was his accustomed mode of removing a formidable opponent. The grandson of the Prophet (PBUH) was caused to be poisoned. Malik al-Ashter, the heroic lieutenant of Ali (Rad.A) was destroyed in a like way. S M Imamuddm. P. 14 Ainee,’Mn’nwn/n (Rad. A) 367 To secure the succession of his son Yazid. Mu’awiya (Rad.A) did not hesitate to break the word he had pledged to Hussain the surviving son of Ali (Rad.A). And yet this cool, calculating, atheistic Arab ruled over the region of Islam and the scepter remained in his family for the space of nearly ninety years”. Osborn has brought a great charge against Mu’awiya (Rad.A) by picturing him as the murderer of several persons but he. at the same time, has frankly admitted that Mu’awiya (Rad.A) was cool and calculating and ruled with wisdom over his subjects. We only ask him to judge his statement in the light of the then European countries. Mu’awiya (Rad.A) had held it energetically against the Byzantines, establishing strong garrisons along the coast and instituting Arab maritime warfare in the Mediterranean-an activity earlier forbidden by Hazrat Umar. His firm government and continuing presence in Syria provided an element of stability. Mu’awiya (Rad.A) was a good judge of men, matters and situation. He wanted to remove the pulpit and staff of the Prophet (PBUH) from Medina to Damascus. But 26 YAZID I (680-683 A.D./60-64 A.H.) On Mu’awKa’s death. Ya/.id ascended the throne according to his father’s testament. ”1 he accession of Ya/.id gave the deathstroke to the republican principle that ”the Commander of the Faithful” should be elected bv the plebiscite of the people.-a principle to which the Arabs \\ere so devoted, and which had led them to ignore the right of the Hol\ Prophet’s family to the spiritual and temporal headship of Islam. Henceforth the ruling sovereign nominated his successor, \\hose reversion he endeavoured to assure during his lifetime bv the oath of fealty of his soldiers and grandees. The celebrated doctor (Imam) Hassan of Basra, who lived towards the close of the century, declared that ”two men threw into co«*fus,ion the affairs of the Muslims-Amr the son of al-Aas. when he suggested to Mu’awi>a the lifting of the Quran on the lances, and it was so uplifted, and Mughirah. who advised Mu’awiva to take the covenant of allegiance for Ya/id. Weie it not for that, there would have been a Council of Election till the da\ of resurrection, for those v\ho succeeded Mu’awiva not followed his example in taking the covenant for their sons.”’ With the accession of Yazid bin Mu’awiva. the v erv principle of Islam was dashed to the ground. The nomination of Ya/id was sure to meet with the vehement opposition when Mu’awiva was gone. The sons of Abu Bakr and Dinar at last complied with the command of Ya/id but Abdullah bin Zuba> r who \ivnxi All. A Short I listen o! the Saracens. P 83 Ynzid 1 36’ was iclifilamiant of the Hussain. who had legitimate claimant on th Cahplito.e after the death of Mu’awiya. according to the covenan madeby I Hasan and Mu’awia. refused to take the oath of allegiance tt Yazid IT-These two could not tolerate the supremacy of Yazid and thei escapd tl to Makkali. Hussain wa.s upright, honest, sincere and wa< notedfor -r braver>. magnanimity, piety and ability. He refused to bow downlis s head even at the risk of his life to Yazid who not onlv led a sinful seisnsual and immoral life but also used to take pride in his vces Tragtdyfy of Karbalah A After ascending the throne on 1st Raj jab 60. (April 18,680 A.D.)Yasazid issued an order requiring those Medinites who had dec I id. • on previous occasions, to take the oath of fealty at his hand. Out oltheie four persons who. were hostile to him, the two Abdullah, sons ofULJmar and Abbas (the progenitor of the Abbasid Dynasty), paid lorn mage while the other two. Abdullah ibn al Zubayr and Hussai’i ili ibn Ali, escaped the grasp of the Umayyad Governor of Mediiubyoy flight to Makkah. Abdullah aimed at the Caliphate but he could »t 1 attend in the presence of Hussain who had better claim to it. Thefic ackle-minded Kufans once received Hasan turned eagerly to his bullies er Hussain and invited him to Kufah to claim his Regal right. Bis as friends at Makkah except Abdullah and a few others adviseihinim not to believe in the fickle- minded and unclingable citizen otof Kufah. But against their advice Hussain accepted the invitation and sent his cousin, Muslim ibn Aqil, to Kufah as the leadeiilaaa reconnoitering party. On»n learning of the alliance of the Kufans with Hussain, Yazid eepuouted his cousin Ubaydullah, the Governor of Iraq, who was as harslarmnd stern in administration as his father Ziyad and who had establuiecb-d military outposts on the roads between Iraq and the Hijaz, fro- ooceeded from Basrah to Kufah to take necessary steps againstllie^e rising of Hussain. He ordered search for Muslim ibn Aqil who vis t found in the house of Hani an and. The Kufans rose againstUbd baydullah and surrounded his palace but they were soon o\ erpowreired and the Governor put Muslim ibn Aqil to death along with Him. . . Ubdbaydullah sent a patrol party to intercept Hussain who had set outmes can while with his famil) and a small group of devoted follows ft for Kufah on 8th Dhu’l Hijjah (10th September 680). On crossinjthrlhe desert, lie received the report of the fate of Muslim. 370 Political and Cultural History of Main There was still time to retrace his steps but the brethren of Muslim clamoured for the avenging of his execution and laid stress on the help Hussain had been promised by the Kufans. On the way he was joined by a group of Bedouins but as darker yet darker pictures were drawn by each succeeding messenger who contacted him on his march, Hussain’s followers began to drift away. He was left with about 700 able bodied persons only consisting of 30 horsemen and 40 infantrymen, excluding the female and child members of his family and a number of camp followers. He met the poet al-Farazdaq coming from Kufah, who described the state of the city in the following words, ”The heart of the city is with thee; but its sword against thee.”2 Hussain was advised to divert his course towards Aja and Salma where within a week or so he was to receive 20,000 tribesmen from Ban! Tamim but he did not do so as he did not seek combat. Soon afterwards, he met al-Hurr, a chief of Bani Tamim, with a troop of Kufan horsemen who had been deputed to take him to Ubaydullah. He advised Hussain to retreat but not to go back to Makkah. Hussain turned to the left and walked along the right bank of the Euphrates for one or two days in order to avoid the expected attack from Kufah. Finding Hurr delayed in bringing in Hussain and his party, Ubaydullah deputed Umar. the son of the famous General Sa’d ibn Abi Waqqas, at the head of 4,000 horse to bring in Hussain dead or alive, promising him that he would be appointed governor of alRayy. Now overtaken by Umar, Hussain pitched his tent on the river bank near Karbalah about twenty-five miles north-west of Kufah and sixty-two miles south and south-west of Baghdad (Mada’in). Hussain disclaimed hostilities and desired to return to Makkah or to be taken to Yazid or to be sent to fight a war on any front against nonMuslims. But Ubaydullah pressed for an unconditional surrender and ordered Umar b. Sa’d to force the surrender by cutting off Hussain’s access to the river. Although even Umar was persuaded that Hussain should be taken to Yazid but Ubaydullah would not listen to him and sent Shimr ibn Dlii’l Jawshan to Umar with the message that in case he delayed action he would be replaced in command as well as in the government of al-Rayy by Shimr. 2 S.M Imamuddin. A Political Histon of the Muslims. Vol.11, Part.I, Karachi. 1984. P. 17. Yazid I 371 Thus forced by circumstances and overwhelmed by the lust lor power, Umar surrounded the camp of Hussain. On the 10th Muharram 61 A.H./l 1th October 680 A.D., the camp was attacked and Shimr’s arrow- struck Hussain who was killed with all his companions including his two minor sons and six step-brothers and six other descendants of Abu Talib. Hussain’s little son, Zayn alAbidin, his two daughters and his sister were among the handful of sur\ ivors. Thus fell one of the noblest spirits of the age, and with him perished all the male members of Ins family-old and young-with the solitary exception of a sickh child, whom Hussain’s sister, Zainab. saved from the general massacre. He, too bore,the name of Ali, and in after life received the designation of Zain-al-Aabidin. ”the ornament of the Pious.”1 S.M. Imamuddin says, ”They were conducted to Yazid who treated them with respect sending them on to Medina. Yazid regretted the killing of Hussain and reproached Ubaydullah for this nefarious deed and provided for the Alids generously.”4 ”In a distant age and climate, ”the tragic scene of the death of Hussain will awaken the sympathy of the coldest reader.” It will be now easy to understand, perhaps to sympathise with, the frenzy of sorrow and indignation to which the adherents of Hazrat Ali and of his children give vent on the recurrence of the anniversary of Hussain’s martyrdom.’ Battle of Harrah The butchery of Karbalah caused a thrill of horror throughout Islamic World and gave birth in Persia to a national sentiment which afterwards helped the descendants of Abbas to destroy the Umayyads. In Medina the feeling was so strong that Yazid sent in haste a special governor to calm the people. At his advice the notables despatched a deputation to Damascus to seek redress for Hussain’s family. The deputation, however, returned disgusted with Yazid’s abominable life and his conduct towards them. Enraged at the unsatisfactory result of their endeavours, the Medinites proclaimed Yazid’s deposition and drove his governor from their city. This news threw Yazid into a fury, and he S\ed Ameer Ali. A Short History of the Saracens. P.86. S M Imamuddin. A Political History of the Muslims. P. 18 S\ed Ameer Ali. P.87. 372 Political nnd Cultinal Hi.sfon/ of Islam immediately hurried oft” a large ami}, consisting of his Syrian mercenaries and Umayyad partisans, under Muslim the son ol Ukbah. known in Arabian history as ”the accursed murderer.” The Medinites met the Syrians at a place called Harrah. where a desperate battle took place. The Muslims were overmatched, and in spite of heroic valour, were defeated with terrible loss. 1 he flower of the Medinite chivalry and the noblest Companions oi the Holy Prophet, both Ansar and Muhajerin. perished in that disastrous fight.-disastrous to Islam in more ways than one. The city \\hich had sheltered the Holy Prophet, and \\hich was sanctified by his life and ministry, was foully desecrated, and the people who had stood by him in the hour of his need uere subjected to icvolting atrocities. which find a parallel only in those committed by the soldiers of the Constable of France, and the equally ferocious Lutherans of Georges Frundsberg at the sack of Rome. The public Mosque was turned into a stable, and the shrines were demolished for the sake of their ornaments. Paganism was once more triumphant, and ”its reaction,” says a European historian, ”against Islam uas cruel, terrible, and revolting.” The Umayyads thus repaid the clemency and forbearance shown to them in the hour of Islam’s triumph. Its best men were either killed or fled for safety into distant countries. The feu who were spared had to acknowledge themselves the slaxes of Ya/ict: such as refused were branded on their necks. From this ignominy only two persons were spared, Ali II the son of Hussain, and Ali the grandson of Abbas. The colleges, hospitals, and other public edifices built under the Caliphs were closed or demolished, and Arabia relapsed into a wilderness! In later years grandson of Ali 11., whose name was Jafar, surnamed the True (as-Sadiq), revived, in Medina, the school of learning which had flourished under his ancestor, the Caliph Ali; but it was a veritable oasis in the desert: all around lay in gloom and darkness. Medina ne\er recovered her prosperity. It seems under the Umayyads to have become a city of the unknown past, for when Mansur, the second Abbassid Caliph, visited the place, he needed a guide to point out where the early heroes and heroines had lived and worked.6 Siege of Makkah Next, the Syrian army marched to sack Makkah. On the wav Muslim died and the new Umayyad General al-Hussain ibn Numayr 6 Syed Ameer Ali. A Short Historv of the Saraccn- ’”-’”’ 373 al-Sakuni attacked Makkah. The fugitive Medinities and the Kharijites had come round Ibn al-Zubayr. The Makkans were confident that the Syrian soldiers would not go so far as to sack Makkah itself and were therefore not fully on their guard. But the city was besieged and Ibn al-Zubayr at the head of ill prepared Makkhans went out to give fight. He was driven back with heavy losses. The siege continued for two months. The city was bombarded, the Ka’bah itself caught fire and the sacred Black Stone broke into three pieces on 3rd Rabi’ al- Awwal 64A.H., (31 Oct. 683A.D.) but yet the siege dragged on to the 27th November of 683. Ibn Zubayr was offered the throne of Damascus by the Syrians fighting at Makkah but he preferred to live at Makkah and engaged himself in rebuilding the Ka’bah. Subsequent to the death of Yazid, the authority of Ibn Zubayr was accepted in al-Hijaz, South Arabia. Iraq. Egypt and parts of Syria the very homeland of the Umayyads themselves. Consequences of the Tragedy of Karbalah The consequences of the tragedy of Karbalah were profound and far-reaching. In Persia it gave birth to a national sentiment which afterwards enabled the descendants of Hazrat Abbas to overthrow the Umayyads. Even its immediate effects on the population of Medina were tremendous. The Medinites became so disgusted with Yazid’s f abominable life and conduct that they proclaimed Yazid’s deposition ’and expelled his governor from the city. Tl’ereupon Yazid sent a large army to deal with the situation. At Harrah a bloody encounter , took place in which the Medinites were worsted, and the town of Medina was sacked. The tragedy of Karbalah caused a terrible reaction in favour of the lineage of Hazrat Ali. The claim of Hazrat Ali’s line to rule, originally treated with indifference, now began to enlist the support of the multitudes. A dark cloud of indignation mixed with feeling of hatred towards the Umayyad rule began to gather which ere long burst upon the dynasty, and destroyed its root and branch. The tragic incident of Karbalah decided not only the fate of the Caliphate but destroyed once for all the prospects of unity among the true believers of Islam which had developed in Amir Mu’awiya’s time, and led directly to wars wherein the sword was turned by the Muslim warriors against their fellow believers. Thus the tragic incident dealt a severe blow to the fortunes of Islam. 374 Political and Cultural H/sfon/ of Islam This great tragedy of Karbalah and its consequent stain of ignominy to the house of Umayyads could have been avoided had Hussain been taken alive to Yazid as he had desired, but ’Ubaydullah’s ruthless insistence on unconditional surrender led ultimately to the black day at Karbalah. It is assessed critically by certain writers including Muir that Muslims forget the rebellious attitude of Alids against an established form of Government. But these critics do not appear to realize that Yazid had been nominated king on hereditary basis against the accepted principles of filling the vacancy to the Caliphate by election and selection. Also as a candidate for the office of Caliphate he was comparatively less qualified than Hussain. Again Hussain was prepared to submit to Yazid and live the life of a peaceful citizen and since the three alternatives suggested by him were not at all unreasonable ’Ubaydullah’s unreasoning and inconsiderate insistence on a complete and abject low in spirit or hope surrender was the reason of Hussain’s refusing to cite historical parallel: when the people of Jerusalem agreed to surrender to the Muslim army provided the document of treaty was signed by the Khalifah himself, Umar I had to go to distant Jerusalem from Medina for this purpose alone. Very properly, Hussain had not insisted on Yazid’s coming to Kufah to sign any treaty but, on the contrary, he had expressed his willingness to be taken to Yazid at Damascus. Even ’Ubaydullah might possibly have accepted this proposal of Hussain had not Shimr volunteered at the psychologic moment to perform this nefarious deed.8 The tragedy of Karbalah is an event of far-reaching consequences in the history of Islam. It decided not only the fate of the Caliphate but also destroyed once for all the prospects of unity among the Muslims which had developed in Mu’awiya’s time. P.K. Hitti says, ”The blood of Hussain e\en more than that of his father, proved to be the seed of the Shi’ite School.” The Shi’ite party was born anew on the field of Karbalah. Henceforth the first ten days of Muharram came to be obsc-ived by tne Shi’ite Muslim as days ot lamentation. The day of Karbalah gave the Shi’ite a battle cry which ultimately proved to be one of the causes of the fall of the Umayyad dynasty. The division of the Muslims into two hostile camps was detrimental to the progress and prosperity of future Islam. Yazid I ’ 375 The Chehlum, the fortieth day after the murder of Hussain (’Ashura, the 10th Muharram) is also observed as the day of mourning because on that day the head of Hussain was returned by the Yazidis and burried along with the body at Karbalah. Since then Shi’ism exemplified into its movement definite form, and \engeance for the martyrdom of Hussain and his followers became their avowed objective. The claims of Ali’s line to rule which had been comparatively little asserted or stressed began to take deeper root into the hearts of a large section of the people and hatred against the Umayyads began to grow. Hussain’s little son Ali entitled Zayn alAbidin born of a daughter of Yazdagird in, the Persian Emperor, had also an additional claim to the throne of Persia and found a large number of followers among the Persians besides the Shi’ahs. An Assessment of Yazid Yazid died at the age of forty after a reign of three and a half years on 11th November 683 A.D. He was a poet and a patron of learning and his sons distinguished themselves in science, and arts. Khalid b. Yazid collected books on Syriac and Greek sciences, and started a bureau among the Muslims, according to some Arab historians of the Abbasids as a votary of luxury, music and dance he annoyed the Medinites and the Makkahans. However, according to some others he was pious and generous and lived a simple life. Ibn Kathir observes that Yazid was generous and eloquent, a skilled poet, brave and courageous and an expert in administrative affairs. There are yet others \\ho observe that Yazid was excessively generous and spent thousands of dinars in granting pensions. He was wise, devoid of pride and hated the pompous life of a rulei, a friend of the subjects and lived in the company of pious men as Abu Darda.’ They state that he was cultured and lived a simple life like an ordinary citizen. Imam ibn Hanbal has included his name in the list of pious men and an eminent religious teacher and philosopher like Imam Ghazzali certified Yazid as a true Muslim and would not accept the charge that Yazid \vas implicated in the killing of Hussain. The short life that Yazid lived as a ruler was spent in facing internal troubles as a result of which no further conquests of new lands were made during his reign. On the other Hand the Muslims suffered disasters in North Africa but. at home, he tried to introduce reforms in financial administration and succeeded in irrigating the Ghutah the Oasis of Damascus. 1 William Muir. 1 he Caliphate. P 309 o Lntvclopedia of Islam P. 1168 •1 * 376 Political and Cultural History of Islam Yazid was both cruel and treacherous; his depraved nature knew no pity or justice. His pleasures were as degrading as his companions were low and vicious. He insulted the ministers of religion by dressing up a monkey as a learned divine and carrying the animal mounted on a beautifully caparisoned Syrian donkey wherever he went. Drunken riotousness prevailed at court, and was naturally imitated in the streets of the capital. Hussain. the second son of AM, had inherited his father’s virtues and chivalrous disposition. ’The only quality,” says Sedillot, ”that he lacked was the spirit of intrigue which characterised the descendants of Ummaya.” He had served with honour against the Christians in the siege of Constantinople, and combined in his person the right of descent both from the Holy Prophet and AM. Yazid was a man of cruel nature. He was a drunkard and debauchee and it is said that he used to go out of his way to violate the principles of Islam. He reigned for three years and six months but no progress was made in his reign to extend Islam. On the contrary, there were serious disasters in North Africa. According to Ibn atTiktaka, his reign was noted for three misdeeds. ”He killed Hussain, son of Hazrat AM in the first year of his reign. In the second year he plundered Makkah and ransacked it for three days and in his third year he raided the Ka’bah”. MU’AWIYA II After the death of Yazid,his son Mu’awiya II became the Khalifah of Islam. He was a man of mild disposition. He retired into private life after a reign of a few months and died shortly after. On his death, the Umayyad council was divided and various aspirants to the throne appeared. Ibn Zubayr was now the acknowledged Khalifah at Makkah and Medina. He also succeeded during the next few months in being the recognized ruler over Egypt and the greatest part of Syria. Al- Kufa also went over to Ibn Zubayr. Syed Ameer AM, says, Mu’awiya, a youth of mild disposition, who, it is said, abhorred the crimes of his family. He retired into private life after a reign of a few months, and died shortly after, supposed to have been poisoned. With Mu’awiya II. ended the rule of Abu Sufian’s branch. This dynasty is called the Harbite, from the name of Abu Sufian’s father, Harb, in contradistinction to the Hakamites, who derived their name from Hakam, the father of Ynzui I 377 Marwan, who as we shall presently see, managed to oust the first Mu’awiya’s young grandson from the succession to the throne. Immediately on the death of Yazid, Abdullah bin Zubair had been acknowledged as Caliph all over Hijaz, Iraq, and Khorasan. Had he now issued from Makkah, and with his old audacity struck for Syria, there is little doubt the Umayyad domination would have ended for ever. But he lay supinely at Makkah, and gave time to the Umayyads to join their forces. MARWAN (683-685 a.d./64-66 a.h.) Mu’awiya II had left no child but there was a brother, a young son of Yazid. named Khalid. But the chief men of the court felt that a strong hand was needed in this situation and they put forward Marwan. After much discernment he was saluted as Khalifah on condition that Khalid would succeed on reaching man’s state. Marwan was a great diplomat. He with the help of the Syrian Himyarites marched against the Mudarite Chief ZahHat who was vindicating the cause of Abdullah bin Zubayr. He met the enemy in the battle of Marj Rahat in which he was victorious. Thereupon the whole of Syria came under his sway. Egypt was also regained. Finding his position sufficiently secure and feeling the approach of his end, he nominated his own son Abdul Malik to the future throne, for he feared Khalid bin Yazid who might claim the throne after his death. Marwan received his death at the hands of Yazid’s widow. His reign lasted barely for a year. He was not recognized as Khalifah by the Sunnis. They took him as a rebel against Abdullah bin Zubayr. He was succeeded by his worthy son Abdul Malik whose authority was at once recognized throughout Syria and Egypt. 9 S\cd Ameer Ah. A Short i listorv ol the Saracens. 1’ 89 Malik 379 CHAPTER I ABDUL MALIK (685-705 A.D./68-85 A.H.) Abdul Malik \vas the second founder of the Umayyad dynasty. He came to the throne when it was threatened from external dangers and internal enemies. By his extraordinary ability and wise statesmanship, he freed the empire from external dangers and saved it against internal enemies. Having triumphed over all his enemies, he left to his sons a flourishing empire. By his reforms, he laid the foundation of Islamic culture and civilization. He had in him the gift of originality. He was also a great builder. He built the famous Dome of the Rock (Qubbat al-Sakhra) at Jerusalem wrongly called by the Europeans ”the Mosque of Umar (Rad.A)” which stands to this day as a beautiful specimen of early Muslim architecture. He also built another mosque in Jerusalem called Masjid al-Aqsa (Aqsa Mosque). Himself a composer of no mean merit, he encouraged poets by a princely liberality. Historians called him greedy and cruel, and ”his lieutenants”, says Masudi ”followed his foot-steps in the reckless shedding of blood”. In his youth he was an orthodox Muslim, but after his accession to the throne he was quite indifferent to religion. He was the first, says the Arabian Historians, who acted treacherously to Islanr. the first to conduct the exchequer in Arabic instead of Persian, the first to prohibit men from talking in the Khalifah’s presence and the first who prohibited exhortations to justice saying-”Let no one enjoin equity and the fear of God upon me or I will strike his head off from his shoulders”’. In character Abdul Malik can be compared with Charlemagne (of Germany) ”but he \\as certainly less cruel than Charlemagne,” says Ameer Mi. If he was cruel, his cruelty like his frequent breaches of faith was due to an anxiety to safeguard and promote the interest of his dynasty. When this dynastic interest was absent, he was daring and energetic, resolute and ambitious and he never faltered in the pursuit of his design. He was undoubtedly one of the best rulers and successful statesmen the Islamic world has ever seen. He will remain fresh in the memory of the Muslims against the wear and tear of time. Condition of Empire on the Eve of Abdul Malik’s Reign Yazid was succeeded by his son Mu’avviya II who died shortly three months after. Marwan I, son of al-Hakam b. Abu’l A’s b. Ummayah, was raised to the throne on 3rd Dhiqad 64 A.H.(June 22, 684) at al-Jabiyah by the courtiers setting aside the claim of Khalid, the minor brother of Mu’awiya II. Only a part of Syria including Damascus had been left in the hands of Umayyads, while Ibn al-Zubayr was accepted as Caliph at Makkah, Medina, Kufah, Mesopotamia and a large part of Syria. Persia was under the command of the Kharijis. Even at Damascus Ibn Zubayr had his supporter in al-Dahhak ibn Qays, governor of Damascus, who on the accession of Marwan I retired to Marj al-Rahit the plain, north of Damascus and was joined by the Bani Qays and northern tribes who were opposed to the Kharijites the supporters of Marwan.’ The patronization of the South Arabian tribes settled in Syria by the founder of the dynasty himself had antagonised the north Arabian tribes settled in north Syria, Mesopotamia and ’Iraq. The tribal feuds that ensued after the death of Yazid never really subsided. The new ruler encamped at al-Jabiyah and with the help of the Ghassanids and the Kalbites defeated and killed Dahhak in the battle at Marj al-Rahit in Dhiqad 64 A.H.(July 684). 1 This battle proved to be the second Siffm for the Umayyads. and this victory brought the whole of Syria to the rule of Marwan ibn al-Hakam (683-5 A.D.). The battle gave rise to a blood-feud between the Qaysi and Kalbi (Yamani) Arabs. These internal feuds were among the events which ultimately precipitated the fall of the dynasty. After the battle of Marj al-Rahit, oath-taking ceremony was held at Damascus and thus the rule of Marwan, the cousin of and secretary to Usman was established and Egypt was regained So an army under ’Ubayc Allah was sent to Mesopotamia but that was routed by Ibn Zu S M ImamuJdin. P 21 380 Political and Cultural Histon/ of Isl men. Superceding the claim of Khalid. Marwan 1 declared his son ’Abdul Malik heir apparent and married the widow of Ya/id. He died of plague at the age of seventy on 7th Ma> 685. His reign lasted for hard I \ a year. ABDUL MALIK’S ACCESSION Marwan I was succeeded bv his son Abdul Malik. Though in the beginning the authority of the new Caliph was challenged outside Syria and Egypt, his reign was marked for consolidation and pacification of the empire and Arabization of administration. During the first decade of his rule, he was hemmed in by main enemies and he had to face them on various fronts. There was trouble in Persia, Mesopotamia, Arabia and hostilities broke out in the Fast between the Arabs of the South and North and lasted for about twenty vears (46-65 A.H./666-685 A.D.). The Arab soldiers settled in Persia broke out in conflict among themselves, Ibn Khazim of Sulaym appointed by Ibn Zubayr, Governor of Khurasan, fought on behalf of the Mudar (northern branch of the Arabs) against Banu Bakr allied to the southern Arabs and killed 8,000 of them at Harat. Ibn Khazim’s son was killed bv alHaraysh, the chief of the Banu Tamim, and the tribal war continued for two years. A fortress of the Bani Bakr was stormed and the inmates were starved to death. Due to this inter-tribal jealousy and rivalry little progress could be made in settlement of eastern Persia and Khurasan and in extension of the territory in the east and north. Kharijis Revolt The Kharijis, who had joined Ibn al-Zubayr at Makkah. fell out with him when the Caliph refused to denounce Usman (Rad.A) as a tyrant and justify his murder. This Ibn Zubayr could not do because it was he who, along with his father, had waged war with Ali (Rad.A) when he had delayed in avenging the blood of the third Caliph. They created trouble at Basrah during the governorship of Mus’ab brother of Ibn al-Zubayr. They were driven to al-Ahwaz whence they spread throughout Persia and being divided into numerous sect created trouble and committed atrocities. Mus’ab deputed al-Muhallab. who had distinguished himself as a general in Khurasan, to chastise the Kharijis.” In 64 A.H. (683-684) the Kharijis broke out at Kufah to a\enge the death of Hussain and the\ were joined by the Persian R I Id\Umg I he First D\nast\ ol Islam. P 46 Abdul Mnhk 381 Mawalis, who had engendered grudge against their Arab masters But thev were routed at Qadisiyah by the Svrian troops in RabialAwwal 6> A.H (November. 684) and the remnants took refuge at Kufah Mukhtar’s Rebellion Towards the end of the veai 64 A.H.(684 A.D.) there appealed at Kufah a member of the barn fhaqif, named al-Mukhtar. whose lather. Abu Ubayd. had been killed in the battle of Jasr (Bridge) and who had been brought up bv his uncle, was appointed as governor in al-Madam by Ha/rat Ali (Rad.A). He had accompanied Muslim ibn ’Aqil deputed bv Hussain and was seized bv Vbavd Allah whose blow cost him one of his eyes. He escaped to Makkah and joined Ibn al-Zubavr against the Syrians. At Kufah he was suspected of treason and put into prison by Ibn Zubavr’s Governor He was released and sent later to the defeated Kharijis who called themselves as Tavvwabin (the Penitents) to reconcile and win them over to the side of Ibn al-Zubavi. On receiving an approval from All’s (Rad.A) younger son Muhammad who was called after his mothefs name as Ibn al-Hanafiyah, then at Medina, and forging some Ictteis he declared himself as his delegate and set up himself at Kufah He proclaimed himself the Mahdi and converted main people of \iamaic and Iranian origin to Islam. He gave the command of his followers to Ibrahim ibn al Ashlar, the son of a famous general of Ali (Rad A), and expelled Ibn al-Zubayr’s governor from Kufah. in Rabi’ I 66/Oct 685. He then thought of extending his sway over Mesopotamia, Persia and Arabia. In 66 A H/685-6 A.D., Mukhtar sent Ibn al-Ashtar with an arnn to Mesopotamia to curb the power of Ubayd Allah who had marched on Mosul But as soon as Ibn al-Ashtar left Kufah, the Kulans. main of whom were responsible for the Karbalah tragedy, rebelled against Mukhtar Ibn al-Ashtar was recalled and furious battle ensued in the streets of Kufah. The Qaysites fought against the Yamanites and supporters of Hussain against those of Usman (Rad.A) and 800 persons were thus killed in cold blood. Ultimately Mukhtar gained victory, granted arnnest) to all except the murderer of al-Hussain and his opponents about 284 in number including Shimr, I mar (Rad.A) and other persons entangled in the tragedy of Karbalah and thus he succeeded in avenging the blood of Hussain by Ihi.i 382 Political and Cultural History of Islam committing atrocities and cruelties.4 After establishing peace at home Ibn al -Ashtar inarched on Mosul, v\hich had been occupied meanwhile b\ Ubayd Allah ibn Ziyad the Umayvad general. The latter was defeated and killed at the Kha/ir on the bank of Zab m Muharram 67 A.H. (August 686). His severed head \\as sent to Kufah. Thus Mukhtar became undisputed master of Mesopotamia. Now he came into clash with Ibn Zubayr and sent two forces one to Makkah to the help of Muhammad ibn al-Hanafi>ah whom he wished to proclaim Caliph and who latter eventuall\ submitted to ’Abdul Malik, and the other contingent to Medina for its defence against the Syrian attack but e\en before his force could reach Medina it was cut to pieces b> Ibn Zuba>r’s troops. Mus’ab. who was still governor of Basrah, was ordered to take care of Mukhtar. The troops of Mus’ab swelled with the refugees coming from Kufah. He recalled Muhallab ibn abi Sufrah from Pars and marched on Kufah. The advance party sent by Mukhtar to check the advancing Basrites was massacred. Mukhtar himself marched out of the cit> to give battle to Muhallab but was forced to retreat to the city fort with 8,000 soldiers mostly Persians. The fort was besieged and the siege lingered for four months. Supply was cut off and Mukhtar thus forced b> hunger came out to give battle but only with nineteen followers to be killed in Shawwal 67 A.H. (April 687). The rest surrendered but only to be killed mercilessly. Thus the cause of the champion of Mawali namely al-Mukhtar was lost but the butcher} committed bv Mus’ab’s lieutenant was not approved by Ibn Zubayr. The recall of Muhallab from Pars and his subsequent appointment as the Governor of Mosul gave opportunity to the Kharijis to rise in the East. They occupied alRayy, Kirman and al-Ahwaz and besieged Isfahan for months together and inarched towards al-Kufah. Muhallab was deputed again to teach them a lesson and he succeeded in dispersing them within a year. Hajj Headed by Four Group Leaders The year 68 A.H./688 A.D. had its own peculiarit). Traditionally, either the Caliph or his representative used to lead the pilgrimage at Makkah. This year that was headed by four different group leaders namely Ibn al-Zubayr, Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyah, Najda, the Kharijite Chief of South Arabia and a representative of 4Ha\vting. P51. Abdul Malik 383 the Umayyads. Though the atmosphere was peaceful at Makkah during Hajj time yet this speaks disunity and division of power. Now the break up of the power of the Kharijites b\ Mukhtar and that of his power b> Ibn al-Zubayr greatly facilitated the work of ’Abdul Malik, who meanwhile got relief from the disaster caused by famine in Syria, he was now free in the summer of 689 to inarch against Ibn al-Zubayr. Hardly had he reached Aleppo that his cousin ’Amr ibn Said the ex- Governor of Damascus escaped from ’Abdul Malik’s camp and declared himself Caliph at Damascus. He was, however, soon over-powered and killed mercilessly in 70 A.H.7689 A.D.” Pacification of Iraq and Arabia While these were passing on quietl} in the East and South, Abdul Malik was engaged in consolidating his position in Syria and protecting the northern frontier from the Byzantine incursions. In 71 A.H./690 A.D. Abdul Malik marched on Mesopotamia against Musab after concluding a peace treaty with the Byzantines on payment of the monthly tribute of about 4,000 gold pieces. He offered the governorship of Iraq to Musab who, however, proved loyal to his brother and declined the offer. Abdul Malik engaged agents (provocakers) to create dissensions in the camp of Musab whose main force was engaged with the Kharijites. Musab inarched to check the advance of’Abdul Malik and encamped in a plain three farsangs of Dayr al-Jathaliq. But his officers proved disloyal, his first friend al-Ashtar staying back and his troops deserting him in the battle-field. Musab was slain by his own men, the Kufans, at the age of 36 in Jamadi al-Awwal 72/Oct. 691. His lieutenants including Muhallab swore allegiance to Abdul Malik. Thus Mesopotamia and Iraq came under the sway of Abdul Malik. Abdul Malik had now to deal only with Abdllah ibn Zubayr who was still powerful in the Hijaz. He deputed al-Hajjaj to deal with Ibn Zubayr and ordered Muhallab to continue his campaign against the Kharijis. Appointing administrators of Kufah and Basrah, ’Abdul Malik returned to Damascus. Ibn Zubayr held claim to the Caliphate and was master of the two holy cities of Makkah and Medina. While he himself was busy in rebuilding the Ka’bah destroyed in 64 A.H./685 A.D., his two generals Musab and Muhallab carried the arms far and wide and established his authoritv Havvting, P.67. 384 Political and Cultural History of Islam over the eastern lands. But Musab had been killed and Muhallab had joined Abdul Malik consequent!) the whole of Persia and Iraq had fallen out of his hands and his possession had been reduced to the two holy cities in Hija?. He took no action to regain his lost territories. Hajjaj b. Yusuf While leaving Kufah for Damascus Abdul Malik deputed able officer al-Hajjaj formerly a school master in al-Taif. who had taken up the sword in defence of the tottering Umayyad throne to curb the power of Ibn Zubayr. Hajjaj reached Taif in Shaban 72 A.H. (Jan. 692 A.H.), negotiated with Ibn Zubayr for peaceful submission, and failing in that he attacked Medina, expelled the Governor and besieged Makkah itself on obtaining permission from Abdul Malik on March 25, 692. In the month of Dhul Hijjah the city was bombarded from Mt. Abu Oubays and through the intercession of Umar’s son Abdullah in honour of the pilgrimage the siege was over the city was blockaded. The siege dragged on for six and a half months during which period many Makkans went over to the enemy’s camp. Ibn Zubayr, instead of submitting, with the blessings of his one hundred years’ old mother, Asma, the daughter of Abu Bakr (Rad.A) rushed out to fight. He was advised by her to preserve his martial courage and meet death sword in hand. He fought bravely but hopelessly until he was killed in October 692. Thus ended the nine years’ Caliphate of Ibn Zubayr and his thirteen years’ opposition to the house of Umayyah. His governor in Khurasan, Ibn Khazim, a Qaysite Chief, resisted Abdul Malik until he was killed in internal war. With the death of Ibn Zubayr the last champion of the old faith the struggle for supremacy of the Makkans and Medinites ended the centre of interest of Arabia. After the death of Ibn Zubayr and Ibn Khazim, ’Abdul Malik’s rule was recognized throughout the Muslim lands from the east to the farthest west. Al-Hajjaj v\as appointed governor of Arabia. He rebuilt the Ka’bah and branded some of the Medinites, who were opposed to the L’mayyad rule. He pacified Hija?, Yaman and Yamamah within two vears.’ 1 kanm. Islamic ILston. P 49 Abdul Malik 385 In the year 74/693. a branch of the Kharijis named the Azariqa threatened the security of the Persian frontier. Muhallb was deputed to curb their power but his contingents consisted of the Basrites and Kufans on reaching their homes from Khurasan deserted Muhallab and Bashar, the Caliph’s young brother and governor of the turbulent. Iraq died shortly. Al-Hajjaj was therefore appointed Governor of Iraq in Jainadi I, 75/Dec. 694 to teach a lesson to the unsubmissive Iraqis. On reaching Kufah in disguise at the head of only twelve cameleers, he gave three days time to the Kufans to join the army of Muhallab or be killed. The removal of his heavy turban, which covered his head and face, and the fiery oration, that he made from the pulpit of Kufah, are dramatic episodes in history. The same with more severity he did at Basrah. About 120.000 men are said to have been killed by him which is an exaggerated account given b} the Shiite and Sunni writers of the Abbasid court. fcVen Malik ibn Anas one of the four Sunni Imams and a companion of the Holly Prophet could not escape from wearing a collar of dishonour bearing Hajjaj’s seal round his neck. Thus in a short time Muhallab’s army swelled and the Governor Hajjaj b. Yusuf pitched his own tent in the vicinity of Muhallab’s camp. Many were tortured and killed. Amongst the dead was the son of Malik ibn Anas whose father had served the Prophet Muhammad (PBL’H) for ten years. Anas was also insulted and his property was confiscated for which Hajjaj was severely reprimanded. His drastic measures restored peace throughout his vice-royalty in ’Iraq and Persia. The Kharijite insurrection again disturbed the peace established by Hajjaj. The) agitated against his Government, which according to the theoci’ats, had given funeral to the sanctions of Islam. The Bani Shay ban of Bakr who had migrated from their settlements on the right bank of the Euphrates to northern Mesopotamia rose against the Umay>ads and fought under their leader Shabib b. Yazid against the troops sent against them continuously for two years. These Kharijis even attacked Kufah. Receiving reinforcements from-Syria, Hajjaj dispersed the Kharijis and their leader Shabib was drowned in the river at al-Ahwaz in the spring of 697 A.D. Rebellion of Ibn al-Ashath The Kharaj, revenue had fallen because of the conversion to Islam and consequent migrations of the cultivators to towns. Hajjaj adopted drastic measures against the emigrants ordering them to 386 Political and Cultural History of Islam return to their villages and branding the names of their lands on their hands. This severity created resentment and disaffection among the masses. Many of them joined Ibn al-Ashath when he rebelled against Hajjaj. The force sent against the Zunbil, the Turkish ruler of Kabul, who had refused to pay the usual tribute, retreated from the difficult passes of Afghanistan. Abdur Rahman was sent at the head of a large army to chastise the Zunbil in 80/699. The Zunbil was expelled and his land was ravaged. His troops resented an order from Hajjaj to continue the war and swore allegiance to Ibn al- Ashath. Coming to favourable terms with the Zunbil they declared war against Hajjaj and Abdul Malik. Ibn al-Ashath marched towards Iraq and defeating Hajjaj’s columns at Testar captured Basrah in Jamadi 1, 81/Jan.701. Many Basrites and other disaffected persons joined Ibn al-Ashath as the Jews and Christians, who had accepted Islam newly to seek relief from the payment of Jizya and Kharaj, had been forced by Hajjaj to go back to their farms in the villages and pay the usual tax. Reinforcements came under a Kalbite chief, drove back Ibn alAshath and killed 11.000 Basrites on account of their submission to Ibn al-Ashath. Hajjaj’s further tyranny made other Basrite refugees join Ibn al-Ashath who, at the head of 100,000 men gave battle to Hajjaj half-way between Basrah and Kufah. This alarmed Abdul Malik and he proposed to equalize the pensions of the Iraqis with those of the Syrians and to make suitable provision for Ibn alAshath. But al- Hajjaj remonstrated against this concession and Ibn al Ashath’s men refused to accept the offer. So the war continued and a final engagement took place in the middle of 82/701 in which his army was defeated. Ibn al-Ashath retreated to Basrah from where he escaped to Persian border then to Kirman and finally he took refuge with the Zunbil who killed him later in 85 A.H./704-5. Thus ended the rebellion of the Arabs against their Syrian masters. Submission of the Azraqis Muhallab ibn abi Sufra was engaged in Persia against the Kharijis. The Azraqi seat of the Kharijis under the command of Qatari ibn al-Fujaah had occupied Pars, Kirman and other provinces in the East. They were driven out of Pars and forced to take refuge in Kirman where they defied the Umayyad authoiii/ but soon the rebels fell out among themselves and were dispersed. Thus afier a period of twenty years ended the rebellion of Azraqis in 78 A.H./639 A.D. 387 Abdul Malik Muhallab Governor of Khurasan and Sijistan In recognition of the service of Muhallab he was appointed Governor of Khurasan and Sijistan. He fought against the Turkomans across the Oxus and brought them partially under Muslim control. Muhallab died in 82 A.H./70I-2 A.D. and was succeeded by his sons. Yazid son of Muhallab and Governor of Merv had to face trouble created by the followers of Abdur Rahman ibn Muhammad ibn al-Ashath 60,000 in number now under the leadership of one Abdur Rahman ibn al-Abbas al-Hashimi who had occupied Harat. They were defeated and dispersed and many of them were put to death. Still Yazid was suspected of pardoning some of his Yamanite blood, this gave a plea to al-Hajjaj, a Kaysite. to appoint Qutaybah over Yazid and his brothers. Due to tribal jealousy of the Arabs, the Muslims could not make much headway beyond the Oxus. Ibn Khazim, who had killed a large number of the Bani Tamim, being deserted by his followers retired from Merv to Nishapur. He sent his son Musa to Merv to save his property. He was received by Tarkhun, King of Samarqand. Latei he escapd to Tirmidh and seized a fortress where the Kaysite followers of his father and about 8,000 followers of Ibn al-Ashath flocked round him. Musa. therfore, beat back the Turkomans and the Governor’s force had occupied Merv. He was left undisturbed for fifteen years by Muhallab’s sons with a strong army assisted b\ 15,000 of Tarkhun Turks defeated and killed Musa in 85 A.H./704 A.D. Though Yazid’s brother overpowered a strong rebel it was not appreciated by Hajjaj because he belonged to the tribe of Hajjaj. War with the Byzantines Pressed hard by rebellions at home Abdul Malik had concluded humiliating treaty with the Byzantine Emperor Constantine and renewed the same with his son Justinian II agreeing to pay 1,000 nomismata and the daily tribute of one slave and one horse. The Byzantines on their side allowed him half of the revenues of Armenia, Iberia and Cyprus and dispersed the Mardaites from the mount of Lebanon over the districts of the Empire. But Justinian did not honour the terms of peace for long and occupied Albania and Rumania against the terms of peace. One overcoming Ibn Zubayr, Abdul Malik resumed war after fifteen years in 73 A.H./692 A.D. against the Greeks whose agents the Christian Jarajunah of al-Lukkam had penetrated into the Lebanon. Annually campaigns were sent to North Africa, Armenia 388 Political and Cidturnl History of Islam and Asia Minor often under the generalship of his own sons. From 76/April 695-6 the war took a serious turn when the Greek Emperor Justinian II refused to accept Arab coins with religious formula of Islam and import from Egypt papyrus stamped with trade mark of ”Say, He alone is God” instead of the Greek inscription and the cross so long borne by the coins ad papyrus and threatened that if such a thing was repeated he would strike gold coins, which the Muslims were still procuring from them, with inscriptions offensive to their Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). In 79/March 698-9 Antioch was occupied by the Greeks and Muslim citizens were put to torture and humiliation. In 692 A.D. the Byzantines had been defeated near the Ciiician Sebastopolis. Justinian II had fled to the Propontis and Southern Armenia and Cypus had fallen into the hands of Abdul Malik. The Muslims now advanced in Asia Minor, occupied man> forts and penetrated as far as Erzerum in 84/703. Affairs in North Africa Meanwhile war was also continuing in North Africa. The Muslims under Uqba fought vigorously in North Africa and pushed the conquests west-ward from Qayrawan to the Atlantic coast. Receiving he!p from the Greeks, the Berbers revolted against the Arabs under the leadership of Kusaylah and defeated them at Tahudah, south-east of Biskra in Algeria. Uqba was killed in 683. His successor evacuated the territory and the Berbers marched on Qayrawan which fell into their hands. Many Arabs retired to Egypt. Fi\e years after, Zuhayr an old lieutenant of Uqba defeated the allied force of the Greeks and the Berbers. Kusaylah was killed. A Greek reinforcement came from Sicily and Zuhayr was taken unaware and his entire force was cut to pieces. In 74/693 another Arab force greater than ever sent to North Africa was despatched under a new Governor of ifriqiyah, Hassan ibn al-Numan al-Ghassani. Qayrawan was reconquered in 697 and Carthage \\as stormed in the following >ear by a Muslim fleet and other coastal towns were occupied. The Greeks were defeated, the city fell and many citizens escaped to Spain and Sicily. The Berbers reassembled under their ne\\ ,*.,’,Jer prophetess Kahinah and attacked Hassan and drove him back to Barqah which he fortified and his fortifications became known as the Castles of Hassan. Five years after on receiving a strong reinforcement. Hassan marched westward from Barqah and gave battle to Kahinah, who was killed near a well which became known as Bir al- Kahinah. Her sons with 12.000 strong joined the Abdul Mnnk 389 Muslims and Qayrawan was re-occupied by Hassan. He remained in command until charge was taken over by Musa ibn Nusayr in 89/700 and Ifriqiya was separated from Egypt under the direct control of Damascus. Nomination of Walid as Heir-apparent Abdul Malik, in order to retain the throne in his own line, wanted to proclaim his son al-Walid as his heir-apparent superceding the claim of his brother Abdul Aziz, the Governor of Egypt, who had been nominated by his father Marwan I as his second successor after Abdul Malik. Abdul Aziz, who had refused to waive his claim to the throne in favour of Walid, died before Abdul Malik. Hence Walid was left without opposition to succeed the reigning Caliph. Death Abdul Malik died at the age of sixty after a successful reign of twenty-one years. He was buried at the Jabiyah Gate of Damascus. REFORMS OF ABDUL MALIK With the restoration of internal order, Abdul Malik | introduced a number of reforms and administrative measures for the ! convenience of administration For long Makkah remained in the possession of Ibn al Zubayr. In order to divert the attention of the Muslims from the Hijaz to Syria, a rival sanctuary was constructed at Jerusalem the holy city of the Jews and the Christians. Mu’awiya had failed in his attempt to transfer the staff of the Prophet (PBUH) from Medina to Jerusalem the place where he had been proclaimed as Caliph. In the matter where Mu’awiya failed, Abdul’ Malik succeeded. In 72 A.H./691-2 the latter constructed the Dome of the Rock (Qabbat al-Sakhrah) as an octagonal building round the rock from which the Prophet (FBUH) ascended the seventh heaven, as a rival to Ka’bah, in order to divert thither pilgrims from Makkah which was in occupation of his rival Ibn al-Zubayr. A mosque known as Masjid Aqsa was also constructed near the Dome of the Rock in the south. Introduction of Arabic as Official Language Next Abdul Malik turned his attention towards the nationalization of the State which was a part of vvell-plannd policy. Both Mu’awiya and Abdul Malik were originators of the outline of the Umayyad administration. Abdul Malik not only, developed what 390 Political and Cultural History of Islam was introduced by Mu’awiya, but also introduced various new systems. Until the time of Mu’awiya, public registers (diwa.i) were maintained in Greek in Syria and Egypt and in Pahlavi in Iraq and eastern provinces. At the suggestion of Salih ibn Abdur Rahman a Persian Mawla of Sijistan, Abdul Malik ordered the keeping of records, accounts and correspondence relating to Government business in Arabic throughout the Empire specially from 693 to the annoyance of the Greeks. This gradual drifting from the language of the conquered to that of the conqueror was very significant from the administrative point of view. This brought stability to an centralization of the Government and found avenues for employments of the Arabic knowing persons. Those Greeks and Pahlavi knowing staff of the Diwan who, meanwhile, had picked up working knowledge in Arabic were retained. Abdul Malik abolished these languages and introduced Arabic in their stead for the purpose of government business and account in the provinces of Syria and Iraq. Later Arabic also became the court language of Egypt and Persia. Improvement in the Art of Arabic Writing The great reform of Abdul Malik, was the improvement in the art of Arabic writing. Hajjaj bin Yusuf, his able administrator had the greater share in it. There were two defects in Arabic script, Firstly, it consisted of consonants only, with the result that one word could be pronounced in several sounds. The non-Arabs were facing much difficulties as they could no.t understand the words written without vowels. Secondly, the Arabic alphabet has several letters which have one and the same shape such as dal, zal, etc. Hajjaj bin Yusuf introduced vowel marks into Arabic script and in order to distinguish letters of the same shape he promoted the use of putting nuqtas (points) on these identical letters. These improvements made the art of writing Arabic more perfect and thus helped the discrimination of Arabic language to wide circle of readers’. Introduction of New Arabic Coinage Another important development, again focusing on Abdul Malik and al-Hajjaj, is the introduction, for the first time, of a specifically Muslim coinage. As with the languages of administration, so with the coinage; the Arab conquerors had taken over and only slightly adapted the Bvzantine and Sasanid coins which v\ere in circulation, and the mints which had produced these Abdul Malik 391 coins continued to do so for the Arabs. The minting of gold coins was a Byzantine imperial prerogative, and the Arabs continued to import gold coins from Byzantium. In this way the pre- conquest gold denarius, silver drachma and copper follis became the Arab dinar, dirham and fils. Some experiments with a new type of coinage made by the Sufyanid rulers proved unsuccessful, and it was not until the 690s, both in Syria and in Iraq, that Abdul Malik and al-Hajjaj began to mint coins of a decisively new type, allegedly in response to a threat by the Byzantine ruler to stamp the gold coins exported to the Arabs with anti-Muslim formulae. The most important characteristic of the new coinage was the fact that it was purely epigraphic. The faces of the coins were inscribed only with Muslim religious formulae, not with the portraits of rulers or other pictorial representations which had marked the Byzantine and Sasanid as well as some of the earlier Arab coins. This was a decisive break with numismatic tradition, and provided the model which Muslim coins have generally, but not always, followed since. Floral Patterns of Dome of Rock The lack of pictorial imagery is also a striking characteristic of the Dome of the Rock and other early Islamic religious and public buildings. Opposition to the figural representation of human beings and animals is a marked feature of the Muslim religious tradition (as it is in Judaism), but this has not prevented a flourishing tradition of representational art at a popular or private level where the influence of the religious scholars was more remote. There are vigorous and even beautiful representations of human beings and animals, for example, in the lodges and palaces which the Umayyads built for themselves outside the towns. Postal System Abdul Malik developed the postal system set up by Mu’awiya. All the provincial capitals of the empire were connected with the imperial capital by regular postal services for which he used relays of horses. The postal officials kept the Caliph informed of all events in their provinces. He founded a number of cities among which the most important was the city of Wasit in lower Iraq. The purpose of the foundation of this city was to keep the turbulent Iraqis in check. 392 Political and Cultural History of Islam One of the diwans of the Medieval Islamic administration occupied itself with the running of the barid. The barid was a sort of communications system, consisting of routes linking the main centres of the empire along which there were stations with horses at the ready so that messengers could come and go quickly between the provinces and the metropolis. Although theoretically a postal system, in effect it was an instrument for keeping the government informed about developments in the provinces, and the provincial controllers of the barid were local spies on behalf of the central government. Here again Muslim tradition gives to Abdul Malik an possibly Greek or Latin etymology of the word suggests the continuation of a former Byzantine institution, and one often feels that Muslim tradition finds figures like Umar (Rad.A) and Abdul Malik convenient personalities with which to associate institutions or developments which it considers must have a decisive beginning but about which precise details are lacking.7 Hugh says, ”A regular postal service (barid) using relays of horses was developed between Damascus and the provincial towns. The postal authorities were also entrusted with the task of gathering information regarding administration and passing them to the Caliph. This service,” a Persian organization called ’the eyes and ears of the king,’ kept the ruler in touch with the political development everywhere in his realm.” Fiscal Reforms According to Kennedy, the Arab Muslims were to pay hitherto only the Zakat and were exempted from other taxes, which made many people volunteer to accept Islam. These new Muslims left their villages where they had worked as agriculturists and came to the towns to join the army as Mawali (new converts). As a result, the revenue of the State was seriously affected. Firstly, taxes were greatly reduced for new converts to Islam. Secondly, the soldiers were entitled to have a share of the special subsidy. In order to avoid this double loss to the treasury Abdul Malik in consultation with alHajjaj took the necessary measures to restore such men to their farms and reimposed on them the high tribute they had paid before conversion, which included the equivalent of Kharaj (land tax) and Jizya (poll-tax). These measures of Abdul Malik were resented to Havuing, P.64. Abdul Malik 393 very much by the Mawali (new Muslims) who, later on, joined tl Abbasid propaganda to bring about the fall of the Umayyad dynast The Arab Muslims who acquired property in a Kharaj territory were also asked to pay the usual land tax. CHARACTER Abdul Malik was a just, mild and wise ruler, although he killed ’Amr ibn Said treacherously and was partly responsible for the cruelty and injustice perpetrated by his lieutenant Hajjaj b. Yusuf. Himself a poet, he rewarded liberally the poets and litterateurs like Jarir, Farazdaq, Kuthayir Azza and al-Akhtal a Christian poet of the Taghlib tribe. He was a genious and met successfully the critical situation. The life of Abdul Malik was astromy one. While of tender age he witnessed the agitation leading to the murder of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) and was deeply impressed by it and came to proper reconciliation to retaliation. He always tried to reconcile his rebels and Muhallab, who helped him in establishing peace and extending his empire, he appreciated the services of Hajjaj even on his death bed saying, ”It is he who had made our name to be recited in every pulpit throughout the Homeland of Islam, and subdued our enemies under us” and ordered his sons, four of whom succeeded him one after the other, to respect this teacher-soldier. He secured the provinces by appointing his relations as governors everywhere with the exception of’Iraq. In the first part of his reign, he was busy in crushing rebels and maintaining peace and in the second part he expanded his territories and introduced reforms in administration and Arabicized the coinage and register. As has been stated before he erected the Dome of Rock in Jerusalem as the third holiest sanctuary in Islam.8 S.M. Iinamuddin, P.19. [CHAPTER 28 WALID BIN ABDUL MALIK (705-715 A.D./86-96 A.H.) The reign of Walid was in many ways the supreme point of Umayyad power. The main interest of the period lies in a resumption of conquest and expansion, now extended to three new areas. In Central Asia Qutaibah bin Muslim, a nominee of Hajjaj, Abdul Malik’s governor of Iraq, was the first to establish Arab power firmly in the lands beyond the Oxus, occupying Bokhara and Samarqand and achieving resounding victories. Further to the South, an Arab force occupied the Indian province of Sind. More important was the landing in Spain in the year 710 A.D., rapidly followed by the occupation of the greater part of the Iberian Peninsula. Consolidation With the accession of Abdul Malik the glory of the Umayyads was revived and with that of his four sons the dynasty reached the meridian of its power and glory. During the reign of Walid the Umayyad Empire reached its greatest expansion stretching from the Pyrenees. Walid followed the policy of his father in conquests as well as in administration. Hajjaj was retained as viceroy of the Eastern conquests in al-Iraq and Umar b. ’Abdul Aziz, a cousin of the Caliph, was appointed governor of Arabia. Under his benevolent Governorship the two holy cities enjoyed peace and prosperity. Syrian architects and 100 Byzantine masons were employed in beautifying and enlarging the mosque of Medina. For pilgrims, roads were made and wells were dug in desert station and Bernard I e\\is. The Aiabs in Histoi\ 1 ondon 1970. P 76 Walid Bin Abdul Malik 395 fountains were constructed in the holy cities. Walid was impressed very much by his public works. Attracted by his benevolent deeds, many Iraqis, who had been oppressed by al-Hajjaj escaped to the holy cities this created ill-feeling between al-Hajjaj and Umar and ultimately led to the removal of the latter on the complaint made by the former to the effect that Umar had given shelter to the malcontents of Iraq. Al Hajjaj The Iraqi refugees including Ibn Jubayr who had formerly been paymaster of the army of Ibn al Ashath, were expelled by Umar’s successor. Ibn Jubayr was killed mercilessly along with some other refugees by al Hajjaj. AI-Muhallab’s sons, Yazid and others, also suffered from the cruelty of Hajjaj. On the charge of embezzlement of public money as governors they were put to prison latter they were set free to accompany Hajjaj on a campaign against the Kurds under a Syrian guard. They escaped to Sulayman, the Caliphs brother, at Ramlah in Palestine. Hajjaj complained but they were allowed to live with Sulayman when the latter pleaded for mercy for them. William Muir says, Hajjaj stands out in the annals of Islam as the incarnation of cruelty. He is said to have killed 120,000 persons in times other than wars. His cruelties had however, been exaggerated by Arab historians of the Abbasid period and followed by modern writer. He died in 95/A.H./714 A.D. a year before Walid succumbed to death. His family suffered at the hands of Sulayman because he and Qutaybah had incurred his displeasure by encouraging Walid to set aside his right of succession in favour of his son. For twentyyears, Hajjaj was the absolute master of the East. By his harshness he maintained peace within and by his military strength he created awe abroad. By his bravery and resolution he restored prosperity in the Eastern viceroyalty ~ Iraq, Persia and Khurasan, and his lieutenants Qutaybah and Muhammad b. Qasim added new lands to his viceroyalty. He is also known for his public works. He developed the canals and irrigation system, brought new lands under cultivation and prevented the cultivators form leaving the village for towns. But for him and Ziyad the Umayyad dynasty would have perished and ’Abdul Malik and Walid would not have attained such fame. Eastern Viceroyalt) On his accession to the tin one Walid divided his empire into 396 Political and Cultural History of Islam two units viz, the Eastern viceroyalty was placed under Hajjaj b. Yusuf and the Western one under Musa b. Nusayr. The conquered lands were first consolidated and next new lands were conquered in the north-east, east and west of the Empire, e.g., Central Asia, Sind, North West Africa and Spain. Conquests in Central Asia So for annual campaign of the Muslims in Central Asia had been of Ghazawat type conquering the lands and appointing military supervisors and leaving the civil administration in the hands of the native princes. This was not approved of by Hajjaj who appointed Qutaybah b. Muslim governor of the Eastern provinces of Khurasan 704 to carry Muslim arms in Central Asia across the Oxus, which formed the boundary line between the Turkish and Persian speaking people of Turan and Iran, and conquer it for all the time to come. Hajjaj prepared the plan, remained in constant touch with the movement of the army under Qutaybah and issued directive from time to time. Qutaybah attacked Balkh, the capital of Tukharistan in 706-9 A.D. and took the lady of a physician Barmak captive and gave her to his brother Abdullah. Soon after peace was established and the lady was restored to Barmak. Now beyond the Oxus the trade centre of Bukhara (Peikund) was attacked. But the city was defended stubbornly by the Turkomans of Sughd (Sodiana) and other places and Bukhara situated on the southern reaches of the Zarafshan fell in 88 A.H./707 A.D. after long resistance under the command of a nephew of the Chinese Emperor. During the winter, it was lost again and in the following year Qutaybah led a campaign against Werdan, the king of Bukhara. But he failed at which he was reproached by Hajjaj, who supplied him with a plan for defence and the attack was renewed The city was finally occupied and Samarqand, the capital city of Sughd, also fell in 90 A.H./708-9 A.D. The Chinese vassal Ghurak, submitted and accepted an Arab garrison from there the Muslim force pushed forward further eastward. Farghanah and Khwarizm (modern Khive) were also reduced to submission. On the retirement of Muslim troops in the winter a rising took place in Tukharistan. Nizak, a minister of the prince of Tukharistan conspired with the chief of Juzjan, Faryab, Merv. Ispahbad and other surrounding areas against Qutaybah, enlisted the potentates from the Oxus to the Murghab and gave joint opposition to the Muslims at Khulm. Meanwhile Qutaybah received reinforcement from Persia and crossing the pass attacked the rear of Wahd Bin Abdul Mahk ’ 397 Nizak. He was captured with 700 of his followers who were killed later on receiving an order from Hajjaj. The prince of Tukharistan was taken captive and sent to Damascus with his retinues Shuman and Faryab were stormed and the Muslim conquests were pushed to Sogdiana. In 92 A.H/Oct. 710-11 A.D. Sijistan was attacked and its chief, the Zunbil, submitted. In the following year, Qutaybah again crossed the Oxus and fell upon Samarqand which surrounded but only after stiff resistance. The fire temples were destroyed and idols were broken., A grand daughter of Yazdagird was taken prisoner there and sent to Walid. Several Muslim families coming from Khurasan settled at Samarqand. Similarly Khwarizm and Bukhara were colonized and the Buddhist temples of Bukhara were demolished. Tyana was captured in 711 and its fall opened the gate of Asia Minor for the Umayyads. In 712 Amasia in Portus was captured and a year after Antioch in Pisidia. By 96 A.H/715 A.D. Qutaybah raised an army of 20,000 native soldiers from Khawarizm, Bukhara, Kish and Nasaf and marched towards Khashghar and the border of China by conquering Shash, Khujand and other cities in Chinese Turkistan. While Qutaybah was still busy with the conquests in Central Asia, preparations were also made to attack Constantinople but before it could materialize Walid died and was succeeded by Sulayman who brought ruin to Qutaybah and other adherence of Hajjaj b. Yusuf, who had died a year before the Caliph in June 714 A.D. after twenty years of service to the cause of Uma»ads at an age of fiftv-two. Thus by 715 A.D. the Jaxartes provinces, the lands of the Central Asian Khanates which formed the natural boundary line between Iran and Turan were occupied and Buddhist monasteries of Bukhara, Balkh and Samarqand gave rise to Muslim prayer halls and ground was prepared for the nurseries of Muslim culture in Central Asia. Qutaybah distinguished himself more as an administrator than as a general. The civil administration was left with the existing dynastic houses to carry on while the military and revenue administrations passed on to the hands of the Arab government of Khurasan or his representative. Expedition to India Meanwhile another column of considerable size including 6,000 Syrians were engaged in the south eastern theatre of war under another lieutenant of Hajjaj b. Yusuf. He was his own cousin and son 398 Political and Cultural History of Islam in law Muhammad b. Qasim of the Banu Thaqif tribe, the governor of Makran. On a military expedition he moved southward to the Indian border. It was reported that some pirates of Sind had plundered a number of ships loaded with Muslim widows and orphans and gifts from the king of Ceylon for the Arab ruler, \Valid I. Dahir, the Hindu ruler of Sind, the lower valley and delta of the Sind (Indus), was asked to pay compensation for the loss but he refused to do so on the plea that the pirates were not under his control. Muhammad b. Qasim v\as thus ordered by Hajjaj b. Yusuf to teach a lesson to Dahir. The general marched on Sind through modern Baluchistan and laid siege to the Daybul. Pieces of stones were hurled by munjaniq (catapult). A very big catapult worked by 500 men and known as the Bride was used in destroying the city. A stone thus flung destroyed the pinnacle of the famous temple of AlBudd (Buddha) which had a statue of Buddah forty cubits high. This struck terror in the’ heart of Dahir who fled. Pursued by Muhammad b. Qasim across the Indus he gave battle to the Muslims at Mihran. A severe battle was fought. Dahir died fighting in the battle-field. His queen and other maidens performed Jawhar by setting fire to the palace. Next Brahamnabad was taken by storm. In commemoration of which al-Mansurah, the city of victory, was founded at a distance of two farsangs from Brahmanabad in the hill tract of Baluchistan. In order to keep under control the Muslims possession another military camp grew into a city under name of al-Mahfuzah (Protected). Al Nirun (modern Hyderabad) was also captured Muslims then marched on Multan and laid siege to it. It was called the gateway to India and was a great centre of Buddhist pilgrimage. It fell after a stubborn resistance. This led to the permanent occupation of Sind and southern Punjab which from 1947 formed a part of West Pakistan. Sind in the South and Tashqand and Kashghar in the north formed the border of Muslim empire. Muhammad b. Qasim’s further progress in the east to capture rest of India was arrested by the death of Walid. He was recalled by Sulayman killed on the false charge of dishonouring the daughters of Dahir before sending them as prisoners to Damascus. Other adherents of Hajjaj were also tortured and put to death due to old animosity between Hajjaj and Sula\man. Western Viceroyalty The Muslim arms on’ the western front in north Africa and the Iberian Peninsula (al-Andalus) were equally successful. Musa Ibn Wahd Bin Abdul Malik 399 Nusair, a Yamani by origin, was appointed governor of North Africa by Abdul Aziz, the viceroy of Egypt in 89 A.H./708 A.H. His father together with the grand-father of Prophet’s biographer, Ibn Ishaq, it is said, had been brought as captive by Khalid Ibn Walid from ’Ayn alTamar, north west of Kufah. Under Musa the province of Ifriqiyah became independent of Egypt. Consolidating his power in the already conquered territories he pushed the conquests to the farthest west with the aid of his two sons, in two engagements at Tlemcen (Tilimsan) and Sus the Berbers were worsted and a large number of them were taken captive and territories upto Tangier were brought under the fold of the new province of Ifriqiyah. Musa appointed his freedman Tariq b. Ziyad as his lieutenant at Tangier and sent naval expeditions to Majorca and Sardinia in 92 A.H./711 A.D.2 Conquest of Spain About this time anarchy spread in Spain which was under the rule of the Visigoths. The Jews were persecuted. Serfs and slaves were deprived of their social and economic status. The cleavage between the Visigoths (West Goths), who entered Spain in early fifth century as rulers and the Spanish Roman population was still not obliterated. They ^Iso had to struggle against their predecessors, other Germanic races, the Suevi and Vandals, for power. Witiza’s son, Achila, was deposed and the throne was usurped by a Gothic noble, Roderick, to whom Count Julian, the son- in-law of Witiza and governor of Spanish possessions in North-west Africa with Ceuta as their capital where the strait is only eighteen miles wide, was bitterly opposed. Julian entered into friendly relations with Musa and induced him to oust the usurper. In Shawwal 91/July 710 Musa sent his slave Tarif with four hundred foot and one hundred horse in four ships to reconnoiter and find out the truth of the statements of Julian and Spanish refugees. Tarif landed safely on the west southern coast of Spain which is still known as Tarifah (Jazirat-al Tarif) and on return reported in favour of an attack on Spain. Thus encouraged by Tarif s success and dynastic and social trouble in the Visigothic Spain Musa sent Tariq Ibn Ziyad in the following year at the head of 7,000 men mainly Berbers and freedmen to launch an attack on Spain. He landed at a mount near the southern costs of Spain which became known as Gibraltar (Jabal al-Tariq the hill of Tariq) and ravaged Algeciras. He received a William Muir. The Caliphate. P 356 400 Political and Cultural Histon/ of Islam reinforcement of about 5,000 Arabs. Apprised of Tariq’s landing. Roderick hastend from the north where he had gone to suppress a rebellion with a large army consisting of 25,000 soldiers and the engagements took place on the banks of the Wadi Bakkah or Lakkah (Rio Barbate Corrupted into Guadilbeca)’ and the shores of Laguna de janda to the north of Medina Sidonia on 25th July 711. Witiza’s brother. Bishop opposed and his son, Achila, discontented as they were, joined Roderick’s force onlv to give wa> after seven days strife the hope that the Muslims after collecting booty would recross the straits while they would remain behind to reap the fruits of the disaster to Roderick on the battle-field. The discontented and demoralized Spanish force \\as utterly routed and Roderick, in his attempt to escape, was drowned. Tariq had not expected such a great victory. He informed Musa of the result of his invasion and, without waiting for his instruction, pushed his conquest on further because even slightly delay would have given time to the defeated Visigoths to reunite and organize further united resistance possibly with more vigour. Tariq, to the utter surprise of the political enemies of Roderick, instead of amassing boot} and returning to Ifriqiyah, began to conquer city after city. This defeat demoralized the Spaniards so much that never again did the} give any stiff resistance to the Muslims in the open field Their town .also, they defended half-heartedly. Lcija was stormed; Malaga and Elivra (Granada) were captured bv Tariq’s detachments and Cordova \\as besieged b> another column under Mughith al Rumi \\hile fariq himself with the bulk of the army marched through Ecija on Roderick’s capital, Toledo, which v\as found deserted by Christian chiefs as the} had gone to take refuge in the north some across the Pyrenees in France. Among the rich booties gained weie the famous table of Solomon having 360 feet and richly decorated with pearls and rubies. Thus within a few months, Tariq destroyed the Visigothic rule and occupied half of Spain. Tempted b> the splendid exploits of his lieutenant. Tariq, Musa landed in Spain at the head of 10.000 troops mainly the Arabs and Syrians in Rajab 93/June 712 and guided by Julian, who had meanwhile returned to North Africa with the news of victory, stormed successive!) Sidonia. Carmona and Seville, the cities which had not been conquered by Taiiq’s detachments. The Wahd Bin Abdul Malik 401 402 Political and Cultural History of Islam Meridans after resisting fot many months submitted on June 1,713 and Musa marched towards Toledo. At Talavera he met Tariq and received the booty including the famous table of Solomon. Tariq attacked Saragossa which resisted for long till Musa returned after occupying Salamanca and Astorga and took it by storm. Musa marched in a north easternly direction and occupying Tarragona and Barcelona reached the northern limits of Spain and attacked Gerona while Tariq overran the eastern coast of Spain from Tortosa to Valencia occupying all the important cities. The whole of the southeast of Spain held by Theodomir on behalf of Roderick had already submitted before this to the Muslims and Theodomir had been allowed to rule on the payment of a animal tribute as a vassal of the eastern provinces which were named after him as Tudmir with Murcia as its capital. Musa crossed the Pyrenees and reduced a part of Languedoc which belonged to the Visigothic dominion. Across the Pyrenees on the bank of the Rhone (Rudano) Musa found an inscription reading, ”Sons of Ismail hitherto and no further, return”’ which had been placed there, it is said, either by Pepin the ruler of France or Mughith the msssenger of Walid. This frightened his soldiers and left Musa’s programme of attacking over Constantinople from the European side and uniting the western possession with the east through south Europe unaccomplished. Musa had to cancel his plan and turn back to complete the conquest of the north western part of Spain. Meanwhile Walid rejoiced at the news of victory but was reluctant to send his troops to distant lands at the risk of their lives. He sent two messengers successively to recall Musa. The latter did not pay heed to the first summons which he received in France but retraced his steps to complete the conquest of Spain and advanced victoriously through the high lands of Aragon and Leon into Galicia, another messenger, Abu Nasr by name appeared at lake (Ugo) in Asturias with a sterner mandate which Musa could not disobey. Leaving Pelayo then an insignificant Christian chief hidden with thirty men and ten women in Covadonga, the rocky defiles of Asturias, unsubdued which were to prove a thorn for his successors latter and accompanied by Tariq followed by a train of Gothic princes and carriages full of valuable booties Musa returned to the straits of Gibraltar in 95 A.H./714 A.D. Muir. The Caliphate, P.358. Walid Bin Abdul Malik 403 Musa went back to Damascus after appointing his sons, Abdul Aziz, governor of Spain, attached to the viceroyalty of Ifriqiyah with Seville as its capital, one Abdullah at Qayrawan and another Abdul Malik over western Africa. Achila was given his estate in Toledo and Bishop Oppas was installed as governor of Toledo. Musa’s fame and achievements created a number of enemies as Damascus and his paying no heed to the first summons of Walid was a matter of serious criticism at the court. Accompanied by four hundred Visigothic princes and followed by heavily loaded wagons and camels Musa reached Cairo and distributed presents among the family of his previous patron, Abdul Aziz, governor of Egypt. According to some, the ailing caliph died before he reached Damascus where he was received coldly by Sulayman, brother and heir of Walid, deposed from commands and put into prison; while according to others, he reached Damascus forty days before Walid died much against the desire of Sulayman. despite his order to delay his arrival at the capita! which had been received by Musa at Tiberia, the latter continued his march. Actually it was a dilemma for him as to whether he should obey Walid or Sulayman. The ailing caliph had also written to him to hasten his march while Sulayman had ordered him other wise. His return to Damascus during the life time of Walid who died at the age of forty after a glorious reign of ten years in Jumadi al-Akhir 96/February 715, infuriated to punish him. He put him to torture and reduced him to poverty. Musa died at the age of seventy-eight in Dhul Hajjah 97 A.H. (July 716) at Wadi al Qura when on a pilgrimage to Makkah in the entourage of Sulayman. Tariq seems also to have retired into private life for nothing is known about him after this. Their fall reminds us that of Khalid bin Walid, Qutaybah Ibn Muslim and Muhammad b. Qasim and their conquests in Languedoc (South France) marked the north western limit of Arab penetration and the height of the expansion in Europe like the Asiatic expansion in Turkistan under Qutaybah. CHARACTER Walid’s reign was an era of consolidation and peace at home and expansion abroad. He was the most illustrious ruler of his line and time but all his achievements were due mainly to his viceroys and generals who conquered new lands for him and introduced new reforms and constructed fine public buildings. His empire expanded from the Atlantic to the borders of China and the Indus and from the 404 Political and Cultural History of Islam Arabian Sea to Caspian Sea and the Sahara to the Rome in Southern France and prospered under his benevolent ruler. Walid was regarded as an ideal ruler by the Syrians. His reign was marked by economic prosperity and cultural progress. The Caliph himself visited the markets and encouraged manufacture of new articles. To compensate for the destruction caused by twenty year of war in the country of Iraq, huge construction work was undertaken by his viceroy Hajjaj. The operation of the canals which carried the waters of the Euphrates and the Tigris was resumed and dams were repaired and constructed to protect its fertility against the desert. The exodus from the villages to the cities was checked by improving security in land and restoration of confidence in local business affairs. The system of currency and measure was revised and stability was brought in village life. For all these economic reforms, Walid was indebted to the beneficial service of his loyal viceroy Hajjaj. Walid is, however more known for his building activities than anything else. He was the greatest Umayyed Builder. Fakhri rightly observes, ”during his reign whenever people in Damascus met together fine buildings formed the chief topic of conversation, as cookery and the fair sex did under Sulayman, and religion and the Quran under Dinar Ibn Abdul Aziz.” The mosque of Medina was rebuilt and that of Makkah enlarged. The mosque of Aqsa constructed by his father at Jerusalem was beautified and the whole area with a group of sacred buildings became known as al-Haram alSharif, the third century of the Muslims. It is said that Usman (Rad.A) had built a wooden screen (Maqsurah) for his prayer in the mosque of Medina. This example was followed by the Umayyads in the provinces. With the employment of foreign technical skill as it appeared from Papyri from Byzantium and Persia the style of construction could not be uniform in building mosques in and outside Syria. Among the palaces built by Walid was the beautiful painted desert palace of the Qusayr Amrah built to the east of the Northern end of the Dead sea. On one of the walls of the Palace there are depicted portraits of four princes Caesar, Chosroes Negus and Roderick had been defeated during nis time. A number of schools and hospitals and large houses were established in Syria and in the provinces. He was the first to build hospitals or lepers and blind and asylums for the disabled persons. The aged and disabled persons Walid Bin Abdul Malik 405 were granted pensions roads, wells and caravanserais were constructed for travellers and wayfarers particularly pilgrims. Walid in credited for certain reforms introduced by his viceroy Hajjaj, the school master who continued to take interest in literature and patronise art and science. Al-Hajjaj introduced orthographic reforms in Arabic language for the correct recitations of the Holy Quran. The diacretical points were introduced to make distinction between the writings, of the consonants of the same type and the Syriac vowel dhammah, fathah and kasrah were introducSd for correct pronunciation of a word. AI-Hajjaj dug a number of canals and redug the large one between the Euphrates and the Tigris bringing under cultivation submerged and uncultivated lands. He is particularly known for his fiscal and administrative reforms. On accepting Islam many villagers had migrated to the towns and had obtained concession Tn the payment of land tax to the treasury and on joining the army as Mawali (clients) they received subsidies which caused a double loss to the treasury since the collection of revenue had already fallen considerably. Hajjaj rehabilitated such men on their farms4 and reimposed on them the usual tax including Kharaj and Jizya. Even Arabs, who had acquired lands in the conquered countries were required to pay the usual tax. This replenished the treasury and improve the economic condition but caused dissatisfaction among the Muslims masses and proved a stumbling block on the spread of Islam. The loss thus incurred was greatly compensated later by the liberal policy of Umar b. Abdul Aziz. Walid was mild and considerate in character and knew how to tackle difficult situation and control harsh and hard man like Hajjaj and to keep control over Arab tribal rivalries by a policy of check and balance. He uas generous and kind and helped the needy when he visited Medina he distributed large gifts among the people.5 Hitti, P.2I8. ’ S.M. Imamuddin. A Political History of the Muslims, Vol.11. P.54. CHAPTER 29 SULAYMAN (715-717 A.D./96-99 A.H) Sulayman succeeded his brother al-Walid to the throne of Damascus in the order their father Abdul Malik had prescribed in advance. Hajjaj b. Yusuf induced Walid to nominate his son as his successor which caused hatred between him and Sulayman. Hajjaj died before Sulaxman succeeded but his men suffered the consequences of the hostility between the two. With Walid the expansion of empire and patronage of art and culture ended and under Sulayman, politically, the empire waned though the grandeur of the Court increased. Sulayman’s treatments with Abdul Aziz b. Musa, Governor of Spain, and recall of Muhammad b. Qasim from Sind slackened the administration of Spain and checked the expansion in the East. Apprehending danger from Sulayman as he \\as alarmed by his cruelties meted out to the relatives and adherents of Hajjaj including Muhammad b. Qasim, Qutaybah tried to resist the Government but he was captured, killed and his head along with those of his eleven brothers was sent to the Caliph by the Azd and Tamim. EXPEDITIONS TO CENTRAL ASIA Sulayman appointed Hajjaj’s bitterest enemy Yazid, the son of al-Muhallab ibn abi Sufrah, to the viceroyalty of Iraq. Fearing to be unpopular by collecting the heavy taxes assessed by Hajjaj, he appointed Salih ibn Abdur Rahman, a neo-Muslim of Sijistan, as collector of revenue and himself went to the frontier of Khurasan to continue the expedition undertaken by Qutaybah with the assistance of the Azd and Tamim. He went to Merv and attacked Jurjan which had been subdued b> Caliph Usman but meanwhile had stopped the Sulayman 407 payment of tribute. The chief of Jurjan submitted after hard resistance in 98 A.H./716 A.D. A large number of the Jurjanis were killed in the battle-field and many of them were taken prisoners. The same year, leaving behind 4,000 so-diers In Jurjan Yazid attacked Tabatistan, the prince fled to the hills followed by Muslims, who were discomfited in the defiles Emboldened by this, the Jurjanis (Georgians) rose in revolt and killed the Muslim garrison to a man. Being thus cut off in the rear Yazid made peace with the Chief of Tabaristart and laid sieise io Jurjan afresh, it tell afiei sev»,n rnouuia icsistance anu ^.’wIJcu a booty worth 30 to 40 million dirhams possibly an exaggerated amount.’ WAR WITH THE BYZANTINES Towards the end of his reign, al-Walid had fitted out a fle^t to attack Constantinople by sea and ir-.-_r> fh.- ,n:;^ Pviinor and Armenia had been engaged in an attack by land. This was the third attempt of the Muslims to conquer Constantinople. 7’his project was undertaken by Sulayman under the command of his brother Maslamah, and another general of his name sake (S;»iayman) and the military operated from Dabiq in North Syria where a great assembly camp for the war against the Greeks was maintained. Reinforcements were received both from land and sea and also additional naval aid from Egypt. They were armed with naptha and siege engine. The Muslim navy with 1800 warships crossed the Dardanelles at Abydos and anchored near the walls of Constantinople on the Bosphorus and the Marmora in September 717. The Muslims penetrated as far as Pergamos and Sardis and besieged the Byzantine capital for a year. The circumstances seemed favourable because rebellion had broken out among the Greeks and Leo, an Isaurian, of Syrian origin had joined hands vyjth Masiamah. The event took a different turn when Leo, the Isaurian, was raised to the throne. The chain barred the Muslim fleet from attacking the Golden Horn and the Greek fires forced the Muslim soldierc back. They were defeated on both sides of the Bosphorus and suffered from pestilence and famine and biting co’d and the fleet had to retreat after a long siege of about two jears (97-99A.H./715-17 A.D.). Bernard Lewis says, ”During the reign of Sulayman a great but unsuccessful expedition was launched against Constantinople, 1 S.M. Imamuddm, A Political Histor> of the Muslims, vol, II, Part, I. Karachi 1984. P 56. 408 Political and Cultural History of Islam the last assault by the Arabs in the grand style. Its failure brought a great moment for Umayyad power. The financial strain of equipping and maintaining the expedition caused an aggravation of the fiscal and financial oppression which had already aroused such dangerous opposition. The complete destruction of the fleet and army of Syria at the sea walls of Constantinople deprived the regime of the chief material basis of its power.”2 On receipt of the order from Sulayman’s successor, Umar b. Abdui A?iz the armada retired but was destroyed by tempest and only five of the ships could reach the Syrian coast.J This was the third and last attempt of the Umayyads to conquer Constantinople. The other two were made during the time of Mu’awiya and Abdul Malik with little results TR 4NSFER OF CAPITAL ,\s Sulaymaii was iond of pomp an grandeur he built for his residence a palace at Ramlah in Palestine and appointed eunuchs lo guard his harem. To rival the Dome of Rock in Jerusalem and the Umayyad Mosque at Damascus he constructed a mosque known as the White Mosque at Ramlah. The minaret of this White Mosque was rebuilt by the Mamluks in the 14th century. With Sulayman the royal capital of Damascus ceased to be the Caliph’s residence. DEATH OF SULAYMAN Sulayman was in the habit of frequenting Dabiq, the base of the military operations against Constantinople, and he died at Dabiq in Safar 99/Sept. 717. His minor son, Ayyub a heir apparent, died before him and while on his death-bed in preference to his another son, Da’ud, he nominated his cousin Umar b. Abdul Aziz under the influence of one Reja ibn Hayat a saintly noble and after him his brother Yazid b. Abdul Malik to succeed him. This was his only blessed activity. He is otherwise responsible for the check on ever expanding Empire in the west, north and east and for the ruin of the ’life of four important Muslim generals Musa, Tariq, Qutaybah and Muhammad b. Qasim. For this impolitic act motivated by vanity and cruelty he will never be forgiven and forgotten in the history of Islam. His reign was noted for the harem and good living. He was kind to his friends but cruel to his enemies. His only service rendered to the state was that he nominated his able cousin Umar to the throne for which act of greatness he was called ”the Key of Blessing”. ” Bernard Lewis. The Arabs in Histors London, 1970. P 76 1 Ilitti, History of the Arabs. PP 203. 212 CHAPTER 30 UMAR BIN ABDUL AZIZ (711-720 A.D/99-101 A.H.) God commands justice, the doing of good, and liberality to kith and kin, and He forbids all shameful deeds and injustice and rebellion: He instructs you, that you may receive admonition.1 Umar b. Abdul Aziz occupies a unique position in Islamic history: he is the only ruler, apart from the Holy Prophet’s first four successors, who is acknowledged as a Caliph in the true ^sense of the vw,ord. The acknowledgement, made by all schools of orthodox-opinion, is formally betokened by the use before his name of the reverential title Hazrat, which is vouchsafed to no other ruler, with the exception of the Holy Prophet’s first four successors, whose company he joined, across a span ”of six decades, to become the fifth and last of the Rightly-Guided Caliphs/ Umar, (Rad.A), son of Abdul Aziz, was the eighth ruler in the Umayyad line of Muslim sovereigns. He was the grandson of Marwan (64-65 A.H.) and the son of Ummi Asim, the grand-daughter of Umar bin-al-Khattab. Umar bin Abdul Aziz was born in 61 A.H. at Medina and it was there that he was brought up and educated under the pious care of Abdullah bin Umar. Abdul Malik bin Marwan granted Abdullah a thousand dirhams per month for the maintenance of his nephew. Among the accepted teachers of Umar were Hubaizullah bin Abdullah Bin Utba and Salih bin Kiyan. Umar was married to Fatimah, the daughter of his uncle Abdul Malik (65-86 A.H.), in the last year of his reign. The same AI-Quran, XVI • 90 ’ Abdul Islam Nadvi. I ’mar bin \bdul Aziz. P V 410 Political and Cultural History of Islam ”year, he was appointed governor of Medina and virtually of the whole of Hijaz, The people, who knew him already, were astonished to see that he had brought with him thirty camel-loads of furniture, luxuries and other decorations, and remarked that ”learning was buried under power.” Having lived a comfortable and easygoing life, Umar bin Abdul A^ziz could hardly be expected to administer his charge with due care. But when he assumed office, he administered justice, heard every supplicant, pledged that no one would be oppressed however weak he might be, nor would he alI«V; anrcrtc to oppress others, whatever his strength. Besides fulfilling his duties and governing his people with the utmost attention. Umar did many other things for the good of the Muslim community. One of Umar’s lasting achievement was the construction and extension of the Holy Prophet’s mosque and his mausoleum. The standing apartments of the Holy Prophet’s wives were purchased and the work began in Safar, 87 A.H. (January 707). The Roman emperor, to whom Walid bin Abdul Malik (86-96 A.H. 705-715 A.D.) had written about the project of rebuilding the mosque at Medina, contributed a hundred masons, approximately eleven mounds and twenty-eight seers of gold and forty bags of marble pieces. Capable engineers were consulted and employed in the reconstruction work which took three years to complete. The new worshipping place was very beautiful. Walid came to see the mosque in 91 A.H. and expressed his satisfaction at Umar’s accomplishment. The young and zealous governor also required and renovated all the mosques and sanctuaries in the city and suburbs of Medina in which the Holy Prophet had offered prayers. For the convenience of caravans and travellers, he had wells dug and highways improved. Umar resigned his office in 93 A.H. and until his assumption as caliph, he successfully avoided accepting any post.. Umar’s Nomination as Caliph Umar bin Abdul Aziz achieved prominence and popularity in the time of Walid as well as Sulayman bin Abdul Malik (96-99A.H.). Had he been ambitions he could have dislodged either of these two rulers. With complete sincerity, he gave his counsel to Walid and told the truth fearlessly. When Walid wanted to set aside the succession of Sulayman and sought Umar’s concurrence he rejected the proposal. In Su’.ayman’s short reign, Umar’s uprightness \\as a force to be reckoned with. His piety, scholarship and honesty o\eravved Sulayman who, however, benefited from his guidance. The Umar bin Abdul Aziz 411 nomination of Umar bin Abdul Aziz was a major step of the Sulayman’s policy. Sulayman’s action was perhaps the only one of its kind since the historical days of Amir Muawiya. It was very conductive to the principles of Islamic polity. When the succession of Umar was announced by Reja, Muslims everywhere rejoiced. Until then, they had seen ugly politics and family interests being upheld in important matters of State.1 ”Despotic and hereditary form of government,” says Abul Hasan Ali, ”had produced a despondency which had left no hope for any change in the prevailing conditions and it appeared as if the fate of the Muslims had been sealed for a fairly long time. It required a miracle alone for the Islamic precepts to find an expression again in the political law guiding the community’s behaviour. And the miracle did happen at the most appropriate time.” As the will of Sulayman was disclosed to Umar, he did not welcome the news. He shivered as he imagined that the mantle of the true Caliphate was not without its hardships and responsibilities. On the one hand he remembered the lives of Abdullah bin Umar and Salih bin Kiyan and on the r ^er, the deeds of his own dynasty. As he undertook to function as the head of the commonwealth, he decided to follow the former. The duties of the office with which he was loaded, filled him with anxiety, and ”caused many a heart-searching.” Reform in the Caliph’s own Life The first century of the Hijrah was about to end. It had been a century that witnessed the dazzling victories of the armies of Islam, the strengthening of the Islamic system and the solidarity of Muslim power, first under Muhammad (PBUH) and then under the rightly guided Caliphs. However, the spiritual accomplishment of the time prior to Mu’awiya’s rule and the military achievements of the Umayyad commanders until the appearance of Umar bin Abdul Aziz (henceforth to be called Umar II’) were overshadowed by the political maneuvering and in human deeds of the rulers. The people had begun to accept strange notions and imported philosophy. The court of Umayyads, their courtiers and the commoners, were tending to be morally corrupt. The so-called caliphs who already did things generally contrary to the Quran and the Sunnah, could hardly cWWribute anything towards rebuilding true Islamic character. Conversions to Islam had become a useless practice, while the ’ Muhammad Iqbal. The Mission of Islam. P 51 412 Political and Cultural History of Islam ’ converts were neglected and even oppressed in some areas. Umar II was alive to all these unhealthy developments and he appreciated the duties of the caliph very much. He issued directives to the effect that Muslims be educated in piety and that they should not be pitiless and merely worldly in their relationships. ”Laxity of morals was reprehended; the smallest oppression met with condign punishment; and the burden imposed by Hujjaj and his myrmidons on the converts of Iraq, Khurasan, and Sind were removed.”4 Umar II knew that no reform could be effective unless he amended his personal life. He discarded all luxuries, pleasures, tastes of diet and dress, and showed practically an unceasing devotion to the legacies of the Holy Prophet and the righteous Caliphs. A complete transformation seemed incredible in the life of the man who just before assuming office was, according to Ibn Jawzi, ”the best at the use of fragrance, too beautifully clad, most proud while he walked,” and well-known for ostentatious manners. He gave up staying in a grandly decorated palace. He auctioned the camels and the horses of the royal stud, and sold the furniture, carpets, silvers and gold utensils and deposited the sale proceeds (amounting to 22,000 dinars), with the public treasury. He discharged all the guards of the calipfi’s apartments and the court and asked Khalid, the chief executioner, to put his sword into the scabbard. As for his wife, Fatimah, he advised her to return to the treasury all the jewellery and ornaments she had received from her relations, for these were not their own property. She was asked to choose between a simple life with him or separation from him. She preferred living like an ordinary woman. ”After Umar’s death when her brother, Yazid, ascended the throne, he offered to return the jewellery to her. Very gently did she answer: ’I did not care for the things in his lifetime, why should I care for them after his death?’ ”The caliph never had a second shirt readily available at home. As the governor of Medina and in the years following his governorship, he bloomed like a rose and was physically vigorous and well-built. But within two years of his caliphate, he was reduced to a skeleton. The total daily expenses of the caliph never exceeded two dirhams. Sometimes he raised loans to meet domestic needs and did not seek refund of his own money from the treasury. He could not go for the Hajj because he used to keep nothing with him from the income of his private property. Muhammad Iqbal. P 53 Umar bin Abdul Aziz 413 Historians have eloquently described this miraculous revolution in the life and conduct of Umar II. Umar IFs Service to Islam Before Umar II, the Umayyad rulers did not deem it their duty to strive for the rejuvenation of Muslim society, to propagate Islamic teachings and to promote reform. They were embroiled in mundane politics and cared least about advising their people in religious affairs. This function had devolved on the Ulama and the traditionists. Contrary to the established practice, Caliph Umar sent letters and decrees to the provincial authorities and other officers. In these, he spoke about the precepts of Islam, religious reform and the moral values to be considered while conducting administration. He thought that an efficient and just government would be possible only when the officers and governors reformed their own personal behaviour and private lives. He laid emphasis on the congregational prayers because they promoted cooperation through association and mutual understanding. He instructed the governments of the provinces that they should meticulously follow the traditions of the Holy Prophet and the pious Caliphs. The functionaries of the commonwealth were charged with the responsibility of propagating Islam. Evil was to be nipped in the bud and good encouraged and popularised. The judges were to be lenient while administering the law. A host of other reforms which have been partly quoted by Abul Hasan Ali, were introduced to bring the society in the tune with earlier times. Like the righteous Caliphs, Umar II was very anxious to preserve the cosmopolitan wealth contained in the sayings of the Holy Prophet. He ordered that the study of the religious sciences be encouraged. He wrote to one of the distinguished luminaries of Islam, Abu Bakr bin Hazm: ”Reduce to writing whatever traditions of the Holy Prophet you can get at, for I fear that after the traditionists have gone to meet their Lord, the knowledge will also go,” Circulatory letters were despatched to Walis and Scholars ”to collect all the traditions of the Holy Prophet of Islam wherever these could be found.” Those who devoted themselves wholeheartedly to the Job were given regular stipends and those who possessed collections, such as Qasim bin Muhammad bin Abu Bakr, were requested to assist and cooperate in the noble work. Umar was himself a savant and could authoritatively interpret the sayings of the Holy Prophet. He once wrote: j 414 Political and Cultural History of Islam If God keeps me alive, I shall teach you the fundamentals of the Faith and shall make you follow these. But if I die earlier, I shan’t care, for I am not all eager for your company. Umar II had a deep understanding of the principles of the faith. There was in him not ”the least trace of Pre-Islamic Jahiliyyah or the stamp of Umayyad royalty.” He would, therefore, condemn every un-Islamic practice such as the reviving of the pagan custom of entering into clannish alliances, and the Umayyad aristocratic practice of ”calling to one another in the name of tribal solidarity during their fights and forays.” The enforcement of the Shari’ah and the reform of the Muslims community was not the only function to which Umar confined himself. He also attended to the mission of propagating Islam in the countries to which its light had not reached. According to al-Balazuri, the author of Futuh al- Buldan, Umar addressed himself to a number of Indian rulers asking them to accept the faith. He pledged to them that ”he would guarantee continued existence of their kingdoms and their rights and that their obligations would be the same as those of the other Muslims.” These rulers, having already known about the virtues of Islam and the great qualities of the caliph himself, embraced the teachings of the Arabian Holy Prophet and adopted Muslim names. Socio-Religious Reforms Soon after his accession to power, Umar II made a firm resolve to rejuvenate Muslims society. Many things such as pictures, plays and music were disapproved, women were forbidden to mourn the dead bareheaded. Drinking was prohibited and its import and trade were condemned. The common bathing under Persian denounced and stopped. Above all, the custom of abusing Hazrat Ali, the fourth caliph in the Khutbas, was done away with. The Imams of the mosques and others concerned were instructed that the following verse of the Holy Quran should instead be incorporated in the formal sermon of Friday: God commands justice, the doing Of good, and liberality to kith And kin, and He forbids All shameful deeds, and injustice And rebellion: He instructs you, Umar bin Abdul Aziz 415 That you may receive admonition.5 In his marvelous plan of Islamic revival, Umar II adopted the following methods: 1. He directed all his energies to rebuilding the true Islamic ideology and religion. He strove to cut at the very root of corrupt thought and prohibited any discussion of points which led to futile controversies. In actual life, he would ask the community to adhere to Muhkamat (the precise fundamentals) and recommended that there should be no arguing on Mutashabihat (the allegorical verses of the Quran). 2. The caliph understood very well that without the promotion of education, no plan of reconstruction and reform could bear fruit or materialise. Accordingly, he issued the following instructions to the concerned That the text of the Quran and the content of the Holy Prophet’s sayings be recited and read out and then explained in wellorganized and-disciplined groups and gatherings; that the Ulama begin educating the people in mosques; that persons dedicating themselves to education and instruction should be given salaries amounting to a hundred dinars; and, that the students and the seekers after the knowledge of the Quran and the Sunnah be granted stipends. Caliph Umar II provided for the training of the teachers and scholars. Occasionally, he appointed men of his own choice to conduct study of the religious sciences. He deputed famous instructors in various subjects for the trainees and appointed Asim bin Ammar Qatadah to narrate the life of the companions at the great mosque of Damascus. In order to improve the methodology of education, the experts were sometimes asked to also have recourse to the Greek works. 3. Umar bin Adbul Aziz sincerely believed that the company of the pious, the noble and the most civilized, was a sure key to the self-improvement of a man and the enhancement of his knowledge. He encouraged pious and scholarly meetings, and exchanges and maintained contacts himself with some of the great savants to seek their counsel. Umar abandoned the Umayyad tradition of patronising eulogists and poets, who ’ AI-Quran, XVI,. 90. 416 Political and Cultural History of Islam received big rewards for their compositions in which they gave exaggerated accounts of the deeds and virtues of the rulers. He gave up some of his pre-accession companions just as he had given up his delicacies and tastes. Instead of flatterers, he was now surrounded by pious men of the stature of Reja bin Haywah, Riyah bin Ubaidah and Maimum bin Mahran. 4. Umar II realized that all his efforts towards reform and resurgence would be useless if he himself lacked piety and Islamic attitude in regard to things and matters. He thought that the pious who were powerless could not achieve much. But if the ruler was pious and charactered, society as a whole could improve its conduct and its wrongs would be righted. He believe’d that a Caliphate founded on piety must be maintained at all costs and if it was devoid of that fundamental quality or characteristic, it must be immediately saved from becoming defunct or useless. Umar II, not an Expansionist ”Umar’s heart,” says Syed Ameer Ali, ”was set not on the enlargement but on the consolidation of the vast empire that had been committed to his care. The army of Maslamah, encamped under the walls of Constantinople, was recalled: all frontier expeditions were stopped; the people were encouraged in the pursuits of industry, and provincial governors were required to give a strict account of their stewardship.” Extra troops were bjrought back. No military advance was allowed if the army was poorly equipped. The chances of war were minimized to the extent of inviting the enemy to accept Islam. Detailed instructions were given to the army commanders as regards the treatment of their own troops and the time when the enemy should not be struck or assaulted. Although Umar II stood for the promotion of the arts of peace, he was very strict in regard to the maintenance of the supremacy of Islam in southwest Europe and making the life of the Judeo- Christian-Muslim community happy and prosperous. During these days, however, penetration was made into southern France. He appointed a new viceroy, al-Samh bin Malik, in place of al- Hurr, whose policy had led to difficulties. Al-Samh proved a great administrator. He ”was charged with the duty of re-establishing order in the finances, and thoroughly re-organizing the government.” Umar ordered him to take a census of the diverse nationalities and creeds Umar bin Abdul Aziz 417 then inhabiting Spain. ”At the same time a central survey was made of the entire Peninsula the cities, mountains, rivers, and seas’ the character of the soil, the nature of its products, the resources of the land were minutely and carefully described in the records. A great congregational mosque was built at Saragossa, and numerous bridges were constructed or repaired.” As for the general condition of law and order, it was satisfactory, except of course, for some instances of the insurgence of a governor or a faction. Sometimes the personality of the caliph was instrumental in postponing the hostilities as in the case of the Kharijites who did not object to his rule but condemned his predecessors and the heir-apparent, Yazid bin Abdul Malik. Again, local troubles broke out because sometimes a governor did not treat converts and non-Muslims generously or justly. The caliph removed the discrepancies under which the new Muslims of Khurasan had been suffering since the tyrannical rule of Hajjaj bin Yusuf. The avaricious Walis, like Yazid bin Muhallab, were recalled and even imprisoned. Caliph Umar ”restored to the Christians and the Jews the Churches and Synagogues to which they were entitled under the ancient capitulations, and which had been wrongfully taken away from them.” AS A GREAT ADMINISTRATOR In order to give the people a fair and just administration, Umar bin Abdul Aziz removed all the impediments that came in his way. He dismissed unscrupulous and incapable officers who had secured favours through their influence or intimacy with the previous rulers. Gove’rnors who grabbed money and booty were sacked. He didn’t allow his close relations to hold offices of profit. The relations of Hajjaj, whose tenure of governor-generalship had been very oppressive, were not appointed to any post. Similarly, he chose governors after careful investigation into their circumstances. In this respect, preference was given to those who were well versed in the principles of Islam and attached to the Quran and the Sunnah. A person whose credentials he doubted was. not employed. He strictly watched the actions of the governors and the officers and regularly directed them to be fair and impartial to all the people and to cater to the needs of the non-Muslim subjects in particular. In upholding the 418 Political and Cultural History of Islam rights of the unbelievers, he was always vigilant. No confiscation of their belongings was tolerated by him.6 Caliph Umar II was a master of administrative detail. He went deep into the matters of central and divisional administration. Wherever necessary, he affected drastic reform, some of the reforms have been quoted by Abul Hasan AH from Abdul Hakam. These are: Weights and measures were standardized; State officials were precluded from entering into any business or trade; unpaid labour was made illegal; pasture-lands and game- reserves meant solely for the royal family and other dignitaries were distributed to the landless cultivators or made a public property; strict measures were taken to stop illegal gratification of state employees who were forbidden to accept gifts; all officers holding responsible posts were directed to afford adequate facilities to those who wanted to present their complaints to them in person; a proclamation was issued every year on the occasion of pilgrimage that any one who would bring to the notice of administration, any maltreatment by a state official or prefer a useful suggestion shall be rewarded 100 to 300 dinars. Prosperity and Financial Solvency The Bait-ul-Mal (or public treasury) belonged to all the people of the state. The Umayyads before Umar II had misappropriated its assets, using the goods, the gifts and the money deposited in it for their own purposes. As a privileged class, they drew huge amounts and stipends from it. The sources of state revenue were jumbled together and it was spent in an irresponsible manner. No separate accounts were preserved. Not were any rules and regulations adhered to. Flatterers and sycophants were rewarded in cash. The public finances were consequently in great confusion. The caliph overhauled the whole system of financial administration, stopping the giving of stipends and prizes to the undeserving and parasites. Like the other caliphs, he subjected the items of income expenditure to the law of the Shari’ah. Umar II set at naught all the Umayyad innovations in state finances. All irregular cesses and exactions were abolished. Hajjaj’s practice of levying Jizya from the new Muslims was stopped. Land owners were exempted from the old levy. Those who were exempt from payment of taxes and other charges included, remittances on Umar bin Abdul Aziz 419 1 Abdul Islam Nadvi, P. 177. account of Nawroz and Meharjan festivals (in Persia), impositions on mints, petitioners, manufacturers and owners of industries, dwelling houses, mills run on water, reciters of nikah sermons and cultivators who had suffered on account of famine or some other natural calamity. In the matter of finances, as in the common affairs of government and people, Umar preferred to abide by the principles of the faith and the dictates of the Holy Book. He ignored political expediency and never cared a whit for pecuniary losses undergone by the State if the policy commanded by religion entitled it.” An interesting point is that which concerns the effect of his regulations on the revenues of the government. With the spread of Islam the income from the Jizya began to decrease. ”As the sharp fall, says Abul Hasan Ali Nadvi, ”posed a threat to the financial stability of the State, Umar’s attention was drawn towards it. But his reply was that the situation was eminently in accord with the objectives underlying the Prophethood of Muhammad (PBUH).” In the case of the Yaman, he discarded the fixed revenue system and commanded that ”the revenues should be assessed in accordance with the agricultural production every year.” He suspended the imposition of octroi throughout the commonwealth. Having done away with illegal taxation, he opened the sea and land routes for trade without any embargo. To the general cry from the governors that the returns were dwindling, Umar responded by saying that they should try to please God Almighty Who alone would make up for the deficiency in income. The next result of his strict adherence to a liberal attitude towards realizing the dues and taxes was that the people became affluent and the state returned to its earlier solvency. The immediate effect of such an enlightened and realistic financial policy was not only the prosperity of the commonwealth but also there were no deficits in public finances. Abul Hasan Ali quotes a report of one of the officers, Yahya bin Saeed, who was charged with the collected, he looked around for the needy and hard up persons, but he could not find a single individual who could made everybody a man of substance and, therefore, he hac alternative but to purchase a number of slaves and then emaj; them on behalf of the Muslim populace.” It also happenep people who remitted the zakat to Bait-ul-Mal received^ back because ”nobody entitled to receive these char/” \! 420 Political and Cultural History of Islam Umar bin Abdul Aziz 421 found.” In other words, it was very difficulty to find a destitute person in Umar’s short reign. Reform of Prisons Before caliph Umar’s reign the prisons were in a deplorable condition. The prisoners suffered numerous hardships. A citizen was arrested on mere pretext or suspicion or because some officer or influential person was his opponent. For ordinary crimes, the convicts were given at least three hundred lashes. No officer or government servant looked after the prisoners. They received neither proper clothing nor necessary meals. Often they went hungry because their rations or food were taken by the men in charge. An ailing prisoner never got medicine and, if he died, his body was left without being attended to. Sometimes the mates of the deceased would make contributions to pay off the labourers who buried the body in a pit, unceremoniously, unwashed, and unshrouded. The reforms were instituted b> the caliph in favour of a class of human beings which has always been condemned as the lowest and the meanest in the state’s population. The concessions granted by Umar may appear incredible to reformers of this century. But we know it to be a fact that even the most civilized and democratic of modern states have not allowed so many amenities to criminals or convicted persons. Regarded by learned men as one of the righteous caliphs Umar bin Adbul Aziz, to this day, reminds us of the Holy Prophet’s blessed time and the most benign of his immediate spiritual- cumtemporal successors. ”Unaffected piety,” says Ameer Ali, ”a keen sense of justice, unswerving uprightness, moderation, and an almost primitive simplicity of life formed the chief traits in his character.” From the beginning of his public career, the institution of Caliphate was not beyond the comprehension of Umar II. To him the duty towards the Creator and the duty with regard to his creatures and to Islam, was one indivisible whole. As the head of the Muslim community and the commonwealth, he had a remarkable sense of responsibility and was quite determined that his notions and feelings should be translated into action by his subordinates and the members of his family. Like Umar the Great, blessed be his soul, Umar bin Adbul Aziz never sat idle. He was always found settling disputes, supervizing administration, hearing and pursuing reports from the provinces, reforming social life and going many other things of public good. If a dispassionate stud> were undertaken of his routine activities, of his deep concern for the people’s welfare, the degree of his devotion to the Lord and His Messenger and his urge to reform the society, he would be acknowledged as one of the greatest democrats ever known in history after caliph Umar Farooq. Again, like him, the keystone of his democracy was the spiritualism of Islam. Moreover, justice flowed from his pen, hand and tongue like an unending stream. In leniency and forbearance, Umar II set astonishing examples. The Kharijites held him in great esteem. Yet they created trouble. The caliph avoided fighting untill the time he could. However, when the use offeree became necessary, he tolerated. Umar bin Adbul Aziz stood for equality and justice and abhorred the very idea of monopolizing power. Once when he was troubled by his kith and kin for granting them more concessions and privileges, he threatened them that he would transfer the Caliphate into the Muslim hands (thai is other than his own dynasty). He informed them that there was among others, one qualified and worthy man who deserved to be the head of state and he was Qasim bin Muhammad bin Abu Bakr. According to Umar II, the system of government envisaged by Islam explicitly favoured social justice. His rule was free from vindictive terror. He simultaneously led the Muslims and protected the non-Muslims. He was indiscriminate in his administration. Ibn Sad mentions that Umar ”ordered during his Caliphate that a nonMuslim subject, taken prisoner by an enemy, should as much be ransomed and liberated on government expenses as any Muslim subject In the same spirit he commanded that all Muslims - Arabs and non-Arabs who took part in the wars should receive pensions. The non-Arabs included tens of thousands of new Muslims called al-Mawali, upon whom the Holy Prophet had conferred equal rights. Before Umar, the Uinayyads had unavoidably encouraged the obnoxious system of importing slaves from al-Maghrib. ”They levied a child-tax on the prolific Berbers.” The saintly caliph did away with these inhuman innovations. The caliph’s resolve to establish a fair economy led him to fight feudalism. This involved him in a fierce contest with his own kinsmen who, thought very powerful, could not intimidate him. Umar told them at their faces, ”O descendants of Marwan, you have a very big portion of honour and wealth in your hands. I feel that 422 Political and Cultural History of Islam one-half, any, two-thirds of the wealth of the people (Ummat) is in your hand.” And when they refused to return the extorted wealth and the ill-gotten lands, he said: ”By God, if you do not help me to restore this right (of the real owners), I shall humiliate and disgrace you.” It was a really big task which the caliph had undertaken so that he heroically fought the feudal aristocracy of the Umayyads.7 In his attitude to the creatures of God, Umar bin Adbul Aziz was sweeter than the delicious and sweet honey of the Lebanon which he liked most in life. He made real history in a little over two years by leaving behind his own legacies in all the spheres of government and society. He stood against all kinds of corruption and laid the firm foundations of revivalism in Islam for all time to come. He alone among the Umayyads remedied the ills of half a century’s misrule. It was due to him that all over the commonwealth, the people noticed the first century Hijrah Era terminating with the supremacy of Islamic law re-established (even though temporarily), and the second century of the same era beginning with a great hope of socio-religious solidarity. His main plan was to revitalise the Muslim body so much weakened by rude politics and the rough influences of the preceding reigns. His efforts were directed against the deviations of the Umayyads and the innovations of their court. His cardinal aim was to forcefully counteract the challenges facing Islam at the hands of internal culprits and external enemies. His conscience told him that he should be the last man to accept the fissiparous tendencies strengthened by his own to dynasty and the strayed Syrians. His supreme mission was not only to revive early Islamic institutions but also to purify the veins of his co-religionists and infuse new blood into their arteries. Most significant was the fact that by a single stroke of the pen, he deprived himself, his kinsmen and the then demagogues, of all property and possessions they had acquired by questionable means. He knocked the bottom out of the symbols of royalty and royalist aberrations, obliging the members of his dynasty to think and act in purely Islamic terms. But would they continue to do so? Such a ruler and leader of men was surely to create enemies. ”The reign of strict and impartial justice initiated by Umar went against the grain of the Umayyads. They saw power and influence 7 Abdul Islam Nadvi, P 69 Umar bin Abdul Aziz 423 fast slipping out of their hands.” The villains of the day, therefore, planned to rid themselves of this most virtuous member of their dynasty. They hired a slave of the caliph to administer poison to him. It had a fatal effect. Umar expired at Dair Siman (Simeon) in Rajab 101 A.H., corresponding to January 720 A.D. It is fact of history that when this wonderful caliph died he left no property, no deposits and no assets for the bereaved. When his only box was opened in the presence of his successor, Yazid bin Abdul Malik, there was nothing in it except a blanket of ordinary use. A contemporary, Abdur Rahman bin Qasim. told his friends that the cash which the caliph left behind was distributed among his children and their mother, and every one of them got two dirhams. Even during the last moments of his life, the caliph was not unjust. The piece of land in which he wanted his body to be laid to rest, belonged to the Christian monastery of the place concerned. The bishop was called for and the caliph expressed his desire to him. The bishop insisted that he could have the graveyard as a gift from the Christian community. The caliph refused and the site was a purchased with ready money. When this saviour of the Islamic spirit was about to breathe his last, he was heard by a servant reciting the following verse of the Quran as if to give good tidings to the men of piety and a lesson to the pitiless politicians for all ages to come: ”The Abode of the Hereafter is meant for those who do not aspire for eminence on earth, nor do they (encourage) disruption, and the Reward (on the Day of judegment) will be for the pious only.” His reign enjoys a special distinction in the history of Islam because of the fact that he re- established the system of government that had prevailed during the period of the Rightly Guided Caliphs and revived many features of the Companions’ time. ”Umar bin Abdul Aziz,” says Ibn Khaldun, ”who came in the middle of the Marywani line, devoted all his efforts to restoring the ways of the Rightly Guided Caliphs and the Companions.” Umar b. Adbul Aziz was fortunate in ruling over a vast realm, so that the benefits of his benign and large-hearted policies had ample territory to spread Over.8 ’ Abdul Islam Nadvi, P 3 Yazid II 425 CHAPTER YAZID II (720-724 A.D./101-105 A.H.) Conditions of the Empire Yazid II, the third son of Abdul Malik, succeeded Umar II as had been pre-arranged by his brother Sulayman. His reign was the period of risings all over the empire. Yamanite and Modharite became involved in a deadly struggle in Spain, in Africa, and in the East; and the enemies of Islam triumphed on all sides, whilst the incapacity of the sovereign and his advisers, and the nomination of incompetent governors encouraged internal disorders. An expedition into the country of Azerbaijan was disastrously repulsed by the Khazars and Kipchacks who inhabited the Caucasian regions. In Transoxiana there were revolts and risings almost always brought about by the exactions of the new governors, which were suppressed with great difficulty and loss of life. In Asia Minor alone we read of successes against the Greeks. In Africa, the nomination of a former official of Hajjaj, who attempted to treat the Berbers with the harshness and cruelty his master had used towards the Iraqians, led to a rising which assumed within a short time formidable dimensions, and required for its suppression under Yazid’s successor all the resources of the empire. In Spain, where the balance had been held so equally under the rule of Umar, that neither faction had cause for complaint, the old story of tribal dissensions and jealousies had recommenced: and every city was distracted with its own intestine quarrels. The grinding imposts introduced into Yaman by the brother of Hajjaj in the reign of Walid I., but which had been abolished b> Umar II., were re-introduced with the result that the people of the province were thoroughly alienated. All the just ordinances issued by Umar were revoked. The Kharijis, who, during the last reign, had refrained from acts of aggression, now issued against the man whom they considered an unjust and ungodly tyrant. Whilst the empire was thus distracted on all sides, Yazid spent his time with two ladies of his harem to whom he was greatly attached.1 Risings of Yazid b. Muhallab While Umar bin Abdul Aziz was sick, Yazid, son of Muhammad, who had been imprisoned for not paying the one-fifth part of the booty of his last campaign bribed the guard and escaped from Aleppo to Basrah where he raised a serious revolt against his old enemy, the new Caliph, whose wife was a niece to Hajjaj b. Yusuf and whose property had been confiscated by Yazid b. Muhallab. Yazid II took up the cause of the relatives and adherents of Hajjaj sorely pursued by Sulayman. Governors were appointed from the Qaysites. The Yamanites and the Azdis suffered and the family of al-Muhallab was persecuted. Tribal jealousies grew a new and numerous friends and followers particularly Yamanis and Azdis rallied around Ibn Muhallab. He slew the Governor of Basrah and seized the treasury which he used in raising a huge army. The Caliph offered a free pardon but the rebel was determined \o fight to the bitter. He even sent Governors to Ahwaz, Pars and Kirman. The adherents of Hajjaj living in Basrah were put to death. Many escaped to Kufah. Maslamah at the head of 80,000 strong men was deputed against the rebel. Leaving behind a strong force under his brother at Wasit, Ibn Muhallab took the field against the Syrian force which had taken position on the left bank of the Euphrates. The battle was fought on 25th August 720 near al-’Aqr between Kufah and Wasit. Many Kufans including Tamim and Kalb had joined the rebels. Maslamah set fire to the bridge behind the rebels making their escape difficult. The rebel unable to sustain the Syrian onslaught fled while Yazid b. Muhallab was killed. His brothers retired from Wasit to Kirman where they were put to death. About 300 prisoners were also killed at Kufah at the order of Caliph. Women and children were sold Syed Ameer All. A Short History of the Saracens, Lahore, 1994, P.132. 426 Political and Cultural History of Islam to slavery. Maslamah was appointed Governor of Khurasan and Iraq.2 The revolt and death of Yazid bin Muhallab had far-reaching consequences in the later history of the Umayyads. The Mudarites and the Himayrites became seriously involved in struggle in Spain, in Africa, and in the East and things in these countries turned from bad to worse. The enemies of Islam triumphed everywhere. The Khawarij who during the last reign had sheathed their swords were now displeased with the man whom they considered an unjust and ungodly tyrant. While the empire was thus passing through crisis, he spent his days with the ladies of the harem. Rising in Khurasan Maslamah, the Governor of Khurasan, appointed his son-inlaw Sa’id, a weak and feeble man, as his lieutenant at Merv. There was a general discontent in Khujandah and Farghanah. The tributary Sughdians receiving no protection sought help from the Turks. On the approach of the Muslim force 3,000 Sughdians were put to the sword. Risings continued throughout his reign in these outlying provinces with varying results. Maslamah, not sending the revenues to Damascus, was replaced in 102 A.H./720-1 A.D. by ’Umar b. Hubayr, a chief of the Fizara tribe who had distinguished himself in the military campaigns against the Kharijis on the northern border of Mesopotamia. The new Governor was a Qaysite, as a consequence, the Yamanis and the Azdis suffered at his hands particularly in Khurasan. Several military operations were carried on against the Khazar, Kipchak and others in the north-east between the Caspian and Black Seas but not always with success. The disaster of the first army was retrieved by the second one under al-Jarrah. Balanjor and other cities were occupied. Al-Jarrah pushed forward and suffered discomfiture at the hands of the Turkoman hordes in winter. Affairs in the Viceroyalty of Ifriqiyah Reports from North Africa were also not encouraging. A secretary of Hajjaj had been appointed as governor of North Africa. The Berbers not tolerating his harsh treatment like Hajjaj rose in rebellion, killed him and cut off relation with Damascus. Attachment with its dependency, Spain, was also not strong. Under Sulayman the 1 S M Imamuddm. A Political Histor> of the Muslims, Vol. II Part, I, Karachi, 1984. P 68 Yazid II 4 Pyrenees had been crossed for the second time by the Muslims um Amir al-Hurr. France was torn asunder about this time by inter discord and hatred of the French to their masters, the Franks. In 1 A.H./718-19 A.D., its southern provinces were attacked by 1 Muslims and lands as Nimes were occupied by them. Three years after they stormed Narbonne and garrisoned it the headquarters in France. Under Samh b. Malik al-Khawlani dun the time of’Umar II Toulouse was besieged but Muslims were pul flight by Count Eudo and they under the banner of ’Abdur Rahrr ibn ’Abdullah al-Ghafiqi retreated safely to Narbonne. Embolden by the discomfiture of the Muslims in France the Asturiz established themselves in the mountainous region, threw off i Musalim’s yoke and laid in foundation of a new power which, in d course of time, brought an end to Umayyad rule in Spain.3 Risings of the Alids and Abbasids The advantages of the weak and unpopular government Yazid II were taken by the Alids and the descendants of He Prophet’s uncle al-Abbas, who now came for the first time to pi their roles in the politics of Islam. They propagated their vie) throughout the East which at length led to the transfer of power frc the hand of the Umayyads to those of the Abbasids. A deputation Iraqi merchants canvassing the cause of the Alids and Abbasids m Khudhayna in Khurasan. Yazid II was more fond of harem life th< any of his predecessors. Among his favourite slave girls we Habbabah and Sallamah who exercised great influence on tl Caliph. He, however, succeeded in unifying the administration < Medina and Makkah, pacifying the ”Iraqis and revising the pensic registers in Egypt. The introduction of the land-tax in certa provinces abolished by his predecessors made him unpopular amor the populace. Death He died at the age of forty after a short and an inglorioi reign of about four years in Rajjab 105 A.H./Jan 724. A.D. Early i his reign he had nominated his brother Hisham and after him his ow son Walid then a minor to succeed him. 1 S M Imamuddm, P 69 CHAPTER 32 HISHAM (724-743A.D./105-125 A.H.) On the death of Yazid II. his brother Hisham succeeded to an empire racked by tribal dissensions, and full of trouble at home and abroad. The wild hordes of Turkomans and Khazars pressing on the north, and Khariji zealots seething within with discontent, and the emissaries of the house of Abbas working underground, combined to sap the foundation of Umayyads power in the East. The flower of the nation had perished either in the civil wars or under the suspicious policy of a jealous court. The blind confidence reposed by the last sovereign in his ministers had thrown the government into the hands of incompetent and self-seeking functionaries whose incapacity and misrule alienated the people. Here and there, a few men shone, like stars on a darkening horizon, for their devotion to duty, but generally amongst the official classes, the old patriotism and enthusiasm for the Faith had almost died out in the pursuit of individual ambition. At this crisis a master’s hand was needed at the helm to save the ship of state from drifting to destruction. But Hisham was little fitted by character or disposition to cope with difficulties which now best the empire. He was undoubtedly an improvement upon his immediate predecessor; the atmosphere of the court became purer, the laxity of the former reign gave way to decorum, the city was purged of the parasites that live on society, and greater regard was paid to the conventionalities and rules of life. But his austerity wore an aspect of somberness, and his parsimony amounted to avarice. And these failings were aggravated by more serious defects of character. Bigoted in his views, narrow in his sympathies, and suspicious in Hisham 429 nature, he trusted nobody, and relied chiefly on espionage and intrigue to prevent hostile combinations and conspiracies. Easily swayed by false reports, he often sacrificed the best servants of the state upon mere suspicion, and the frequent change of governors led to disastrous consequences.1 He ruled for a long period which was, according to Mas’udi, a reign of nineteen years nine months and nine days. Hisham’s Caliphate was the last important reign of the Umayyad Caliphate, during which several significant events occurred both within and on the frontiers of the empire, which hastened the fall of this dynasty. We begin first with the events in the East, i.e. in Iraq, Khurasan and the Central Asia. Khalid al-Qasri, the Viceroy of the East The later Umayyad Caliphs were the partisans of either the Modharite or the Yamanite tribes of the Arabs, and Hisham was no exception. Yazid II favoured the Modhar while Hisham became the champion of the Yamani tribes. Hence, his first act was to break the supremacy of the Modhar, by dismissing the Modharite, Umar bin Hubair from his office of the Viceroy of the East at Kufa. In his place he appointed Khalid bin Abdullah al-Qasri who was an old officer of Hajjaj bin Yusuf, and was brought up in Hajjaj’s tradition of firm administration. He, however, endeavoured to maintain a balance between the two rival tribal groups. Hence, during fifteen years of his administration, there was hardly a collision between the Modhar and the Himyar. Rebellions in Khurasan and Transoxiana While peace reigned in Iraq and Persia, a series of rebellions occurred in Khurasan and Central Asia. They were due to three causes: Firstly, the tribal rivalry of the Modhar and Himyar which caused a violent dispute among the Arab tribes of Khurasan, and was crushed after some difficulty. Secondly, the governors of Khurasan, who were frequently changed, continued to collect Jazya from those non-Muslim Sogdians who had accepted Islam in spite of the promise that they would be exempted from it if they become Muslim. When the governor of Khurasan tried to reimpose Jazya on them the Sogdians became angry and renounced Islam and rose into revolt against their Muslim rulers. Many pious Muslims, believing the Sogdians justified on their complaint, also took their side and Syed Ameer Ali, A Short History of the Saracens, P. 137. 430 Political and Cultural History of Islam revolted under their leader Haris. Thirdly, the prince of the Turks called the Khaqan, who was in the neighbouring territories of the Central Asia, and was eager to fish in the troubled waters of that province, invaded the Muslim territories in Transoxiana. Several attempts were made to suppress these rebellions, but to no avail. At last in 735 A.D. the viceroy, Khalid al-Qasri sent his younger brother, Asad to Khurasan as its governor. Asad al-Qasri defeated the Sogdians in 736 A.D. and also the Arab rebels under their leader Haris. Most of these rebels, including Haris, fled to the land of the Khaqan who invaded Transoxiana in 736 A.D. When Asad received the news of Khaqan’s invasion, he left Balkh, which was his capital, and fought a battle with the invader near Khottal. But the battle ended indecisively and as winter approached, Asad retired to Balkh, while the Khaqan went to Tukharistan. Next year, in 737 A.D., Asad again marched against the Turkish hordes, because the Khaqan was preparing to attack Samarqand. In an engagement, the Khaqan was killed and his leaderless hordes fled across the borders into their land. The news of Khaqan’s death was received with great joy at Damascus, for he was a great foe of Islarn. Asad, the brave governor, died a few months after his victory. In his place, the Caliph appointed Nasr bin Sayyar as the governor. Nasr’s task was already made easier by Asad’s victories. He won the favour of the Mawali by exempting them from the payment of Jazya. Khalid al-Qasri, also, did not remain the viceroy long after the death of his younger brother. Though an able administrator, yet he had powerful enemies who constantly filled the ears of the Caliph against his viceroy of Iraq. For a long time Hisham denied their accusations and refused to dismiss him. But at last, in 739 A.D. Khalid al-Qasri was suddenly removed from his office and his enemy, Yusaf bin Umar, a Modharite of the Fazara tribe, was appointed in his place. The causes of Khalid’s dismissal were firstly: his hostility to the Modharite faction; secondly, his alleged hostility of Islam. His mother was a Christian, for whom he got a church constructed in Kufa. This displeased the Orthodox Muslims in Iraq. But the real reason which prompted Hisham to dismiss him was his great wealth which he had accumulated by his good management of his increasing estates, and by speculation in the sale of corn.2 Khalid, who had ; Muhammad Arshad, Islamic History. P. 201 432 Political and Cultural History of Islam ruled the province with vigour and justice. His successful and tolerant administration had raised a host of enemies, and they poisoned the mind of Hisham against hini. The chief ground of suspicion against him was that he favoured the Hashimides (the descendants of Hashim). Probably Hisham was also influenced by avarice, for he suspected that during the fifteen years Khalid had held office, he had amassed a large fortune by peculation. During Khalid’s time prosperity reigned particularly due to the engineering and irrigation works of Hassan al-Nabati. The swamps in the Tigris were dried around Wasit and extensive areas were reclaimed for irrigation. After fifteen years of service Khalid fell from the grace of Khalifah Hisham on account of the embezzlement of public treasury and his attachment with the Banu Hashim. He squandered the revenue and one-third of which amounting 13,000,000 dirhams he had appropriated himself. He was punished and forced to repay the amounts appropriated and squandered. A successful governor like him also was not free from corruption which speaks the trend of government and the character of officials the Umayyads had. But as soon as the strong hand of Hisham was removed trouble arose in Iraq. Yusuf bin Umar and the and Insurrection During the viceroyalty of Yusuf bin Umar, the peace in Iraq of the days of, Khalid al- Qasri was disturbed by a rising of the Alids. One of the great-grandsons of Hazrat Ali, named Zaid, had come from Medina to Kufa. There was a large number of the supporters of the family of Hazrat Ali in Kufa, who persuaded Zaid to rise against the Umayyads whose power, they said, had been shaken. Zaid accepted their pleadings and began to collect a force and to take the oath of aUegiance to himself. Fifteen thousand Kufans enrolled themselves in his army. Yusuf was at first in the dark about this conspiracy, till it was disclosed to him by two of Zaid’s followers. Upon this, the Viceroy threatened the Kufans with dire consequences if they revolted. So a large number of them remained calm, while only 218 men rose in rebellion with Zaid. Yusuf defeated them with a body of 2000 Syrians and killed Zaid. His son, Yahya, a youth of seventeen, fled to Khurasan and remained in hiding for several years, till he was captured and killed in the days of Walid II. The death of Zaid was ultimately a blow to the Umayyad 1 S.M Imamuddm, P 72 Hisham 433 -«.*j,^ dynasty, because it strengthened the cause of the Ahl-ul-Bait, and the propaganda of the Abbasids who were now actively agitating against the hated Umayyads. It was during these troubled days that Abu Muslim, the great Abbasid propagandist, appeared in the East to lead their movement against Umayyads. The Khazar Incursion North to the provinces of Armenia and Azerbaijan, in the mountains of Caucasia, there dwelt the Khazar tribes and the Turks. In 727 A.D. the Turks invaded Armenia and Mesopotamia, but were driven out. In 731 A.D. a large force of the Khazar again invaded the Muslim provinces. The Arab governor, Jarrah, was defeated and killed and the invaders reached as far as Mosul. But Hisham sent a new force under Said al-Harshi, who defeated the Khazars with terrible slaughter, captured large numbers of them and drove others across the borders. Hisham, however, did not value the service of his intrepid general, al-Harshi, recalled him and appointed his brother Moslamah as the governor of Armenia and Mesopotamia in 732 A.D. A year later, in 733 A.D. Moslamah was succeeded in the governorship by Merwan, who was an equally great Umayyad general. He inflicted several defeats on the Khazars and other Caucasian tribes and conquered Georgia in these mountains. For more than ten years, till he himself became the Caliph, Marwan defended the northern frontiers of the empire with great courage and soldierly skill. He tried and perfected new methods of warfare which later enabled him to win the throne for himself.4 The Khariji and Berber Rebellions in North Africa We now turn towards the events in the West. At first, there was peace and prosperity in the vast province of Kairowan. Even some victories were won by the Muslim arms. In 734 A.D. the Arabs had conquered the Black Country, i.e. Sudan. In 741 A.D., the Arabs conquered Sardania and Syracuse in Sicily. But soon after, a violent rebellion broke out in North Africa. When the Kharijis had been repeatedly defeated in Iraq, Persia and Arabia, a large number of them fled to the vast regions of North Africa. Maddened by their fanaticism and bigotry, bitterly hateful of the Umayyads for their merciless persecutions, the Khariji Muhammad Arshad, Islamic History, P 203. 434 Political and Cultural History of Islam zealots denounced their oppressors as worse than Kafirs, and proclaimed as usual a war of extermination against the Umayyads. The Berbers, who had by now adopted Islam, went over to the Kharijis. The reason was the Jazya. Like the governors of Khurasan, the governor of the Maghrib, at Tangiers, continued to collect the Jazya from the Berber Muslims which roused their fury. They were incited by the Kharijis who declared that the Umayyads were more interested in collecting wealth than in Islam. Hence both the Kharijis and the Berbers rose in revolt at Tangiers, in the extreme west, and marched upon Kairowan in 736 A.D. Though an Arab force under Ibn Habib, tried to halt their advance, but it was cut down almost to a man by the immense horde of the Berbers and the Kharijis. The news of this reverse angered Hisham who at once sent a Syrian army under his able commander, named Kulthum. But Kulthum was defeated and killed after some time. Now the Arabs were surrounded by the rebels in the capital, Kairowan, but they repulsed all attempts of the Berbers to capture the capital. Hisham then sent Hanzala bin Safwan, of the Kalbi (Yamani) tribe as the viceroy of Kairowan. On reaching the capital, Hanzala at once strengthened the defences and put courage in the hearts of the defenders. The Arabs were put to dire straits by fhe besiegers, but Hanzala was a hero of the old type. He infused a new spirit into the Arabs and raised a great force of soldiers and volunteers. At last, in 743 A.D., after a hard-fought battle, the Berbers and the zealots were utterly defeated. One hundred and eighty thousand of them were killed, along with their leaders. Thus Hanzala restored peace and order to North Africa. War in France, Battle of Tours (732 A.D.) The Muslim arms continued to win victories in southern France in the time of Hisham’s predecessors. The governor of Spain, al-Hurr. had crossed the Pyrenees. Samh, in the reign of Umar, had captured Narbonne, but when he advanced further, he was beaten by Eudo, the Duke of Acquitaine in 721 A.D. In 726 A.D. he however, died in southern France. The Caliph Hisham sent Anbasa to Spain, which was now torn by the rivalry and feuds of the Arabs and the Berbers. Several more governors were sent, but the factions and fights did not end. At last, Hisham made Abdur Rahman al-Ghafki the governor of Spain. He was a man of courage and considerable abilities. Hisham 435 He soon reconciled the quarrelling factions of the Modhar and Himyar, restored peace to Spain and reorganized the government of that province. But he was not negligent of the defence of French frontiers of the empire. The Berber governor of French possessions of the Arabs, named Munuza by the Europeans, whose name was Usman bin Abu Nissa, revolted against Abdur Rahman, joined with Eudo, the Duke of Acquitaine, and married his daughter. Abdur Rahman resolved to punish his insurrection and marched against him. Munuza was defeated and killed and his French wife was sent to Damascus as a gift to the Caliph who married her to his son. After the defeat and death of Munuza, Abdur Rahman conceived a great plan to conquer the whole of France and thus emulate the great conquests of Tariq and Musa before him. He first subdued the little principality in south-western France. Then he attacked Eudo, the father-in-law of the dead Munuza and the Duke of Acquitaine, the biggest duchy in south France. He defeated the Duke, first at Aries and then at Bordeaux, the capital of the Duchy. Finally the Duke was defeated at Dordogue and fled to the northern France to seek the aid of the Prankish King, Charles Mattel. The Prankish King summoned a large army from his vast dominions in Austria and Germany and marched to the southr-In the meantime, the Arab army under Abdur Rahman advanced into Central France and captured the City of Tours by assault.5 The two forces met each other near Tours, in Oct., 732 A.D. For fifteen days they fought minor engagements. At last, one day, the Franks were forcefully attacked by the Arabs and were about to be defeated, when a cry arose that the Arab camp was captured by the enemy. This rumour made the Muslim soldiers to rush towards their camp to protect their vast treasures they had collected, leaving a small force under the commander to fight the Franks. Outnumbered by the Franks, this force was defeated and Abdur Rahman was himself killed on the battle-field. His death caused great confusion among the Arab army, which now retired to its camp. As night had fallen, Franks did not press their attack. During the night, after serious disputes among the Arab and Berber commanders the Muslim army left for the southern France. Next day, the Franks also returned to their capital, leaving the Arabs in undisputed possession of the south-western France. The defeat at ’ Abdul Qadir, A Short History of Islam, Lahore, 1969, P. 102. 438 Political and Cultural History of Islam the borders of the Caliphate, the rebels and insurgents, like the Berbers, the Kharijis and the Sogdians, were suppressed with difficulty. It indicated the decline in the military skill and power of the Umayyads. Hisham spent his revenue in making canals, building castles and laying out gardens. He was tolerant to the Christians and had the highest respect for Hazrat AH. He refrained from reviling Hazrat AH when he was asked by one of Usman’s descendants on the occasion of pilgrimage. Himself a scholar he was a patron of arts and letters. A famous historian says, ”Hisham bin Abduj Malik, unquestionably one of the ablest of the Umayyad sovereigns, was as much a warrior as a scholar”. Salam who served him as Chief Secretary was a man of letters. But as a ruler he suffered from defects. He was suspicious and greedy. He trusted none and frequently changed his Governors and officers. As a result of his changing policy he lost some of the efficient and able Governors like Khalid al-Qasri. His greed for money led him to increase taxation to the utmost limit. The policy towards the increase of his income by selling the agricultural produce at a higher price and the ruthless suppression of the Alids’ revolt made him unpopular and worked^ against the interest of the Umayyad dynasty. The Empire already undermined continued sinking in spite of the efforts of Hisham. This was the long and chequered Hisham’s reign, when Abbasid emissaries and Khariji theocrats continued to fan the flames of discontentment and disaffection against the Umayyads. Even Hisham’s virtues, mildness and justice could not check the decline of the Empire. He was generous but not extravagant and did not scatter largesses which injured his popularity. He refused to revile Hazrat AH when urged to do so by a descendant of Usman at Makkah. He was opposed to the Qadariyah teaching and punished those who did not believe in the Qur’an being eternal and rejected the doctrine of inspiration. He was himself pious and did not approve the dissolute character of his cousin and heir apparent Walid or his own son Hisham The region of Iraq was developed especially thrpugl engineering and drainage works of Hassan ai-Nabati. Hi developed agriculture and increased taxation at the risk o popularity. Although he spent lavishly on building canals, castle pleasure gardens and he left the treasury full. He was disliked fc bestowing largesses. He was mild, just, virtuous and generou not extravagant. Like the Berbers in North Africa, the Persian: Turks in Transoxiana were discontented. As a result ’Abl propagandists gained footing in the east and he left the Empire worse condition than that in which he had found it. With hir golden age of the Umayyads came to a close. He was the thirc last statesman of the Umayyad dynasty, the other two I Mu’awiya and Abdul Malik. During his time the empire extend its greatest limit particularly in Central Asia. The caliph took interest in public works and di recreation hours he absorbed himself in music, poetry and the c Horse race as a national game was patronised by Hisham and ir of the courses organized by the Caiiph the number of racers rea 4,000. Even one of his daughters kept horses fof racing. Hi1 bestowed his patronage on the Christian Hunayn al-Hiri, dean c Iraq singers. He persecuted heresy and ordered the execution c Ja’d ibn Dirham for teaching that the Qur’an was created Ghaylan al- Dimashqi for preaching the doctrine of free will.6 Glubb says, ”He had been a diligent and scrupulous rule himself constantly examined the niib»v accounts and supervise administration. He was extremely painstaking in his legal decis In appearance, he was the thickest and suffered from a «nuin v\ia paitici!.larly interested in farming and passionately for horses- an open-air, practical country squire.” Masudi, one c earliest of the famous Arab historians, writes that Umaj produced three really great rulers, Mu’awiya I, Abdul Malik Hisham bin Abdul Malik.7 6 Abdul Qadir. A Short History of Islam, Lahore. 1969, P 102 7 John Bagot GiJibb, A Short History of the Arab Peoples London, 1969, P CHAPTER 33 MARWAN II (744-750 A.D./127-132 A.H.) On his accession Marwan was surrounded by difficulties. The support given to him by the Mudar clan and the discomfiture inflicted by them rankled in the bosom to the Yamani tribes. The Khawarij raised the standard of rebellion and the Hashimi (or Abbasid) conspiracy spread with alarming rapidity. Disaffection and discontent spread all over the empire. Even the men of Kalb and the Syrian troops became disaffected. Marwan’s reign was one of continual struggle which would have put the rebellion down, had the Syrian forces held a united front, but that they did not do out of tribal jealousies and the result was fatal to the Umayyad rule. Transfer of Capital Marwan’s first act was the transfer of capital from Damascus to Harran which aroused the jealousy of the Syrians and united their rival parties against the Caliph. Hims and Damascus rose in rebellion but the rebellions were put down in no time. Shortly after, a serious insurrection broke out in Palestine but the rebel leader Thabit Ibn Noem with his three sons was taken prisoner. He had governed his province of Armenia with vigour and had time after time rolled back the nomadic hordes in their attempts to overwhelm him from the north. His remarkable powers of endurance had obtained for him the surname of al-Himar, not in derision, but in acknowledgment of his physical strength and force of will. Unlike most of his predecessors, he was ascetic in his life and habits. In camp or on the march, he lived like his soldiers, and shared their simple fare as well as their privations; nor would he in his Manoan II 441 palace indulge in those luxuries which had become habitual among the sovereigns of his house. He was devoted to the study of ancient history, on which he often discoursed to his secretary and companions. He was well advanced in years when he came to the throne, but the celerity of his movements, and the promptitude with which he crushed the enemies that sprang up on all sides, showed that age had not dimmed his energies. However, something more than mere soldierly qualities in the sovereign was needed at this crisis to save the Umayyad power from dissolution-the ability to rise above tribal bias; and this was the quality in which Marwan, like most of his family, was essentially wanting Had he been gifted with the breadth of views and large outlook required of statesman, and the spirit of conciliation which alone could bring the conflicting elements into harmony, the history of Asia would have been written otherwise. An ungovernable temper, combined with the obstinacy and hardness which characterised most of the Umayyads, accentuated the defect. Instead of endeavouring to pacify the feuds which rent the Arab nation, he flung himself into the tribal dissension with the blind zeal of a partisan; and the harshness, not to say cruelty, with which he treated the Yemenites gave rise to implacable hatred on their side. So the old rivalry, embittered by present wrongs, grew into rage under the attacks of poets. Komait, a Modharite, in a long poem extolled the prowess and greatness of his tribe and the virtues and sufferings of the Hashimides. He was answered in the same strain by an Yemenite poet named Dibli who attacked the Modharites, and sang of the glories of Himyar and of their kings. These poems were carried from the city to the tents, and by their raillery and sarcasm inflamed alike citizen and nomade. Modhar and Himyar were now at each other’s throats with unparalleled fury.1 Marwan as a Governor and Military Commander His father was the governor of Mesopotamia and Armenia. Later on, Marwan was also appointed to this office in the days of Hisham. The Khazars had raided the northern provinces of Armenia and Azerbaijan in 731 A.D. They were repulsed with some difficulty and Hisham appointed Masalma as the governor but removed him and appointed Marwan in his place in 733 AD. For the next 12 years, he remained the governor of Mesopotamia and Armenia and S>ed Ameer Ah. A Short Histor> o! the Saiacens, P 164 442 Political and Cultural History of Islam successfully repulsed the Turkish and Khazar attacks on these provinces. It was a post which required a soldier and Marwan proved himself as such. As a general, he not only repulsed the invaders, defended the frontiers but also improved the military organization and tactics of the Arabs. Racial Pride of the Arabs In their racial pride the Arabs held themselves aloof from the natives and, in spite of the teachings of Islam, looked down upon them as an inferior race, and were hated in consequence. The subordinate departments of the civil and fiscal administration were largely in the hands of the Persians; but they were excluded from military posts and the higher offices of state. When an appeal was made to that charter of emancipation - the Quran-as proclaiming the equality and brotherhood of man, it was either treated with contempt, or evaded by quibbles. With the exception of a few, whose names were borne on the register of the great Umar, or who had distinguished themselves by eminent services, the members of the subject race took no part in the social gatherings or the pleasures of their rulers, and brooded in sullen wrath and hatred over their lost greatness. But the Syrian Arabs, Modhar as well as Himyar, engaged in their own pastimes or tribal quarrels, racked little of the pent-up storm. Political disabilities and invidious social distinctions gave rise among the Persians to a strong and natural sense of injustice. A watch-word alone was needed to fire national enthusiasm; and that was found in ”the rights of the Ahl ul-Bait-People of the House,” which became the rallying cry of the subject nationalities of the East. The Himyarite tribes, and the bulk of the Arabs of Hijaz and Iraq settled in Khurasan, were equally discontented. The party in power, as is usually the case, strove to retain the monopoly of influence and emolument in its own hands, and to exclude any participation L.y rhe others, which bred bitter jealousy and disputes. In these elements of discontent and disaffection, Abu Muslim found his materials for the revolt and Khurasan became the centre for the adherents of the Banu Abbas.2 ”In the West, the administration was weak and unsettled. The governors throughout Africa had to keep up a continual contest against the Berbers and the Khawarij”. Spain was gradually slipping from the grasp of the Eastern Caliphate. Taking this opportunity the S>ed Ameer Ali.P 177 Marwan II 443 Greeks made inroads upon the border lands of Asia Minor and Syria. Thus when the political sky was clouded with danger, Marwan returned to Harran and remained there till he was called by the battle of Zab. While these were happening in the empire, the Abbasids thought it right to raise the standard of rebellion in Khurasan. Abu Muslim championed the cause of the Abbasids in Khurasan. He was a man of parts and impressive character. For his intelligence and power of organization he was appointed to head the propaganda. He began to criticise the policy of the Umayyads and was able to rouse the sentiment of the people by raising the question of Ahl al-Bayt, people of the House. As the ruling class had no contact with the subject people, his appeal won the Kharijites, the Yamanites, the Mudarites, the Persians and the Shi’ites over to his side. Thus when all the disaffected people rallied round his banner, he decided to wage war against Nasr, the governor of Khurasan in 747 A.D. As a commander of the frontier force, he soon found a weakness in the old Arab armies which were composed of volunteers. These volunteer armies were useless for a ^g and arduous fighting on the frontiers. Consequently Marwan began to rely more and more on regular troops instead of the old tribal levies, the Muqatila. Along with this change, Marwan introduced a new method of warfare. Before him, the Arab commanders used to array their forces on the battle-field in long lines, called the Sufuf, as exemplified by the tactics of the Holy Prophet. But Marwan replaced the Sufuf by Karadis, which were small, compact, and easily movable units. This shows his capacity as a military organizer. Whilst Marwan was beating down the insurrections in Syria and contending with the Zealots in Iraq and Arabia, the bitter feud between Modhar and Himyar was working out the destruction of the Umayyads empire in Asia. Nasr, the governor of Khurasan, was a Modharite, and against him was arrayed the entire Himyarite faction. The deadly conflict in which the two branches of the Arab nation who held guard over the subject races were involved, was deemed by the leaders of the Abbassid propaganda to give the long-wished for opportunity for applying the torch to the mine that had been so carefully laid. Abu Muslim, the leader of the revolt, was peculiarly fitted for the task entrusted to him by the Abbassid Imam. An impassive exterior, which no adversity or success could affect, however slightly, concealed a pitiless and cruel heart. ”The gravest events could hardly disturb the serenity of his countenance,” says an 444 Political and Cultural History of Islam old author. ”He received the news of the most important victories without expressing the least symptom of joy; under the greatest reverses of fortune he never betrayed the slightest uneasiness; and when angered, he never lost his self-command.” His unvarying urbanity and condescension conciliated enemies and secured adherents; whilst the capacity for organizing the troops and administering public affairs extorted admiration. A Machiavellian dexterity in playing upon the vanity of Modhar and Himyar and the bitterness which animated both, enabled him to carry out his design with sufficient immunity from either side. Nasr and Abu Muslim Nasr, the governor of Khurasan, was an able and vigorous administrator, and in happier circumstances would probably have left his impress on the province. But whilst his master was struggling with the Zealots in the west, he was endeavouring to make head against the Yaman faction led by a man called, after his birthplace, Kermani. Finding the Arab garrisons thus off their guard, Abu Muslim issued the manifesto for the long-planned rising. The cause proclaimed was ”the rights of the Ahl ul-Bait” against the usurping Banu Umayyad; and the dubious words al-Hashim, ”the children of Hashim,” whose champion he announced himself to be, secured the support of the adherents of the Fatimides. The gathering was to take place on the 25th of Ramzan, 129 A.H., and the people were summoned by large bonfires lighted on the hill-tops. Vast multitudes, all clothed’in black, in sign of mourning for the chiefs that had fallen or been murdered, flocked to the try sting-places; and before a few weeks were over, the black standards of the Abbasid King-maker, called ”the Cloud”’ and ”the Shadow,” flew from city to city on their onward march towards the west. The Umayyads garrisons were expelled from Herat and other places in the far East. Kermani’s death in an ambush prepared by the Modhar, led to his sons joining Abu Muslim; and their combined forces drove Nasr out of Merv. The ominous sable standard of the al-Hashim brought the hitherto divided Syrians to their senses; they suddenly awakened to the gravity of the danger, and tried to patch up a semblance of union. But it was too late. The rising had now grown into a revolt, and was joined by many of the leading Arabs of Hijaz and Iraq. The unfortunate Viceroy, unable alone to contend with the force under Abu Muslim, which was all the while increasing in number and strength, invoked the assistance of his sovereign, but received no reply, as Marwan was Marwan II 445 just then pressed by the Zealots in Mesopotamia. Before leaving Merv, Nasr addressed a last pathetic appeal to Marwan for help. He pointed out that the fire of insurrection was yet in embryo and could still be stamped out, and wound up with the despairing cry which has become historical, ”Oh that I knew whether the sons of Ommeyya be awake or sunk in sleep! If they are sleeping in such times as these, say to them: ’Arise, the hour is come!1” In response to this urgent appeal, Marwan directed the viceroy of Iraq to despatch reinforcements for the assistance of Nasr; but before they could arrive on the scene of action, Ferghana and Khurasan had fallen entirely into the hands of Abu Muslim, and his resources had increased proportionately. Nothing shows the power of this remarkable man so well as his choice of men; the generals whom he employed were some of the ablest of the time. Kahtaba bin Shabib, an Arab of Hijaz, settled in Pars, pursued Nasr to Sarrakhs, and inflicted on him a defeat which completely demoralized the Syrian forces. Nasr, then in his eightyfifth year, fell back on Jurjan, where he suffered another defeat; he then fled towards Pars, but died on the way.3 Whilst these events were occurring in the east, Marwan was endeavouring to find out the man in whose name the standard of rebellion had been raised. With the help of spies he discovered that Ibrahim was the originator of this rising. He was put into prison and brought to Harran. The arrest of Ibrahim had no effect on the advancement of the army of Abu Muslim. After defeating Nasr, Kahataba, one of Abu Muslim’s generals, advanced rapidly westwards. He and his son Hasan defeated and drove the governor of Iraq and captured Kufa. Marwan became furious at the news of this discomfiture. He at once killed Ibrahim who before his death had nominated his brother Abul Abbas Abdullah as his successor, Abdul Abbas taking a vow of revenge, fled to Kufa after the death of his brother and remained concealed there until the city was captured Kahataba. In the mosque of Kufa, Abu Muslim and the leading men assembled to elect the Khalifah and Abul Abbas who assumed the title, as-Saffah, was proclaimed Khalifah. Henceforth he was the Imam as well as the Khalifah of the Muslims. Thus rose the Abbasids to power and the Umayyads began to decline. Meanwhile stirring events were happening in Upper Muhammad Arshad, Islamic History, P. 160. 446 Political and Cultural History of Islam Mesopotamia. Kahataba had sent an able general, Abu Aun, against the troops of Abdullah, Marwan’s son. Both the parties met at Shahrazor, east of the little Zab. Abu Aun defeated him with great slaughter and occupied the region east of Mosul. Defeat of Marwan Marwan, since his campaign against Khawarij, had remained inactive at Harran. Now he was firmly determined to take the field in person. Crossing the Tigris he advanced upon the greater Zab with an army of 1,20,000 to meet his enemy and a grim battle was fought there in which Marwan was completely defeated. The battle of Zab which sealed the fate of the Umayyad Khilafat took place in the year 132 A.H./750 A.D. After the discomfiture Marwan fled to Hims and thence to Damascus but finding Damascus not safe for his stay, he ran to Palestine and while he was going to Egypt, he was caught on the way and killed in a church in upper Egypt in 750 A.D. On 25th January, 750 A.D., the decisive battle of the World was fought on the river Zab, eighty miles south of Mosul. It resulted in the orientalization of Islam. The loyalty of the Umayyads army had already been undermined by propaganda. Many units refused to fight and Marwan was completely defeated. The Umayyad Empire had been a Mediterranean power. Damascus had been for a thousand years part of the Graeco- Roman world, as had Palestine, Egypt, North Africa and Spain. Persia, the Punjab, Sind and Turkistan had been colonies of this Mediterranean empire. But the Abbasids had achieved power principally with the support of Persians. They made their capital at Kufa in Iraq, which for more than a thousand years had been part of Persia.4 With the death of Marwan fell the house of Umayyad. At the order of Saffah, the first Khalifah of the Abbasids, inhuman cruelty was perpetrated on the members of the fallen house. Marwan as a Ruler As a Caliph also, Marwan proved his worth, his ability, and his brave character. The death of Yazid in in Sept. 714 A.D., opened the door to a war for the throne among the Umayyad princes. Yazid’s brother, Ibrahim, was proclaimed the Caliph. But Marwan, the powerful governor refused to recognize him and marched on Damascus with the outward object of placing a son of Walid II on the throne. Ibrahim fled from the capital, while the sons of Walid II were put to death. The people.of Damascus welcomed Marwan. He 4 John Bagot Glubb, History of the Arab Peoples, P.93. Marwan II 447 was proclaimed Caliph in November 744, because it was believed that he would save the Urn .yyad dynasty from its bitter enemies who were raising their heads all over the empire. Marwan justified this trust to a great extent. In dealing with these insurrections, Marwan displayed admirable generalship and soldierly promptitude. He swooped down in succession upon Hems and Palestine, scattered the rebels and impaled their leaders. He then marched back upon Iraq, and after some hard fights drove the Zealots across the Tigris. In Hijaz, Medina was captured’by the Kharijis under Abu Hamza, after a fight in which the citizens were worsted, and was treated by them with a consideration which it did not receive from the Umayyads. Suppression of the Khawarij Revolt Marwan had not been long on the throne before violent insurrections broke out against him at Hems and in Palestine. The Kharijis emerged once again from their desert refuge and denounced the Umayyad rule and called the people to revolt. Though few in number, they overran and captured Yaman, Hijaz, the whole of Iraq, and later spread to Persia. In dealing with these insurrections, Marwan displayed admirable generalship and soldierly promptitude. He quickly fell upon the rebels in Syria and Palestine and scattered them. He then marched upon Iraq and after some hard fights drove the Kharijis across the Tigris. In Yaman and Hijaz, the Caliph’s commanders crushed the Khariji rebels. In this way he pacified his empire, and restored peace in Iraq. He made Yazid bin Umar bin Hubeira the governor of Iraq. He then returned to his favourite headquarters in Harran, believing that all troubles were finally crushed. CHARACTER Up to this time, Marwan had amply proved his ability as a general and as a Caliph. But soon occurred an event in distant Khurasan which exposed certain short-comings in his character as a military leader and certain defects in his policy as a Caliph. This was the revolt of the Abbassids in Khurasan under Abu Muslim. Before describing the revolt, we should analyse his character and conduct of policy to bring out his faults and weaknesses. Marwan as a Soldier and Caliph As a soldier and as a Caliph, Marwan had shown remarkable qualities. Though he was more than sixty years old, when he 448 Political and Cultural History of Islam ascended the throne, he still possessed the soldierly qualities of prompt action, vigour, great powers of endurance and physical strength and bravery. For his quality of endurance and physical strength he was nicknamed the ”ass of Mesopotamia,” not derisively but appreciating. Besides these soldierly qualities, Marwan was far better a man and Caliph than his immediate predecessors. He was simple, austere, avoided pleasures and luxuries which corrupted the life and court of those Umayyad Caliphs whom he succeeded. ’’In camp or on the march,”’ says Ameer AH, ”he lived like his soldiers and shared their simple fare as well as their hardship; nor would he in his palace indulge in those luxuries which had become habitual among the sovereigns of his house. He was devoted to the study of ancient history.” These qualities justify the statement that he was one of the bravest and best of his House, ”and deserved a better fate.” But a few defects destroyed him and his dynasty. Like some of his predecessors, Marwan II did not possess wide sympathies. He was narrow-minded, hot-tempered, obstinate and hard. These short-comings were reflected in his conduct of state when he became the Caliph, because he became an unyielding partisan of the Modharite faction of the Arabs. At the critical time, when his dynasty was surrounded by strong and resolute foes, it was necessary to rise above party and faction, to reconcile the warring tribes and to restore harmony among them. Instead of pacifying the unending feuds of Arab tribes, Marwan flung himself into the tribal dissensions with the blind zeal of a partisan. He treated the Yamanites with such harshness and even cruelty that they became the mortal enemies of his and his dynasty. Thus they not only caused still greater quarrels among Arab tribes and thereby gave an opportunity to the Abbasid rebels to fish in the troubled waters of the tribal feuds in Khurasan but also to recruit their forces from among the discontented Arabs. So Marwan ultimately failed as a statesman. He failed to rise above the tribal spirit and enmity. This became the cause of his undoing in spite of his ability and bravery. While Marwan was engaged in suppressing the Kharijis in Iraq, Abu Muslim had unfolded his black banner of revolt in Khurasan on 15th June, 747 A.D.’ He drove out the Umayyad governor, Nasr bin Sayyar, from Khurasan, and his lieutenant later defeated and killed him. Before his defeat and death Nasr appealed to the Caliph to take strong measures against the Abbasid insurgents. But Marwan, strange to say, paid no heed to his appeal. For once in Marwan II 449 his life he became lazy and negligent of his enemies and, thus, enabled Abu Muslim’s forces to conquer Khurasan, Persia and Iraq and proclaim as-Saffa as their Caliph in Kufa in November, 749 A.D. That was practically the end of the Umayyad power. At last Marwan shook off his inactivity and gave battle to the Abbasid forces under Abdullah and Abu Ayun on the bank of the greater Zab on 25th January, 750. He was defeated and fled for his dear life to Damascus and from there to Egypt, for the Abbasid forces were hard on his heels. At last he was overtaken by them near Fustat and was put to death in August, 750 A.D. Thus ended the reign of Marwan II. who was both able and brave and would have deserved a better fate but for the few defects in his character and policy. Marwan II was one of the bravest and best of his house. He was a man of vigour and ability, ”His remarkable powers of endurance had obtained for him the surname of al- Himar,” says Ameer Ali. He was simple in life and habits. He had a life like his soldiers in the camp, ”but,” says Ibn al-Athir, ”as destiny had put a term on his reign both his valour and wisdom came to naught”. It was not only destiny but he himself was responsible for the downfall of his empire. There was wanting in him the sovereign ability whichwas essentially needed at the critical moment of the Umayyad dynasty. Moreover, he was not above the tribal bias. The remarks of Ameer Ali in this connection can be quoted here, ”Instead of endeavouring to pacify the feuds which rent the Arab nation, he flung himself into the trivial dissensions with the blind zeal of a partisan and the harshness, not to say cruelty with which he treated the Yamanites gave rise to implacable hatred on their side’’. During the first part of his reign Marwan showed extraordinary courage and capacity and thereby proved himself a worthy and capable monarch of the great Umayyad dynasty. But later in life he was quite indifferent and careless towards the administration of the empire. Consequently, different discontented parties began to grow up in the heart of the empire causing his own downfall and the downfall of the dynasty he belonged to.5 1 For detail see, Hawtmg, The First Dynasty of Islam, London 1990. CHAPTER 34 DECLINE AND FALL OF THE UMAYYAD DYNASTY (743-750 A.D./125-132 A.H.) Within three years of the restoration of Umayyad control over the central provinces by Marwan II, his power and that of his dynasty were completely destroyed The agent of destruction was a rising which, beginning in Khurasan, was carried through mainly by Khurasanis and organized by a group known as the Hashimiyya. The result was the passing of the Caliphate into the possession of the Abbasid family. Difficulties occur when we begin to ask questions about the nature and composition of the movement which overthrow the Umayyads. its aims and the reasons why it attracted support. These difficulties arise chiefly because the movement was necessarily secret in the years before its success, and as the historical tradition came to be stabilized in the period when the Abbasids were ruling as Caliphs, the views of the new rulers and their relationship with Islam were changing too, making necessary a certain reformulation of the traditions about their rise to power and the bases of their legitimacy. There has been room, therefore, for considerable controversy^over the nature of what is often called the Abbasid Revolution”, an expression which, if it has any validity, should be understood as referring to the many and profound developments which followed the accession of the dynasty, not merely to the overthrow of the Ummayyads and establishment of the ”Abbasid Caliphate itself. Now ue study the causes of downfall of Umayyads in detail. Decline & Fall of the Umayyad Dynasty 451 CAUSES OF THE DECLINE The Umayyads achieved victory after victory on the battlefield and within a short span of time their empire extended from the Indus to the Atlantic. Islam is greatly indebted to them for carrying its standard of conquest to distant regions and climes. Had they enjoyed a longer period of rule and an age of political tranquility they might have surpassed the intellectual activity of their successors, the Abbasids. The enduring monument of glory the Abbasids built on the feundations laid by the Umayyads but the decline of such a glorious dynasty set in at such an early age. According to Ibn Khaldun the life of a dynastic empire is equal to that of a man. And the period of one hundred years is the biggest span that a human being is granted. The Umayyad dynasty was not an exception to this rule. Founded by Mu’awiya and consolidated by Abdul Malik and extended by al-Walid it met its end at the hands of the Abbassids. Hisham and Marwan II were the ablest rulers of this dynasty but they had to pay the penalty for the wrongs and injustices done by their predecessors 1. Incapable Rulers The decline of the Umayyads had set in from the time of Yazid II (720-24 A.D.), but it was delayed till the time of Hisham after whose death it rapidly decayed. During the short period of eight years four rulers ascended the throne of Damascus successively.1 They were Walid II, Yazid in, Ibrahim and Marwan II. These rulers proved incapable and failed to keep intact even the territory they had inherited. With the assassination of Walid II, who had devoted himself to wine, poetry and sport and had run through the money hoarded by Hisham and squeezed the governors in April 744. began the end of the dynasty. There are multiple reasons which led to the downfall of this dynasty. 2. Indulgence in Luxuries In the wake of conquest of new lands, huge treasures fell into the hands of the Muslims. Due to the misuse of wealth, indulgence in luxury and keeping of slaves and singing girls in the harem were rife. Due to the ease-loving life which had started even before the time of Hisham even, the reigning family could not boast of pure Arab blood. Yazid in was born of a slave girl and his S.M. Imamuddm. P.82 452 Political and Cultural History of Islam successors were of freed women. Thus free indulgence in wine, women and songs sapped the vitality of the Arab society.2 3. Tribal Jealousies The centrifugal forces in social life became weak, family spirit asserted itself and the asabiyah system (tribal spirit and feuds) began to be-revived, causing destruction to the fabric of Islam. Tribal jealousies and wars ended in civil wars. This was the period of chaos and confusion while the Caliph having but little hold on the outlying provinces. Trouble started at home. Hisham was succeeded by his nephew Walid II who emptied the treasury by distributing gifts and increasing salary of the soldiery which gained for him some popularity but his dissolute and profane habit caused great scandal. Even some Umayyads plotted against him and Yazid, the grandson of Abdul Malik, sought his down fall. Yazid who gained a large following was discouraged by his brother al-Abbas and, also, by Marwan from his nefarious design but he was instigated by his Yamani supporters. He occupied Damascus and sent a body of troops against the Caliph who was then in the south of Syria. His palace was besieged and he was slain in Jamadi II 126/April 744. As the main supporters of the new Caliph, Yazid in, were the Yamanis, the Mudars and the Qaysis, therefore, became his enemies. Man> who still considered the Caliph’s person sacred hated Yazid for his behaviour with the previous Caliph. The soldiery became angery when due to the shortage of funds their enhanced salary was withdrawn. Rivalries among the members of the royal family caused disturbance both at Damascus and Hims. Another serious rising in Palestine was put down but by promising offices and largess to the rebel leaders. 4. Resentment in Khurasan News from al-Iraq were not encouraging. The Kufans ousted one governor and disliked another and there was constant change of the governors to satisfy the Kufans. Khurasan was in state of unrest. The Abbasid movement secretly continued there. Meanwhile their leader Muhammad died and was succeeded by his son Ibrahim who was recognized as Imam by the Khurasanis at Merv. They sent to him large offerings. The rising of the Persian Shi’a in Khurasan which had been colonized from al-Basrah strengthened the cause of the Abbasids. Meanwhile Abdullah ibn Mu’awiya, as great-grandson :Havvting, P 108. Decline & Fall of the Uniayyad Dynasty 453 of Ali’s brother Ja’far proclaimed himself as Imam. He was defeated and driven to Medina. He settled first in Isfahan then in Istakhr and extended his rule to Khuzistan. Pars and Kirman gave refuge to the Kharijis. He was attacked by Marwan’s troops at Merv in 747 and driven to Khurasan where he was killed by the ”Abbasid propagandist, Abu Muslim. The old feud between the Mudars and the Yamanis continued. Nasar, the governor, who was himself a Mudar was hard pressed by the Yamanis. Surrounded by enemies and fearing the Turkoman attack under the Khaqan to whom had joined Harith, the latter was pardoned and allowed to join the Muslims under Nasr after twelve years of imprisonment the only example of condonation of an apostate’s crime in Islam.1 5. Discrimination with Mawalis Nasr b. Sayyar had been made governor of the province by Hisham in 738, and, in spite of some difficulties, he had been able to maintain his position during the vicissitudes of the third civil war and was confirmed in office by Marwan II. This frontier district of the Caliphate maintained an army drawn mainly from the local fighting men (muqatila) enrolled in the diwan and paid by the government, but including also from time to time troops from Syria. There was too, however, a significant non-military Arab population, earning a living in trade and agriculture, and more assimilated with the local non-Arab population than were the soldiers. Given the size of the province, the Arab layer of the population was spread relatively thinly, particularly outside the garrison towns, and this largely accounts for the lack of barriers between the civilian Arab settlers and the local Iranians. On the one side, significant numbers of the local population had accepted Islam, probably more than in the western regions of Iran, becoming Mawali and taking Arab names indicating their tribal attachments. On the other, the Arabs intermarried with the locals, adopted their forms of dress, observed their festivals and probably used the local Persian dialect in everyday speech. As time went on, therefore, it became increasingly difficult to distinguish between the descendants of the Arab settlers and those of the Mawali, and, although awareness of tribal origins and loyalties persisted, changed social conditions brought about a weakening of Muhammad Arshad. History ot Persia (Urdu), P 105 454 Political and Cultural History of Mam the tribal way of life and a consequent widening gap between the local mixed population and the muqatila bearing the same tribal names. The factionalism which split the Khurasani muqatila as it did elsewhere seems to have left the civilian population relatively unaffected. Apart from the opposition of the Yamani faction in the army towards the governor, there seem to have been number of reason for the development in Khurasan of opposition to the Umayyads. The province had been conquered and settled from Iraq, and there are some indications that the Iraqi opposition to Umayyad Syrian domination had been carried over to the frontier province. Shi’ism seems to have been strong there independently of the rise of the Hashimiyya, and this too might be explained as part of the Iraqi legacy-although not so important as Basra, Kufa had supplied some of the Arab colonisers in the province. Following the futile revolt of ”Ali’s great- grandson Zayd b. ’’Ali in Kufa in 740, his son Yahya fled to Khurasan in the expectation of finding support there, and a few years later he was followed by his relative ”Abdullah b. Mu’awiya after his defeat at the hands of the forces of Marwan II. The close association of Arabs and non-Arabs in the civilian population seems to have inclined many of the Arabs to support the claims of the Mawali and universalist view of Islam, and to have increased the opposition to what were seen as the dynastic and unIslamic policies of the Umayyads.4 The main grievance of the civilian Muslim population, however, probably resulted from the fact that they were subject to the authority of non-Muslim officials, and, particularly in the matter of taxation, felt themselves to be discriminated against to the advantage of non-Muslims. At the time of the province’s conquest, the Arabs had made agreements with the local non-Muslim notables on a piecemeal basis enabling the latter to collect the taxes themselves so long as they handed over to the Arabs a regular fixed tribute. Under such a system it was natural that the non-Muslim notables would favour their own class or religious community, and it appears that this system continued almost to the end of the Umayyad period. At any rate, it is likely that the measure came too late to defuse anti-Ummayad feeling in the province, and the question of 4 Halting. P 105 Decline & Fall of the Umayyad Dynasty 455 taxation in any case has to be seen in the wider context of the development of Muslim opposition to Umayyad rule.5 6. Internal Feuds Between Tribes The internal feuds between the Qaysi Arabs who represented the new Arab emigrants in Syria from north Arabia and the Kalb (Syro-Arabs) settled in Syria in pre-Islamic days. The staunch supporter of the Umayyads which once earned the throne of Syria at Marj Rahit were among the events which precipitated the fall of the Umayyad dynasty. The north Arabian tribes with Banu Qays as the chief of the Mudars had settled in Iraq in pre- Islamic days and the Rabiah tribe had their abode along the Tigris called Diyar Rabiah and the Mudars had along the Euphrates after the name of Diyar Mudar while the South Arabian tribes settled in Syria and were called Yamanites. They expanded from Iraq and Syria under the banner of Islam with the old rivalry between the north Arabians and south Arabians nourished in foreign lands with the same spirit as in their original homelands. The cause of the north Arabians was championed by the Qaysites and that of the south Arabians by the Yamanites at Marj Rahit in 684 A.D. and secured the throne for Marwan. During the time of Walid the Qaysiste gained supremacy over the Yamnites under the leadership of Hajjaj b. Yusuf, Muhammad b. Qasim and Qutaybah. Sulayman favoured the Yamanites, Yazid II and Walid II relied on the Qaysites for the throne while Yazid in relied upon Yamani arms. Thus family rivalry added fuel to the fire of tribal antagonism and the later Caliphs were puppets in the hands of one tribe or another. It arrested the progress of Muslim arms in the outlying provinces and frontiers and precipitated the downfall of the empire.6 7. Maladministration Maladminsitration and corruption set in even during the time of Hisham and sapped the vitality of the Umayyad power. Khalid ibn Abdullah ai-Qasri, the governor of Iraq, is said to have appropriated a surplus of 13,000,000 dirhams after squandering revenues three times of this. In 738 A.D. he was tortured to return the money. Hawting. P 105 Muir, P.412 456 8. Political and Cultural History of Islam Hereditary Monarchy Mu’awiya introduced hereditary monarchy in place of democratic form of government to the dissatisfaction of a section of Muslims But again the problem of succession was acute. There was no fixed rule of succession. The hereditary system of succession was only adhered to by four of the fourteen Umayyad caliphs, Mu’awiya and Abdul Malik. The Arab chiefs pressed for the seniority in the matter of succession and as a result, there was constant conflict between the seniority and hereditary systems. The problem was complicated more when Marwan nominated his two sons, Abdul Malik and Abdul Aziz, to succeed one after another, and like him Abdul Malik nominated his two sons Walid and Sulayman bin Abdul Malik deprived his brothers Abdul Aziz of his right in favour of his son Walid the latter however, failed in the same attempt and Sulayman succeeded Walid. This indefinite rule of succession was, however, in no way conducive to the stability of the Empire and might is right was the rule of the period under review. It was generally the most powerful member of the ruling family who secured the throne for himself. 9. Rebellion of Ibn Mu’awiya A new claimant of the throne appeared on the scene. He was ibn Mu’awiya, great grandson to Ja’far b Abu Talib who had been killed at Mu’tah. Soon he gathered a large following from Kufah and al-Hirah and from the Zaydites. On the approach of the royal force he departed to Mada’in where he was joined by the Persian slaves and Mawalis. Supported by the Kharijis Ibn Mu’awiya established his court at Istakhr and his suzerainty was acknowledged at Rayy, isfahn. Qumis and other cities of Persia. The Umayyad governor Ibn Hubayrah suppressing the Kharijis expelled Ibn Mu’awiya in 29/747 to Harat where he was killed by the ’Abbasid viceroy Abu Muslim of Merv. 10. Later Umayyad Caliphs (Weakness and their 111 Policies) Yazid in apprehended greater danger from Marwan, grandson of Mrwan I, who was conqueror of the Caucasus. Marwan occupied Harran in Mesopotamia and sent an army to attack Damascus itself. Yazid in made a compromise by appointing Mar\\an Viceroy of Mesopotamia, Armenia, Mosul and Azerbijan. S M Imamuddm. P 88 Decline & Fall of the Umayyad Dynasty 457 Soon the Caliph died at the age of forty-six after a short and inglorious reign of six months in Dhu’l Hijjah 126/Sept. 744. YaZ’d on his death bed nominated his brother, Ibrahim, to succeed hirti- Ibrahim had hardly settled himself, and only partial homage had been done to him when Marwan started from Harran for Damascus and on his way captured Qinnasrin and Hims. He was joined by the Mudars and with 800,000 men he met the royal force numbered 120,000 men mostly Yamanis under Sulayman son of Hisham in a valley between Damascus and Ba’lbak. Marwan pleaded for the cause of the two sons of al-Walid who were in confinement at Damascus but Ibrahim refused to accept any of them and battle ensured. Ibrahim’s force was attacked from the rear and disastrous fight followed. Ibrahim and Sulayman escaped and Damascus fell into the hands of Marwan. After receiving homage, he returned to Harran in Safar 127/Dec 744. Ibrahim and Sulayman submitted. As he was Qaysi the interests of Kalb and Quda’a above all the Yamni suffered. He was opposed to the Qadariyah sect who preached free will Khariji and Abbasid conspiracy spread throughout the East. Marwan was confronted all around with difficulties which he might have easily solved had his troops remained united but disaffection and tribal jealousies had set in there. Even the loyalist Kalb became disaffected with such a force and it was difficult for him to face the situation. As the capital was shifted from Damascus to Harran, the Syrians joined hands with the parties in opposition to the Caliph. Troubles started at Hims and Tadmor which subsided only after the physical presence of the Caliph. Thabit ibn Nu’aym, the rebel leader of Palestine was executed. 11. Rebellion of Sulayman Sulayman gathered 70,000 force at Qinnasrin and revolted against Marwan II in 127/745. Yazid son of Umar ibn Hubayrah was deputed against Sulayman who being defeated fled to Hims which was besieged. Leaving his brother Sa’id at Hims Sulayman himself fled to Kufah. Hims was taken by storm. The city walls of Hims, Jerusalem, Ba’lbak and Damascus were dismantled. 12. Rebellions of the Kharijis The Kharijis rose in Iraq under their caliph al-Dahhak ibn Qays al-Shaybani in 127 A.H./745 A.D., ravaged Mesopotamia and taking advantage of the tribal feuds and civil wars in Kufah and ether cities of Iraq Dahhak occupied Kufah where he was joined by Sulayman. Later after six month’s stay at Kufah he returned to his 458 Political and Cultural History of Islam own home city Mosul. Marwan II himself took the field in 128/Sept. 746. The Kharijis were defeated and their leader Dahhak fell in the battle which was fought between Harran and Nasibin. The Kharijis, 40,000 in number, still held Mosul under their new leader Bakri in 129/747. They were driven across the Tigris. The Kharijis drove the Umayyad troops from Azerbaijan. The Kharijis were powerful also in Arabia. Under their leader Abu Hamzah once they also occupied the two holy cities of Makkah and Medina. Berber and Khariji rebels were active in North Africa and they took advantage of unsettled conditions in the centre and the frequent changes in the provinces. Their tribal and civil wars were fought in Spain which was in a hopeless condition. The relations between the Mudars and the Yamanis were tense. At last they decided that in one year they would be ruled by a Mudarite representative and in the next by a Yamni one. Accordingly Yusuf al-Fihri occupied the office but when the term of the Yamani representative came he did not vacate the office as a result, tribal jealousies continued. Spain was a dependency of North Africa but it paid respect neither to the Viceroy of North Africa nor to the Caliph of Damascus. Restoring order in Mesopotamia and Iraq, Marwan II returned to his palace in the desert of Harran in Mesopotamia where he had transferred his capital leaving the affairs of the Empire to take their own course. The Greeks threatened in Asia Minor, the Abbasids in Khurasan, but turned deaf ear to all reposing in his palace.8 13. Rise of the Abbasids When the Caliphs became degraded morally and politically and cared little for the Qur’anic and traditional laws, the Shi’ahs, the born enemies of the Umayyads, took a religious colour and gained popular support. The Shi’ahs and many dissatisfied Sunnis were ready to give religious sanction and active support to the destructive force operating against the Umayyads in Khurasan. They were the Abbasids who, being members of the Hashimite branch of the Quraysh, had better claim of the support of the Shi’ahs, the descendants and the followers of Hazrat AM than that of the Banu Umayyah. The Abbasids easily turned the anti-Umayyad mood to their own advantage. This destructive force was nourished in Khurasan, while the head-quarter was in a seemingly harmless and lovely village, al- Hugh Kennedy. P 48 Decline & Fall of the Umayyad Dynasty 459 Humaymah in the south of the Dead Sea but close to the caravan and pilgrim route a good place for propaganda. Posing as defenders of the true faith and making common cause with the Alids, the Abbasids soon became the champions of the anti-Umayyad movement started in Khurasan. Non-Arab Muslims, in general, and Persian Muslims in particular, had reasons for discontent because they had not been given the expected economic and social equality by the Umayyads. These were the various reasons why the Abbasids gained ground in Khurasan and the north-eastern provinces of Persia. In Iraq and Persia, under guise of Shi’aite Islam, Persianism was reviving at full speed. 14. RoleofHarith The recall of al-Harith from his exile in Khurasan proved fatal for the Umayyads. Al- Harith raised a black flag and demanded reform of government in accordance with the Quranic principle. AlHarith joined hands with another Yamani chief al-Kirmani, who was later killed by a son of al-Harith, and ousted the Umayyad governor Nasr. b. Sayyar from Nishapur. Al-Harith, who was the forerunner of Abu Muslim, died fighting against the Azdi. In spite of his repeated demand, Nasr did not receive any help from the centre because the Caliph was busy in fighting an uprising from Palestine to Hims. The Umayyad garrisons were also expelled from Harat and other cities of the East. 15. Role of Abu Muslim Abu Muslim at the head of the Azdi (Yamni) tribe entered triumphantly, the majority of his followers were, however, Iranian peasants. The first religious service was performed on the 1st day of Shawwal 129/29th May, 747 under the Imamat of Sulayman ibn Kathir of Khuza’ah, the nominal head of the Arabs, proved beneficial to the cause of the Abbasids. He bound his followers to the common tie to accept any from the family of the Holy Prophet as caliph and taught them the transmigration of soul giving himself out as an incarnation of God. Abu Muslim supported by the Shiah and Abbasids, mostly Persians, occupied Merv, the centre of the fertile valley of Murghab in Jamadi II 130/December 747 which was never to return to the Umayyads whose cause was thus lost in Khurasan for,.,,- ever. Politics gave way to religious feelings and Abbasid propaganda began openly. About this time a letter of Ibrahim addressed to Abu Muslim was intercepted by Marwan, Ibrahim was arrested and put into prison 460 Political and Cultural History of Islam at Harran where he died shortly afterwards. Ibrahim was succeeded by his brother Abul Abbas, who escaped along with his brother Abu Jafar to Kufah and remained concealed.9 The small Abbasid principality, which Abu Muslim had created in the East, began to be administered with the help of a council of twelve members in the name of the House of Hashim the common ancestor of the Abbasids and the Alids. His slogans attracted all the Shiahs under his banner. He invited Nasr but the latter suspecting treachery fled to Sarakhs and thence to Nishapur pursued by Abu Muslim’s general Qahtabah ibn Salih of the Tayy tribe who had been posted as early as 718 in Khurasan with other eleven Abbasid propagandists and given a black flag to raise at Makkah in 747 indicating Ibrahim’s lieutenant. Having been defeated in a pitched battle Nasr fled to Jurjan accompanied by his followers from Tamim, Bakr and Qays tribes. He was again defeated and fled to al-Rayy in August 748. On the ways he fell ill and died at the age of eighty- five at Hamadan in Rabi. I, 131 (Nov. 748).’° The Abbasid general Qahtabah now hastened westward accompanied by his lieutenants Khalid ibn Barmak, the Persian, Abu Awn of the Azdi and Khazin of Tamim. He conquered Rayy and laid siege to Nihawand. With 20,000 men he intercepted the Umayyad reinforcement under Amir al-Murri from Kirman numbered 100,000 and routed it entirely. Nihawand fell after a three months siege. Unperceived by the Syrian general Ibn Hubayrah, who was at Jalulah. Qahtabah tried to force his way to Kufah in Muharram 132/August 749 in order to join the Hashimites. But before reaching Kufa he had to take the field against Yazid ibn Hubayrah near Anbar and Karbalah on 8th Muharram 132727th August 749. Qahtabah died fighting and the command of the Hashimi force was taken by his son Hasan. Ibn Hubayrah was defeated and forced to fall back on Waist. Hasan ibn Qahtabah after facing some resistance given by the Umayyad troops entered Kufah. Abul Abbas came out of his hiding and on Thursday the 14th Muharram 132/30th October 749 he received public homage in the Kufah Mosque as caliph. He appointed provisionally Abu Salamah, the Wazir of the family of the Holy Prophet, who hitherto ”had been working as Abbasid agent in Kufah but inclined to the cause of the Alids. as his Enc\ clopedia of Islam, Vol I, P 141 °!b,d Decline & Fall of the Umayyad Dynasty 461 Wazir and Muhammad, son of the former governor of Kufah namely Khalid as Commander. Allegiance was sworn to him on Friday 12th Rabi II, 132/28th November, 749. Abu Muslim sent twelve Khurasani chiefs to pay homage to the new Caliph who went to Hirah and Khurasan. Abu Salamah was killed by one of Abu Muslim’s friends. 16. Battle of the Zab (Annihilation of the Umayyads) From Nihawand and considerable force had been sent to Mesopotamia by Qahtabah under his lieutenant Awn al-Azdi. The Hashimid general met Marwan’s troops under his son Abdullah on the little Zab near Shahrazur on 20th Dhu al-Hijah 131/1 Oth August 749. He defeated him there with great slaughter and occupied all the lands east of Mosul. The Caliph now awoke from his deep slumber and took the field in person, but it was too late. Now disaffection had set in, rebellion had broken out and numerous defeats had been suffered as a result the ground was sinking under his feet. He crossed the Tigris and waited on the right bank of the Greater Zab a tributary of the Tigris with an army of 120, 000 consisting of Yamanis and Kharijis who were lukewarm in their loyalty. Awn al- Azdi reached the left bank of the river with 20,000. • The chief command of the Abbasid troops was taken by Abdullah ibn Ali, uncle of Abul Abbas. Marwan threw a bridge across the river and crossed it in order to give fight. Awn al-Azdi arrayed his troops for a general action and shouted ’Ya Muhammad ’Ya Mansur which was responded from all sides. Marwan incited his troops by calling each tribe by name but none responded to his call. Failing to raise their morale he gave out that he l».d a large treasure in the camps which he would distribute among the brave and courageous soldiers. Hearing this some ran towards the camps to plunder it which caused general fight among his troops without their having given a fight to the Abbasids. Thereupon to check their fight he destroyed the bridge which caused double destruction to his troops. The majority of them were drowned and the rest were killed on the battle-field. Marwan II was thus defeated in 132/750. This battle sealed the fate of the Umayyads and Syria lay at the feet of Abul Abbas who celebrated the victory by minting coins. Marwan fled to Harran thence to Hims, Damascus and finally to»Palestine and took refuge with Abu Futrus (Antipatris) an Arab chief. Abdullah advanced in pursuit from the Zab to Mosul 462 Political and Cultural History of Islam thence to Harran without any opposition. He reached Damascus and besieged the city. He was reinforced under his brother Salih raising his force to 80,000. The city was stormed, the Governor, son-in-law of Marwan, was killed and the Abbasid flag was hoisted on the citadel on the 14th Ramzan 132726th April, 750. Marwan was chased by Salih and Abu Awn from Palestine to Egypt where he had taken refuge in a church at Busir (Busiris) in Lower Egypt, he was overpowered and killed on the 26th Dhu al Hijjah 132/5th August, 750. His head was sent to Abul Abbas, who thanked God for his victory over an ungodly race as he called the Umayyads, and adopted the title al-Saffah (the blood thirsty). Two sons of Marwan fled to Abyssinia, one was killed there another escaped to Palestine whence he was sent later to al-Mahdi. The ladies of Marwan were pardoned and sent to Harran. Marwan II died at the age of over sixty years after a reign of about six years. He was a brave and good ruler but fate did not favour him. Wasit fell after eleven months and the Governor Yazid ibn Hubayrah submitted on promise of safely but he was executed along with other officials. Thus came to an end the Umayyad dynasty which had relied entirely on temporal power. The seat of the Government was transferred to Kufa and then to Baghdad. The Arabs suffered but the non-/? rabs gained particularly the Khurasanis who formed a kind of military aristocracy. The Umayyads were persecuted f.nd killed. Their graves except that of Umar b. Abdul Aziz were desecrated. One of the Umayyad princes, namely, Abdur Rahman escaped to Spain and founded his dynastic rule there. Thus the dynasty which had been founded by Mu’awiya and consolidated by Abdul Malik and al-Walid met its end at the hands of the Abbasids. Preponderance Of The Persians With the fall of the Umayyads the hegemony of the Syrians and the Arabs in general ended and the unity of Islam was broken. Rival dynasties grew first in the outlying provinces of the West beyond Egypt in Spain and Tunisia then several dynasties grew up in the East, some dependent on the Abbasid caliphate while the others were quite independent with their separate histories. The Abbasids, however, represented the true Calipjiate. The Iraqis were freed from the tutelage of the Syrians and the clients (Mawaljs) from that of the Decline & Fall of the Umayyad Dynasty 463 Arabs. The Shiahs were also happy because they considered themselves avenged. The Arabs lost their early religious zeal and enthusiasm, vigour and courage. They preferred the harem life to that of the field and even when under compulsion they went to the battle field they gave preference to personal, family and tribal gains over national and Islamic interests. The huge wealth that they gathered from their vast conquests ruined their military spirit and religious zeal which had once brought them out of the desert as world conquerors. Under the new dynasty, the Arabs, specially the Syrians, suffered the most. Luck favoured the Persians and the Khurasanis who won the throne for the Abbasids. The Kurds served the Caliphs as members of the bodyguard and the Persians occupied the main posts in the government. The Turks, freed-men and slaves, brought from the faroff lands officered and manned the Abbasid army. As a result it was among the Syrian and Mesopotamia!! Arabs that dangerous revolts took place against the Abbasid dynasty. Persian influence bega»i to be felt in court and town life and in manners and customs of the people. The old Arab aristocracy gave place to a hierarchy of officials drawn from various races and religions headed by the wazir, the representative of the Caliphs, by the executives both newly created after the fashion of the Persians. The words of court astrologers were taken as laws, a purely Persian custom. The postal system was re- organized and used as a source of espionage like that of the Persian rulers who had learnt it from the Babylonians. The Arab practice of oral tradition gave way to the Persian and eastern*tradition of recording statement. The Persians also influenced the ideas of spiritual leadership and the divine Imamat. The Persian language received patronage though Arabic continued to be the official language. Thus Arabianism was replaced by Persiamism under the guise of international Islam. CHAPTER 35 ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE UNDER THE UMAYYADS With the Umayyads the concept of early Caliphate entirely changed. The democratic spirit of the Caliphate changed into monarchy. Hence the elective aspect of Caliphate vanished altogether and the Caliphs began to nominate their successors only by dynastic considerations. The Caliphate was confined to the house of Banu Umayyah. However the people were required to oath of allegiance to the successor designate during the life time of the reigning Caliph, and oath of allegiance had to be renewed at the time of the succession of the new Caliph. So the institution of Caliphate was changed into a de-facto kingship. With the change of this structure of Caliphate, the powers of the Umayyad Caliphs enhanced. In Arabia a feudal society was being born from a tribal one and it required feudal overlords. The Umayyad supplied with them. As to the method of appointing the successors, the experience of the preceding half a century had clearly shown Mu’awiya that the method of nomination was the best. He also knew that in the case of earlier nominations it was not personal merit alone that counted. For instance, by no stretch of imagination could it be considered that Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) was the best qualified person for the Caliph on the ground of personal capacity to rule a material race and rising empire. Family wealth, position, relationship to the Holy Prophet, tribal backing, and past services were all taken into account. When family, status, wealth, tribal backing etc, counted in nominating a successor and not services to Islam or personal merits alone, it was quite natural that Mu’awiya should nominate his son for this great office. Under the family Abu Sufyan succession was determined by the rule of primogeniture. Later on the nomination of a single successor under the Mu’awiya place to the nomination of two under the Mu’awiya. Administrative Structure Under the Umayyads 465 The absence of definite and fixed law and principles of stategoverned was the chief reason why the Orthodox Caliphate lasted only for thirty years and was easily subverted by Mu’awiya a hereditary and monarchical form which it retained throughout the subsequent age of Islamic history. Umayyad government was purely aristocratic and monarch type of state system. Except the Umar bin Abdul Aziz, all the Caliphs of Umayyad dynasty believed in the hereditary leadership. Now we deal the administration of the Umayyad period. There are the central offices or institution of the Umayyad government.1 1. The Caliphate 2. The Shura - Advisory Body 3. Absolutism 4. The Court 5. Central Board - Diwan (i) The Military Board (ii) The Board of Finance (in) The Board of correspondence (iv) The Board of signet (v) The Board of post. The Caliphate The Caliphate was regarded as a trust from God in the hands of the Muslims, the later for administrative purposes entered into a sacred and solemn contract with the best person in the state. The people by taking an oath of allegiance to the Caliph had to assure him of their cooperation and loyalty. The latter had tokened himself to administer the affairs of the Caliphate in accordance with the Qur’anic principles and Sunnah of the Holy Prophet. The Caliph was the head of the whole Empire. Although the Caliphate was not a purely religious office like that of Pope, the Pious Caliphate, as the immediate temporal successors of the Holy Prophet and the leader of pilgrimage and the prayer had a good deal of the religious elements attached to their office. The Caliph was the final arbiter of all types of state’s affairs. The Shura From the beginning, the Shura was not an elected or representative body. It consisted in effect of a few topmost men. It was more a Council of Elders of the pre-Islamic days than a parliament. Since its meetings took place in the mosque, less important persons also could take part in it. Such presumptuous spirits were only few and the earlier Caliphs tolerated them. It is certain that under the first two Caliphs the most important leaders of S.A.Q Husaini, Arab Administration, P 88 466 Political and Cultural History of Islam the revolution were constantly consulted. Under Usman (Rad.A) even this assemblance of a council disappeared. His relatives were his chief advisers, and on one important occasion he called for a conference of the Governors, rather than the parliament of the faithful, during his government of al-Hijrat, Umar II established a •council and consulted it on all important affairs of the province. When he succeeded to the office of the Caliphate, he endeavoured his best to get as many of the best men among scholars and divines around him as possible. But his reign was so short and eventful that he would not accomplish anything definite in this direction. Absolutism The old harmless Usman (Rad.A) imagined that he was a full sovereign and began disposing of the Fay of the Muslims as he liked. He gave the whole of the Khums of Tripoli to Marwan. who was his son-in-law and an evil counselor of his. To Ibn Abi Sarh, he gave one-fifth of the Khums and to Abdullah bin Khalid 50,000 pieces. Such presents were never given by the previous Caliphs. He gave a beautiful camel belonging to the State to a relative of his in an irregular way. Abdur Rahman bin ’Awf, the companion who was solely responsible for Usman’s (Rad.A) election, took forcible possession of the animal, slaughtered it and distributed the meat among the citizens of Medina. Usman (Rad.A) was old and weak, his counselors selfish and unscrupulous; so the Caliphate took a worldly turn. Nor did things improve under Mu’awiya who was himself the recipient of several irregular gifts from Usman (Rad.A). As we have already seen, most of the vast crown lands were given to Mu’awiya by ’Usman (Rad.A). Mu’awiya began enjoying and bestowing them as he pleased. Under him the rules of pension were manipulated to suit the royal interests. Many names disappeared from the register while many new ones were inserted. The stipends of many were discontinued or reduced. Many favourites received enhanced stipends. Thus Mu’awiya became the ruler over the Arabs and the absolute disposer of the Fay’ of the Muslims. Money means power. Full control over the purse of the Muslims gave Mu’awiya absolute power, and the later Umayyads clung to it.2 The Court It was quite natural that with wealth and absolute power a court should spring up. The great ’Umar I (Rad.A), even if he had Muhammad Ah, Early Caliphate, P. 104. Administrative Structure Under the Umayyads 467 wanted to have a court, could not have afforded the luxury out of his 5000 dirhams per year (about Rs.100 per month) with his several wives and numerous children. It was under Usman (Rad.A) that the beginnings of a court appeared. His pompous life and costly surroundings, so vehemently denounced by Abu Zar Ghifari, were the precursors of the Umayyad court. Even in ’Umar’s (Rad.A) days, Mu’awiya, his young viceroy in Syria, could afford to maintain a small court because he was not as scrupulous with public money as his conscientious master. After the attempt on his life, Mu’awiya instituted guard (al-Haras) and even in the mosque, he constructed a small partition known as the hujrah (room) to protect himself from intending assassins. It was this very same Caliph of the Holy Prophet who set up a throne and sat on it like a king. From these beginnings a veritable royal court developed at Damascus under the worldly Umayyads with all the attendant evils. Thus the great successorship of the Holy Prophet of God was, under Umayyads, converted into a grand monarchy with absolute powers and all its accompaniments. The heroic and saintly Umar II did a good deal to eliminate the riot that had entered the sacred institution. He returned all his wealth and that of his wife to the State treasury, led a simple life and was content with the meal served in the State Kitchen for the poor and the helpless. The coungries, songsters, poets, musicians and others were turned out of the court. He sat on the floor as his greatgrandfather Umar I (Rad.A) had done. As the Shura could not be restored again in the old form, he tried to get round him as many scholars and divines as possible to advise him, and kept himself in touch with great scholars like al-Hasan al Basri. After the death of Umar II the grand court of the Umayyads was revived. The old pomp and gay life of the palace was restored. Poets, musicians,’ songs tresses and others returned. The Umayyad royalty was restored with great pomp and show. The ruler of the Muslim Empire was no more the de-facto Caliph of the Holy Prophet of God, but he became worldly emperor like the Khusro and the Caesars with unlimited power over his subjects. THE CENTRAL BOARDS There were five Boards at the Centre: 1. Diwanu’1-Jund, The military board. 2. Diwanu’I Kharaj, The board of finance. 3. Diwanu’r-Rus’il, The board of correspondence. k 4. Diwanu’l-Khatam, The board of signet. Political and Cultural History of Islam The board of posts. 468 5. Diwanu’l-Barid, 1. Diwanu’I-Jund It was the same great Diwan established by Umar I (Rad.A) which assigned annuities to all Arabs and to the Muslim soldiers of other nationalities. The form in which Umar (Rad.A) had left it underwent much change in the hands of the Umayyads. On the one hand, the Government meddled with the register of the second Caliph as it liked, and, on the other, the recipients began to regard the pension as a subsistence allowance rather than as a salary given for military service. ”Hisham (living): no one got it, not even an Umayyad prince, who had not either seen service in the war himself or sent a substitute. His own share he gave to his Mawla, Yaqut, who had to take the field in his stead.” 2. Diwanu’I Kharaj This Central Board directly administrated the revenue side of as-Sawad, the richest region of the Empire, and also administered the entire finance of the state. It was the Central Finance Board where all receipts and disbursements were made and records relating to them maintained. The surplus of the provinces was paid into this Board. Still, as we shall see below, huge sums were kept in the provincial treasuries for local purposes and emergencies. 3. Diwanu’r-Ras’il The Holy Prophet employed several persons to maintain the records of the State. During the Pious Caliphate the machinery at the Centre was almost the same as far as correspondence was concerned. Individual companions were employed to record the various activities of the state. Under the Umayyads a regular Board of Correspondence (Diwanu’r - Rasa’il) was established. Literally it means a Board of Letters or Pamphlets. As a matter of fact this Board issued circulars and pamphlets giving instructions to the provincial officers and the subjects in general. Some of these circulars and pamphlets have been copied in the book of alJahshiyari. This Board dealt with all correspondence under the early Caliphs was very brief and to the point. 4. Diwanu’I Khatam Mu’awiya established a Chancery Board which bore the title of Diwanu’I- Khatam (the Board of Signet). Every order issued by the Caliph was registered by the Board, and then the original was sealed and dispatched. Before the establishment of this Board, Administrative Structure Under the Umayyads 46 ’.’*•*” unsealed orders were sent out or delivered to the persons concerned. Mu’awiya gave a letter to Amr bin az-Zubayr ordering Ziyad bin Abihi to give the bearer 100,000 dirhams. Amr opened the letter, altered the figure to 200,000 dirhams and received the amount from Ziyad. The fraud was, however, detected when the Viceroy sent his account. Amr was arrested for fraud, but his brother Abdullah bin Zubayr, paid the extra amount to Mu’awiya and secured his release. The keeping of office copies and the sealing of orders before dispatching them were not confined only to the Central Government; the Governors also adopted the system. Ziyad used to preserve copies of all his orders. By the time of Abdul Malik, the State chancery had developed into a regular department and State archives had been established at Damascus. 5. Diwanu-I Barid Mu’awiya was the first Muslim ruler to establish the postal system. It was originally designed to serve the purposes of the State; and later, it was used by the subjects also. The main highways were divided into the stages, and each stage had horses ready to carry the post. In Arabia and Syria camels were used. Thus by a system of relay, the State messages and, later, all posts were carried from one part of the empire to another. The system was known as al-Barid. In Mujamu’I-Buldan, Yaqut writes that the word came from the Persian word buridan (to cut off) as the tails of the postal horses used to be cut off to distinguish them from the other horses and to recognize a rider on such a horse as the messenger of the State. The distance between one stage and another was twelve miles. Under Abdul Malik the postal system was considerably improved. Not only was that post carried though a relay of horses, but also State officials used the postal system for swift journey. In times of emergency the postal carriages were used for swift transport of troops. They were able to carry 50 to 100 men at a time. Under Yusuf bin Umar, the viceroy of al-Iraq, the postal department for that province alone cost 4,00,000 dirhams a year. The postmasters, in additional to their postal duties, had to keep the Caliph informed of all important happenings in the territories under their jurisdictions. The Currency Before Islam the Arabs were using the Persian and Roman coins. Neither had they a central Government nor a common S.A O II i. I IK \idbAdminiMiiiion I’ 98. 470 Political and Cultural History of Islam currency. Of course, in the south, where a high standard of civilization and a stable government had prevailed, some coins bearing Himyaritic inscriptions and the Attic owl also had been under circulation. The Makkahans accepted all coins of pure gold and silver and determined their value by weight. Under the Holy Prophet and Abu Bakr (Rad.A), only the Roman and Persian currencies were used. Under Umar I (Rad.A) the Muslim Empire expanded and all kinds of coins poured in, some of which were defective. On an examination it was found that the dirhams were of three different weights. Some weighed 20 carats, some 12 and some only 10. Umar (Rad.A) struck the average and minted dirhams each weighing 14 carats. The model adopted was that of the Persian dirham. This was done in the year 18 A.H. Some had all praise is to Allah inscribed on them, some bore ”Muhammad (PBUH) is the Messenger of God,”’ and others, ”There is no god but Allah.” He fixed the ratio of the dinar and the dirham as I : 10 Usman (Rad.A) issued some dirhams with the inscription ”Allah is great.” According to Noldeke’s Syrian,Mu’awiya struck gold and silver money, but it was not accepted (by the Christians) because there was no cross upon it. But Maqrizi says that they were rejected because they were defective. Mus’ab bin Zubyr struck coins in the name of his brother Abdullah. Silver pieces bearing Abdullah’s name in Pahlavi characters have been acquired. Abdullah bin Zubayr was the first to mint the dirham in the round shape. The shape of the previous dirhams was not a perfect circle and the surface was rough and defective. These defects were removed and the coin was made a piece of art and esthetics. On one side his dirham bore the inscription ”Muhammad is the Messenger of God,” and on the other, ”God commands fidelity and justice.’” The coins minted by Mus’ab seem to be different from those minted by his brother, Abdullah, the formidable rival of Abdul Malik for the office of Caliphate. When Abdul Malik became the undisputed master of the Muslim Empire, he took up the problem of coinage. According to alBaladhuri, the Romans got paper from Egypt and the Muslims got dinars from the Romans. Up to the days of Abdul Malik the Egyptian paper before Christian inscriptions and the sign of the scorn as water mark. Under Abdul Malik the verse: ”Say, He alone is God’ was substituted. The Romans threatened to retaliate’by inscribing some blasphemy against the Prophet on the dinars. Abdul Malik was not the monarch to be cowed down like that. He had his own dinars and Administrative Structure Under the Umayyads 471 dirhams minted in 76 A.H. The attempt succeeded marvelously well; uniformity in weight and,size and artistic beauty were attained beyond all expectations. The ratio between the dinar and the dirhams in value was 10:1 and in weight 10:7. To make the Muslim dinar attractive to the Romans, Abdul Malik put 2% of more gold in his dinar than the Roman coin contained. At the command of Abdul Malik, al-Hajjaj also minted and issued dirhams. His dirham was round in shape. On the one side was inscribed: Say, ”He alone is God”, and on the other. ”There is no god but Allah.” Both the sides had beautiful borders. On one of them (within the border) was inscribed. ”This dirham was minted in such and such a city, and, on the other, Muhammad (PBUH) is the Messenger of God.” He sent him with guidance and the true religion to supersede all other religions. Weight and Measures From the very beginning of the Muslims State, great care was taken to see that merchants and dealers used proper weights and measures. Of all the Pious Caliphs Ali (Rad.A) was most particular about it. He used to go round the market of al-Kufa, whip in hand, to see that proper weights and measures were used and no one cheated anyone else. Under the Umayyads police officers were in charge of the supervision of weights and measures. Wai id I was also in the habit of visiting markets. Sometimes he even reduced the prices of articles. Under the Umayyads, weights and measures were standardized and they used to be sealed by the Government. AlHajjaj seems to be at the bottom of this reform. The picture of a Byzantine weight, validated by Walid I, bearing, two ounces, and on the reverse a Kufic inscription stating that the Caliph has recognized it as equivalent to two uqiyahs is published by Hitti. He is of the opinion that probably it is the earliest inscribed Muslim weight thus far found. The Change of Language of Administration When Abdul Malik consolidated the much distracted Muslim Empire under his reign, he desired uniformity in the administration. In Persia most of the crucial administrative posts were occupied by the Persians, in Syria by the Greeks and in Egypt by the Copts. Most of these administrators were non-Muslims. Arabic was the language of the Bedouins, and, as such, had not yet possessed the terms necessary for running the administration of a huge civilized empire. IVlost of the Caliphs and their Governors thought and the foreigners 472 Political and Cultural History of Islam saw to it that they so thought that the administration could not be carried on in Arabic. It is due to the genius of the great intellectual al-Hajjaj, that this apparently insurmountable difficulty was mastered. One day he saw one Salih bin Abdur Rahman, a clerk in his office, writing both in Arabic and in Persian. He observed him and went away. It struck Salih that al-Hajjaj might make him supersede his superior, Zadan Farrukh. He conveyed his apprehension to Zadan who haughtily replied that al-Hajjaj stood in greater need of al-Hajjaj as no one else could carry to the work. Saiih said that he could convert the registers into Arabic. Zadan asked him to try a few lines. Salih accomplished the task marvelously well. Zadan wanted to make sure if Salih’s genius had been really noticed by al-Hajjaj. So he asked Salih to pretend to be ill. Salih did as directed by his boss. Al-Hajjaj immediately sent his own physician to treat the rising genius. At Zadan’s behest, Saiih did not take any active step to further attract the attention of al-Hajjaj. In t!’«e wars connected with the revolt of IbnulAsa’ath, Zadan Farrukh was killed as a civilian casualty. Thereupon al-Hajjaj made Salih secretary in the place of Zadan. Saiih was offered 100,000 dirhams by the interested to change the language of the registers. Salih did not take the bait. He accomplished the difficult task in 87 A.H. and earned the gratitude of the entire Arab community. But he met wiih a ver> tragic end under Yazid. The man incharge of the Syrian Diwan in the days of Mu’awiya was Sarjun (Sergius) bin al-Mansur the Greek, and he was followed by his son al- Mansur. The man who translated the Syrian Diwan from Syriac to Arabic was Sulayman bin Said, Karibu-r Rasail. This translation made in the days of Wai id. The Diwan of Egypt was translated into Arabic in 87 A.H. by Ibn Yarbu’ at-Fazari of Hims during the reign of Walid. Thus ail the records of the Government were translated into Arabic, and the language of Arabia became the medium of administration throughout the Muslim Empire. In spite of this change, Persians, Greeks, and Copts were not completely excluded from the administration. They picked up Arabic and continued in the service of the Government in large numbers,4 4 Muhammad Arsliad, Islamic History. P 154 CHAPTER 36 SOCIAL STRUCTURE UNDER UMAYYADS Arabia was in ferment: a society in the midst of constructive political experiments was endangered by anarchy; strong clan and tribal powers threatened to overwhelm the fragile forces of agricultural and stability, commercial activity, and political cohesion. It was a society touched by the monotheistic religious but without an established church; susceptible to Middle Eastern ideas but not permeated by them Arabia had yet to find its place in the Middle Eastern world. Every thing was in question. Nothing was decided. Here Muhammad (PBUH) was born, was raised and become the Messenger of the God. He propagated the teachings of the Qur’an. The rapid transformation of the Middle East in the first century of Arab-Muslim rule generated intense conflicts fueled by the changing composition of the Arab elites and especially by the division between active soldiers and settlers, the claims of the Mavvali. the assimilation of the Arabs and non-Arabs, and rise of sectarian religious associations. These conflicts drove the Caliphate to trance; fi; itself from r. coalition of nomadic conquerors into anew form of Middle Eastern empire defined and legitimized in Islamic terms. Tims the history of Caliphate went through several phases of politic trends which were changed by the forces of tribal system of the Arab.1 From the life of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) 571-632 A.D to the down fall of the Abbasids empire m 1258 A.D. several phases coinciding with the following Levy, 1 he Social Structure o i Islam. P 164 474 Political and Cultural History of Islam 1. Holy Prophet (5 71-63 2) 2. Pious Caliphs (632-661) 3. Umayyads(66I-750) •• 4. Abbasids 1st Phase (750-833) 5. Abbasids 2nd Phase (83 3-945) 6. Abbasids 3rd Phase (845-1258) Upon coming to power, Mu’awiya opened a new chapter of efforts to reconstruct both the authority and power of the Caliphate, dealt with the factionalism within the ruling elite. In Umayyad period the structure of tribal system had some minute political changes. ”The new tribal elite and their descendants formed the secretarial backbone of the Arab- Muslim empire until the tenth century”. Within about the four decades of Islamic revolution initiated in city state of Medina by the Holy Prophet, the tribal structure, social, religious, political had much changed. Social structure had passed the clan and tribal stage and feudal elements had begun to appear in their rudimentary form. It took the whole of Umayyad period to render the feudal organization complete. The social structure of the Arab with the minor changes in the feudal system had changed the direction of its original roots. Under the Pious Caliphs there was a complete balance in all types of matters regarding the rights of the people. The revolution was brought about by the poor and the needy under the leadership of scion of the upper class. But the fruits of the revolution went, as was the case with all such revolutions, to the upper class against whom it had started. Within about thirty years after the demise of the Hoiy Prophet, we see his erstwhile enemies in control of the empire with the son of Abu Sufyan at the top. The Umayyad society was the mixture of all classes and clans. Various classes with distinctions of wealth, power of clans, social status, religion, race, culture existed in the Umayyad society. The Umayyad society comprised of the following groups or social feudal classes. 1. The Feudal aristocracy 2. Military Class 3. Mawali 4. Dhimmis 5. Small Landlords 6. Social Structure Under Umayyads Artisans 475 7. Slaves 8. Non-Arabs elite 9. Religious Leaders, Ulemas In the social history of Umayyad period feudal aristocracy was the highest class in society. They have, had highest position in the civil and military administration. They had a complete control on the Qatia Lands with the very less payment of tax to the government. The economic conditions of the country badly effected due to the misuse of the funds of the government. The general masses were not satisfied with that unequally distribution of the land and collection of taxes. Umar bin Abdul Aziz had changed this administrative set up of the Umayyad. The tribal feudalism of that society consisted of Arabs settlers. Military aristocracy of the Umayyad’s period had fully depend upon this class. They received a big amount in the name of pensions and military services. Under the Abdul Malik this class ->s more influential in the civil and military matters. The period of Walid which is called the era of Islamic conquest, they attained the much privileges from the Caliph. The few tribes were closely associated with the civil matters of the province. The growth of this tribal structure was the major cause of the downfall. ”In the early Muslim Empire of feudalism was completely divested of military obligation. If the old feudal order was retained, it was done so only for the purpose of collecting taxes and not to serve military ends. The lands which conquered through wars, were given to the actual owners of the land, in some cases the matters were different. According to this the divisions of the land: 1. Lands vacated from the rulers 2. Kharaj’s Lands 3. Lands which were attained through peace - without war. So from these land jizya and Kharaj acquired. The population throughout the empire was divided into four social classes. The highest consisted naturally of the ruling Muslims headed by the Caliph household and the aristocracy of Arabian -conquerors. Exactly how numerous was this class can not be ascertained. The position of the neo-Muslim and non-Muslim as described in the Qur’an and the Sunnah of the Holy Prophet. But the rights and privileges in early Islamic State were maximum for the 476 Political and Cultural History of Islam Muslims and in those days the Muslim community consisted of Arabs. They enjoyed all types of rights and privileges provided by the State. Mawali The Mawala of a people is one among them, one through captivity, through affiliations, or through covenant. Under the Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) reign, the preaching of Islam reached through all parts of the World and the majority of non-Muslims had converted to Muslims. This was more increased during the period of Umayyad. These new converts were called the Mawali. They belonged to the non-Arabs classes of that time. According to the injunctions of the Qu’ran and Sunnah of the Hol> Prophet, Islam granted equal rights and privileges to all the creed of Islam. But the conditions of the converted Muslims under the Umayyad rulers were not according to the Arab-Muslims they had paid taxes, jizya and Kharaj as before they were non-Muslims.2 These discriminations produced the bad blood among the non-Arab Muslims. That was reduced by the fair and just policies of the great Caliph Hazrat Umar bin Abdul Aziz. Within the Muslims societies these clients were naturally the first to devote themselves to learn studies and fine arts, for they represented the longer traditions of culture. As they outshone in the Arabian in the intellectual field they began to contest with them in the political leadership. Through their intermarriages with the conquering stock they served to dilute the Arabian blood and ultimately make that element inconspicuous amidst the mixture of varied racial strains. Obstinately kept up hitherto passed away. Islam was evidently far more powerful than the spirit of Arab nationalism. Among the various classes under the Umayyads, Dihqans were the powerful one and had a powerful influence in the Islamic society under the Umayyads Caliphate. They were a major part of the agrarian feudal system of Persia. Under the administrative system of the Umayyad they had occupied major offices of the state. The treatment meted out Jby Umayyad^aristocracy to the growing mass of new converts to Islam called forth a party which not merely claimed equality with the Arabs but was even disposed to exalt the Persians over the Arabs. They relied support of their contention upon the Qur’an and the traditions of the Holy Prophet. -Hitti. P 196 Social Structure Under Umayyads 477 They were called the Friends of Equality. Umar bin Abdul Aziz conceded equal rights to the Mawali. They rose even in the social scale higher and higher until the distinction from which they suffered in Islamic state. The system of pension and sadqats could not embrace all Arabs and non-Arabs. Therefore begging become a common thing. Abdul Malik took the measure against the beggary but there was no proper way to annul the beggary After the death of Abdul Malik, Walid made an elaborate arrangement to support the disables and incapacitated. ”The rise of Islam, which favoured private property and personal ownership”. Disparity In the Umayyad society the socio-economic disparities produced the resentment among the masses. The beggar and slave classes were increased due to the disparity among the various Arabs and non-Arab tribes. The beggar class consisted of the incapacitated and the indolent. Umar I (Rad.A) and Umar II fixed the pension for all Muslims and non- Muslims; and system of distribution of charities and sadqats were administered in such a way that there was no beggar left, the great conquests and migrations of early Islam brought about many changes in the Arabian Muslim society. But they did not abolish kinship relations. Instead as, we have said above, the tribal of feudalism of Hazrat Umar’s (Rad.A) Diwan of pensions preserved the tribal structure of the Arabs and gave it a military force of the Muqatila, the fighting force the Arabian tribe, socially and politically foi more powerful and effective force than the force of any pre-Islamic Arabian tribe, however big or small.”’ In the Umayyad times the whole State under the strong system of feudal aristocracy. With it the strong socialistic and equalitarian tendencies of Islam had been drowned in mutual jealousies and the force for more and more power and land in the state. That instead of uniform society based on equality, social justice, brotherhood, a stratified society had appeared among the Arabs,””\vhile the old stratification continued among the non-Arabs, that the feudal aristocracy was going richer and richer by defrauding the Government on the one hand and the peasants on the other, and each of the new class presented a set of problems for the Umayyad to solve. Hugh Kenned\, Islamic History, P 96 CHAPTER 37 CULTURAL ACTIVITIES UNDER THE UMAYYADS The rapid growth of Islamic scientific thoughts is one of the most instructive and astonishing events in human history. This process started after the death of Holy Prophet. The Holy Prophet had left behind the Glorious Quran and example of his noble path for the growing community of believers, among whom were his companions from Makkah, learned scholars, statesmen and experts in military matters. This community provided the nucleus for the future growth of a worldwide Muslim society. Within fifty years of the Prophet’s death, the Muslims commanded a vast area, covering the territories that had belonged to two ancient empires, and laid down the foundations of administrative, judicial, financial and educational systems based on Islamic principles. Shortly after establishment of this infrastructure, Muslim scientists started their efforts to unravel the mysteries of the universe. Thus under the Umayyads, astronomy, physics, medicine, alchemy and other branches of science developed into organized subjects. True to the teachings of the Holy Prophet, Muslim scholars also enriched themselves by learning from other civilizations. They imbibed the Greek philosophy and scientific discoveries of the ancient world, thus preserving a rich scientific heritage for later generations. EDUCATION At the advent of Islam, there were very few among the PreIslamic Arabs who were able to read or write. These who could generally owed their skill to Jewish and Christian teachers or to the influence of foreign culture radiating from Hira and Ghassan. Arab education was restricted to poetry, oratory and a primitive form of Cultural Activities under Hie Umayyads 479 astronomy, kahana or augury. Different fairs, festivals were the main sources of oratory. In the early period of Islam undoubtedly the social life of Muslims was dominated by the religion. Everything which Muslims did was for Islam. Naturally the aim of education could, therefore, be other hand to mould the life of Muslims into an attitude of obedience to the belief and teachings of Islam. One of the basic teachings of Islam is to allow an individual to develop his potentialities to the fullest possible so as to enable him to attain the material prosperity and the world of spiritual reality as well. So from Islamic point of view education is inseparable from religion. The foundation of Muslim education stands on two main pillars, 1. The Qur’an 2. The Sunnah. The Qur’an attaches a paramount importance to the values of acquiring knowledge and wisdom. In numerous verses, the Holy Book enjoins its believers to make search of knowledge as their sacred duty. As a matter of fact the first revelation that came to the Holy Prophet (PBUH) was about the reading and writing: 1. Proclaimed (Read), In the name of Lord who created 2. Created man, out of a (mere) clot of congealed blood. 3. Proclaim and the Lord is most Beautiful. 4. He who taught (The use of) the pen. 5. Taught man that which he knew not. The Holy Prophet (PBUH), illiterate though he was, had a profound love for learning. There are a number of Holy Prophet’s sayings indicating how much education was dear to his heart. He realized that the ignorant people could not know God and were unable to understand His greatness. He made the pursuit of knowledge incumbent upon all his followers, irrespective of sex and rank. The Holy Prophet also says in this respect ”Seeking of knowledge is obligatory for all Muslims, males and females”. The Holy Prophet’s (PBUH) emphasis was not only on the acquisition of learning but also on its transmission to the others. His eagerness to see his followers attain some skill in reading or writing, could be gauged from the conditions he stipulated for release of some of the prisoners of the battle of Badr who could teach this skill to the boys of Medina. However, it would be too much to say that early Islam 480 Political and Cultural History of Islam had developed education systematically. Since the whole life of the Muslims centered round the teachings of Qur’an, it was natural that anyone who could read and memorize it was considered as an educated person. This was the reason that the earliest teachers of Islam were the Qur’an readers. ^:The following”sayings of the Holy Prophet be quoted in support of his encouragement of learning. 1. ”’ ”Pursue knowledge though it be in China” 2. ”He who leaves his home in search of knowledge, walks in the path of God” 3. ”He dieth not who takes to learning” The Holy Prophet not only encouraged education but also made elaborative arrangements for religious teaching. He trained the instructors and sent them to various parts of Arabia. He also inspired people to learn the languages. Zaid bin Thabit and many other companions of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) learned the different languages of the Arabia and neighbouring countries. Companions of the Holy Prophet were trained in this field. Umar, Ali, Ibn Masud Abdullah bin Umar, Ibn Abbas, Zaid bin Thabit and Ayesha were considered the first rate of knowledge of that system of education. Thus the early companions of the Holy Prophet made a great contribution to the cultural development of Islam in its early days. These men enhanced the administrative measures under the Holy Prophet in the City State of Medina. Role of Mosque in Education The all-embracing institution of mosque occupies a central position in the religious and culture of Islam. At all stages of Muslim history, the culture and civilization of Islam have always been intimated interwoven round the mosque. The mosques have always been a great educational and cultural centre of the Muslims community. Holy Prophet describes the mosque as a place to which one should go either to learn or to teach. During the lifetime of the Holy Prophet there was a adequate arrangement and concrete guidance in all fields of life through this institution.’ An open side, roofed place in the northern corner of the courtyard of that spacious mosque known as ’Suffah’ served as hostel for the under training missionaries who received instruction in the art Muhammad Ahmad, The Role of Mosque in Islam, P.35. Cultural Activities under the Utiiin/yads 481 of dissemination of knowledge and culture in the distant parts of the Holy Prophet’s world. Mosque has left it is legacy in the form of Maktab. It was considered a necessary adjunct to the mosque. ”There was no school in Makkah or Medina, but those who wanted to acquire knowledge, used to make journey either to Syria or to Iran and Mesopotamia. The first known philosopher and physician of Makkah had studied medicine and philosophy in the college of Junde-Shapur in South-West Iran”. Under the Pious Caliphs the same system of education of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) was continued with more elaboration and extensive application. During this period many branches of the knowledge were studied. Like Qur’an, Hadith, Tafseer, Fiqah, Prose and Poetry of that time. ”Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) sent these scholars to all parts of Islamic dominion with the directive that on Fridays the Muslim should be instructed about the fundamentals of Islam as enunciated in the Qur’an and the Hadith”. The second Caliph appointed a number of learned men to lecture in mosque in the new cantonments of Kufa, Basra, Damascus and other places on Islamic teachings. According to A.S. Tritton, ”The early caliphs did not appoint teachers for children because they thought it was the duty of fathers to instruct their sons” So it is clear that the appointment of the teachers in early caliphate for the new-Muslims and non-Muslims. The Caliphate rendered the great services in this field. Umayyad Period Umayyad period was mainly the period of conquests and the consolidation of Islamic Empire. Muslims became comparatively free to turn their attention towards other activities of their life. For the first time they started formalizing their educational system which hitherto largely remained non-formal ”The Umayyad Khalifa had taken interest in some branches of sciences known to foreign nations. Mu’awiya, the first caliph of the Umayyad dynasty, was fond of hearing legendary stories and grandson Khalid was interested in logic and alchemy. Before the end of the Umayyad rule, Muslims had begun to study history, geography and astronomy besides tradition, philosoph> and theology.” Abdul Malik was the patron of learning and education. Hajjaj bin Yusuf was the teacher who later on became an important figure of political history of early Umayyads. The study of Qur’an was the basic element of the Umayyad’s education. The Curriculum 482 Political and Cultural History of Islam of the schools comprised, Qur’an. Hadith. Tafseer, Fiqah, Poetry, Prose and Science of Language. With the passage of time the cultural trends of Umayyads had changed, Damascus became the centre of learnings of all kinds of knowledge’s branches. Arabs began to study history, geography, chemistry, astronomy and natural sciences. Mu’awiya was the great lover of poetry and prose. Under him the cultural life of Damascus enhanced with the court poetry and general meeting of the poets. ”Apart from court poetry, thousands of verses have come down to us, revealing to the*expert the Umayyad period in all its manifold phases”. Mu’awiya was quite liberal in his policies towards non-Muslims. His policy towards the Christian subjects deserves special place in the history of world. He ordered the Christians to rebuild the Church of Edessa which had been damaged by an earthquake. Ibn Athal was the famous poet of the Umayyad period. Like Hunain bin Ishaq in the Abbasid period, Ibn Athal was the translator of many medical and astronomical manuscripts. Medical sciences developed under the personal efforts of Mu’awiya. Khalid bin Yazid was the great patron of alchemy and philosophy. He was an average public speaker and poet. ’”He appointed Stephens and Marians for the translation of books into Arabic. Wai id \\as the great general in Islamic history. He conquered many new areas and administered according to the administrative structure of the Islamic state. Umar bin Abdul Aziz was a great religious reformer in Umayyad history. Fiqah and Tafseer developed under him.”He was interested in foreign language like Persian, Hebrew, Greek. Under him the age of translation started, many Persian books were translated into Arabic from Persian. Under the Umayyads the cities, Makkah, Medina and Damascus were at height of civilization. The glory that ”Damascus covered the regimes of the fifth caliph Abdul Malik and his son Walid. Ibn-Jubayr says about the Damascus: ”If Paradise be on earth Damascus must be it,: if there is heaven, Damascus can parallel and match it”. This was also due to the cultural achievements under the Umayyads. Once the Arab Empire was established, a primitive system of education, embracing at least the rudiments of knowledge came into existence, for we soon begin to meet with reference to the elementary school, kept b\ a ”Muallim”. Elementary education seems to have been thoroughly established in the early Umayyad period. The general public in search of knowledge reported to the Cultural Activities under the Umayyads 483 mosque, which served as educational institution. Under the Umayyad education made much progress.2 HISTORY The Arabs had a natural liking for history and took endless pains to collect historical data and test their accuracy by certain standards that worked alright when applied to their own sources. Most of the early works practically statements of events in their chronological sequence but expressed in an elegant style and above all with fair and often in partial criticism. The work of writing history and biography began at the period when the Arabs were curious to know the history of the Holy Prophet and this perhaps led them to the culture of history in those days. Nicholson writes, ”The sacred book offered many difficulties both to the Arabs and specially to Persians and other Muslims of foreign extraction. For their right understanding of the Holy Quran, a knowledge of Arabic Grammar and Philosophy was essential and this involved the study of ancient pre-Islamic poems. The studies of these poems entailed researches into genealogy and history, which in course of time became independent branches of learning.” Abul Hasan Ali al-Masudi (956 A.D) was the first to revolutionise the art of writing of history. The modern method of dealing with different dynasties or countries or people with critical examinations of the matter handled may be traced to the same writer. Before the advent of Islam, there was no systematic way of writing history among any nation of the world. It was done under the Muslims who recorded the sayings of the Prophet, and the revelations revealed to him, just after his demise. In the front rank Muslim historians comes Muhammad ibn Ishaque, the author of Sirat Rasu! Allah which has reached us only through a revision of Ibn Hisnam. Then came the works dealing with the early wars and conquests of Islam by various writers, among whom the names of Mjsa ibn Uqabah (Who wrote Kitab-ul-Maghazi) and al-Waqidi may be mentioned. Adbul Hakam’s Fath-al-Misr was Akhbaruha and Ahmed ibn Yahya al-Balazuri’s Futuh-ui-Buldan. His Ansab-ulAshraf deals with the lineages and pedigrees of persons of distinction. 2 Muhammad Ahsan. Science and Education in Islam, P.I 10. 484 Political and Cultural History of Islam Amongst other writers of history may be mentioned Ibn Muqaffa who translated several books on Iranian history from Persian into Arabic, including Kalilah wa Dimnah which was for the first time translated b\ Burzuya, a contemporary o1 Khusroe. Siyar-iMuluk-al-Ajam is one of the most important historical works. In respect of language and description this historical work occupied a unique position. Abu Hanifa Ahmad Dinawari wrote the Kitab-ulAkhbar-at-Tavil (long histories). Other noted authors on history are AI-Yaqubi, (author of Kitab-ul-Buldan), Abul Faraj, Abul Fida, Ibn Katib and Miskawayh, author of universal history (Tajarib al-Umam) from the earliest times down to about 980 A.D. ARABIC LITERATURE The greatest intellectual measure of progress achieved under the Umayyads, however, was undoubtedly in the field of poetical composition. That the birth of Islam was not favourable to the chief of the Muses is evinced by the fact that the glorious period of conquest and expansion inspired no poet in a nation of poets. With the accession of the worldly Uma>yads the old connections with the goddesses of wine, song and poetry were re-established. For the first time the poet of love makes his full appearance in Arabic. While many pre-Islamic bards did preface their long pieces (qasidahs) with a few verses of erotic character, yet none of them could be said to have specialized in love poetry (ghazal). From this amatory prelude (nasib) of the early qasidahs Arabic lyric poetry arose under the influence of Persian singers and after their example. The peninsular school has Umar ibn-abi-Pvabi’ah as its chief exponent. This prince of erotic poetry, ”the Ovid of Arabia1’, was a Qurayshite born of a Christian mother, who made it his business to make love to the beautiful camels, pilgrimaging in Makkah and alMedina as well as to such charming residents as the famous Sukaynah. In language of intense passion and exquisite felicity he immortalized his feeling towards the fair sex. The freshness and chivalry of his verse stand in marked contrast to the primitive passion of Imrau’-al-Qays on the one hand and to the stereotyped sentiment of a later age on the other.4 If Umar lepresented free love in poetr>, his contemporaiy Jamil of the banu-Udhrah, a Christian tribe of Yamanite origin I ’ Mini. P244 4 liitti. P244. Cultural Activities under the Umayyads 485 settled in al-Hijaz, stood for pure and innocent love of the platonic type. Jamil’s verses, all addressed to his sweet heart Buthaynah. who belonged to the same tribe, breathe a spirit of tenderness unparalleled in that age. Because of their esthetic value and simple unaffected language they have since been set to music by many Arabic singers. Like Jamil al-Udhri, the semi-mythical Majnun Layla, whose original name is said to have been Qays ibn-al-Mulawvvah, represents the lyric type of poetical composition Qays, according to legend, became in fatuated to the point of madness (whence his surname majnun) with a woman of the same tribe named Layla, who reciprocated his love but was obliged to marry another to satisfy her father. Crazed with despair, Qays passes the rest of his life wandering half-naked among the hills and valleys of his native Najd singing the beauty of his beloved and yearning for a sight of her. Only when her name was mentioned would be return to his normal self.’ Thus did Majnun Layla become the hero of numberless Arabic, Persian and Turkish romances extolling the power of undying love. Undoubtedly many of the poems attached to the names of Jamil and Majnun were not actually composed by them but were originally ballads and folk-songs. Besides love poetry, political poetry made its appearance under Umayyad auspices. The first occasion was the request made of Miskin al-Darimi to compose and sing publicly verses commemorating the nomination of Yazid to the Caliphate. To this period also belongs the fiist attempt to compile ancient pre-Islamic poetry, which attempt was undertaken by Hammad al- Rawiyah. Hammad was born in a!-Kufah of a Daylami (Persian) prisoner of war and spoke Arabic with an accent, but he was one of those famed in Arabic annals for possessing phenomenal memories. In answer to a question by al-Walid II he offered to recite of the jahiliyah poems alone, rhyming in each of the letters of the alphabet, one hundred different odes for each letter. After listening in person and by proxy to 2900 qasidahs, as we are told, al-Walid felt satisfied and ordered 100,000 dirhams for the reciter.’ Hammad’s great merit, no doubt, was his collection of the famous Golden Odes, otherwise called Mu’allaqat. The provincial school of poetry in the Umayyad period was headed by ai-Farazdaq and Jarir, that of the capita! by al-Akhtal. All three were born and brought up in Iraq. They were satirists as well as panegyrists. As poets the trio stand in the very front rank among 486 Political and Cultural History of Islam those with whom Arab criticism has found nothings to compare since their time. AI-Akhtal, the Christian, was the champion of Ihe Umayyad cause against the theocratic part>; al-I’arazdaq,s ’he dissolute, was the poet laureate of Abdul Malik and his sons aiWalid, Sulayman and Yazid: Jarir, the greatest satirist of the age, was the court poet of al-Hajjaj. In their panegvrks, on which they lived rather than on their lampoons, these poets periormed the same function as the party press today. AI-Farazdaq and Jarir often attacked each other in the most virulent and abusive language, and al-Akhtal as a rule sided with the former How lightly Christianity sat on the heart of the wine-bibbing Akhtal is illustrated by the words of consolation he addressed to his pregnant wife as she rushed to touch the garment of a passing bishop and succeeded only in reaching the tail of the donkey he was riding: ” He and the tail of his ass-there is no difference!” ORATORY Public speaking in its several forms was cultivated during the Umayyad epoch as never before and attained a height unsurpassed in later time. The khatib used it as an instrument of religion in his Friday noon sermons, the general resorted to it as a means of arousing military enthusiasm among his troops and the provincial governor depended upon it for instilling patriotic feeling in his subjects. In an age with no special facilities for propaganda, oratory provided an excellent channel for spreading ideas and. kindling emotions. The highly ethical orations of Hazrat Ali, with their rhymes and wise sayings, the sermonettes of the ascetic a!- Hasan al-Basri delivered in the presence of the Caliph Umar ibnAbdul Aziz and preserved by the latter’s biographer, the military and patriotic speeches of Ziyad ibn Abih and the fiery al-Hajjaj- all these are among the most valuable liteiary treasures handed down to us from that eaily age/ ALCHEMY Like other fields of science, the Muslims also made scientific contributions in Alchemy, Chemistry is generally supposed to be an accidental pror^t of alcherrn However, the Muslim Scientists <*•£ much to improve and advance it. The Muslims c°n.*iibution to the world’s store of knowledge was the accumulation of scientific facts and the advancement of scientific theories. They P249 Cultural Actnntw, under tlie Uwnyynds 487 developed the process of crystallization and precipitation, distillation and sublimation and were thereby able to obtain a number of substances(old and new) in a state of comparative purity, like mercury, ammonia, soda, lead and antimony. It was in Muslim Spain that chemistry was first established and had the Muslims not been defeated at Poitiers, it would have reached its zenith there. The Muslim contributions to chemistry has also been admitted by Humbolt who says, ”Modern chemistry was admittedly the invention of the Muslims, whose achievements in this sphere were of unique interest.” According to Hitti, ”Alchemy, like medicine, one of the few sciences in which the Arabs later made a distinct contribution, was one of the disciplines early developed Khalid. the son of the second Umayyad caliph and the ”’philosopher (hakim) of the Marwanids”, was according to the Fihrist’ (our oldest and best source of information) the first in Islam to ha\e translations made from Greek and Coptic books on alchemy, medicine and astrology. Through proved legendary, the ascription of this activity to Khalid is . significant, since it points out the truth that the Arabs drew their scientific knowledge from the older Greek sources and received their first impulse therefrom. With the name of this Umayyad prince legend associates the name of the famous Jabir ibn-Hayyan (Latinized Geber), but Jabir flourished later, about 776, and will be dealt with under the Abbasids. Likewise the astrological and alchemical treatises ascribed to Ja’far al-Sadiq (700-765), a descendant of Ali and one of the twelve imams of the Shi’ah, have been discredited by critical modern scholarship. The most unfortunate fact about the intellectual life under the Umayyads is that it left no extant traces in the form of documents from which we can properly evaluate it.”6 MEDICINE Before the advent of Islam, the Arabs knew the medicinal value of plants and certain stones found in Arabia. The pre-Islamic physician was Haris bin Kalda. He studied medicine and philosophy in the college of Junda-Shahpur in Iran. After the advent of Islam, the first and the greatest physician of the Islamic world, nay. the whole world, was Ha/rat Muhammad (PBUH). He understood the use and value of medical arts. He recommended the practice of medicine to his companions and Sahih Bukhari, an authentic work on ” 1 lusam \asr. Science and Civili/ation in Islam. P 204 488 Political and Cultural History of,Islam the traditions, containing two chapters on how to cure various diseases. According to Hitti, ”The peninsular medicine was very primitive indeed. Legitimate remedies mingled with magical practices and talismans against the evil eye. A few prescriptions limiting treatment to the use of honey, cupping and bleeding embedded in traditions termed ”the Prophet’s medicine’” have been preserved and handed down to posterity. The critical ibn-Khaldun in his famous Muqaddamah speaks slightingly of this type of medicine, declaring that the Holy Prophet was sent to teach religious law and principles rather than medication.” Scientific Arab medicine springs from sources mainly Greek and partly Persian. Persian medicine itself was influenced by Greek tradition. The list of Arabian physicians in the first century of Islam is headed by al-Harith ibn-Kaladah of al-Ta’if, who studied in Persia. Al-Harith was the first scientifically trained man in the peninsula and won the honorary title of ”the doctor of the Arabians”. In the art of healing he was succeeded, as was customary, by his son al-Nadr, whose mother was the Holy Prophet’s maternal aunt. By the time of the Arab conquest of Western Asia, Greek science was no more a living force. It was rather a tradition in the hands of Greek or Syriac writing commentators and practitioners. The court doctors of the Umayyads belonged to this group. Outstanding among them were ibn- Uthal, the Christian physician of Mu’awiya, and Tayadhuq, the evidently Greek physician of al- Hajjaj. Some of Tayadhuq’s aphorisms have been preserved, but none of the three or four books ascribed to him. A Jewish physician of Persian origin, Masarjawayh of al-Basrah, who flourished in the first days of Man*an ibn-al-Hakam, translated (683) into Arabic a Syriac treatise on medicine originally composed in Greek by a Christian priest in Alexandria, Ahrun by name,’ and was thus responsible for the earliest scientific book in the language of Islam. The Caliph al-Walid is credited with having segregated persons afflicted with leprosy and with having made special provision for their treatment. Umar II is said to have transferred the schools of medicine from Alexandria, where the Greek tradition flourished, to Antioch and Harran.7 ASTRONOMY The Muslims made a great progress in astronomy. Their contributions in this field are the basis of future development. 7 Sarton. Introduction to the History of Science, P.241. Cultural Activities under the Umayyads 489 Muslim contribution to astronomy is unforgettable and valuable. The greatest discoveries and studies were made by the Muslims under the Umayyads and Abbasids. They made wonderful discoveries about the movements of solar system and other astral bodies. They ascertained the size of the earth, the variation of the latitudes and the precession of the equinoxes. Abul Hassan discovered atmospheric reflection and al-Maimun determined the obliquity of the ecliptic. Ibn Jannus. Nasir Tusi and al-Bani constructed astronomical tables of great value. PAINTINGS The earliest illustrations of Muslim pictorial art are the frescoes of Qusayr Amrah, which suggest workmanship of Christian painters. On the walls of this Transjordanian pleasure house and bath of the Umayyads are pictures of six royal personages, including the caliph himself and his enemy Roderick, the last Visigothic king of Spain. Other symbolic figures represent Victory, Philosophy, History and Poetry. A hunting scene depicts a lion attacking a wild ass. A number of nude pictures represent dancers, musicians and merrymakers. The ornament consists of draperies, foliage growing out of vases, vines, palm tree with clusters of fruit, laurel and birds of the desert. The inscriptions are mostly Arabic, with few names in Greek. Nowhere else in the Muslim world have pictures been preserved in such perfect condition.8 CALLIGRAPHY Calligraphy is the art of fine writing. According to, Encyclopedia Britannica, it may be defined ”as free hand in which the freedom is so nicely reconciled with order that the understanding eye is pleased to contemplate it. Hence, we immediately recognize the beauty resulting from right proportion of the components to the whole of a letter and between the parts to the whole of a word.” The art of calligraphy in Islam occupies a unique place in the history of the world. It must be remembered that compilation and composition of arts commenced in Islam from the very outset. In fact, it existed in Arabia even in pre-Islamic days. Populous cities like Basra and Hijaz provide us with many examples. The Hamarians composed many books about themselves which were engraved on stones. Balazuri describes in detail how three men Mora Mur bin Murra, Aslam bin Sidra and Amir bin Jadra assembled in Baqqa and Falbol Rice. P. 168 490 Political mid Cultural History of Islam invented the script and ho\\ the people of Anbar, Hira, Makkah and Wadi u!-Qura learnt it from these men. After the advent of Islam there were seventeen men in Quraysh who knew the art of writing. The Holy Prophet himself, though considered to be unacquainted with either reading or writing, used to encourage his followers in the art of learning particularly in writing. Thus the Muslims cherished the idea of writing and beautifying their script from the very beginning. The scripts adopted by the Quraysh originally were of two kinds: a stiffer one with more angular letters and a round, cursive one. The first type of writing is known as Kufic, from the town of Kufa in Mesopotamia which was the religious and intellectual centre of the Arab world. The second type is known as ”Naskh (round script). Both the types were known in the 7th century. ”In the letters of the Holy Prophet written to the kings and heads of States preaching Islam, the Kufic script was used.” But in the beginning there were no Fatah, Zama, Kasrah or dots on the words. In 670 A.D.. Abul Aswad Doiby invented dots or Nuqat but these dots were used only to serve the purpose of Erab. When Islam spread in Egypt the letters similar in shape created great difficulty in the study of the Quran. Also many differences arose in the perusal of letters and daily writings. To remove the handicap, Abdul Malik ordered Hajjaj, the governor of Iraq, to improve the script. Nasr bin Hakim according to the Hajjaj’s orders invented points (dots) to differentiate the letters. He declared that dotted letters should bear black points (dots) and for Erab, points of purple colour should be used. Khalil bin Ahmad Qruzi invented special shapes of Erab. Due to their simplicity they became very popular in Governmental offices. business affairs, schools and educational institutions. In the meantime many changes and improvements occurred in Kufic script. For about 500 years the Kufic characters existed side by side with the round script and were used almost exclusively for copies of the Holy Quran, inscriptions on stones and coins and for a short time also in official documents especially of legal character. In the eleventh century the use of Kufic script was replaced by Naskh. The cause of its downfall was that in the words of B. Mortiz, ”standing unrelated to the needs of practical life it was artificially cultivated”, and was often found difficult by the scribes, thus leading to its complete extinction. Among the better kno\\n caHigiaphisls of the’ Cultural Activities under Hie Unmyyads 491 Umayyad period were the following: Qutba, the son of Ubaidulla. Khalid, the son of Hajjaj; Salim. the scribe of Caliph Hisham; Hassan Basri: Abdul Hamid, a secretary of Aanvan, the last Umayyad ruler. MUSIC Music is the expression of the aspirations, emotions and passions of man through the medium of sound. It is a highly symbolic art. Its very abstract nature makes it best suited to express one’s hidden feelings and urges. It also serves as an outlet to oui religious emotions. This function of music is perhaps the oldest. Music may be divided into two categories; Vocal music and Instrumental music. As far as Vocal music is concerned, we have no hesitation in saying that subject to the general moral qualifications, it is in itself quite permissible. For singing is nothing but a very delicately balanced combination of sweet sound. Silt, harmony and melody, and all these elements are not only permissible and tolerable, but desirable and praiseworthy.9 INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC The instruments which are delicate and complex in their sounds and shapes usually have the power of evoking in men and women sexual passions and they are looked upon by Islam with strong disapproval. It is of these that the Holy Prophet said ”Allah has commanded me to destroy the lute and guitar”. However, the music continued to progress during the rule of the pleasure- loving Umayyads and reached its highest excellence during the golden days of Caliph Harun and Mamun. During iSiese periods music was developed as an an free fro:;’! an> restriction. The Umayyad rulers : Yazid !, Abdul Malik, Walid I, Ya/id II, Hisham and Vvalid II were fond of music and other eninvincnts of life. Their subjects copied them in this respect and the demand for singers and playeis of musical instruments, particularly for young and beautiful women became great. Theac singers some times enjoyed great influence over their masters. History bears eloquent testimony to this fact that the music was highly patronised by the Umayyad Caliphs. Large sums of money were spent on singers and musicians, who were summoned to the court from the most distant parts. By the time of Yazid I the taste for music had grown on a large scale, and the holy cities of Makkah and Medina had become centres of music and song where flocked ’ H.G. farmer. History ofAiabian Muvc P 158 492 Political and Cultural History of Islam the Persian and Byzantine singing girls in increasing numbers and from where musicians were recruited for the court of Damascus. It would not be out of place to mention here that Caliph Yazid II was so passionately attracted to Salma and Hubbaba, two singing beauties, that he could not leave them and attend to the affairs of his vast empire. And when of them died, the Caliph could not survive her death and died in his grief. There were many reputed musicians and singers who flourished under the Umayyads The earliest Muslim professional musician was Tuwais (632-710 A.D.) He was the inhabitant of Medina and was considered the father of song in Islam. It is said that he was the first to introduce rhythm into Arabic music. He is supposed to have been first to sing in Arabic language to the accompaniment of an instrument called the tambourine. Tuwais had a number of students, chief of whom was ibn Suraij (634-726 A.D.). Ibn Suraij who belonged to Makkah, was ’’regarded as one of the four great singers of Islam” (Aghani). Sa’id ibn Misjah (d. 714 A.D.) of Makkah is generally regarded as the first person to adapt Persian music to Arabic. He was perhaps the greatest musician of the Umayyad period and was responsible for a new theory of Arabian music. He is said to- have travelled in Syria and Persia and to have been the first to put the Byzantine and Persian song into Arabic. He was the court musician of Abdul Malik. Muslim bin Muhriz was a prominent musician of Persian origin. He received his first lessons in the art of music from Sa’id ibn Misjah. He used to live at Medina and Makkah alternately. He travelled in Persia and Syria and learnt the tunes of Persian and Byzantine music. After this he combined the best of all the diverse elements and out of this amalgam he derived the airs which he put into Arabic verses. He was called the Sannaju’1-Arab (the cymbalist of the Arabs). He was the first to sing Arabic verses in paris, an example which was imitated by later musicians. He was of opinion that single lines of verse could not produce a complete melody. Ma’bad, a Medinite, held a special favour of the courts of Walid, Yazid II and WaJid II. Among the songstresses, the name of Jamilah draws our attention first. In short, during the Umayyad period, Makkah and Medina became the centre of song and the best singers used to flock at the Damascus court. ARCHITECTURE History of Islamic Arts and a crafts is rich with the cultural activities like painting, wood carving, ivory work, metal work and Cultural Activities under the Unia\j\jads 493 many other types of minor arts in Islam. Architecture in Islam is very attractive factor of the Islamic culture. Arabia, at the rise of Islam, does not appear to have possessed any thing worthy of the name of architecture. Only a small proportion of the population was settled and lived in dwelling which ueie scarcely more than hovels. These who lived in mud-brick houses were called ahl-al-Madar and Bedouin from their tents of camels here cloth, ahl- al-wabar. World of Islam possesses a unique architectural heritage in the shape of standing monuments and archaeological mounds. They represent cities and towns, mosques and mausolea, and pavilions, Maktabs and serais, suqs and market places, and forts and fortifications, built during the past fourteen hundred years at various places of different geographical, geological, social and political set up, but under a common inspiration of Islam and Islamic traditions. The beginnings of this unique experimentation took its place where Islam itself began. The re-building of the Ka’ba in the shape of a hollow cube in stone at Makkah and the construction of the first mosque of Islam at Medina, where ihe two events of far-reaching effect in the history of Islamic Architecture. Various school of architecture of Muslim world have varied in structures and patterns with the difference of geography and other physical differences. These schools as follows: 1. Umayyads of Damascus. 2. Abbasids of Baghdad. 3. Fatimids of Egypt. 4. Umayyads of Spain. 5. Tulunids of Egypt. 6. Ottomans of Turkey. 7. Saljukes of Persia. 8. Safavids of Persia. 9. Aghalabids of Sicily. 10. Timurids of Central Asia. It was first introduced in 706 A.D. by Caliph al-Walid when he rebuilt the mosque which had been Hazrat Muhammad (PBUH) House at Medina. His Coptic workmen followed an Egyptian Christian model which drew some criticism from the more conservative Muslims. At Basra, Ziyad also ordered a door made giving direct access from the Dar-al- Imara to the maqsura. Clearly the appurtenances and symbols of power had already begun to 494 Political and Cultural History of Islam accumulate around the early leaders of [slam of the great mosque and Dar-al-lmara at Kufa. The Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem The first of Islam’s masterpieces, the Dome of the Rock, was built on the orders of the Umayyad Caliph Abdul Malik in 687 A.D., half a century after the death of the Holy Prophet. An attentive reading of this monument, with a view to grasping its inner spiritual meaning, reveals that it contains the germ of the major themes in Islamic art, whose fundamental purpose is to express the faith of the Qur’an. This art is decipherable only if one recalls the tents of the Muslim faith.10 The Dome of the Rock presents the first example, and a very striking one, of this truth. The very site where it was established, the structure of the building, its dimensions and proportions, the forms to be found within it, the colours that enliven it, its external outline, and the system its internal space, are all representative of the faith which inspired its construction. The Mosque of the Umayyads The Great Mosque of Damascus, built between 706 ard 715 A.D. by the Umayyad Caliph al- Walid, is the proto type of all purely Arab mcsques. Its construction presented for the first time the problem of creating a truly Islamic space which would express in stone the relation between God and man that is expressed in prayer. With this mosque, then, Islamic architecture began. The Christian church responds to the needs of a liturgy expressing what Titus Burckhardt calls a hierarchy in the approach to the sacred. The sculptured monumental porch Js a solemn threshold between the profane and sacred world. From these one advances, in depth, in a piocession that is organized, during great celebrations, in accordance with the order of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, along the central niche, as far as the choir where the light, poring down from the cupola, puts a halo round the officiating priests. The Christian space is thus centred, converging upon the alter where the sacraments are celebrated. The space of a mosque is the converse of this structure. Unlike tlie space of a Christian cathedral, it does not evoke the Heavenly Jerusalem. Muslim prayer does not, in principle, require Him. P 256 Cultural Activities under the Umayyads 495 any building for its performance. The mosque (masjid), as the root for the word (sajada) indicates, is merely the place where one prostrates oneself (sujud). The whole world is a mosque, according to a Hadith of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). There is no location, no sacred place or edifice where the Divine Presence materializes. The space for prayer is every where, it is open, it has no centre but the invisible God. If there is an enclosure where Muslims assemble to pray, it is only because the act of faith and the response to God’s Call is the deed not of an individual but of a community. In its absence, prayer can be performed on the bare ground, under a tree, on a mat or on a small carpet, and at home just as well as in the largest of mosques. The original plan of the mosque was the Holy Prophet’s house in Medina, where the companions of the little community met to pray together- a courtyard onto which opened the rough, brick-built rooms of the Holy Prophet’s (PBUH) family. This courtyard, about ten metres square, included a sheltered areas to protect the worshipers from the sun or the rain when necessary ; its roof was made of tree branches and clay and it was supported on palm-tree trunks. There was a similar gallery on the other side of the courtyard. The companions prayed either in the courtyard or under these rustic arcades. Starting with the great mosque of the Umayyads in Damascus, this plan was translated into stone. The palm trunks were replaced by marble columns. The roof of branches and clay was replaced by ceilings made of teak or by stone vaults. The columns or pillars were linked together by arches of stone or brick. Muslim architecture was splendour of faith It gives plastic expression to it in stone or brick, in ”the arrangement of columns, pillars, arcades or cupolas, in the wooden sculpture of a minbar, in the mosaics and stalactites of a mihrab and in the light of its inner courtyard and its cloisters. It is the space in which this faith breathes, and this soul which must be brought to life again in every monument. We need to recall these fundamental aspects when undertaking a visit to the Great Mosque of the Umayjads in Damascus, the first to transpose on a monumental scale the Holy Prophet’s house, filled with the prayers of the community.” Hitli. P259 CHAPTER 38 THE ABBASID REVOLUTION Umayyad rule had been accepted by the Muslim community less because of its virtues and merits than because of the lack of a satisfactory alternative, and it was never universally popular. The pious never ceased to be scandalized at the profane and secular atmosphere surrounding the court of Damascus: luxurious living, a growing staff of eunuchs and concubines, and the extravagant retreats and hunting-lodges built on the edge of the Syrian desert, contrasted unfavourably with the puritan simplicity of the first Caliphs. The partisans of Ali (Rad.A), who never forgave the Umayyads for the tragedy of Karbala, remained irreconcilable enemies of the dynasty, though their inability to agree upon a candidate for the throne long weakened their influence. Upholders of the ancient Arab traditions, who hated the government of kings, felt small loyalty to sovereigns who seemed to be aping the despotism of foreign infidels. The Kharijites no longer appeared in arms, but they propagated their republican and theocratic ideas through underground channels, and their scornful assertion that a Negro slave had as good a right to the Caliphate as the members of the aristocratic Qura>sh awoke a favourable response among many of those who resented the arrogance and pretensions of the Arab ruling class. Abbasids revolution was a great event in the history of Islam. It has changed the structure of Muslim polit> and division of social classes. This event has dealt by many historians like Lewis Bernard, ”in his article Abbasids: Enc. of Islam”. Wellhausen J. ”The Arab Kingdom and its Fall’’,’Hugh Kennedy ” Earl> Abbasids Caliphate”. P.K. Hitti ”History of the Arabs”. Guyle Strange, The Abbasid Revolution 497 ”Baghdad during the Abbasid Caliphate”. M.A. Shahban, ”Abbasid Revolution”. Yet none of these critics of the reigning house would have seriously endangered it had they not been able to enlist the support of the Mawali, the non-Arab converts to Islam. By 700 the religion of the Prophet (PBUH) had ceased to be a monopoly of his people, and the Arab Muslims were at last outnumbered by those of the subject races, notably the Persians and Berbers. In theory, all believers were equal within the brotherhood of Islam; in practice, the Mawali were treated as lowborn inferiors. Racial segregation was common: in Kufa Arabs and non- Arabs used separate mosques; inter marriage was strongly discouraged; and in some towns an Arab risked social ostracism, if he walked down the street in company with a Mawla. The Mawali paid taxes from which the Arab Muslims were exempt, and though they were permitted to serve in the army, they were excluded from the cavalry, and as foot-soldiers; drew lower rates of pay. So long as the converts were a small minority, they could be kept in their place, but as their number rose, their complaints and grievances grew louder, and the Mukhtar revolt of 685 A.D. had shown the alarming political dangers latent in this situation. It was natural that the Mawali should tend to be anti- Umayyad, since the government was associated in their minds with the maintenance of Arab domination, and equally natural that the enemies of the dynasty should seek to win them as allies. When the regime was at last driven to seek means of conciliating the Mawali, it found the position complicated by economic difficulties almost impossible to over come. The economic history of the Umayyad age is very imperfectly known. There seems to have been a considerable though patchy prosperity; big fortunes were made and in vested principally in land, and enormous sums were expended in buildings, from mosques to the Umayyad desert palaces which have been excavated from the sand in recent years. The Euphrates, disappearance of the frontier which for seven centuries had separated the Roman from the Persian world, created a huge free trade area in which goods could circulate and from which customs barriers were absent; the Arab navy protected commerce of the Indian Ocean; the conquest of North Africa and Spain flooded the East with treasure, goods and slaves, and it is possible that gold from the mines of the Wadi al-Allaki, near Aswan in Nubia, was already reaching the Caliphate. On the other 498 Political and Cultural History of Islam hand, any sudden increase in the circulation of the precious metals must have raised prices and brought about a financial crisis; the defeat of the expedition against Constantinople and the cessation of conquests in the West must have seriously depleted the treasury, and the vast inequalities of personal wealth, which were now becoming obvious, fostered social discontent and often led the poor Arabs” to throw in their lot with the Mawali against the dominant aristocracy. The first attempt to tackle the Mawali problem was made by Umar II. who succeeded his cousin Sulayman in 717 A.D. This man, a grandson of the first Umar (Rad.A), made an extraordinary impression on his age, despite the brevity of his reign. Of austere morals and deep piety, he recognized no distinction of race or party. He stopped the public cursing of Ali (Rad.A), relieved the Berbers of the harsh tribute of children which had been imposed on them, discouraged r?ids and wars against peaceful nations, and boldly set out to remove the economic grievances of the Mawali. This involved something like a fiscal revolution; hitherto Muslim landowners had paid only Ushr or tithe on their estates, and non-Muslims a much heavier impost, at first indifferently called Kharaj or Jizya, both words signifying tribute. If the owner of tribute-paying land turned Muslim, he was in future liable only for Ushr. To prevent a diminution of State revenue, the Umayyads had discouraged conversion and often continued to exact payment of Kharaj and Jizya from the Mawali, notwithstanding that as Muslims they should have been exempt from taxation. In Khurasan Mawali who had fought against the unbelievers were placed on the pension-list as well as being freed from these imposts. Umar decreed that after the hundredth year of the Hijra (718-719) no Kharaj-paying land should be purchased by a Muslim, though he could rent it and continue paying the tax, and that should a non-Arab embrace Islam, his land was to revert to the village community, he himself staying on, if he desired, as the tenant. To complaints from his advisers that conversions would reduce the treasury’s receipts, the Caliph replied scornful: The Holy Prophet was sent by God as a missionary not a tax-gatherer!’. The pious Umar was not destined to live to see the result of his experiment: he died in 720, at the age of thirty-nine, leaving behind him a reputation as the best of the Umayyads, so that the chroniclers of the Abbasid age specially exempt him from the general censure they pass on his house, and regret that the reformer The Abbasid Revolution 499 of the world was snatched away before his time. The Caliphate passed to his cousin Yazid II, a brother of Walid, a frivolous done who had none of his predecessor’s devotion to religion and who by favouring the Kaisites, re-opened a slumbering feud. Fortunately, his reign was short, and on his death in 724, his younger brother Hisham was chosen Caliph, the fourth of the sons of Abdul Malik to mount the throne. The long reign of Hisham (724-743) was the Indian summer of the Umayyads. An able and moderate man, he preserved the outward decorum of the correct Muslim without displaying the ardent piety of Umar; of reserved disposition, he hated the noise and bustle of cities, and passed most of his time at his hunting- lodges far out in the Syrian desert, while the financial straits in which the State was involved in consequence of Umar’s reforms obliged him to restrict expenditure and exposed him to charges of meanness and avarice. He faced a highly critical situation. The war against the Byzantines was pursued with some success, and a brilliant Muslim commander nicknamed ’al-Battal’, the hero, who was killed in the fighting in Asia Minor in 740, acquired legendary fame as a valorous champion of the faith and figured in later ages in a Turkish romance of chivalry. But the disastrous defeat in Gaul in 732, followed by the great Berber revolt of 739-742, which at one time threatened the loss of the entire Maghrib and was marked by an Arab reverse involving the death of so many leaders of distinguished lineage as to be called ’ the battle of the nobles,’ clouded the scene and added to the unpopularity of the regime. Hishun’s energetic measures restored order in North Africa, but Berber unrest, fomented by Kharijite propaganda, could never be completely quelled. After a long period of quiescence, Shi’ism raised its head again, though ’the party of Ali (Rad.A) had ceased to be a unity, one group supporting the claims of the descendants of Ali (Rad A) and Fatima (Rad.A), another those of the descendants of Ali (Rad.A) and Khawla the Hanafite woman, and a third those of the descendants of Ali’s brother Ja’far. All these factions recruited the bulk of their following in southern Iraq, and strange messianic and millenarian ideas were now entering and transforming what had been originally a protest of political legitimism. In 737 the Umayyad army caught and executed a number of Shi’ite agents in Kufa, and in 740 Husain’s grandson Zaid led an abortive rising in the same city. Hisham’s response was to cultivate the religious leaders and institute proceedings against 500 Political and Cultural History of Islam heresy, in the hope of convincing the faithful that the Umayyads were loyal defenders of Islamic orthodoxy and to strengthen the State by introducing Persian administrative methods into the Calipha! secretariat. Had the house of Umayyad remained united and resolute in face of these mounting troubles, they might have divided their enemies and kept their throne. But the reigning family was becoming riddled with feuds and jealousies, and the successors of Hisham came to blows over his inheritance. His son Mu’awiya, the ancestor of the Spanish Umayyads, was killed in the hunting-field in his father’s lifetime, and Hisham reluctantly recognized as his heir his nephew Walid, a son of Yazid II, a handsome and dissolute rake, whose blasphemies and drunken debaucheries are detailed by the chroniclers with shocked horror. While Walid neglected his duties and amused himself in his desert retreats, a conspiracy was set on foot by Yazid, a son of Walid I, who received the backing of the Marwanid clan; Damascus was seized by a sudden coup, and the Caliph was slain near Palmyra (April 744), the first of his house since Usman (Rad.A) to meet a violent death. In the capital his rival was invested with the caliphal insignia of ring and staff as Yazid in, but he failed to win the acceptance of the Empire; Marwan, the governor of Armenia and a grandson of the first Caliph of that name, espoused the cause of the sons of the murdered Walid II, and set his army in motion for Syria. Before any fighting took place, Yazid in died suddenly in November 744 after a reign of only six months; his brother Ibrahim was proclaimed Caliph, but was recognized nowhere outside southern Syria; Marwan crossed the Euphrates and occupied Damascus, and on finding that Walid II’s children had been put to death, himself took possession of the throne.1 If the Umayyad regime could have been rescued by courage and energy, Marwan II would have been its saviour. An able soldier, he had distinguished himself in campaigns against the Byzantines and the Khazars, and he had improved the quality of the army b\ breaking up the old tribal frame work and forming regular regiments under the command of trained professional officers. But he came too late, for the troubles that followed the death of Hisham had irretrievably wrecked the unity of the Umayyad house. Marwan’s M.A. Shaban, The Abbasid Revolution, P. 140. The Abbasid Revolution title was irregular, his mother was a Kurdish slave; the family of Hisham treated him as a usurper; he had the support of the Kais and therefore, the enmity of the Kalb, and his impolitic move in transferring the government 10 Harran, the ancient Carrhae in northern Mesopotamia, was bitterly resented in Damascus, which was thus robbed of its status as the seat of empire. He was forced from the beginning to fight for his throne. A son of Hisham’s Sulayman, rebelled against him; the Kharijites rose in Mosul under one Dahhak, while a Shi’ite in Kufa led by Abdullah b Mu’awiya, a great disturbance were put down, and by 747 Marwan could congratulate himself on the apparent restoration of peace and order. At this point, however, a new peril arose in an unexpected quarter, not in anti-Umayyad Iraq, but in the distant and hitherto loyal province of Khurasan. A new element had entered into the situation: the Persians were reassuming a decisive role in the politics of Western Asia. By the mid-eighth century no Persian alive could recall the days of Sassanid rule: any political restoration could obviously take place only within the framework of Islam. Of the process and speed of Islamization we are ill- informed. Despite the fact that the Holy Prophet almost certainly contemplated toleration only for Jews and Christians, the Arabs had been forced to recognize the Persian Zoroastrians as ’People of the Book’, liable to tribute but no extermination. The Magian faith survived, though deprived of the support of the State: as late as the tenth century there were still firetemples in every big Persian city, and in the hill country of Tabaristan and Dailam, Islam did not gain an entrance till the age of the Buyids. But over the greater part of Persia conversions to Islam may have begun soon after the conquest, when the coercive power of the Magian priesthood was destroyed; exemption from the payment of the tribute was doubtless a strong inducement, and if Hisham decreed the fiscal equality of Arab and non-Arab Muslims, as is likely, the trend must have been greatly hastened. In some regions like Khurasan the new religion was embraced by large numbers of dihkans, hereditary small proprietors who under both the Sassanids and Caliphs acted as tax-collectors for the central government, and whose conversion was often followed by that of the villages in which they resided. These Mawali were frequently exposed to the scorn of race conscious Arabs, Bedouin tribesmen from Kufa and Basra, who garrisoned the towns and forts along the eastern border. Yet some Arabs married Persian wives and adopted Persian customs such as 502 Political and Cultural History of Islam the wearing of trousers and observance of the old Iranian ”New Year” festival, and the children of these unions tended to be Persian rather than Arab in spirit and education. This situation was turned to the advantage of a new enemy of the reigning dynasty, descendants ’of the Holy Prophet’s uncle Abbas, whence they obtain the name Abbasids. According to tradition, Abu Hashim, the son of the and claimant Muhammad b.al- Hanafiya (Ali’s descendant through the Hanafite wife) was poisoned by the Caliph Sulayman, but before he died in Palestine in 716 he bequeathed his claims to Muhammad b. Ali, a great grandson of Abbas, in whose dwelling he had found shelter. The Abbasid party thereby took over the organization of one of the principal and sects, and from its headquarters in Kufa it started a viogorus propaganda campaign in Khurassan. Though its earliest missionary Khidash was caught and executed in 736, his work was continued more circumspectly by Sulayman b. Kathir, who on the death of Muhammad b. Ali in 743 espoused the cause of his son Ibrahim. The latter, anxious to turn to account the troubles which followed the death of Hisham, entrusted the management of his affairs to Abu Muslim, a Persian slave of obscure origin, who was recommended to him as a man of extraordinary capacity. A leader of genius who changed the history of the East, Abu Muslim (his Arabic name was a privilege sometimes granted to non-Arab Mawali) combined the hard and somber ruthlessness of the fanatic with the skill and adroitness of the politician; he succeeded in being all things to all men, and he inspired in his followers a passionate attachment. The disaffected Mawali were eager to enlist under the standard of one of their own race, but though the Persians were his chief hope, his designs could be accomplished only by splitting the Arab colonists and fomenting the endemic quarrel between the Kais and the Kalb. As soon as he had won over the bulk of the Kalb, he struck the blow he had long been maturing. In June 747 two black flags, emblerrs it seems of messianic significance, sent by the Imam Ibrahim were unfurled at a village near Merv, in the presence of two thousand armed rebels, and the Friday service the name of the Abbasid chief was publicly inserted in place of the reigning Caliph. The Umayyad Government was slow to grasp the gravity of this event. The suppression of the Kharijite and Shi’ite revolts had given it a false sense of security, nor did it realize that this had simply removed two dangerous rivals from the path of Abbasids. The Abbasid Revolution 503 Nasr b. Sayyar, the veteran governor of Khurasan, saw the danger, but he misinterpreted the affair as an anti-Arab rising, and sent alarming reports to Harran warning Marwan that a general massacre of Arabs in the province was intended. This was not so: Abu Muslim’s movement was directed, not against the Arabs as such, but against Arab political and social domination as represented by the Umayyad officials and ruling class, and his army was commanded by Kabtaba b. Shabib, an Arab of the Tayyi tribe. Unable to conciliate the Kalb, who either went over to the enemy or stood sullenly aside, Nasr was driven out of Merv and fled westwards, while Kahtaba made a brilliant and rapid march across Persia from Khurasan to Iraq. Here the Umayyad governor was shut up in Wasit, and though Basra was held for the government, Kufa opened its gates without resistance, and in its mosque, in November 749, Abu’l- Abbas, the brother of Ibrahim (who had died in an Umayyad prison), was enthroned as Commander of the Faithful. Thus the political centre of Islam swung back from Syria to Iraq, and the new dynasty arose in the city where Ali (Rad.A) had ruled and died nearly a century before. The last hope of the falling regime reposed on the Syrian army, now a small and demoralized force. To late, Marwan led these troops across the Tigris, and in January 750 they encountered the victorious Khurasanians on the banks of the Great Zab. The iast Umayyad field army was routed; Marwan retreated on Harran, but the pursuers were at his heels, in the cities of Syria, once so loyal to his house, not a hand was raised in his support, and he fled through Palestine into Egypt, where at Busir he was overtaken and killed by a Kalbite Arab who gave orders to his men in Persian. His head was cut off, and dispatched with the caliphal staff and ring to Abu’! Abbas, who ascended the throne in an atmosphere of cowardice, treachery and bloody terror almost unsurpassed even in the history of Asia. The towns and fortresses of Syria, including Damascus, surrendered with scarcely a struggle; Wasit, protected by the Tigris marshes, held out until the news of Marwan’s death and then capitulated on terms which were promptly and brutally violated; the graves of the Umayyad Caliphs, with the single exception of that of the pious Umar, were broken open and the corpses torn out and burnt, and the new Caliph’s uncle Abdullah b. Ali perpetrated a deed of outstanding infamy. Trusting to his solemn promises, eighty 504 Political and Cultural History of Islam princes of the fallen house accepted his invitation to a banquet at a given signal a band of executioners entered the room and clubbed them all to death; leather covers were spread over the bodies, and the host and his friends feasted upon them to the sound of their victims’ dying groans. From this savage holocaust, which may be compared with the extermination by Jehu of the line of Omri, few escaped save Abdur Rahman, the young grandson of the Caliph Hisham, who after being hunted through the deserts of Egypt and Barbary, found refuge in Spain, where the writ of the Abbasids did not yet run and where he became the father of a new dynasty of Umayyads, who reigned in the peninsula for upwards of three hundred years. The Abbasid Revolution, like the displacement of the Merovingians in Gaul by the Carolinians about the same time, was something more than a change of dynasty. The Abbasids themselves proclaimed that they had brought to Islam and dawa, a turn or change, a new order their government, they averred, would, unlike that of their godless predecessors, be based on the true principles of Muslim piety religion not race was to be the foundation of the State, and the Caliphs henceforth styled themselves shadows of God on earth and added to their personal names titles expressive moral or religious qualities such as ’al-Mahdi’, the guided one, and ’alRashid’, the orthodox. The revolution preserved the Caliphate as an institution, but altered its character and spirit. The removal of the seat of government from Syria to Iraq accentuated the tend towards monarchical despotism which was already noticeable under the Umayyads. The political tradition of Persia had long been exerting an influence on Arab governmental practice. Under Hisham the secretariat became increasingly Persianized, and Marwan had foreshadowed the downgrading of Syria by moving the capital to Harran. With the coming of the Abbasids, Persians streamed into the public services; a new office, that Wa/ir or vizier, was created whose holder exercised the authority of a Vice Caliph, the sovereign himself retreating, like the old Sassanid Shahs, into the depths of his palace, hidden from his people behind a crowd of officials, ministers and eunuchs, and when al- Mansur, the second Abbasid, resolved to build himself a new capital, he selected a site near the ruins of ancient Ctesiphon which bore the old Persian name of Baghdad, signifying probably ’gift of God’. If some trace of Arab tribal democracy survived among the Umayyads, it was totally eliminated under the Abbasids, who The Abbasid Revolution 505 seemed to have inherited the sacred absolutism of the kings of Nineveh, Babylon and Persia. The executioner with his leather carpet stood beside the throne as the symbol of his royal master’s power of life and death over his subjects, whose rights were unprotected by any law or senate or constitution.2 Yet it would be highly misleading to interpret the revolution of 750, as some have done, as simple triumph of Persian over Arab. The supremacy of the Arab race in the East was indeed destroyed; the Mawali were raised to a status of equality with the Arab Muslims the army ceased to be dominated by Bedouin tribesmen and became largely Persianized for founding of Baghdad reduced the power and influence of the camp-cities of Kufa and Basra, and the Bedouin warriors who had conquered half the civilized world tended to withdraw back into the Arabian deserts from which their fathers had emerged more than a century before. Yet in the powerful sphere of religion, the Arab maintained his primacy: his was the nation to whom Allah had first vouchsafed his revelation, his was the tongue in which Gabriel had delivered the divine oracles to the Holy Prophet, nor could Arabic, the holy language of the Quran, ever be displaced by the profane idioms of the convert peoples. Whatever success the Persians could claim had been won within the framework of Islam; a national Iranian revival implied no return to Magianis; the mosque had supplanted the fire-temple; Abu Muslim and his henchmen professed the fevour of pious Muslims eager to restore the purity of the faith, and for three centuries the scholars of Persia, who founded the literature and science of Islam, published their works in Arabic, as though their native speech were unworthy of the study and attention of the true believer. Moreover, the dynasty was still Arab, the Abbasids being as proud as the Umayyads of their membership of the Quraysh they were unable to appeal to Persian race-feeling, and unlike the Sassanids, they could not rely on the loyalty of a native priesthood and feudal class. The Abbasids were driven to seek a delicate balance between Arab and Persian, which was difficult to attain; the pride and superiority felt by Muslims of Arab descent provoked, in early Abbasid times, the movement known as the Shbiyya, peoples and disharmony may be accounted one of the principal causes of the disintegration of the ’ Saunders. History of Medieval Islam, P 506 Political and Cultural History of Islam Caliphate which followed swiftly on the over throw of the Umayyads.3 ABU MUSLIM ABDUR RAHMAN IBN MUSLIM ALKHURASANI Abu Muslim was undoubtedly the greatest figure of his age and the king maker of Abbasid dynasty. By his zeal, wisdom and generalship he changed the outlook of the entire Muslim world and raised the house of Abbas on the ruin of the Banu Umayyah. He was hard and harsh in his treatment and is said to have killed 600,000 in cold blood besides killing a large number in the battle-field but all that he did was to establish and nourish the Abbasid dynasty. Early Life Surprisingly we know very little before his arrival at Merv about the man to whom the ”Abbasids owed their victory.” The reports about his early life do not agree on a single detail. When he was personally asked about his origin, he evaded the question and instead advised the inerrogators not to attach any importance to such unimportant details. In spite of the newly discovered sources, and the valiant effort of F. Umar, one must agree with R.N. Frye that the origins of Abu Muslim cannot definitely be determined from Islamic sources. There seems to have been a deliberate attempt to cover all traces of his past and to present him in a new image. The key to this new image is his assumed name Abu Muslim Abdur Rahman ibn Muslim al-Khurasani. His kunya, Abu Muslim, means the father of a Muslim. His name ”Abdur Rahman, he who worships the Compassionate applies to every Muslim. The name itself is reputed to have been one of the favourite names which the Holy Prophet gave to many of his newly converted companions. Abu Muslim also assumed Muslim as his father’s name. In other words the name represents a Muslim who is a son of a Muslim and the father of a Muslim. His nisba is most significant. He related himself only to Khurasan, and not to a tribe or a clan, either as a member or a Mawla, as was the practice at the time. One must not forget that he was not from Khurasan, he only came there. There could not have been greater emphasis placed on the idea that in the new society promised by the revolution every member would be regarded only as a Muslim, with the same rights and the same responsibilities regardless of racial origins or tribal connections. Hugh Kcnned\. The Early Abbasid Caliphate P The Abbasid Revolution 507 Abu Muslim and Abbasids Revolution Abu Muslim’s assumed name was the best possible slogan for the revolution he was sent to lead. Perhaps this was the real reason for sending him to Khurasan. It was not to be one of the proven Arabs or Mawali of Merv who was to lead the revolution. This could have given it a specific colour which was deliberately avoided by sending a complete outsider whose very origin was kept a secret. According to Encyclopedia of Islam, ”Abu Muslim, leader of the revolutionary Abbasid movement in Khurasan. He was of obscure antecedents, probably a slave of Persian origin, in the service of Banu Idil in Kufa. Here he made contact with the Shia and in 119 A.H/737 A.D. He is found amongst the followers of the found ghali al-Mughira b. Said. In 124/741-2, the Khurasanian nukaba of the Abbasids, proceedings to Makkah, found him in prison. They liberated him and took him to the Imam Ibrahim b. Muhammad. After instructing him, the Imam sent him in 128/745-6 to Khurasan with the mission of directing the movement of insurrection in that province. On arrival in Khurasan and after overcoming the initial hostility of the local chiefs of the movement, Abu Muslim managed with dexterity and energy to reap the fruits of the long Abbasids propaganda. On 1 Shawwal 129/15 June, 747 the black banners of the insurgents were publically raised. Of course, there were men in Merv who would have been quite capable of leading the revolution. Qahtaba ibn Shabib, the genetal who led the victorious march to Kufa, or Sulayman ibn Kathir, who was responsible for building up the organization in Merv, are only two examples. There was a certain risk in asking Sulayman to subordinate himself in his own territory to a total stranger; yet the risk was taken. This arrangement must have had the approval of Abu Salama, if it was not altogether at his own suggestion. He was to remain in Kufa in charge of the organization there and Abu Muslim was instructed to defer to him. Abu Salama had just returned for Merv after a four months stay during which he was accompanied by Abu Muslim. They must have formulated some opinion about the leadership in the vital region of Merv in this crucial phase of the revolution At this stage there was full co- 508 Political and Cultural History of Islam operation between these two leaders and their ideas were successfully put into effect. Profiting by the internal discords of the Umayyad army, Abu Muslim gained support among the Yamaniies and succeeded in taking Merv in Rabi II or Djumada I 130/January 748. From there his generals operated in all the surrounding regions; one of them, Khatab b. Sahkib, took up the pursuit of the Umayyad forces towards the west, which was to end in the fall of the dynasty. After the proclamation of al-Saffah as Caliph, Abu Muslim remained as governor in Khurasan, ensuring on the one hand, internal security and extending, on the other hand. The Islamic conquest towards to east. His relations, however, with the new dynasty which in great part owed to him its success, became increasingly strained. It does not seem that there was on his port, an actual design of revolt, nor do the assertions of some heresiographers, followed by modern scholars, that he was carrying on an extremist religious propaganda, seemed to correspond to the truth. His great prestige and power, however, were enough in themselves to alarm the Abbasids. M.A. Shaban says, ”The reign of Abu Ja’far al-Mansur was inaugurated in 136/754 by the rebellion of his uncle, ”Abdullah ibn ”Ali, against him. Until that time and in spite of the insinuations to the contrary in our sources, agreement and confidence between Abu Muslim and al-Mansur were firmly established. The latter had no shown his hand yet and the former had no reason to suspect his intentions. It was al-Mansur himself who delegated to Abu Muslim the task of suppressing his own uncle’s revolt. The breach between the two occurred after the successful campaign of Abu Muslim. Al Mansur sent Yaqtin Ibn Musa, as his representative, to watch over the booty. To this Abu Muslim objected in no uncertain terms. He must have considered it outside the power of the Amir al-Muminin to deal with such matters. Al-Mansur realized that if he were to have real power in the empire, he must first get rid of Abu Muslim. That he knew the enormous risk he was taking evident from the elaborate precautions undertaken in preparation for his execution. Nevertheless the hazardous act was carried out (137/755) and no serious objection was raised by Abu Muslim’s followers. The ”Abbasids had begun to acquire an aura of legitimacy in the eyes of their subjects. For the The Abbasid Revolution 509 rest of his reign, al-Mansur exercised secular powers in very much the same way as any Umayyad Amir al-Mu’minin without any claims to the religious powers of an Imam. Significantly his wazir, Abu Ayub al-Muriani, was no more than a chief secretary. Nevertheless the principle of the division of powers continued to survive, and under the later ”Abbasids powerful wazirs once again held all secular power while emphasis was focused on the religious aspects of the office of Amir al-Mu’minin.”’ Abu Muslim’s spectacular success in manipulating the struggle in Merv to the advantage of the revolution, and his undeniable political acumen, perhaps overshadow other talents employed in it. Abu Salma’s talent seems to have been in the quiet preparatory work. Although one cannot credit him with the long, arduous work of the original planners, his role in the revolution has not been given enough attention. He was in Kufa in the heart of the empire to prepare the ground for the takeover after the expected arrival of the victorious revolutionary army or, for that matter, for any other eventuality. From 126/744 to 132/749 he was in charge of coordinating all efforts for the success of the revolution. Propaganda was a major weapon long adopted by the Shia before Abu Salma, but it was to him that the task fell of using it to maximum effect all over the empire. Every possible sign or portent listed in the eschatological prophecies current at the time was used to herald the imminent revolution. Black flags has been hoisted by earlier rebels and had already acquired messianic significance. Now they were adopted by the revolution as its own emblem. Legends and prophecies were invented and widely circulated referring to the rise of the black banners in the east and pointing to the end of Umayyad rule. Slogans were provided to propagate the cause. The revolution was preached in the name of al-rida min al Muhammad, a member of the House of the Prophet who would be acceptable to all. This was not particularly put forward for the sake of the partisans in Merv, but more as an appeal to all the Shi’a in the empire. As has been stated, a further appeal to all members of the Muslim community was embodied in the adopted name of Abu Muslim, perhaps invented by Abu Salma as a living and expressive slogan for the revolution. 510 Political and Cultural History of Islam According to the Hugh Kennedy, ’’Once the Mansur decided on resolute action even so formidable a figure as Abu Muslim, the ”Commissar” of the revolutionary armies, could be removed with no more than moderate difficulty. This in contradistinction to Mansur’s more prolonged dealings with the paternal uncles and his nephew, Isa b. Musa.” FALL OF ABU MUSLIM The Khalifah, instead of rewarding a man who had saved his throne, was now bent on his destruction. The influence of Abu Muslim aroused the jealousy and hatred of the Khalifah. He was virtually the ruler of Khurasan and thus became the source of danger to the throne. The Khalifah though it wise not to allow the grass to grow under his feet as Abu Muslim’s power was going to surpass every limit. He invited Abu Muslim to visit the royal Court on his return journey to Khurasan. He was well-received at the Court and on one unlucky day he was put to death. Abu Muslim was by far the greatest figure of the age. ”Hardly thirty-five years old, he had by his rare wisdom, zeal and generalship, changed the whole outlook of Islam and raised the House of al-Abbas upon the ruins of the House of Umayya”. After the death of Abu Muslim, a serious rising threatened the empire in Persia under the leadership of Sunbadh who stepped forth as the avenger of Abu Muslim. His memory remained alive in the eastern provinces and starting with the movement of al-Mukanna gave rise during many years, to political and religious agitation. A similar rebellion followed in Mesopotamia, where the imperial forces were repeatedly discomfited. But within a short time peace was restored in both the places. c 39 ABUL ABBAS AL-SAFFAH (749-754 A.D./132-136A.H.) Rise of the Abbasids to Power The Abbasids were the descendants of an uncle of the Prophet, al-Abbas ibn ’Abdul Muttalib ibn Hashim. They made common cause with the Alids. The Shiahs regarded this family as such were not Alids though by descent they were closer to the Holy Prophet than to the Umayyads. Taking advantage of the widespread discontent and posing as defenders of the true faith the descendants of Abbas Muhammad ibn Ali and his sons Abul Abbas and Abu Jafar, soon became the champions and leaders of the anti-Umayyad movement. To secure the support of the Shiahs the Abbasid propaganda was carried on in the name of Hashim the common ancestor of both the Abbasids and Alids. It was only at the last moment that they could understand their folly to their bitter disappointment that the house of Abbas was to profit by their labours to the exclusion of the Alids. The national Persian opponents of Arab rule united with those Muslims who upheld the principle of legitimacy and maintained that the government of the Umayyads was a secular state hostile to the Islamic one. The Abbasids cleverly turned this antiUmayyad mood of the east to their own advantage by claiming their relationship with Holy Prophet Muhammad and Hazrat Ali. Their ancestor Abdullah ibn Abbas had made peace with Muawiya after Ali’s death. As Imam Zaynul Abidin refused to take part in politics the Imamat and leadership of the house of Ali were transferred from the Fatimids to those of Alids who were born of the wives of Ali other than Fatimah. Thus Muhammad, son of ’Ali from Hanfiyah 512 Political and Cultural History of Islam became the champion for the cause of Alids, Muhammad bin Hanfiyah’s son and successor Abu Hashim Abdullah died at Humaymah on the Syrian pilgrim highways and transferred the Shiite Imamat to Muhammad bin Ali grandson of Abbas as there was none else present with him at the spot. Muhammad settled there and after his death in 743 his son Ibrahim sent his emissaries to Khurasan in 746 A.D. This became the foundation stone of Abbasid rule. The agents of the Abbasid propaganda wondered in the disguise of merchants and invited the people to swear any allegiance to the Abbasid Imam avoiding premature outbreak but ready to sacrifice their lives for the cause. As the Persians were not given social and economic equality under the Umayyads they hated the Arab rule and supported the Abbasid propagandists whose movements were controlled and directed by a council of twelve naqibs and a senate of seventy subordinate chiefs in Khurasan. The Abbasid propaganda continued actively but silently. Sometimes the propagandists would be taken prisoners and put to death by the Umayyad Government as happened to Abu Ikrimah and Hayyan. Inspite of the warnings of the governor the Umayyad Caliph showed unwise leniency towards the Abbasid propagandists in Khurasan. The most prominent among these Abbasid devotees was one Abdur Rahman ibn Muslim, a Persian by birth. The majority of his adherents were Persian peasants and clients. His propaganda was based on Iranian beliefs: he is said to have taught the transmigration of souls and given* himself out as an incarnation of the Deity. He contributed more than any one else to the overthrow of the Umayyads but he fell a victim to the jealousy of those who owed him so much. Nasr b. Sayyar, the governor of Khurasan, wrote to Marwan II that 200,000 men had sworn allegiance to Abu Muslim who had raised the black standard of the Abbasids at the village of Siqadanj, near Merv on the 9th June, 747. But Marwan II, being busy at home in suppressing the troubles created by the Qaysites and Yamanites, did not send troops to crush the rebellion. The Governor, however, killed Ibrahim the son of Muhammad and his other two brothers Abu’l Abbas and Abu Jafar escaped to Humayma and from there to Kufah. In the general engagements, however, Abu Muslim with the help of the Yamanite Arabs, Rawandis, Ishaq the Turk and Sinbadh the Magian defeated Nasr b. Sayyar who fled to Sawa where he died a year later. It was the war between the Arabs and non-Arabs. Abu’l Abbas Al-Saffah 513 Amongst the Umayyads there was an utter lack of enthusiasm, patriotism and loyalty while Abu Muslim commanded unbounded loyalty of the Musawwidahs the black dressed Abbasid troops. In August 749 Marwan’s son Abdullah was routed on the little Zab by Awn and Marwan himself suffered the final defeat on the great Zab on January 25, 750 A.D. The Umayyad capital, Damascus, was, however, occupied by the Abbasids three months later. Much about the origin and rise to power of the Abbasids has been discussed earlier. Ascendancy of al-Saffah The third great state in Islam, the Abbasid was founded by Abu’l Abbas al-Saffah. From their original home at Humayma on the arrest of Ibrahim ibn Muhammad, his family fled to Kufah in Safar 132/October 749. Since then they remained in hiding till Kufah was conquered by Qahtabah from Ibn Hubayrah who escaped to Wasit and Abu Salma the Hashimid agent in Khurasan ruled over the city under the title ”Wazir of the house of Muhammad” for three months. On capturing Iraq Abu’l Abbas, younger’ brother of Ibrahim, ascended the throne on the 12th Rabi al-Awwal 132/October 30, 749 and delivered his address from the pulpit of the Chief Mosque of Kufah, the same pulpit which had been once used for the same purpose by Hazrat Ali. For some time the new Caliph lived with Abu Salma in his abode and then retired to his country residence al-Hashimyah, at alAnbar near Kufah from where he sent his uncles and others to replace the Umayyad officials and persue the family members of Marwan II to death. In Dhu’l Hijjah 132/July 750 after the murder of Marwan II he delivered his sermon as the Caliph of Muslim world for the first time.1 Hashimyah remained the Abbasid capital till the construction of Baghdad by Mansur. The Abbasid dynasty claimed itself to be a dawah (a revolutionary era) and indeed it departed from the Umayyad dynasty in many ways. The ascendancy of the Arabs was over and while the Khurasanis became the Caliphate bodyguards the Persians occupied the key-positions in the government a new hierarchy of officers other than that of the Arabs grew and field for cultural and scientific developments was prepared. Their temporal hold on distant provinces loosened although spiritual authority remained. Special stress was laid on the religious character of the Ya’qubi’s Vol. I, P.413. 514 Political and Cultural History of Islam Abu’l Abbas Al-Saffah 515 state, possession of and reverence to the Holy cities of Makkah and Medina, wearing of Holy Prophet’s mantle and holding of his staff in hand by the Caliph. Persecution of the Umayyads The first concern of the Abbasid Caliph Abu’l Abbas, who had referred to himself as al- Saffah (the blood shedder) in his inaugural Khutbah was to sweep from the face of the earth the entire Umayyad race and to justify his action he had adopted such title and many members of the ruling dynasty were ruthlessly murdered. At Palestine and Basrah not a single Umayyad who could be traced was spared. Aban b. Muawiyah b. Hisham was deprived of a hand and a foot and paraded through the streets of towns and villages of Syria. Hisham’s grandson Abdah was slain. Granting an amnesty to the Umayyad members in Palestine some eighty of them were invited to a banquet at Abu-Futrus (Antipatris) and the unsuspecting guests were all put to death treacherously. Only the children of tender years escaped their fate. Even the lives of those who took shelter at Makkah and Medina were not spared. In Damascus, Qinnasrin and other places the remains of the Umayyad caliphs except those of Mu’awiyah I and Umar II were exhumed and their graves desecrated.2 The buried corpse of Sulayman was dug out from Dabiq and that of Hisham from Rusafah. Some Umayyads, however, escaped and sought refuge among the Badawi tribes, one of them being Abdur Rahman aged twenty, the grandson of Khalifah Hisham. He escaped to Spain and founded his dynastic rule there.3 Of the Umayyads in Damascus, Rusafah. Dabiq, Qinnasrin and other places nothing was left intact. Risings The Abbasid outrage caused hatred and indignation throughout Mesopotamia and Syria. The Governor of Qinnasrin revolted and his suit was followed at Damascus and other cities of Syria. Abdullah the Abbasid general concluding peace with the rebels of the Hauran hastened to the north and fighting vigorously dispersed 40,000 insurgents and restored order. The Syrian insurgents 60,000 in number laid siege to Hauran. The Abbasid Army still engaged in the siege of Wasit, where Ibn Hubayra had taken refuge, sent a detachment under Abu Jafar, the brother of the Ibn Athir, Vol V P 161, Abu’l Fida. P 212-3 Imamuddin, Muslim Spain, PP, 32-45 Caliph, to the help of Harran. The insurgents after much fighting dispersed. There was also resistance at Basrah till the fall of Wasit. The adherents of the old dynasty fled to Uman where they were joined by the Kharijis. There were wide discontentment and contempt against the Abbasid behaviour with the family of the Umayyads. But these risings had no common cause and programme. There was above all no leader to guide them and take advantage of their fiery spirit. Ibn Hubayra, in stead of hastening to the north, wasted his time by shutting himself up with the cream of the Umayyad troops in Wasit. the siege of which was, however, hard pressed by Ibn Qahtaba. The city ultimately fell due to the tribal jealousies among the garrisons after eleven months. On receiving the news of the death of Marwan, Ibn Hubayra wrote to Muhammad ibn Abdullah, a great-grandson of Hasan, son of AH with an offer to support his claim for the throne. Receiving no reply he capitulated on the promise of the protection of life and property. But the Caliph going against his solemn oath of amnesty on the advice of Abu Muslim, who was then at Merv, put him to death along with many of his followers. The Abbasid governor was turned out of Mosul by the people declaring him to be a low- born stranger. Al-Saffah appointed his brother Yahya as the governor. On arrival he called the chief men to the mosque by promising amnesty but killed them treacherously and gave the city for three days of plunder and outrage. There were also risings in India and Khurasan but they were put down with severity and torture. Towards the end of the Umayyad rule Sindh had been occupied by one Mansur b. Jamhur. The Abbasid governor of the frontier Muflis Abadi was defeated and killed but Mansur was defeated by Musa b. Ka’b another newly appointed Abbasid governor and fled to the desert area. Mansurah, which had been destroyed due to the Hindu risings, was rebuilt.4 The Chinese King aided the ruler of Farghanah and laid siege to Chach. The rebels of Sughd, Farghanah and Bukharah met the royal troops on the bank of Taraz but were put to fight by Ziyad b. Salih, governor of Samarqand. It is said that 30,000 of the rebels under Sharik a staunch supporter of the Alids in Khurasan were slain beyond the Oxus and 20,000 were taken prisoners. Having been disappointed with the Abbasid plan the Khurasanis had rebelled in 4 Baladhun, Futuh al-Buldan, P 449 516 Political and Cultural History of Islam favour of the Alids. Another Khurasani rebel Amir Bassam b. Ibrahim was suppressed by Khazim ibn Khazimat.5 There were also risings of the Kharijis in Uman which were set on fire, 90 Kharijis were burnt alive and 900 of them were killed. Though the figure seems to be exaggerated it is certain that there was hardly any regard for human life. Saffah appointed his brother Abu Ja’far Mansur governor of Azerbaijan and Armenia, his uncle Da’ud of Hijaz and Yamamah, his nephew of Kufah, other relatives of Syria and Persia and Abu Awn of Egypt. He introduced the post of wizarat and appointed the famous da’i Abu Salmah Hafs b. Sulayman. But soon he was displaced and killed as Abu Salmah had tried to transfer the rule to the House of Ali.6 Al-Saffah’s Plan to kill Abu Muslim After dealing with the Umayyads, their adherents and rebels, al-Saffah thought of removing from the stage his own supporters. The wazir Abu Salmah was suspected of being an ’and. On consulting Abu Muslim, he was put to death treacherously. Next came the turn of Abu Muslim. He was enjoying unlimited power as viceroy of Khurasan. Ibn Kathir an early advocate of the Hashimi mission in Khurasan was hated by Abu Muslim because when the latter was appointed by Ibrahim to do missionary work in Khurasan the former had advised Ibrahim not to do so as he was too young for this. On a slight charge of using imprudent words he was put to death in the presence of Abu Ja’far, who had been sent there to feel the pulse of Abu Muslim. On return he complained to his brother alSaffah against his uncontrolled supremacy in Khurasan. In 135/752-3 the Caliph sent an emissary to Ziyad, the governor of Samarqand, with the instruction to kill Abu Muslim but the plot was unearthed and Ziyad was deposed and put to death by his own men and the emissary by Abu Muslim. In 136/754 undeterred by the machinations at the court Abu Muslim sought permission to perform pilgrimage which he was allowed to do but with only 1,000 followers. After the death of Ziyad, Abu Muslim had become all in all in Khurasan so the Caliph delayed in spite of the insistence of Abu Ja’far to cut him down from behind while he was talking with the Caliph. Abu ja’far led the ceremonial of Hajj and IbnAthir, Vol V. P 168 ’ Al-Fakhn. PP 137-8 Abu ’I Abbas Al-Saffah while returning along with Abu Muslim he received the news of the death of his brother and concealed his hatred till his accession to the throne. Death of al-Saffah Al-Saffah died of small-pox at al-Anbar near Kufah on the 13th Dhu’l Hijjah 136/9th June 754 after a short reign of a little less than five years. He was then twenty-eight to thirty-five years of age. ACHIEVEMENTS Besides building his palace at al-Anbar he constructed some public buildings. He made a road from Kufah to Makkah, put up mile stones and built towers for the protection of the pilgrims. Khalid bin Barmak the descendant of the high priestly family of the Buddhist monastery Nawbahar7 in Balkh, who had accompanied Qahtaba from Balkh to Kufah, was appointed wazir after Abu Salmah and katib (secretary) and promoted to the post of the chief of Exchequer. Under Mansur also he retained control of finances and supervised the construction of Baghdad. Other members of the Barmak family also attained high positions at the court. He was a wise statesman and granted gifts. He was true to his word.8 On his death bed al-Saffah nominated his nephew Isa who was then governor of Kufah to succeed his brother Abu Ja’far. He justly adopted the title of blood pourer (al- Saffah) and proved it by shedding the blood of persons to whom he had promised amnesty and also of those ;who had helped him to the throne. He had been rightly called barbarous, tyrant and an ungrateful traitor, worse than any Umayyad ruler. He achieved success not so much because of his valour ancl wisdom but because of his treachery, the efforts of his supporters and weakness of the Umayyads. 7 Syed Sulayman Naavi, ’Arab-Hind ke Ta’alluqat, PP. 102-103 8 Al-Fakhn, P.133 cf. Al-Suyuti, Ta’nkh al-Khulafa’ P 171. CHAPTER 40 ABU 4 AFAR AL-MANSUR (7S4-775 A.D./136-158 A.H.) Mansur’s accession is an important land mark in the history of Caliphate. His reign introduced an era of exceptional splendour and glory in the history of the Arab rule. Himself a gifted ruler, Mansur was followed jn the Caliphate by some generations of exceptionally bril!iiant rulers who built the greatness of the Abbasids in the field of cu iture and civilization. By his remarkable skill and dexterity, _Mansur- consolidated the Abbasid Caliphate and prepared the way for the greatness his successors. Although Saffah was the first Caliph of his, family, he had a short reign and did not get time to consolidate the A^bbasid Caliphate. This work of consolidation was done by Mansur ^d hence he is regarded as the real founder of the Abbasid Caliphat«e. Succession Abu Ja’f%r was at Makkah when his younger brother alSaffah died and tithe oath of allegiance was taken on his behalf by his cousin ’Isa. On Ihis return he celebrated his accession by leading prayers in the oorngregatiOnal Mosque at al-Mada’in. He assumed the title Mansur Bi’llJah1 whom God has made victorious.” Though was elder to al- Saffahi he was superseded by his brother because he was born of a Berber : siave gjri Salmah while al-Saffah of a Yamani lady He firmly consolidated the dynasty and never shrank from any act of cruelty if the inteerest of the dynasty was involved. Like his brother he was equally c^ruel but his measures sprang from calculation. He would not spare anyone whom he thought in the least dangerous to his dynasty.1 William Muir, 1 he . Caliphate, P 446 Abu ]afar Al-Mansur 519 Mansur feared rebellion from his uncle Abdullah ibn Ali who was in command in northern Syria and at the head of an army set up against the Byzantines and who in recognition of his service of defeating Marwan II had been promised succession after al- Saffah. On hearing the tidings of the death of al-Saffah Abdullah besieged Harran with a large force including 17,000 Khurasani soldiers. Mansur wrote to Abu Muslim to proceed from Makkah against Abdullah. The latter raised the siege and marched on Nasibin where he entrenched himself strongly and apprehending treachery from his Khurasani troops put them all to death Abu Muslim decoyed him from his trench tactfully by declaring that he was preparing to attack Syria. The Syrian soldiers, therefore, came out of the stronghold to save their families in Syria and the trench was occupied by Abu Muslim easily. The war continued for five months and Abdullah, was defeated and was placed under the custody of Sulayman, the governor of Basrah. Mistrusting his nephew Abdullah retired into hiding from Basrah for safety. Mansur ordered his uncles Sulayman and Ali to produce him before him. He was brought by them to the court and, to” their utter surprise, they were all put to prison towards the end of 139/757. After seven years of imprisonment Abdullah was ceremoniously led to a house which collapsed and buried the victim. The Real Founder of the Dynasty On defeating Abdullah, Abu Muslim occupied his wealth. Mansur pressed for the deposit of the wealth which antagonized Abu Muslim to the extent that he determined to build up Alwi state on the destruction of the Abbasids. But soon they reconciled although Mansur did not forgive him for Abu Muslim considering himself on the pillar of Abbasid sovereignty wanted to rule over Khurasan independently. Establishing himself firmly, Mansur thought of killing Abu Muslim whom he feared most ignoring his faithful service to his dynasty and to himself. Mansur could not stand the power and position, Abu Muslim held in Khurasan. In order to deprive him of his strategic position he was offered the governorship of Syria and Egypt. Suspecting treachery Abu Muslim proceeded to Khurasan from Nasibin. He received the royal mandate at Halwan to see the caliph at al-Mada’in. Trusting the words of the caliph and advised by some of his old companions, he came to the capital. Although Abu Muslim had rejected the offer of the post of governor he was lured to Mada’in. He was received with warm welcome but charges after 520 Political and Cultural History of Islam charges were brought against him and though he reminded the services he had done to the dynasty and implored forgiveness but to no avail and he was killed in the presence of the caliph himself. Though he had laid the foundation of the dynasty and saved Mansur from great disaster yet, as long as he was alive, the Abbasid throne was not free from danger. Thus Mansur became the real king and founder of the Abbasid dynasty which might have perished had Abu Muslim been allowed to survive. Abu Muslim was undoubtedly the greatest figure of his age. By his zeal, wisdom and generalship he changed the outlook of the entire Muslim world and raised the house of Abbas on the ruin of the Banu Umayyad. He was hard and harsh in his treatment and is said to have killed 600,000 in cold blood besides killing a large number in the battle- field, but all that he did was to establish and nourish the Abbasid dynasty. Even Mansur owed his all to him. It was his jealousy and lust of power which made him forget his past services and commit such a nefarious deed. Abu Muslim was held in high esteem and was considered an incarnation of the deity by his followers (the Rawindiyah). The murder of Abu Muslim resulted in a serious uprising in Khurasan under Sunbadh, the Magian Abu Nasr, the lieutenant of Abu Muslim at Halwan fled at first but finding no refuge ultimately submitted to Mansur. But Sunbadh the Magian declared a blood feud against Mansur in 137/755 and occupied lands between al-Rayy and Nisabur and remained in the field with a large Persian following. He was defeated and killed by the royal troops there between al-Rayy and Hamdan with 60,000 Magians. There was also rebellion of the same nature in Mesopotamia in the same year. In the following year peace was resorted in both Persia and Mesopotamia. The caliph was relieved of all possible dangers which threatened him. Mansur was regarded divine by a Persian sect Rawindiyah the imprisonment of their two hundred leaders for creating disturbances in the capital led to a serious rising at Hashimiyah in 141/May 758-9 endangering his own life while returning from Jerusalem the troops came and extirpated the rebels. Risings in Khurasan and Tabaristan In 141/758, the governor of Khurasan, Abdul Jabbar b. Abdur Rahamn, rebelled, Madhi and Ibn Khuzayama were sent to put him down. He was arrested and beheaded along with his followers. Ispahand, the ruling prince of Tabaristan, also cast off allegiance in the same year. His rebellion was put down but in the Abu ]afar Al-Mansur 521 following year he again rebelled, his fortress was occupied and the garrison was put to carnage. Madhi the prince turned towards the Deilem (Dayalm) where dissension continued for more than a year. Khalid ibn Barmak who had fought in his youth under Abu Muslim and Qahtabah was appointed governor of Tabaristan from 765 to 769. He put an end to the last native principality on Mt. Demawand. He also participated in old age in the war against the Byzantines. Later he was appointed governor of Mosul to suppress the Kurds. Rising of the Alids The reign of Mansur witnessed the first rift between the Alids and the Abbasids whose interests had so long remained united. The Alids and their supporters became disillusioned with the Abbasids rule and flouted their authority. In 144/762 the Alids rebelled. Muhammad and Ibrahim the two sons of Abdullah, the great-grandson of Ali, were great ambitious persons. They did not attend the pilgrimage led by Mansur at which the latter became furious. Abdullah with his family and relatives was put in to prison but his sons escaped to Adan and Sind. They returned and joined the Bedawi tribes, failing in producing them before Mansur the Alid’s prisoners were be headed. The head of one of them was paraded in Khurasan. This led to the risings of the Medinites under Muhammad and Basrites under Ibrahim in 145/762. An exchange of letters took place over the rights of Khilafat claimed by the Alids and Abbasids between the rival parties. Muhammad could not gain his supporters among the Syrians. Isa was sent at the head of a Syrian army to Medina where Muhammad thought of protecting himself by constructing a moat but on the approach of Isa many of his followers fled and Muhammad was killed and gibbeted in December 762. Peace was restored as a punishment for the Medinites supply from Egypt through Umar’s canal (Nahr Amiral-Muminin) and the Red Sea was cut off till Mahdi came to the throne and restored it. The other brother Ibrahim called Nafs al-Zakiyah rose in rebellion in Basrah. Among the Basrite rebels under Muhammad’s brother Ibrahim there were many learned men including the famous theologian Malik ibn Ans. They occupied Pars, al-Ahwaz and Wasit. On receiving the news of the defeat of the Muhammad, Ibrahim marched on Kufah but the number of his followers instead of increasing decreased from 100,000 to 10,000. Mansur himself was helpless in the qity of Baghdad which was under construction because his troops were engaged in quelling rebels and maintaining ,-22 Political and Cultural History of Islam ace in persia, Arabia and Ifriqiyah. Prince Mahdi rushed from alRayy and re-occupied Pars and Ahwaz while Isa ibn Musa advanced on Suliana from Medina and overtook Ibrahim of Bakhamra 16 leagues south of Kufah when he was marching to attack the city. It was impolitic in delaying his march directly towards Kufah. Ibrahim who had kept the Abbasids in constant terror for three months struck by an arrow fell and his army fled on 24th Dhu’l Qa’dah 145/February 14, 763. Enmity with the Byzantines The old enmity between the Arabs and the Byzantines was revived. Relieved of danger at home the caliph turned his attention towards Asia Minor which had been attacked by Constantine in 138/762 and Malatia was occupied by the Greeks. It was reoccupied and the Byzantine Emperor was forced to conclude a peace for seven years and exchange of prisoners took place. War was renewed in 158/November 774-5 when Leodicaea was attacked, 6000 persons including women were taken captives and the Byzantine emperor agreed to pay an annual tribute. Foundation of Baghdad After establishing himself firmly Mansur thought of fortifying his possessions in 145/762 the site of the new capital was selected by Mansur on the right west bank of the Tigris about fifteen miles above al-Mada’in the capital of the Chosroes. His brother had established his residence in Hashimia near Anbar on the left bank of the Euphrates the materials for Baghdad were collected from alMada’in, Kufah, Wasit and Damascus and imported from other places the foundation stone of a round city was laid by the caliph himself and the construction work started under the supervision of Khalid. After his victory over the Alids Mansur energetically promoted construction work. The palace named Daru’l Khuld along with the chief mosque was constructed in the centre surrounded by the offices and palaces of ministers and courtiers keeping the markets outside towards Karkh where the commoners lived. The system of canals was elaborated and bridged over. The capital city was fortified by inner and outer high walls having four gates with fifty yards high dome namely Bab-al-Kufa, Bab al-Slam, Bab alBasrah and Bab al-Khurasan. The main roads were wide upto forty yards. 2 Muir, The Caliphate, P.459. Abu Jafar Al-Mansur 523 A mass levy of forced labour was used the labour was paid a habbus (two pence) and the ustadh (overseer or mason) a qirat of silver daily. The initial cost was about 18,000,000 dinars. About a hundred thousand architects and artisans were employed. The new capital was in the centre of the Abbasid possessions. It had its strategic importance, surrounded on three sides by Kufa, Wasit and Basrah the three cities of turbulence easy to keep under vigilance with military barracks on the eastern shore having easy access to the Persian Gulf, Arabia, Syria, Armenia and the East. Military cantonments were constructed opposite to Karkh on the west and separate quarters were fixed for the Yamanis, Mudars and Khurasani contingents on which Mansur depended for his military power and to which his dynasty, in the absence of a strong ruler, ultimately succumbed the sites around the city were given to kinsmen, clients and officers as fiefs and the city was named Dar al-Salam (House or city of peace). A few years later a palace was built in 151/769 on the left side of the Tigris under the name of al-Rusafah for Mahdi who was nominated as heir apparent in 147/765 deposing Isa who had been nominated by his predecessor. Baghdad was founded actually as a military base but it grew into a big city later against the original plan of Mansur on the east bank of the Tigris. The Abbasid rulers went on adding to the construction of the city till in the fourth century of Hijrah, it became the greatest city at the time having 17,000 baths more than 17,000 mosques and 10,000 roads and lanes. Baghdad therefore fell heir to the glory of Ctesiphon, Babylon, Ninevah and Ur and opened ideas from the east foreign influence particularly Persian began to be felt in every walk of life and in governmental institutions. Mansur himself gave the lead by opening a bureau of translation where Greeks and Persian works were translated into Arabic. Mansur strengthened the defences of Kufa and Basrah and built another citadel close to al-Raqqa on the upper reaches of the Euphrates under the name of al-Rafiqah garrisoned mainly with the Khurasanis. A complete change came in the court etiquette. The Umayyads caliphs represented the Arab sheikhs while the Abbasid caliphs, the Persian monarchs. Rank and dignity ceased to be hereditary and depended on the whims and fancies of the caliph. The actual work of administration was left in the hands of the wazir, the 524 Political and Cultural History of Islam caliph, however remained the sole arbiter of the life and death of the subjects. Rise of the Umayyads at Cordova and the Aghlabids at Qayrawan The Umayyad possessions beyond Egypt hardly recognized the Abbasid rule. As Umayyad Amirat was established at Cordova by Abdul Rahman son of Marwan b. Hashim in 756 and all connections, political and religious were cut off from the East. Arabs and Berbers in North Africa inclined to the Kharijite doctrines resisted the Abbasid supremacy the foundation of an Aghlabid dynasty was laid at Qayrawan. The founder of the dynasty was killed in one of the battles the Berbers fought against the ’Abbasids near Tunis. In 151/769 Mansur appointed Abu Ja’far Amru bin Hafs as the governor of Ifriqiyah. He maintained peace for three years. It was only towards the end of the rule of Abu Jafar Mansur peace could be established in the eastern part of North Africa, from 800 onwards the Aghlabids ruled over North Africa independently sending gifts out of the booty obtained in newly conquered countries only occasionally to the Abbasids court at Baghdad they extended their territory in the west as far as Bon, in the southwest as far as Zab having common boundary with the Kharijits Rustamids of Taherat and in the east as far as Tripoli. During the time of the third ruler Ziyadat Ullah (817-838) conquest of Sicily began. It’s capital Palermo fell in 831 and by 840 a third of Sicily was conquered. In 875 Syracuse fell. Battles were fought with various results but finally it fell in 965. It was reconquered by Roger in 1060. During this interval they Islamicized the administration of the country and social and cultural outlook of the people was so much changed that Normans even after conquest lived the life of the Arabs for years. The rich hinterland and Mediterranean commerce made Aghlabids wealthy and powerful. Their mosque built by Zaidat Ullah at Qayrawan though not as magnificent as the gigantic structures of Samarra and Cairo still speaks of their love of architecture, the Aghlabid ruler Ahmad (956-963) adorned the qiblah wall with fancy tiles and constructed a dome on the Mihrab. He also erected a pulpit of Baghdad plane-tree wood. Ibrahim II, the seventh ruler of the dynasty, built a palace for his residence about five miles in area in alRaqqadah. Abu Jafar Al-Mansur 525 Rising in Armenia and Khurasan There were troubles in Armenia in 145/April 762-3. The Khazar hordes created havocs and drove away the royal troops sent there. Armenia remained in revolt for long though Tiflis was occupied. In 150/767 Ustadh Sis of Harat claimed Prophethood and with a large followers from Harat and Sijistan marched towards Khurasan defeating the local princes Ustadh Sis, it is said, attacked Khurasan and Sijistan with 300,000 men Ibn Khuzaymah succeeded in over powering him taking 14,000 men as prisoners, an exaggerated figure. He was detained but his followers were released. Rising in Mosul Another rising took place at Mosul in 148/February 755-6 and the rebels supported by the Kurds and Alids spread over the whole of Persia and reached as far as Sind. The rebellion was put down but the caliph wanted to destroy it. He was dissuaded by Abu Hanifah, the governor was deposed and Khalid Barmaki was appointed in his place. By a mixture of firmness and justice Khalid brought the province of Mesopotamia into order and curbed the unruly Kurds. He was greatly admired for his administration and raised to the position of wazir. Thus the foundation of an illustrious family of Persian wazir was laid which directed the affairs of the caliphate very wisely for fifty years. His son Yahya was appointed governor of Azerbijan by Mansur and of Armenia by Mahdi who later entrusted him with the education of his son Harun. Byzantines Encroachment The civil war and transfer of capital from Damascus to Baghdad gave opportunity to the Byzantines to push their frontier eastward. Constantine V (741-75) was not slow to take advantage of this. The Muslim line of fortifications from Syria to Armenia receded when the Byzantine border pushed eastward along Asia Minor and Armenia. The task for holy war was, however, left for Mahdi to continue. Death of Mansur On his way to Makkah Mansur fell ill and died at the age of • about sixty-five after a reign of nearly twenty two years in his camp three miles away from the city in Dhu’l Hijjah 158/7th October 775. He was buried at Makkah and one hundred false graves were made so that his grave might not be desecrated by his enemy. In 767 Mansur appreciated the services of his cousin Isa b. Musa and 526 Political and Cultural History of Islam declared him his heir but latter he compelled him to relinquish his claim in favour of his own son Mahdi. CHARACTER Although Mansur was cruel and treacherous and killed even the persons who helped laying the foundation of the dynasty for which acts he was feared and despised, still he was religious minded and indulged himself in nothing which was unlawful and profane. He was diligent and devoted the morning to State affairs and heard the despatches at the day and took counsel with his ministers after evening (Maghrib) prayer. He was himself laborious and caused his officers to work hard. William Muir says, ”His hand was light, yet firm, upon his governors, and the administration consequently good.” He elaborated the postal organization arid made the postal directors record every day happening in their jurisdiction officers conduct and even the nature and quantity of corn sown in the field and despatch to him daily. This made the officers alert and the administration smooth. Mansur always appointed able governors preferably from his kinsmen though clients and non-Arabs were not barred from holding high posts and punished them on infringement of duties. Abu Ayyub Muryani who was his wazir and Diwan was charged with embezzlement of thirty millions dinars given to develop farms in alAhwaz and his property was confiscated and Rabi b. Yunus was appointed in his place. He fortified the strategic places and posted strong force, there constructed mosques and caravanserais with fountains and accelerated postal service with mules and camels. Due to his good administration and partly thrift the treasury was full and sufficient to cover ten years expenditure after his death. Three million dirhams had been exacted from the financial exchequer of Khalid ibn Barmak alone. There were besides Jewels 14,000,000 dinars and 60,000,000 dirhams in the treasury. Living was cheep and people were happy. Fat was sold six seers a dirham, honey five seers a dirham, olive oil eight seers a dirham, and mutton 30 seers a dirham. During his time the Arabs lost their pre-eminence in army, court, society and culture and predominance of the Persian culture was begun to be felt. Schools for translation were established. Many Magians converted to Islam, brought Indian and Persian influence in learning and philosophy. The Indian book of astronomy Sindhind was translated into Arabic by Ibrahim al-Fazari. Jaur Jais a famous physician of the hospital of Jundisphur was his personal physician and translated for Abu Jafar Al-Mansur 528 Political and Cultural History of Islam him a number of books on medicine. The books written by Suqrat (Socrates) and Jalinus (Galen) were translated for him by another court physician. Tradition began to be composed and astronomy, medicine and history began to be studied widely. Abu Hanifah and Malik ibn Anas were the great traditionalists of this time. The free intercourse with the Greeks the encouragement given to the Persians and the Khurasanis laid the foundation of the development of intellectual life in the ’Abbasid period. Mansur reigned nearly twenty-two years. He was the real founder of the Abbasid dynasty, although Saffah was the first Khalifah of this dynasty. His character was a mixture of opposites. To the enemy he was cruel and treacherous and to friends he was kind and liberal. He never spared a man who was considered dangerous to the throne. The murder of Abu Muslim and Abdullah who helped him greatly to raise the Abbasids to power and prestige, and his treatment to the descendants of Ali, the fourth Khalifah, are the darkest records in the Abbasid history. The famous historian Suyuti says, ”Mansur was the first, who occasioned dissensions between the Abbasids and the Alids, for before that they were united.” If we forget the perfidious side of his character, ”our estimate of Mansur,” says Muir, ”would be very different”. ”As a Muslim his life was religious and exemplary. Nothing profane was ever seen at his court”. He was a true dispenser of justice and he himself set up an example to his subjects of strict obedience to the constituted court of justice. He did not feel any shame to appear before the Qazi as an ordinary litigant when he was summoned by the latter on the complaint of some camel- owners. He admired the Qazi and rewarded him for fearlessness and impartial judgment, though the decision was not in his favour. As a politician, a statesman and a ruler he was almost rivalled in his time. He devoted his time and energy to the development of the condition of his subjects and their dwelling places. He was a man of rare energy and strength of mind. He was cool and calculating. He was diligent in the business of the State of which ”he devoted the first part of every day; the afternoon he spent with his family: and again after evening prayer the heard the Abu Jafar Al-Mansur 529 despatches of the day and took counsel with his minister, retiring late to rest and rising with the day-spring for morning prayer”.3 Mansur had laid the foundations of the Abbasid state. His combination of political vision and pragmatic approach had led to the development of a powerful secular monarchy. But this power, impressive and broadly based though it was, could lead to problems the division between the ruling elite and the bulk of the Muslims, which had been typicafof Umayyad rule, remained. Mansur secured the dynasty he did not satisfy’the aspirations of those who wanted a community led by a divinely guided Imam. It was left to his successors to try to bridge this gap.4 In his reign the East began to exercise a marked effect on the manners and habits of the West. Persian costume became the fashionable dress at Court. Scholars from the East held high posts. The Arabs lost their pre-eminence not only in the army and at Court but also in the society at large. He was the patron of arts and science. He established charitable and educational institutions throughout the Empire. Under him literature, history, medicine and especially astronomy began to be studied and a provision was made for the translation of foreign books on arts and science. Muir. The Caliphate, P.454. Hugh Kennedy, The Early Abbasid Caliphate, P.93. CHAPTER 41 AL-MAHDI (775-785 A.D./158-169 A.H.) Succession Mansur was succeeded by his son Mahdi in 158/775 and his accession was inaugurated by granting freedom to the prisoners and distributing gifts and alms among the subjects. Mahdi was benevolent ruler and wise administrator. Rebellions Although his father had perpetrated cruelties yet he had left a peaceful kingdom for his smooth sailing. Mahdi’s benevolent rule was however, occasionally disturbed by outbreaks of rebellions. In 160 H/776-7 Yusuf, a chief rebelled in Khurasan. His rebellion was put down by force. He was put to torture anr? his followers were dicapitated. Ya’qub an and had been thrown ’nto prison by Mansur but was released by Mahdi and raised to the ministry with unlimited power. People became jealous of his property and speaking ill of him, antagonised the caliph against him. He was found guilty of helping an and pretender and put into a gloomy prison to lose his eyesight ultimately. He was released much later by Harun with permission to retire to Makkah. Zandiqs The religious role of the Abbasids was emphasised by suppressing heresy. Mahdi hated the Zandiqs (Manichaeans) because their tenets were not only against Islam but their loosen social and domestic morals corrupted the Muslims. A blind Zandiq poet was put to death for composing verses free of tenets. A number of Manichaeans were killed at Aleppo. A separate department under Sahib ai-Zandiq a ministry was established to deal with the Zandiqs who were charged with heresy and an inquisition was started against them. Appearance of a Veiled Prophet is Khurasan Beyond the Oxus in Central Asia there arose a veiied Prophet who claimed divine honours and taught about the incarnation of God in Adam and through him to Abu Muslim. He Al-Mahdi 531 was worshipped as such by a large number of Turkish Muslims in Bukhara and the surrounding districts. They resisted the Muslim authority far four years 158-6l/Nov. 774- Sep. 778. In the long run he proved to be an imposter and could not satisfy his followers, inquisitiveness and as a result he was deserted by a large number of them. Finding himself in dire straits he took refuge in the fortress of Sanam, at Kesh in Transoxiana and burnt himself and his family by setting fire to the house in which he had taken refuge. War with the Byzantines The frontier was with the Byzantines continued intermittently in Asia Minor for a greater part of Mahdi’s reign. During his time the Byzantines took courage to make inroads on lands as far as Ancyra in Asia Minor, and ravaged the Syrian border. Harun a prince of about 20 years, accompanied by Khalid was sent against the Byzantines at the head of 100,000 soldiers. The army marched along the Mediterrian coast up to Chyrsopolis (modern Scutari) on the Bosphorus and obliged the regent Irene mother of Constantine VI to make peace on payment of a heavy tribute of 70,000 dinars by half-yearly installments in 156/772. In appreciation of his military achievement Harun was appointed governor of the western provinces including Azerbaijan and given the honorific title of al-Rashid (the upright).1 Death of Mahdi Mahdi had two sons, Musa and Harun, from Khayzuran. He nominated his elder son Musa, surnamed al-Hadi as his successor in 160/Oct. 776-7 and six years after he proclaimed Harun, second in succession, under the title al-Rashid. Some times after Mahdi changed his mind and desired that the elder brother should wave his claim for throne in favour of his younger brother. Hadi did not agree and Mahdi marched on Jurjan (Gurgan) against Hadi on the way he died of eating poisoned food on the 22nd Muharram 169/Aug. 4, 785. Thus the succession of Hadi remained unaltered. Mansur had left the treasury full which Mahdi used for the development of the empire. He enlarged and beautified mosques repaired the inns and roads, constructed highways, made the pilgrim caravanserais commodious and developed the postal service. Relays of donkeys and camels were posted between the main town of Makkah, Medina, Yamamah and Baghdad and a mint was established at Isa-Abad. The administrative departments of Umayyad’s time were bifurcated and enlarged and new departments 1 S.M Imamuddin, Political History of the Muslims, Vol.11, Part I, P. 122. 532 Political and Cultural History of Islam were introduced. The Diwaun al-Azma was established to look after them. The caliph’s agent called amin was posted to oversee the whole empire and keep Mahdi informed about the conduct of the officials, their justice and moderation. The cities and places of strategic importance were garrisoned. Rusafah the eastern suburb of Baghdad was put in a state of good defence. It developed into a centre of trade with India. Indigenous industries were patronised and developed. Philosophy, literature, poetry and music received patronage from the caliph and his courtiers. The first book on the rules and the regulation of Kharaj was written by his wazir Mu’awiya bin Yasar (Abu’Ubayd Ullah) who imposed Kharaj on fruit trees and introducing sharing system in land taxation besides instituting other administrative charges. Ibn alMuqaffah translated the Middle Persian accounts of Persian history. The Khuda inamah and Indian fables like the Kalilah wa Dimnah into Arabic and also composed a few works on political wisdom. Later he was killed by Mahdi who also killed the poet Salih Ibn Abdul-Quddus who preached the Persian dualism and the blind poet Bashar Ibn Bural who wrote in praise of fire worship of his ancestors. Mahdi was a learned man and he patronised ulama and others and spent lavishly in granting stipends and pensions to them till his father’s treasury became empty.2 On his accession he released all prisoners of his father’s time and granted them stipends and returned the confiscated properties of the people. Laxity of manners influenced the commoners. Mahdi frequented Jerusalem and made a pilgrimage to Makkah where he distributed clothes and gifts among the citizens and changed the ghilaf (covering) of the Ka’bah annually. His example was followed by his successois. Under his caliphate the governor of Makkah, Medina and al-Yamamah, Jafar rebuilt and enlarged the two mosques of Makkah and Medina. The chief mosque of Basrah was also extended. Mahdi preferred equality and simplicity, so Maqsurah was removed from the mosque and the height of pulpit was reduced to that of Minbar in the Masjid Nabawi. In order to balance the power and influence of the Turkish soldiery he appointed 500 Medinite guards and assigned lands for their support a policy worth experiment but not followed by his successors. Although he was fond of pleasure, he was vigilant in administration and active in battle field. He had a successful reign. Muir, The Caliphate, P.468. CHAPTER 42 AL-HADI (785-786 A.D./169-170 A.H.) Succession The attempt of Mahdi to reduce his contumacious son Musa al-Hadi might have created confusion but Harun wisely saved the situation and showed sagacity by recognizing the succession of his brother al-Hadi to whom he send the imperial seal and scepter on the death of his father. The troops which had accompanied Mahdi on return to Baghdad mutinied and demanded largesse from the wazir, Yahya son of Khalid satisfied the soldiers by granting a bonus of a year with out waiting on the widow queen rnother Khayzuran who was in favour of Harun and jealous to Hadi and had summoned him and the wazir. The latter earned wrath of the caliph by listening to the call of the queen but by offering large gifts regained his favour. He curtailed the influence of Khayzuran in the court which made his mother his deadly enemy seeking an opportunity to revenge.1 Al-Hadi on his accession had to face difficulties with the risings of the Kharijis in Mesopotamia and of the Alids in the two holy cities of Arabia. He took drastic steps against them. Some members of the house of Ali are said to have been paraded in the streets of Makkah and Medina for drinking wine. Against which they Muir, The Caliphate, P.473. 534 Political and Cultural History of Islam broke out into violent rebellion and suffered badly in consequence. Many suffered and only a few could escape torture. Foundation of the Idrisid Dynasty by an and When the and rebels were persecuted in Medina, Idris Ibn Abdullah, a brother of Ibrahim and Muhammad and a great grandson of al-Hasan escaped to northern Morocco in 785 A.D. through Egypt from the battle field of Fakh near Makkah in postal relays for which the postmaster of Egypt was beheaded. Living among the Berber tribes for years Idris obtained recognition as Imam and founded a Shi’it dynasty which lasted for about two centuries (788-974). Idris fought against the Aghlabids and extended his rule as far as Tlemcen. His son Idris II founded the capital city Fas (Fez). The dynasty was hard pressed by the Fatimids of Egypt and Umayyads of Spain ultimately they succumbed to the fatal blow of Ghalib, the Umayyed general of Hakam II. The last Idrisid ruler Hasan Ibn Ghannun resisted for long but finally he had to submit to the Umayyads of Spain in Feb. 974. Thus the Umayyad authority was established in mount Mauretania. Like his father Hadi took drastic steps against the heretic Manichaeans who had spread in Iraq and Arabia. For their crucification a thousand palm-stakes had been ordered to be created by Mahdi and completed by Hadi.2 Following his father Hadi tried to nominate his young son his own heir-apparent superceding the claim of Harun. Dissuaded by Yahya the Barmaki time and again. Sending him to prison the caliph declared his son as his successor Harun receding to retirement. But Hadi died soon near Mosul at his country residence said to have been smothered to death, while lying ill at the instigation of his mother Khayzuran by a slave girl in 786 A.D. ’S.M. Imamuddin, P.126. ICHAPTERl 43 HARUN AL-RASHID (783-809 A.D./170-193 A.H.) Harun was the greatest Khalifah of the Abbasid dynasty and one of the greatest rulers of the world. ”The ninth century opened with two important names standing supremacy in world affairsCharlemagne in the West and Harun in the East. Of the two Harun was undoubtedly the more powerful and represented the higher culture”. ”Faithful in the observance of his religious duties abstemious in his life, unostentatiously pious and charitable and yet fond of surrounding himself with the pomp and insignia of gran Harun had been nominated as the second successor of Mahdi but his elder brother Hadi made the decision in favour of his son who, however, on his father’s death, dropped his claim and Harun succeeded unopposed in Rabi’al-Awwal 170/786. He was nearly twenty-five years of age, and as revengeful in mind as his predecessor had killed the strong supporter of Hadsi’s son.1 Muir, The Caliphate, P.475. 536 Political and Cultural History of Islam Yahya al-Barmaki Yahya al-Barmaki served as chancery of Harun when he had been appointed governor of the western provinces including Armenia and Azerbaijan for siding with Harun when the latter forced to renounce his rights to the succession, he was thrown into prison. On becoming caliph,’ Harun released Yahya the Barmaki and installed him as his wazir. He governed with unlimited power for 17 years from 786 to 803. His family influenced the Abbasid court greatly during his time. Fazal, son of Yahya was the foster-brother of the Harun, as his mother had suckled the latter, and a statesman of unrivalled ability and his brother Ja’far a boon companion of the caliph exercised unbounded power. Fazal, as governor of eastern provinces, achieved great popularity through his military exploits. After eight or nine years’ rule Harun shifted his court from Baghdad to Raqqah in the north of the Syria with a view to keep the disloyal Syrians under control and fight wars against the Greeks. Kharijis Revolt In 17I/June 787-8 the Kharijis revolted in Mosul and discomfitted Abu Hurayrah the governor of Mesopotamia the insurrection was put down by a fresh contingent of the army and the governor was put to death for his failure. Another Khariji revolt took place at Nasibin under the leadership of ai-Walid ibn Tarif who ravaged Armenia, Azerbijan and Mesopotamia up to Holwan in 177/794. After a bloody battle Walid was killed in 179/796, which alarmed the caliph so much that on bringing the reb^l* to submission, I’.C .T.ade both the l^s^r and £rcaU,r ”i’grimage to Makkah as thanks ’ giving, rViiotner serious rebellion of the Kharijis broke out in 180/796-7 with ravaged Persia as far as Hirah but was put down by the Governor AH ibn Isa. Taking advantage of the rebellion of Rafi in Samarqand beyond the Oxus as described later the Kharijis threatened peace in the South of the river and western province of Persia in 192/808. Harun himself, leaving al-Qasim to look after the affairs in Syria, marched on the Kharijis and reached Jurjan accompanied by his son Ma’mun in the beginning of 193/end of 808. From there he sent Ma’mun to Merv and himself proceeded slowly to Tus where the ailing caliph died in Sha’ban 193 March (809). War with Byzantines The Syrian frontiers were threatened on two sides, Asia Minor by the Byzantines and Armenia by the Khazars whose Harun Al-Rashid 537 eruption was repelled. At Tarsus in the west a separate government was created under the charge of a Turkish general to maintain peace and fortify the frontiers. War against Byzantium dragged on throughout his reign and battles ensued with the Greeks almost every year and these were often joined by the Caliph himself with varying results. Naval expeditions were also undertaken in 175/May 791-2 and Crete and Cyprus were attacked and the Greek admiral was taken prisoner according to the Greeks versions. Numerous prisoners and huge booty fell into Muslim hands. In 181/March 797-8 the Muslims under the command of Harun himself marched as far as Ephesus and Ancyra. Harun encamped at Scutari (Chtysopolis) within the sight of Constantinople and forced the Greeks Empress Irene (797-802) to conclude a four years truce and to agree to pay tribute, an exchange of prisoners took place and 4,000 Muslims were recovered. This was the first and last attempt of the Abbasids to conquer Constantinople. In 187/803 her successor Nicephorus wrote an insulting letter to Harun demanding the return of the tribute released from a women or be prepared for war to which Harun also replied in abusive language. From Harun, commander of the Faithful, to Nicephorus dog of a Greek and marched with an army against him. The Greek territory was ravaged as far as Herculea (Hiraqlah) and Nicephorus repented his foolish deed, concluded peace and renewed payments of tribute. But he did not always abide by the terms of the treaty and raided the Abbasid territory if and when Harun was busy else where. For this he and his dependents had to pay heavily this also created religious hatred. Churches on rhe borders were destroyed and a distinct dress was prescribed for the Christian population by Harun. In 190/806 the caliph himself at the head of 13,500 soldiers marched against the Byzantines, occupied Herculea and Tyana (al-Tuwanah), and reduced Nicephorus to submission and to pay tribute they paid also 2,000 gold coins as a ransom for the Bishop of Cyprus, which had been also captured and 10,000 persons taken captives. This was the peak of the height ever reached by the ’Abbasids. In the following year when Harun was busy other wise Mar’ash and Tarsus were raided by the Greeks. Harun did not live long to retrieve. In 187/796 hostilities between north and south Arabs flared up again in Syria. The rising was put down by Ja’far al-Barmaki and the rival parties were consoled by the caliph by declaring them equal to one an other. 538 Political and Cultural History of Islam Harun Al-Rashid 539 Aghlabids The Abbasid troops faced trouble in North Africa also Ibrahim ibn Aghlab was the Abbasid governor of the Zab region in Southern Algeria. His father, a native of Merverrudh and governor of the country had been killed in an uprising in 767. Ibn Aghlab assisted his father’s successor, ibn Muqutil, in restoring order at Merverrudh in 799. Ibn Aghlab was given North Africa as fief on payment of 40,000 dinars annually the nominal hold that the Abbasids had over North Africa also ended in 181/March 797 with the resignation of Harthimah who had beaten down the tribal opposition in 178/April 794-5 but the Aghlabids had firm footing over the lands from Tunisia to the border of Egypt against whom he could not find the possibility of any permanent security. Ibrahim ibn Aghlab thus laid the foundation of the Aghlabid dynasty (800-909) in Tunisia and neighbouring lands in 800 A.D. and ruled irsdepciidently about tvveive years from his newly built capital, Abbasiyah, three miles south of Qayrawan where he had received ambassadors from Charlemagne as early as 796. He however, remained contented with the gubernatorial title, Amir although he removed the name of the Abbasid caliph from the Khutbah and coinage, the two insignia of Khilafat. His successors conquered Sicily, Malta, Sardina and other Mediterranean Islands their last ruler Ziyadat Ullah in was over powered by the Fatimids in 909 and the Alghabids were succeeded by the Fatimids in Ifriqiyah. Under the Aghlabids, Ifriqiyah was completely Arabicized and Qayrawan Mosque rebuilt by Ziadat Ullah I (817) and Ibrahim II (874-902) became a rival to the mosques in the east. This was the third dynasty which carved out an independent kingdom in the west, the first being the Umayyeds in Spain and the second the Idrisids at Fez in Morocco. Yahya of Daylam Yahya, the Hasan prince of Daylam and brother of Ibrahim was known as the Salim of Bakhamra. He extended his kingdom to the Caspian sea and patronized men of letters. His growth of power became an eye sore for the Abbasid Caliph who deputed Fazal, the Barmakid, Governor of Jurjan and Persia to crush him. The Barmakids were known for their sympathy with the Alids and on Tazal’s overtures Yahya agreed to submit to the caliph and was received with princely distinction and given rich gifts. A convenient on honourable terms was signed which however, was later torn up and Yahya was treacherously put into prison. Barmakids Harun’s reign was the golden age of the Abbasids. Although Harun was himself responsible for it to a great extent yet it was due more to the efforts of Barmakis who had originally hailed from Balkh where their ancestor revered the Buddhist temple of Nawbahar and served as priests. Khalid was taken a prisoner with his mother by Qutaybah ibn Muslim. Khalid’s family gradually rose to the highest posts of honour and distinction. Khalid b. Barmak was the first to serve the Abbasids as chancellor of the exchequer during the time of Saffah and Mansur. Later Khalid was appointed wazir by Mansur. Yahya b. Khalid according to Ya’qubi with his two sons, Fazal and Ja’far, practically ruled the empire for seventeen years. Harun had suckled the milk of Fazai’s mother, e.g. Yaha’s wife and called Yahya father who served him as his tutor during the time of Mahdi and Hadi and when Hadi became caliph he tried to cancel Harun’s succession to the Khilafat. Yahya advised him not to do so fo: ’rich he was cast into prison. Harun had appreciated his services and appointed him wazir with unlimited power, on his accession Yahya had four sons, Fazal, Ja’tar, Muss, and Muhammad and all of them held high posts in the government. Fazal and Ja’far, however proved themselves a good administrator. Growing old, Yahya resigned his office in favour of his sons Fazal and Ja’far. The two brothers worked as governess of various important provinces, Khurasan, Egypt and Syria and governed them efficiently. Fazal being a good administrator was popular among the people and favourite to the caliph. Ja’far was boon companion of Harun in privacy and amusements. As a guardian of Ma’mun, he ruled over the whole east and held the office of wazarat from the age of twenty for seventeen years. The Barmakids lived gorgeously in fhtif magnificent palace called al, Ja’fariyah in Eastern Baghdad. Amazing fabulous wealth they vied with the caliph in bestowing presents on poets and panegyrists Ja’far’s friendship with the caliph at lai’-t proved tiresome for the latter. In 790 Harun is said to have taken aw’ay the state seal from Ja’far and given some of his power to Fazal ibn Rabi who was his rival and opponent. It was he who embittered the feelings of the caliph against Ja’far al-Barmaki and brought about his (Downfall but according to the latter historians, Tabari and his followers Ibn Athar 540 Political and Cultural History of Islam Harun Al-Rashid 541 and Abu’I Fidah, a haram episode is related as the cause of Harun’s displeasure with him. Tabari as usual without adding his comments, relates that at the time of recreation Ja’far used to take with him Harun’s sister Abbasah with whom he was said to have fallen in love and by whom he had an illegitimate child. Latter they were married after the scandalous matter was given publicity by a maid servant. Harun had Ja’far put to death by a eunuch name Masrur in 803 and father and brother were imprisoned at Raqqah where they died two years later. Ibn Khuldan following Ibn Qutaybah, Muhammad b. Abd Jahshiyari, Ahmad b. Da’ud Dinawari, Ahmad b. Abi Ya’qub b. Wahid who had not related this gossip in their works, ridiculous this view and explains their dower and fame which had made the chamberlain, Fazal ibn Rabi, the leader of the Arab faction at the court and many others their enemies as the reason for their fall. It was whispered to Harun that the Barmakis were plotting to bring about the downfall of the Abbasids. According to Jurji Zayadan the Barmakids were Shi’ahs and Khalid had sworn allegiance to the A lids. The AI ids often assembled in the palace of Ja’far and discussed the activities of Harun who had a hostile attitude towards the Alids. Some of their irresponsible talks reached the ears of Harun this made Harun forget their faithful service, suspect their fidelity and bring about their ruin. Moreover, Harun himself wanted to get rid of their power and unlimited control over finance in the case of the caliph yet generous towards their own kith and kin and supporters and spending lavishly in constructing their own palaces. People greeted and Fazal was idolized for his princely generosity the property of the Barmaki family was confiscated.2 Thus the Persian Shi’ite family, who had contributed the growth and fame of the Abbasid caliphs special Harun, fell casting a stain on the character of the royal family and it was said Harun himself later realized this and was so much grieved that he never laughed afterwards. The caliph killed even intimate friends and adherents of the family for their mourning over the tragedy. Ibrahim a faithful friend ofJa’far was one of the suffers. Alas it was suspicion and wrath of the/ despotic caliph which ruined so suddenly and so abruptly such aft illustrious family of Ja’far. The Barmakids were known for good administration, their fabulous fortune, generosity Muir, Th^Caliphate, P.476. and patronage. The famous historian, Muhammad b. Umar alWaqidi, was given a palace in the western Baghdad and 200,000 dinars by Yahya al-Barmaki to live in. Harun’s visit to Rayy Harun accompanied by his son Ma’mun paid a state visit to Rayy in 189/805 and called for an explanation for cruelties perpetrated by Ali ibn Isa the governor of Persia who, however rendered his position secure by explaining the position and offering a splendid gift to the caliph and the courtiers. There he settled the position by receiving homage in person from the chiefs of the North. He also settled the affairs of Tabaristan and Daylam before returning to Raqqah via Baghdad. Rebellion of Rafi Layth a grandson of Nasr ibn Sayyar, married in Samarqand a rich lady whose previous husband complained to the caliph. The caliph forced him to divorce, her and after parading him in the street sent him to prison. Later he escaped and raised a rebellion in 190/805-6, slew the governor of Samarqand and occupied all the country beyond the Oxus after the quitting of Marw by Ali ibn Isa. Ostensibly with the help of the Tibetans. Harthimah who had returned from North Africa was deputed to suppress the rebellion and supersede the governor. Harthimah received Ali at Merv graciously but arrested him and confiscated his belongings which loaded on 1500 camels, were sent to Raqqah along with Ali, next Harthimah launched campaigns against Rafi b. Layth in 192/808 and besieged him in Samarqand drove the Tibetans and quelled the disturbance in 195/October 810-11. Death On his expedition to eastern province of Persia against the Kharijis Harun got as far as Tus in Khurasan there he sickened and died at the age of forty-seven at Tus after a glorious reign of twenty three years in Sha’ban 193/24th March 809. He had twelve sons and fourteen daughters from various wives while he was 19 years old he married Zubaydah of royal birth, grand daughter of Mansur, from whom he had one son named Muhammad Amin. Amin was nominated as second heir apparent while he was five years of age in 175/May 791-2. He had an elder son named Abdullah known as Ma’mun from a Persian slave girl. Seven years after he was nominated as second heir apparent at the age of twelve in 182/February 798-9. He got the second nomination because he was 542 Political and Cultural History of Islam born of a slave girl. The two documents in favour of Amin and Ma’mun were hung up in the Ka’bah in 186/802. Three years later in 189/805 Harun willed that army and treasury should fall to the lot of Ma’mun at his death. He gave third nomination of his youngest son al-Qasim to succeed to the sovereignty of Mesopotamia and the Greek frontier provided Ma’mun agree to this limitation of his hold on the eastern provinces the seed of contention was thus sown by Harun himself. ACHIEVEMENTS AND CHARACTER Harun was very successful administrator and one of the best rulers of his dynasty. He was popular both at home and abroad. Ruler of distant countries quoted his friendship. Charlemagne (Charles the Great) of France, the enemy of the Umayyads of Spain, cultivated friendship with Harun against the Byzantines who were also not friends of Harun by sending an embassy of three members two Christians and a Jew to his court and sought facilities for pilgrimage to the Holy land of Jerusalem in return Harun sent splendid gifts of an elephant, rare ornaments, fabrics aromatics and an intricate water clock to the Prankish Emperor at Aix-la-Chapelle. Culturally Harun was far superior to his western contemporary Charlemagne. It however, did not produce any tangible results. To counter this Umayyad and Byzantines entered into diplomatic and commercial relations against their common enemies, the Abbasids. Harun also established friendly relations with the Chinese emperor and exchange of embassies took place to maintain friendly and peaceful relations on the Trans-Oxus border although not mentioned by Muslim annalists. He also received an Indian delegation from the king of India which brought rich presents. Of the two Harun and Ma’mun whose reign constituted the most glorious period of the Abbasid dynasty the former was more luxurious and maintained a unique pomp and grandeur at court. Harun lived an ostentatious life in splendid courtly surroundings and sent lavishly on public works, art and culture. Still his treasury contained 900 million dinars at the time of his death which speaks of the prosperity of the empire and development of economic resources of the lands. He lived a religious life as well and loved knowledge and patronized learned men. He loved the company of the famous theologian Sufyan al-Thauri pious Fudayl b. Ayyaz and Ibn Sarmak. He lived a martial life and often led the army particularly against the Greeks and forced them to purchase peace. He excelled his predecessors and successors in both civil administration and military activities. Harun Al-Rashid 543 It was because of the glorious reign of Harun and his son Ma’mun that the AK »sid dynasty acquired a halo in popular imagination and the round city of Baghdad became a rival to Byzantines in wealth and splendour. Harun’s reign was made lustrous by the blossoms borne by Arabic literature. The stories of the Arabian Nights have lent a special charm to his illustrious reign. He invited Man’kah an Indian physician to Baghdad and got the Iranian medical works translated into Arabic by the Barmakids, Euclid’s elements was translated into Arabic by Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf ibn Matar. His court was the rendezvous of poets, historians, theologians, jurists, musicians, physicians, artists, and scientists. Bayt al-Hikmat the gateway to the Abbasid art and science was started during his time. His liberality attracted men of the letters and an era of letters, which glorified his son Ma’mun’s reign started with him. Among the noted poets, were his boon companion Abu Nuwas and Muslim b. Walid, panegyrist. Manvan ibn abi Hafsah, jester, Abu Dulamah, singer and poet. Abu al-Atahiya, musicians, Ibrahim ibn Mahan al- Mawisli, his son Ishaq, Siyat and ibn Jami’, philologist, Abu Ubaydah and historian Waqidi. Asmai’ the grammarian was entrusted with the education of his sons. These are but few known in the galaxy of literatures. Among the special recipients of bounty was al-Aghani Ibrahim ibn al-Mahdi a professional singer who received from caliph Harun 20,000,000 dirhams as gratitude. Once Manvan ibn Abi Hafsah on presenting a qasidah (sonnet) in his praise received 5,000 dinars, a robe of honour a chosen steed and ten . Greeks slave girls. Harun was so keenly interested in the welfare of his subjects that it took a fabulous turn and the fabulous stories were not devoid of facts. To organize the taxation system on an Islamic lines he had a book composed on Kharaj known as Kitab al-Kharaj by Qazi Abu Yusuf. Though the book mainly is with the tax and yet it throws ample light on the relations between the caliph and his subjects and his love of and care for them. The composition of the oriental romance under the title Thousand and one Nights (Alf-iaylah) though not very much based upon historical data threw sufficient light on the court life of Harun, his generosity and his patronage of worthy men Had there not been this tale, he would perhaps not have been so celebrated and popular in the East. Ibn Taqtaqi composed a short but substantial commentary on the specialty of his time. Persian influence and fashion which reached their greatest height during the time of Ma’mun were patronized by Harun. Nawruz the Persian new year’s day and other festival were observed. Persian dress and headgear began to be worn. The tendency to exalt the non- 544 Political and Cultural History of Islam Arab particularly the Persian at the cost of the Arabs took concrete from in the Shu’biyah (nationalist) movement. Its members claimed and tried to establish that in the Persians were superior to their masters, Arabs, in arts and science. But perhaps they tried to ignore the fact that the Arabs borrowed not only from the Persians but also from the Greeks and then again they had not stop at borrowing alone but also basing on them they constructed a new structure of art and culture and made not only narrative but also analytical study of the Persian and Greeks subjects. During his time Hanafi school began to take a definite shape under the guidance of Qazi al-Quzat Abu Yusuf and the principle of Ijma or general corrsensus of opinion emerged as a principle of Muslims jurisprudence. The caliph strictly observed the religious principles and distributed 1,000 dirhams daily in alms and munificent largesses amongst the Makkans on the occasion of pilgrimage which he made nine times during the period of his Khilafat and on each occasion he carried many indigent pilgrims in his train. He was accompanied in his train on each journey by a large number of learned men, theologians, philosophers and poets who added luster to his court by their presence. On occasions he was tyrant but on the whole he was wise and just and his government was prosperous. By nature he was bold and active and led repeated campaigns often with success against the Byzantines. Harun had been well educated in religion, philosophy and literature and his reign was marked by a high standard of intellectual activity. The energy and vigour of his will are well illustrated by his masterly treatment of Nicephorus. The reign of Harun stands out conspicuously against the dark background of the world’s ignorance as beacons welcoming the rebirth of the arts and sciences after his long eclipse. The treasures of the past were eagerly sought out in his obscure hiding-places and the stored-up knowledge of ancient Greece was replaced at the disposal of the world in Arabic translations of the works of the philosophers, astronomers, doctors, herbalists while the more recondite tastes of the masses were catered for in treatises on astrology and hypnotism, sword swallowing, glasschewing and the like. The torch of knowledge was relit and the taste for learning in an atmosphere that challenged the long monopoly of professional theologians. Harun was gifted with courage and extraordinary ability with which he ruled over the vast empire for twenty-three years. Peace J.B. Philby, Harun Rashid, P.60. Hanm Al-Rashid 545 and order prevailed in the whole empire. The name of Harun was so much feared in the empire that traders, merchants, scholars and pilgrims could travel without the least apprehension of danger in the streets. The perfect immunity from danger with which the people travelled through the vast empire testifies to the excellence and vigour of his administration. He used to travel all over the empire to know the actual condition of his subjects and strove to the best of his power to minimize their sorrows and sufferings. On many occasions he distributed huge amounts of money among the poor and the needy. For the welfare of his subjects he established schools and colleges, hospitals and dispensaries, built mosques and constructed roads and canals. ”No Khalifah, either before, or after, displayed such energy and activity in \ arious spheres of progress whether for pilgrimage, for administration or for war”. But what has chiefly made his Khilafat illustrious is that it ushered’ in the era of letters. Many distinguished men-wazirs, judges, orators, traditionalists, poets, singers, musicians-shed lustre on his court and raised Baghdad to the position of a city conspicuous not only for its extent, riches and splendour, but also for its learning and civilization. Asmai, the grammarian, Shafei, Abdullah bin Idris. Isa bin Yunus, Ibrahim Mosuli, the musician, and Gabriel, the physician flourished in his reign. It was also in his reign that the Hanafi School of Law thrived under the guidance of the Chief Qazi Abu Yusuf. He enlarged the department founded by Mansur for the translation of scientific works into Arabic. The victorious campaigns against the Byzantines and the defeat of Nicephorus contributed no less towards his fame with his contemporaries. Finally, his own attainments, his liveliness, his sense of refined social pleasure, his illuminating conversation, coupled with rich presents which he so freely distributed-attracted to himself the most gifted men of his time. It was no wonder that the later writers of fiction looked back to the time of Harun as the golden age of the Khilafat. The name of Harun was so noised throughout the East and the West that the Emperor of China and the Prankish Emperor, Charlemagne, sent envoys to the Court of the Khalifah to cultivate his friendship. Harun exchanged presents with them. In short, ”weigh him as carefully as you like in the scale of historical criticism, Harun will always take rank with the greatest sovereigns and rulers of the world”. CHAPTER I Muhammad Al-Amm 547 44 MUHAMMAD AL-AMIN (809-813 A.D./193-198 A.H.) Harun had two sons, Muhammad Am in from Zubaydah a Hashimi lady and Ma’mun from a Persian lady. The two step brothers were not on good terms. The seed of enmity had already been sown by Harun himself by dividing the empire between Amin and Ma’mun. The relation between the two were further strained by Amin who being in Baghdad the seat of Government was in an advantageous position. He restricted Qasim’s governorship to Qinnasrin and sent his agent to Merv with two letters to be produced before Ma’mun just after the death of Harun. One letter was addressed to Ma’mun asking him to have both the brothers received the oath of allegiance of the populace as had been desired by their father and the other addressed to the army ordering them to proceed to Baghdad with the arms and weapons of war. This was in contravention of Harun’s will an Amin’s letter addressed to Ma’mun. The letter therefore got annoyed with Amin and remonstrated with the troops against this breach of trust but the army had already moved towards Baghdad and on reaching the city, the soldiers were over by advancing a year’s pay in celebration of Amin’s accession to the throne. Ma’mun ruling over the Eastern provinces had become popular due to the guidance of an able adviser Fazal Ibn Sahl, a converted Zoroastrian and protege of the Barmakids. He had conciliated the Arabs settled in and around Merv and the Turkish chiefs and princes by foregoing one-forth of their tribute from the mother’s side being a Persian Ma’mun secured a good position among the people over whom he had been appointed to rule by his father. After the fall of Barmakids towards the end of Harun’s reign the Persian influence began to decline and the Persians therefore tried to regain their power under the cloak of helping their sister’s son Ma’mun. Amin’s behaviour justified Ma’mun’s declaration of war against his step brother and to consolidate his position over the eastern empire extending from Hamadan to Tibet and from the Caspian Sea to the Persian Gulf. Meanwhile peace was restored in Khurasan. Samarqand was conquered for him by Harthamah and Rafi was won over on being pardoned by him. All avenues of communication with Baghdad were closed and Amin’s name was dropped from the Khutbah of the Jum’ah prayer. Later he declared himself as caliph with his capital at Merv and Fazal Ibn Sahl as his Prime Minister in 196/812.’ Amin Declares Deposition of Ma’mun On the advice of his Prime Minister Fazal Ibn al-Rabi’ who held the same office under Harun al- Rashid and who hated Ma’mun for his ability and his love for the Barmakids. Amin declared Ma’mun deposed and appointed his son Musa as heir-apparent and had the two documents suspended by his father at Ka’bah torn in 194/810. But by character Amin who had inherited the material culture of Baghdad was meek and easeloving and unequal to the task he had ahead. As champion of the west whose sentiment he represented he was popular in Baghdad a city of sensuous living because of his bounty to the soldiers and the commoners. He lived in the company of astrologers, song stresses and other paras>ticai elements. He was fond of wine, women and song and was a votary of the hundred beautiful maidens in a banquet hall furnished with couches and carpets for his amusement pleasure-boats had been constructed in the shape of animals and birds etc. Like lion, elephant, horse, eagle and serpent on the bank of the Tigris. Thus in the contest the dissipated Amin was no match for the hardy and laborious Ma’mun. Amin resolved to reduce Ma’mun by force of arms and charged the marshal AH Ibn Isa who was hated him the east for his audacity in proceeding against him at the head of 50,000 soldiers. Near al-Rayy he was opposed by a small force of about 40,000 under Ma’mun’s marshal Tahir bin Hussain Khurasan! A battle ensued with its single combats in which AH was killed and the Iraqi troops took to flight. Tahir who later on became the founder SM Imamuddin, P 114. 548 Political and Cultural History of Islam of the Tahirid dynasty was ordered by Ma’mun to march on ’Iraq himself in 195/811. He proceeded to Hamadan and defeated successfully two Baghdad! troops sent in succession under Abdur Rahman b. Jabalah Anbari and Kathir b. Qadirah. Then he marched on Halwan in 196/812. Harthamah who had meanwhile come with a strong reinforcement from Merv was left in charge of Halwan and Tahir himself marched on al-Ahwaz and Sus and then threatened Baghdad itself. Rise of a Pretender in Syria Meanwhile some new developments took place in Syria and in Baghdad itself. A new pretender arose in Syria towards the end of 195/811. He claimed his descent from Ali as well as Mu’awiya and occupied Damascus and its environment. He would have practically established a new the Madars and the Himyars after creating trouble in Syria for about two years. Siege of Baghdad Amin’s general in Syria namely Hussain son of Ali Ibn Isa, drew lesson from his father’s fate and alienating his Syrian troops in favour of Ma’mun marched on Baghdad in 169/812 with a view to depose Amin. The caliph and Zubaydah were imprisoned in one of the palaces. Baghdad was occupied and Ma’mun was proclaimed caliph although the new monarch had no money to conciliate the troops and the populace who were in the habit of receiving largesses from Amin. As a result within a few days a counter movement took place, Amin was reinstated and Hussain was killed. The Prime Minister Fazal Ibn al-Rabi who was in league with Hussain fled to remain in hiding. Tahir and Harthamah Meanwhile all the lands east of the Tigirs had been occupied by Tahir who had his military head quarters at Ahwaz. Arabia too with Makkah and Medina had fallen into the hands of Ma’mun who was always favourable to the house of Ali. The Abbasid Governor of Makkah namely Da’ud b. Isa who was a descendant of Hazrat Ali became annoyed with Amin when he destroyed the documents suspended within the four walls of Ka’bah. He took the oath of fealty from the populace in favour of Ma’mun. Tahir on his part crossed the Tigris at Mada’in, captured Wasit and Kufah. Thus the whole of Mesopotamia with the exception of Baghdad fell into his hands. By Dhul Hijjah 196/August 812, Tahir encamped at the Anbar gate of Baghdad and Harthamah on the other side of the river to destroy the Muhammad Al-Amm 549 capital by using catapults. The siege continued for a year and the beautiful palaces of Baghdad the work of fifty years, were ruined. The city was stormed and the bridge was blown off. Amin with his family took shelter in the citadel which Mansur had built on the Tigris. Amin’s Death The siege of Baghdad brought death to the reigning caliph. Amin thought of fleeing to Syria but his advisers had been threatened by Ma’mun in order to force him to surrender or be prepared to meet condign punishment. Amin yielded and surrendered to Harthamah who had been once his friend in the past. Tahir did not like and while he was crossing the river by a boat to go to the camp of Harthamah the boat was attacked the caliph was taken prisoner and beheaded on 24th Muharram 198/September 813 and Zubavdah was banished to Mosul with her two grandsons. Amin’s head was sent to Ma’mun along with the insignia of royalty, the scepter signet and royal robes. Thus ended the inglorious reign of Amin. By over throwing the ljma\yads the Persians had achieved partial victory over the Arabs but with the victory of Ma’mun over Amin they obtained complete victory over the Arabs.2 In beautifying the capital and in maintaining the standard of court life Amin had also his own contributions. Once he gave 300,000 dinars to his professional singer uncle Ibrahim Ibn Mahdi on his chanting a few verses from the composition of Abu Nuwas. On the Tigris there were built as related above a number of barges of animals’ shape, the cost of one \Cbse! aioiie was 3,000,0(JU dirhanib. These eagle and lion like vessels added to the sights to be seen on or by the river. Under his personal direction an all night balled was conducted joined by beautiful dancers and singers. The victory of Mamun over his brother was once more like the overthrow of the Umayyads by the Abbasids, the victory of the Peisians over the Arabs. It was a fresh stage in the ebb of the tide which had begun to flow nearly two hundred years before. The troops and people of Baghdad repeated now that they had not fought more bravely for Amin; but that, says our annalist, was because of the treasure he used to lavish on them. Indeed there was little more that could be said to favour him. His troubled and inglorious reign lasted four years and eight months. Mun I he Caliphate, P.493 (K \ CHAPTER Abdullah Al-Ma’mun 551 45 ABDULLAH AL-MA’MUN (813-833 A.D./198-218 A.M.) Mamun was unquestionably the most distinguished figure of the House of Abbas, nay of the whole Islamic world. He was not only a brave soldier but also a good administrator. His will to work, his prudence, his clemency and judgment, his sagacity and liberality are the chief features of his character. His reign forms the most glorious epoch in the history of Islam. ”The twenty years of his reign have left enduring monuments of the intellectual development of the Muslims in all directions of thought”. The intellectual advancement was not restricted to a particular branch but it pervaded the whole cultural domain. Mathematics, astronomy, medicine and philosophy made an extraordinary progress during this period. He fully realized the truth that the actual happiness of his people lay in education and culture and he translated his realization into practice by opening schools and colleges in all directions. He made no distinction of creed or race and threw public offices open to all. Liberty of conscience and religion was given vi all. He established a Council of State in which Muslims and non-Muslims equally participated. Ma’mun Ruled Baghdad from Mery After Amin his brother Ma’mun became the sole master of the Abbasid territory but while he was still at Merv and under the influence of his wazir Fazal Ibn Sahl he embraced dogmas of the and persuasion which was dangerous for the stability of the dynasty because the Alids were not liked by the people in the West (Syria and Egypt) as well as by many at Baghdad. His continued absence from Baghdad was exploited by the Alids in Iraq to fish in the troubled waters. Rebellions in Baghdad and the West Although Tahir the governor of Iraq was a great general and a good administrator he was moneyless and could not give bounty to the soldiers who had been receiving this from Amin. Baghdad rose against Tahir for the murder of the caliph and the banishment of Zubaydah, Tahir was therefore replaced by a new viceroy Hasan Ibn Sahl brother of the chief minister Fazal. This appointment besides alienating Tahir antagonised the western provinces all the more because they feared the increasing influence of the Persians. In 198 A.H./813 A.D. championing the cause of the Arabs and the fallen Caliph, an Arab chief Nasr Ibn Shabath rose in rebellion in Asia Minor. At a head of host of Arabs he occupied the country between Aleppo and Sumiesat. A reconciliation took place and Tahir had new appointment as incharge of Syria and Mesopotamia with the headquarter at Raqqah. He was deputed to take up arms against Nasr. He did take up arms but did not fight with the same spirit as before. Heartless as he was after his removal from Baghdad, he fought a few unsuccessful battles. Nasr Ibn Shabath dominated the borderlands of Asia Minor and Tahir remained inactive at Raqqah. In the following year (199/814-5) an adventurer, namely Abu Saraya at the head of many fickle-minded Kufans, who were opposed to the Abbasids for their patronage of the Persians rose against Ma’mun and set up a descendant of an, nameiy Muhammad Ibn Ibrahim, Ibn Tabataba, as its ruler. He also occupied Basrah a great part of Iraq for him and defeated the Baghdad troops sent in columns successively. Coins were even minted in the name of the and protege and ambassadors were sent to Arabia and other places. This, however, could not be tolerated long and Harthamah was deputed against Abu Saraya who was forced to take refuge at Kufah. The city was besieged. Deserted by the Kufans Abu Saraya escaped with 800 followers but he was pursued across the Tigris taken prisoner and beheaded and his head was sent to Ma’mun in 200/815. Thus the rebellion was suppressed within two months and the cruelties of his governor ended. A rival caliph was also set up at Makkah but he submitted and was pardoned. He was a son of imam Jafar al-Sadiq. On suppressing the rebellion, Harthamah was appointed viceroy of Arabia and Syria but before taking charge of his new office and paying a visit to the viceroy of Baghdad namely Hasan, he proceeded to Merv to apprise the caliph of the situation at Baghdad and the connivance of the wazir which threatened to cause 552 Political and Cultural History of Islam the West to slip away from his hand. But before he could fulfill his mission Fazal got the scent and instigated the caliph to kill Harthamah on his Arrival. Ma’mun acted accordingly in Zhiqad 200/June 816 and killed a genera! who had helped him in achieving victory over his brother Amin and fought for him in Khurasan and Iraq. The citizens of Baghdad became annoyed with Ma’mun for his action against Harthamah the favourite of the West. There was a military rising, Hasan was driven from Baghdad to Medina whence he retired to Wasit in the beginning of 201/816 and the city remained in a state of confusion for about six months. Being tired of anarchy the populace offered the throne to Mahdi’s son Mansur who declined the offer. They ultimately submitted to Hasan on the promise amnesty, six months pay to the soldiers and allowances to the people according to their stipendiary roll. Babak About this time there arose a free-booter of the name of Babak Khimarni or Shadmani in the northern provinces including Azerbijan and Armenia in 201/816 He preached the doctrine of the transmigration of souls and the incarnation of the deity initiated by Abu Muslim and his pupi! al Muqannah. He gained many followers as he preached the complete freedom in worldly gain. He received the old Mazd religion of Persia and created trouble for long twenty years and routed ro>al troops sent against him. He professed the eastern mystic tenets of transmigration of sou! and incestuous marriage and hence known as Khurramiyah (Voluptuaries). Babak was the scourge of the empire. Receiving order from the caliph, Abdullah son of Tahir after reducing Egypt to submission marched towards Babak in 214’ March 829-30 but before he could fight against him, rebellion broke out in Naysabur and he was appointed viceroy of Khuiasan There he remained engaged in fighting against the Greeks who had made common cause with Babak on the confines of Armenia. The letter was therefore left undisturbed for the time being.1 AH al-Raza Proclaimed Heir-apparent With a view to establish a coalition between the houses of Abbas and Ali and to put an end to the Alia rebellion in the West and as Ma’mun considered the Aiids the rightful claimants of the Khilafat S M Iniamudum. V 147 Abdullah Al-Ma’mun 553 he called Ali Ibn Musa Raza the eight Imam of the Shi’ah and twenty two years senior to him, to Merv. Ma’mun gave him his daughter in marriage and proclaimed him as his heir to the throne in Shawwal 202/March 817. Thus an edict was issued and the black flag and dress of the Abbasids were changed into the green of the Alids. This shows Ma’mun’s weakness and his inclination to the House of Ali as well as his love of power for the sake of which he sacrificed the interest of his dynasty.2 Ibrahim Raised to the Throne of Baghdad On learning it the populace of Baghdad who were anti-Shi’ah became furious because they found their own ruin in the edict. They denounced Ma’mun and his candidate and elected a new caliph. Thus Ibrahim b. Mahdi biother of Mansur and uncle of Amin who had laid siege to Mada’in capturing Ktifah and the Saw ad became caliph and the last Friday Khutbah of the year was recited in his name in place of Ma’mun. He was saluted as caliph on the 1st of Muharram 202/20th July, 817, But the choice was not good because the candidate lacked the qualities of a caliph and being incompetent and weak in controlling the situation he antagonised a section of the Abbasids. Ma’mun viceroy at Baghdad Hasan b. Sahl had to retire again to Wasit. To control the situation a brother of Ali Raza was appointed governor of Kufah a city whose populace was inclined to Shiaism but averse to Persian influence which they feared \\ould be imposed on them by the new governor. I fence the situation instead of improving worsened. Within a short time the whole West was in a state of turmoil. Ali Raza apprised the caliph of the state of affairs in and around Baghdad which had been so long concealed by Ma’mun’s Prime Minister Fazal, called Dhu al-Riyasatam. He reported that the wazir was hated and despised by the Iraqis and the empire seemed to be slipping from his hands into those of the Alids and Ibrahim. Harthamah who had saved the Khilafat in the last revolution had been killed because of the intrigues of Fazal. Tahir whose service was then required had been left neglected at Kaqqah in Syria. This was also the feeling of a body of leading personalities and army chiefs who advised the caliph to hasten to Baghdad as it might save the situation. In an attempt to apprise the caliph of the situation Harthamah had lost his life. Though later the caliph became Mini. I he Caliphate. P 498. 554 Political and Cultural History of Islam convinced that the main reasons for the rebellion in the West were his Shia teachings and his too much dependence on the wazir Fazal. Ma’mun Arrives at Baghdad The court moved towards Baghdad in Rajab 202/Feb 818. Before leaving Merv Ma’mun left behind secret instructions to kill Dhual-Riyasatain Fazal b. Sahl. Accordingly he was killed in the following months while he was in his bath and the caliph was at Sarakhs. Ma’mun sent a letter of condolence to Hasan appointing him wazir in place of his brother. The caliph further cemented his relations with him by contracting his own marriage with his ten years aged daughter Burn the nuptial was however to take place later. He also strengthened his relation with Ali Raza by giving one of his daughters in the marriage of his son. About the time the caliphs court reached Tus, Ali Raza died of eating poisonous grapes in Safar 203/August 818 and was buried near Harun’s tomb where soon grew a new city Mashad. Thus Fazal and Ali Raza being removed the task which Ma’mun ahead was facilitated. Meanwhile the usurper, Ibrahim due to his harsh treatment and unwise policy was not pulling on well at Baghdad. On the approach of Ma’mun one after another all the important chiefs including Ibrahim’s chief supporters iike Muttalib Ibn Abdullah and Isa b. Muhammad went over to his side. Having been deserted Ibrahim had to escape after two years of ignoble reign and was caught after about’eight years clad in women’s dress but was forgiven at the intercession of Hasan’s daughter Buran on whose marriage with Muhammad Ibrahim composed an admirable poem in Dhiqad 210/January 826. His supporters including Ibn Aishah a member of the royal house however met with cruel treatments and were executed. Ma’mun delayed his entry into Baghdad still Safar 204/Aug 819 when peace was restored. Tahir also, meanwhile joined the caliph’s party. At his request Mamun issued another edict reverting green dress and flag into black one bestowed black dresses of honour on his courtiers. Isa, wazir of Ibrahim and Fazal ibn alRabi, wazir of Amin who were still in hiding were reconciled and admitted to favour by Ma’mun. The marriage ceremony of Buran was performed by Hasan ibn Sahl at his country residence near Wasit and spent lavishly in the feast and presents worth about a million dinar. To compensate this the caliph allowed Hasan to collect revenue from some provinces for a year. Abdullah Al-Ma’mun 555 Tahirids Tahir Ibn Hussain of Khurasan who had fought for Ma’mun against Amin was appointed viceroy of the East of Merv in Dhiqad 206 A.H./821 A.D., and his eldest son at Raqqah. He had been entrusted to deal with the Kharijis who revolted on the departure of Ma’mun from Khurasan. He had to control soon the whole province. After a successful rule of two years as it was suspected by the caliph the one eyed general Tahir the descendant of a Persian slave felt so secure that he removed the name of the caliph from the Khutbah in the Juma’ah prayer. The espionage system being perfect the postal relays carried the message of every day happening to Ma’mun and the following day he received the massage that Tahir was found dead in his bed as a confidential eunuch had accompanied Tahir with order to serve poison the time he was found insubordinate. Tahir was a good soldier and ruler and a great patron of art and literature. His letter of instruction addressed to his son on his being appointed governor of Mesopotamia was a master piece of sociopolitical writing, culture and precept. At the order of the caliph its copies were circulated throughout the empire. Although the act of Tahir was an open rebellion his son Talhah was appointed viceroy of the East in his place and thus the Govt. of Khurasan remained in the hands of the Tahirid family which later on ruled over this part of Muslim world almost independently and extended its dominion as far as the Indian frontier and the transferred the capital later to Naysabur where they ruled for over fifty years till 872 when the Tahirids were over-powered by the Saffarids. Another son of Tahir Abdullah by name was engaged in the Western provinces. Tahir being discontented had not taken strong action against the rebel Nasr Ibn Shabath the supporter of Amin who maintained himself even after Amin’s death in the Aleppo region. How Abdullah attacked him vigorously and compelled him to take refuge in a fortress on the borders of Asia Minor. The fort was besieged and Nasr was compelled to submit to Ma’mun after five year resistance in 825. He was brought to Baghdad with great rejoicings. Abdullah now turned his attention towards Egypt where peace had been mean while disturbed for ten years (200-210/Aug 14, 815/April 825) by the tribal wars between the Qaysites who sided with Amin and the Kalbites who joined Ma’mun. During this time Alexandria was occupied by the Cordovan refugees who had been expelled by Hakam 1 the Umayyad ruler of Spain. The insurrection 556 Political and Cultural History of Islam was suppressed and the Cordovan adventurers were forced to leave Alexandria for Crete which they occupied in 210 (April 825-6). Thus Abdullah succeeded in restoring peace in Egypt. After the death of Talhah he succeeded his brother in Khurasan and Egypt fell into the lots of prince al-Mutasim. War with the Byzantines There was armed peace between the Byzantine Empire and the Abbasid Caliphate and Ma’mun did not attack Asia Minor even though opportunities came particularly when Thomas, who had been crowned at Antioch in Syria by the Patriarch rebelled against Michael the Amorian, the Greek emperor, and sent rich presents to Ma’mun while the Greek emperor continued to send military aid to the hitherto unvanquished Babak. So far Ma’mun himself generally did not go to the war but towards the end of his reign he had to march against the Byzantines. He started with an army in Muharram 215/March 830 from Tarsus and attacked the Greek emperor Theophilus. He led two other successful summer expeditions against the Greeks in Asia Minor in the succeeding two years and Lu’lu’a a strong fort of Tarsus was captured. In 217/832 Theophilus sued for peace. At Tyana seventy miles north of Tarsus a citadel of three leagues circumference was constructed with four gates under the direct supervision of Ma’mun, and on his return his son Abbas carried on with the v,ork. Ma’mun’s Liberalism On his return from his third campaign in Asia Minoi he passed through Harran and met the Sabians the Syrian pagans who wore long hair and tight fitting coats. They were aliowed to practise their ancestors custom and religion. On his expedition to Asia Minor, Ma’mun repeatedly visited Damascus and made princely donations to the chiefs and poets and at the chief mosque of Damascus he saw with reverence a rescript from the Holy Prophet with his seal. He abolished the ban against the favourable use of the name of Mu’awiya and other Umayyads. He also granted liberty to the Christians for comparative discussions of the relative values of Qura’n and the Bibie. This was an indication of his toleration and liberalism. Ma’mun however continued to be prejudiced with Persian ideas which he had acquired during his stay in Khurasan and imbibed from his Persian mother and now also from Persian wife combined with and prochtivities. This entertainment of Persian ideas led him Abdullah Al-Mn’nnm 557 to propagate the liberal thinking of the Mu’tazilah (seceders) doctrine and declared it to be the state dogma in 927 A.D. The Mu’tazilites differ from orthodox only in methods and dogmas otherwise they were as fanatic as the orthodox were. He invited teachers of different schools, scholars of various sects and had discussions with them on same abstract like the relation of man with God and the nature of the Godhead and other philosophical problems. He arrived at certain conclusions which were opposed to those of the orthodox school. He believed in the two cardinal principles of Mu’tazilah namely freedom of the will in place of Predestination of the orthodox and believed that the Qura’n though inspired by God is created as opposed to the orthodox view that it is eternal and uncreated. He also held the Shi’ah view of divine Imamat and held that leadership passed from Holy Prophet (PBUH) to Hazrat Ali and vested in some members of the House of Ali. Hence he believed in some other infallible sources of divine guidance besides the Qura’n and Hadith. Mamun interested himself in questions of religious dogma. He had embraced the Mu’tazilite doctrines about free will and predestination and was in particular shocked at the opinion which had spread among the Muslim doctors that the Quran was the uncreated word of God. In the year 212 A.H./817 A.D., he published an edict by which the Mutazilite doctrine was declared to be the religion of the State, and the orthodox faith was condemned as heretical. At the same time he ordered all his subjects to honour Hazrat Ali as the best creature of God after the Holy Prophet and forbade the praise of Mu’awiya. In 218 A.H./833 A.D. a new edict appeared by which all judges and doctors were summoned to renounce the error of the uncreated word of God.’ Most of them expressed their agreement with the views of the Khalifah, but a few stood firm in their conviction among whom was Ahmad bin Hanbal (founder of the Habali School), who was ordered to be put into prison. Two of Mamun’s successors maintained the edict and Ahmad bin Hanbal was flogged ultimately at their hands. Ironically the champion of freedom of thought turned into a persecutor of thought. He allowed the allegorical explanation of the passages of the Qura’n and enforced his view with intolerance and cruelty as he advanced in age particularly in the year 218/833. From his last campaign in Asia Minor, Ma’mun sent a mandate to the Governor of Baghdad to call a meeting of the leading religious heads to discuss to vital doctrine that Qura’n is created or uncreated and to 558 Political and Cultural History of Islam send those who did not believe that Quran’s was created and conform the Mu’tazilite doctrine to his camp. Imam Ibn Hanbal and about twenty others who were firm in their orthodox view were arrested at Baghdad and escorted to Tarsus to await there the return of Ma’mun from the campaign. They were fortunate that Ma’mun did not return alive but his dead body was brought instead and buried at Tarsus in Aug/833.1 Death While returning from the expedition in Asia Minor Ma’mun fell ill on the Bank of Badandun and died at the age of forty eight after a glorious reign of five years as the independent ruler of the East and twenty years and five months as the caliph of the Abbasid Empire on Jumadi al-Thani 228/Aug 833. On his death bed he proclaimed his brother Abu Ishaq entitled al-Mu’tasim bi’llah as his successor. Then he gave minute instructions to his brother regarding a religious life. Just administration and the teaching of the origin of the Qura’n and other doctrines of Islam. He also left for him a practice of employing Turks as bodyguards which fact culminated during the time of Mu’tasim ultimately bringing ruin to the dynasty. ACHIEVEMENTS AND CHARACTER In spite of his pre-occupations in suppressing revolts at home and fight frontier wars with the Byzantines, Ma’mun could find time to study books and patronize art and science. According to Qazi Yahya b. Aktham, Ma’mun was an all around scholar and scientist and an embodiment of culture and character. Baghdad lay in ruins when Ma’mun entered the city as victorious. Parts of the city were ruined and the caliph himself had to take his a book in the Barmakid palace care it again rose to prominence society and commercially. The markets and shops were full of native products and foreign goods imported from China the Malaya Archipelago, India, Scandinavia. Russia and East Africa. Ma’mun’s reign was glorious for the development of literature, science and philosophy. It has been called the Augustan age of Islam. The foundation of schools for the translation of Indian and Greek works on science and literature had been laid by Mansur but the intellectual -work culminated during the time of Ma’mun because of his personal interest particularly in Greek science. Due to his encouragement his courtiers and nobles also patronized men of literature and science. Here was undertaken Author’s, Administrative and Cultural History of Islam, P 340. Abdullah Al-Ma’tmin 559 translation works from Greek Syriac, Pahlvi and Sanskrit. Translators like Nasturi, Yaqbi, Sabi Majusi, Rumi and Brahma all from Iraq, Mesopotamia, Syria and Persia gathered in Baghdad a rendezvous of art and science. It resulted in the increase of the number of copyists and booksellers in Baghdad. Ma’mun arranged for permanent endowments for his court scholars. In 830 A.D. he established house of wisdom (Bayt alHikmah) where literary and scientific discussions were held to unite the literary treasures of the Islamic and un-Islamic literatures and to reconcile the theocratic ideas of Islam with the secular ones. It was the combination of library, academy and translation bureau. According to Ibn Sa’id al-Andalusi, Ma’mun established friendly and cultural relations with the Byzantines and had the Greek works on sciences translated into Arabic and also had the original works compiled on them bringing the Abbasid learning to level of Greek one. Scholars like Hajjaj b. Matar, Ibn al-Batriq and the chief of Bayt al-Hikmah were sent on delegation to Roman libraries for the selection and purchase of books. Greek works which were forgotten and proscribed in the eastern Roman territory and were looked up in the monasteries of Syria, Asia Minor, Alexandria and the Levant were collected and received from the Byzantine emperor by Ma’mun who had them translated into Arabic. Among the translators of the period of his rule were Ya’qub b. Ishaq al-Kindi, Hunayn b. Ashaq’ Abbadi, Qusta b Luqa Ba’ibaki, a Christian and Umar b. Farkhan Tabari. The Nestorian Christian Hunayn ibn Ishaq translated Greek works of Galen, Plato and Aristotle into Syriac with the assistance of his nephew Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan and his colleague? made translation from Syriac into Arabic. Ma’mun paid Hunayn the” chief translator the weight of the books he translated. Original works were composed on various subjects including medicine even on juggleiy and hypnotism a list of which have been preserved by al-Nadim and ibn Khallikan under the patronage of the caliph and his courtiers Mamun being himself addicted to poetry patronized poets and appreciated their works. The father of modern Persian poetry Abbas flourished at his court. His court was the rendezvous of scholars, scientists, physicians, poets, philosophers, and grammarians. Jewish and Christian scholars and linguists were 560 Political and Cultural History of Islam invited and patronized as well. Traditionalists like Bukhari, Jurists like Imam al-Shafi and Imam ibn Hanbal and historians like alWaqidi philosophers like Abu Yusaf Ya’qub ibn- Ishaq al-Kindi tried to combine the views of Plato and Aristotle. He was also an astrologer, alchemist and optician. Allan a Persian copyist in the library of Harun and Ma’mun colleted the mutual insults of the Arab tribes in the old poetry and received thereby the name of al-shu’ubi, the defender of rights among the nations. Mamun’s reign was the most glorious and brilliant of all in the intellectual history of Islam. His reign was the revival of learning both in the East and the West. At this Court were munificently entertained men of science and letters, poets, physicians and philosophers. Besides being an age of the philologists and grammarians ”it was the age also of the collectors of traditions, such as the great Bukhari and of historians as al- Wakidi”. Moreover, the Jews and the Christians were welcomed at the court not only for their learning but for being well-versed both in Arabic and the language and literature of Greece. He completed the works of translation started by his grandfather Mansur. Under his guidance Sanskrit books, Greek mathematics and philosophy, science of Euclid and Ptolemy were translated into Arabic. Qusta bin Luqa, was appointed for the translation of Greek and Syrian; Yahya bin Harun, of Persian; and Duban the Brahman, of Sanskrit works into Arabic. ”It was through the labours of these learned men”, says W. Muir, ”that the nations of Europe, there shrouded in the darkness of the Middle Ages, became again acquainted with their own proper but forgotten patrimony of Greecian science and philosophy”. The Persian language received a great impetus in his hand. An observatory was established on the plain of Tadmore for the study of astronomy and geometry. Astronomical observations made a great stride during this reign. Abul Hasan invented the telescope from a tube, Poet Abbas, founder of the modern Persian poetry, and al-Kindi, employed at the famous ’Bayt al-Hikmat’ established by Mamun in Baghdad, and translator of Greek works, flourished during this period. Mamun was so much interested in philosophical discussions that he set apart Tuesday fully for the same purpose. The savants and scholars used to attend his chamber regularly and the Khalifah Arnold. The Legacy of Islam, P 380. Abdullah Al-Ma’mnn 561 satisfied them with his philosophical conversation. Thus taking all these points into consideration, we can undoubtedly say that the reign of Mamun constitutes the most glorious epoch in Saracenic history and has been justly called the ’Augustan Age of Islam.’ Under Ma’muns patronage the astronomers watched the celestial movements, studied obliquity of the ecliptic and the length of the solar year, measured the length of terrestrial degree and determined the size and circumference of the earth. An observatory was constructed on the plain of Tadmor for the study of astronomy. The observatory of the Shammasiyah gate of Baghdad became known as Rasad Ma’mun. It was directed by Sind ibn Ali and Yahya Ibn Ali Mansur. Ibrahim al-Fazari constructed an astrolabe. Ma’mun’s astronomer Abu’l Hasan invented a telescope from a tube. Works on popular science of astrology and alchemy and books of travel and history were written. The great Arab philosopher al-Kindi even cultivated military science and wrote an essay on swords of about twenty five varieties. Muhammad al-Khwarizmi prepared a resume of Sind-Hind for Ma’mun and composed an independent work on algebra. He revised Ptolemy’s astronomical tables. The works on astronomy and mathematics written by Euclid and Ptolemy were translated under the heads of Almagest of the Arabs by al-Hajjaj ibn-Matar. The unparalleled intellectual awakening culminated under the patronage of Ma’mun. It was through the efforts of Abbasids, particularly Ma’mun, that Greek sciences were preserved, improved and passed on to the modern age through the Europeans who were then shrouded in darkness when the Muslim Orient was on the height of civilization. This was as stream of culture and learning which flowed from Babylonia to Greece, back to the East and then again directed to Europe through Spain and Sicily and later even through Turkey to bring about the Renaissance in Europe. Ma’mun was a just and mild ruler but a man of yielding disposition and of changing views. He fell a prey to the personal caprices and influence of Fazal b. Sahi. The blind poet who eulogised Abu Dulaf chief of Hamdan and friend of Amin retired to his Persian home on the death of Amin as a sincere Arab was hardly tolerated by Ma’mun. Among others who suffered from his capricious violence were Fazal, ibn Aishah as well as Tahir and Harthamah to whom the caliph owed so much. Considering, however, the time and circumstances under which he haci 10 work and his liberal attitude towards the rebels of Baghdad and several Others he should be eulogized for his tolerance and magnanimity. CHAPTER 46 ABU ISHAQ MUHAMMAD AL-MU’TASIM BILLAH (833-842 A.D./218-227 A.H.) Succession On the death of Ma’mun his brother Abu Ishaq Muhammad, who had been governor of Egypt, ascended the throne with the royal title of al-Ma’tisim Bi’liah. The troops at first favouring the cause of Ma’mun’s son al-Abbas wavered in paying homage to him but when prince al-Abbas coming from Tyana himself swore allegiance to the new Caliph, the soldiers also followed his suit. Baghdad suffered much due to his intolerant policy towards the non-Mu’tazilah and employment of Turkish soldiers in the army. Turkish Soldiers The Turkish were first employed as bodyguards to counterbalance the influence of the Khurasanis to whom the Abbasids owed their Caliphate. The rivalry between the Persians and the Arabs had grown wide during the time of Ma’mun. This impelled al-Mu’taism to employ a body guard for his personal security consisting of the Turks and Berbers. The Turks came from the lands beyond the Oxus as slaves purchased or received as tributes from the native princes. Many Mamluks (purchased slaves) were annually imported from the North-East chiefly Turkistan. The most famous genera! of Mu’tasim named Haydar Ibn Ka’us generally known as Afshin also came from Central Asia. Receiving patronage they rapidly rose to chief command and the Arab soldiery formerly the Abu Ishaq Muhammad Al-Mu’tasim Billah 563 pillar of empire receded to the background, went back to the deserts in large numbers and became the chronic source of dissensions and chaos in the empire. Ibn Sa’d has preserved an account of change in the lot of the Arabs that came during the time of Mu’tasim and later. These Mamluks, who gradually rose to power and later even founded dynast}’ in Egypt, were formerly settled in Baghdad and the outlying cantonments.’ Samarra The people suffered from the soldiers rapine and when the complaints of their atrocities reached the Caliph he built another city the foundation of which had already been laid before but abandoned by Harun about sixty miles above Baghdad on the east Bank of the Tigris and named it Samarra (Surra manra delight of the eye). The work of construction was supervised by the Turkish general Ashnas. Two canals which were newly dug and the main river gave security to the new city. On completion, the capital and barraks were shifted to that town in 836. Baghdad was relieved of the distress but the Turkish influence became all the more prominent and the Caliph fell more arid more under the influence of the Turks than he was before. This new city remained the capita! of the empire for over fifty years hence during the reigns of seven Caliphs (836-94). The Zatt’s Insurrections After his accession Mu’tasim being confronted with troubles at home, concluded peace with the Greeks and prisoners were exchanged in 218<’8.33. Some Central Asiatic people of the Jat tribe who had migrated to North-west India and who had been settled by the Sassanids in the swaps between Basrah and Kufah occupied the marches of lower Mesopotamia imposed taxes on boats and disrupted the traffic between Basrah and Baghdad under their leader Muhammad b. Usman in 219/834. They were captured in thousands by Ujayf b. Anbasah an Arab general and departed to the frontier fortress of Ayn Zarbah in Ciiicia where they were killed b\ the Byzantines. Babak Pursued and Killed There had arisen an and pretender named Babak in Azerbijan during the reign of Ma’mun. He perpetrated havoc in the S.M. Imamuddin,P.160. 564 Poh, ,al and Cultural History of Islam northern province^ -With countenance of the Armenians and Greeks Babak held sway .’ Azerbijan for twenty years, demolished many Abbasid fortresses , gtween Zanjan and Ardebil, defeated six famous, Abbasid generals ent one after another spread terror as far as Hamadan and gav, ^red a large number of followers in northern Persia. He was s^ pressed in 20/835 by Abdullah Ibn Tahir, who almost ruling ove^V.hurasan independently. Babak’s followers were defeated and he ^s himself pursued into Greek territory by the Turkish general */$hin b. Haydar Ashrusani. Beyond Ardebil he defended himself ^ two years. His strongholds were captured one by one and he wa Driven to Armenia where he was captured by the Armenian prince (id handed over to Afshin in 222/837. Afshin returned successfi, , vvith a large number of prisoners including Babak and his brother Au^ullah to Samarra. The two brothers were killed, the head of Babak ^as paraded on the streets of Samarra and sent to Khurasan and tha. ^f his brother in the streets of Baghdad. This was a great military ac^, jgvement of the Turkish soldiers. War with the The Gree , fimperor Theophilus (829-42) with whom Babak had entered into a,,jance finding Babak pursued by a Muslim general ravaged the lands. £ Asia Minor, northern Syria and Mesopotamia. Mu’tasim after si ijuing the rebels at home marched with a huge army in Rabi II, ^vJ/Mar. 838. Reaching Tarsus he divided his army into three column the wings commanded by Turkish generals and the centre by Uja (the Arab general while the main command was in the hands cxr Afshin. The Abbasids attacked Ammuriyah (Amorium) in Ga^. Jia whence the imperial dynasty hailed in the very heart of Asia Mi $. Theophilus and Manuel being defeated by the Saljuq archers ea Joyed for the first time by Muta’sim at Dasymon fled and the Gre )c city fell after about two months siege. It was given up to plum ,j and destruction. A large number of the Greeks were taken captiv ,$, the chief families were free on paying ransoms or killed. Accov jjng to Gibbon 200,000 persons were killed. Theophilus had s^ vight help from Venice and Muslim Spain when he had been threate^ fd by Ma’mun taking the field in person but the Caliph’s death iru jp3 had relieved him from th? impending danger. He came by sea v t,ich had been left unguarded because the Abbasids Abu Ishaq Muhammad Al-Mu’taswi Billah 565 had neglected the fleet and Mu’tasim was forced to conclude a truce in 841 and return on the receipt of the alarming report of a military conspiracy at Baghdad. After Mu’tasim no serious offensive was taken by the Abbasids though war on this front continued throughout the 9th century. The Arab geographer Qudamah even mentions three raids every year about this time. But they were man to keep the soldiers engaged and maintain their discipline the earlier zeal of religion and conquest of non-Muslim lands had gone never to come back again. Uj ayf Conspired Against the Caliph The growing ascendancy of the Turks caused unrest among the Arabs who receded to the background. Mu’tasim lavished favours on the Turkish generals which roused jealousy in the ’Arab general’ Ujayf. He hatched a conspiracy against the Abbasid Caliph with Prince Abbas son of Ma’mun who had formerly refused to accept the throne but the plot was divulged by Abbas. Ujayf and other in league with conspiracy were executed. This resulted in the more dependence of Mu’tasim on the Turkish soldiery. Turks Superceded the Arab and Persian Officers The conspirators were killed and Mu’tasim was saved but it had disastrous effects on the Caliphate. The employment of the Turks in the army was indeed one of the important causes for the ultimate fall of the dynasty. The Arab and Persian generals were replaced by Turks in the chief commands. But these Mamluks had no love for the Caliphate as they were mercenary soldiers and fought for money. Then again they also suffered from the evils of tribal jealousy and lust for power having no regard for life and right. Fall of Afshin There was animosity between Abdullah Ibn Tahir and the Turkish general Afshin. The Turkish general hated Abdullah because he had exposed the appropriation of Babak’s spoil by the former. He also coveted his government and power and therefore secretly instigated Mazyar, the prince of Tabaristan to rise against Abdullah who was defeated and sent as prisoner to Samarra by the Khurasani 566 Political and Cultural History of Islam governor in 224/Nov. 839-9 Mazyar gave out that he had been instigated by Afshin. Mazyar was scourged to death and Afshin attempted to escape to the Caspian shores. But he was captured and thrown into prison. A special court consisting of the chief Qazi, the wazir and a few other courtiers was formed and Afshin was tried as a Magian in 840. He was acquitted of the charge of heresy and sent back to the prison where he died a year after. Thus peace was reestablished in Tabaristan by the Abbasids. Achievements and Character Mu’tasim died in Rabi ”I 227/Jan 842 the month and year Theophilus died. The Caliph ruled for about nine years. He was strong and able but lacked political foresight and laid the foundation of the decay of the empire by ousting Arab generals and depending entirely on Turkish generals like Afshin, Ashnas, Itakh and Wasif whose fatal yoke it was difficult for his successors to throw off. Nine of his descendants succeeded one after another and ruled about fifty years upto Safar 295/Nov. 907. As a man Mu’tasim was kind and helpful to the poor and needy. He once helped a husbandman’s palfrey with its burden and at another time brought out of a ditch a fallen oldman with his laden ass. But as a sovereign he perpetrated multiple cruelties. He was intolerant and supported heterodoxy. He encouraged freedom of discussion and philosophers like al-Kindi graced his court. The Mu’tazilites were patronized and the people were not allowed any divergence from this. The Caliph firmly believed that the Qura’n was not eternal and the eyes of the mortal beings would not be able to see God in the future world. Those who differed from him these two dogmas were tortured Imam Ibn Hanbal for his opposition suffered scourge and imprisonment. S.M. Imamuddin. P. 164 CHAPTER 47 THE FALL OF BAGHDAD (1258 A.D./656 A.M.) The Mongol invasion which shook the world of Islam to its very foundations in the seventh/thirteenth century was an unprecedented phenomenon in the history of mankind. A people, hitherto unknown even to their neighbours, poured forth from the bare and bleak plateau of Karakorum (Mongolis) and with lightning speed overran the Asian and European Continents from China to Hungary and East Prussia, and built up the largest empire known to man. These people were the Mongols’ or Tartars as called by their contemporaries. Their invasion inflicted more suffering on the human race than any other incident recorded in history. They lived in a wild and primitive state of society. ”They are,” says Matthew Paris, ”inhuman and beastly, rather monsters than men, thirsty for and drinking blood, tearing and devouring the flesh of dogs and men. They are without human laws.”2 The Mongol storm burst on the Muslim world in two separate waves. The first dates back to 616/1219 when Chingiz Khan3 (550/1155-625/1227), who first as the leader of a band of adventurers and later installed as their ruler in 603/1206 welded these* barbarians into a strong and well-disciplined military force, attacked the Empire of the Khwarizm Shahs (470/1077-629/1231) 1 The word is de,”ived from the root monS wnicn means brave. 2 I-! G. Browne. A i_’ iterar> History of Persia, Vol. Ill, P.7. ’ His aohiiil lume was Icmuchin. The title of Chingiz or /ingis Khan. 568 Political and Cultural History of Islam which at the height of its power stretched from the Ural Mountains to the Persian Gulf and from the Euphrates to the Indus excluding the two Iranian provinces of Khuzistan and Pars. The second wave broke on Khurasan in 654/1256 when Chingiz Khan’s grandson, Hulagu Khan (614/1217-664/1265), was selected by his brother, Emperor Mangu Khan (649/1251-655/1257), and the great quriltay, i.e., the Mongol national assembly,- held in 649/1251, to annihilate the Abbasid Caliphate of Baghdad and the Isma’ilis of Alamut and Quhistan in North Iran. The first invasion, which probably could not have been averted, was provoked by a frontier incident in which the Governor of Utrar,4 a frontier town in Khwarizm, murdered a number of Mongol tradesmen alleged to have been spies. Thereupon Chingiz Khan despatched an embassy consisting of two Mongols and one Turk to the Court of Ala al- Din Muhammad Khwarizm Shah (596/1 199-617/1220) to protest against this violation of the laws of hospitality and demanded that he should hand over the Governor to them or prepare for war. In reply Khwarizm Shah behaved in a queer fashion which was both foolish and arrogant. He killed the Turk and turned back the two Mongols with their beards shaved off. Upon this the Mongols held a quriltay and decided to attack Khwarizm. A big factor which hastened the Muslim downfall was the atmosphere of intrigue prevailing in the Muslim world on the eve of the Mongol invasion. According to Ibn Athir and al-Maqrizi (766/1364-846/1442), the Abbasid Caliph al-Nasir (576/1180- 622/1225) actually encouraged the Mongols to attack Khwarizm, little knowing that his own house was destined to perish at the hands of the same irresistible foe. The storm burst in 616/1219 and soon engulfed Transoxiana, Khwarizm, Khurasan, the territories lying north of the river Indus, and North Iran, till, instead of turning south or west, it swept across the Caucasus into South Russia, finally to advance as far away as the Baltic and the Adriatic. The second wave of invasion struck Khurasan in the beginning of 654/1256; the Caliphate of Baghdad was destroyed ir 656/1258 by Hulagu Khan who had earlier wiped out the Ismail j stronghold at Alamut in North Iran in 654/1256. The Mongol army advanced further into Syria, sacked Aleppo, and threatened Damascus into surrender in 659/1260. It was at Ain Jaiur (Goliath’s The Fall of Baghdad 569 Spring) near Nazareth, however, that the Mongol tide was firmly stemmed by the gallant Mamluks of Egypt who gave them a crushing defeat in 659/1260. After the death of Jalal al-Din Mankoburni this was the first Muslim victory in thirty years and it bioke the spell of the Mongol invincibility. The Mongols were essentially an engine of destruction. They mowed down all resistance and their opponents ”fell to the right and left like the leaves of winter.’’ They have been described by Sir Henry Howorth as one of those races ”which are sent periodically to destroy the luxurious and the wealthy, to lay in ashes the arts and culture which grow under the shelter of wealth and easy circumstances.”5 According to Ata Malik Juwaini, Hulagu Khan’s secretary, who was appointed Governor of Baghdad after the destruction of the Abbasid Caliphate, Chingiz Khan described himself at Bukhara as the ”scourge of God” sent to men as a punishment for their great sins.6 The bewildering extent of the bloodthirsty ferocity, insatiable thirst for massacre, and devastating destruction which brought unprecedented suffering for the greater portion of the civilized world, would be just impossible to believe, had the facts not been confirmed from different sources, both Eastern and Western. All historians agree that wherever the Mongols went they exterminated populations, pillaged towns and cities, wreaked special vengeance upon those who dared to resist them, converted rich and smiling fields into deserts, and left behind the smoke of burning towns. In the words of Chingiz Khan himself, quoted by Rashid al-Din Fadl Allah, the famous Prime Minister of the Mongol period in Iran and the author of Jami al-Tawarikh,7 ”the greatest joy is to conquer one’s enemies, to pursue them, to see their families in tears, to ride their horses, and to possess their daughters and wives.” In old Mongol traditions there is a story that the future world conqueror was born with a piece of clotted blood in his hands.8 The senseless destruction, cruelty, outrage, spoliation, and the lightning Also known as Farab. 5 Henry Howorth, History of the Mongols, Part I, P.x. 6 Ata Malik Juwaini, Tarikh-i Jahankusha, Vol. J, ed. Muhammad Abd al-Wahhab Qazwini, Leiden, 1329/1911, P.81. Ala al-Din Ata Malik Juwaini (d 682/1283) who belonged to a distinguished family of ministers and administators was one of those Iranian officers whom the Mongols found indispensable in the civil service 7 Rashid al-Din Fadl Allah (645/1247-718/1318), the renowned scholaradministrator of the Il-Khani (Mongol) period of the history of Iran. 8 Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol I, Part 2. P 8v- 570 Political and Cultural History of Islam speed of the Mongol attack have been described by Juwaini in the pithy sentence uttered by a fugitive from Merv: ”They came, they uprooted, they burned, they slew, they carried off, they departed.”9 To have an idea of the brutal lust of conquest and ruthless ferocity shown by the Mongol hordes it would suffice to trace the wanton disregard of human life shown by them in some of the many prosperous cities and towns they ravaged. They reduced to ashes the city of Bukhara which was known for its magnificent palaces, gardens, and parks stretching for miles on the banks of the river Sughd; put one million people to the sword in Samarqand; and brutally massacred all the inhabitants of Tirmidh and Sabziwar. Khwarizm suffeied an equally tragic fate. According to Juwaini, 1,200,000 persons were killed in the city. Amongst the scholars and saints who perished was the famous Shaikh Najm al-Din Kubra (d. 618/1221). In Balkh the Mongol army came back a few days after the city’s destruction to kill the poor wretches who might have survived the first holocaust, and, having dragged them out of the hiding-.p]aceS5 butchered them in the true Mongol fashion. Bamiyan, where a Mongol prince lost his life, was wiped out of existence, and orders were issued not to leave even babes alive in their mothers’ wombs. This kind of sadism was not a stray incident, for Ibn Athir charaterizes the Mongols as a people who ”spared none, slaying women, men, and children, ripping open pregnant women and killing unborn babes.”10 At Nasa they made a hecatomb of over 70,000 people. Merv, which was at the height of its glory, suffered, according to Ibn Athir, a loss of 700,000 persons, b»t Juwaini puts the figure at 1,300,000, excluding those whose bodies were hidder, Si obscure retreats. The survivors wc.e Erased out, as in Balkh, ?nd mercilessly killed. Nishapur, which was like the bright Venus in the galaxy Of cities,” was completely razed to the ground and every living thing, including animals, was massacred. Pyramids of skulls were built as a mark of this ghastly feat of military ”triumph.” According to Mirkhwand, 1,047,000 men were butchered in the city in addition to an unknown number of women and children.12 He adds, however, that forty artisans and craftsmen were given shelter i, Op cit. P 105 n E G Browne op cit, Vol II, P 428 p Juwaini, Op cit.P 133 ” Raudat al-Sa)a. Vol V, P 46 The Fall of Baghdad 571 and transported to Mongolia. In Herat these barbarian hordes set up a new record by putting 1,600,000 men to the sword. These figures give an idea of the cold-blooded, passionless cruelty of the invaders who, in the words of Matthew Paris, ”spared neither age, nor sex, nor condition.”13 Juwaini mourns the loss of life in Khurasan in the following words: ”Not one-thousandth of the population escaped... if from now to the Day of Judgement nothing hinders the growth of population in Khurasan and Iraq-i-Ajam, it cannot reach one-tenth of the figure at which it stood before.” With the destruction of the scores of cities of fame also perished the priceless treasures of art and literature. The letter of Ibn Khallikan (608/1211-681/1282) which he wrote from Mosul after his flight from Merv to al-Qazi al-Akram Jamal al-Din abu al-Hasan Ali, wazir of the King of Aleppo, pathetically describes the nature of the Mongol cataclysm. In this letter, written in 617/1220, the author pays his last tribute to the libraries of Merv which had made him forget his dear ones, his home, and country, and to the advanced ^te of civilization in Khurasan which, according to him, ”in a word, and without exaggeration, was a copy of paradise.” He proceeds to laud the achievements of its doctors, saints, scholars, the monuments of science, and the virtues of the authors of this region and then laments the tragedy of Merv in these words: ”Those palaces were effaced from the earth... in those places the screech-owls answer each others’ cries and in those halls the winds moan responsive to the simoom.” Ibn Athir describes the loss of life and culture in the same strain: ”Those Tartars conquered... the best, the most flourishing, and the most populous part thereof [the habitable globe], and that whereof the inhabitants were the most advanced in character and conduct.”14 The reckless assassination of thousands of scholars, poets, and writers, and the destruction of libraries and colleges wrought irreparable disaster upon Muslim civilization which had flourished for centuries with such remarkable vitality. Transoxiana and Khurasan were the worst sufferers. Fertile plains and valleys in these regions were turned into wilderness. The great highways of Central Asia on which passed the merchandise of China to Western Asia and Europe also lay deserted. For twenty years after the death of Chingiz Khan in 625/1227, the Mongols continued to pillage Kurdistan, 13 E G Browne, op cit Vol in P 7 14 Ibid. Vol II, P 429 572 Political and Cultural History of Islam Azerbaijan, and regions to the west of Iran, at times marauding right up to Aleppo. But the Caliphate of Baghdad had survived. The inevitable occurred in 656/1258 when Hulagu Khan stormed Baghdad after he had extirpated the Isma’ili power at Alamut in 654/1256. The city which had been the metropolis of Islam for more than five centuries (132/749- 656/1258) was given over to plunder and flame. The massacre, according to Diyarbakri (d. 982/1574) in his Tarikh al-Khamis, continued for thirty-four days during which 1,800,000 persons were put to the sword. For days blood ran freely in the streets of Baghdad and the water of the Tigris was dyed red for miles. According to Wassaf, the sack of Baghdad lasted forty days. ’5To quote Kitab al-Fakhri, ”Then there took place such wholesale slaughter and unrestrained looting and excessive torture and mutilation as it is hard to be spoken of even generally; how think you, then, its details?” Must’asim (640/1242-656/1258) who was destined to be the last Caliph of this renowned dynasty was beaten to death, and, according to another version, trampled on by horses. The sack of Baghdad was a supreme catastrophe of the world of Islam and of the Arabo-Persian civilization which had flourished so richly for many hundred years. Its magnitude surpassed the devastation of other cities, because the political and psychological implications of this tragedy had a far greater import. The Caliph was regarded as the spiritual and temporal head of the Muslim world and even in its days of decline the Caliphate of Baghdad had retained the semblance of Muslim unity and homogeneity. Baghdad, therefore, was more than a city. It was a symbol. With the end of the Caliphate this symbol also vanished. It was also the centre of the most advanced civilization of the time and from it emanated the rays of knowledge which illuminated the world. The destruction of Baghdad, therefore, meant the extinction of learning. With it were destroyed the great libraries and unique treasures of art, philosophy, and science, accumulated through hundreds of years. Books were consumed to ashes or thrown into the river. Mosques, colleges, hospitals, and palaces were put to fire. The awful nature of the cataclysm which completely blocked the advancement of knowledge in Muslim lands, and, thus, indirectly in the whole world, is, in the words of Percy Sykes, ”difficult to realize and impossible to exaggerate.”16 No wonder the great Sa’di 15 Abd Allah ibn Fadl Allah Wassaf, Tarikh-i Wassaf, P 87. 16 Percy Sykes, A History of Persia. Vol II. P 98 The Fall of Baghdad 573 (580/1184-691/1291) was moved to write in far-off Shiraz an elegy on the destruction of Baghdad and the fall of the Caliphate, which has gone down in Persian poetry as one of the most pathetic poems of all times. What deepened the somber effects of this tragedy was the fact that, with the extermination of men of learning and the total destruction of Muslim society, the spirit of inquiry and original research so distinctly associated with Arabic learning was practically destroyed. Western Asia was now plunged into darkness as earlier Khurasan and Transoxiana had been wrapped in gloom. The two races-Arabs and Iranians-which together had contributed to the medieval world the highest literary and scientific culture parted ways. For centuries Arabic had been the language of religion, science, and philosophy in Iran, and all thinkers and scientists had chosen Arabic as the vehicle of expressing their thoughts. But henceforth Arabic lost its position of privilege and its use was restricted mostly to the field of theology and scholastic learning. The Arabs themselves lost even the shadow of a major role in Islamic history. The fall of Baghdad, therefore, was also an ominous sign of the loss of Arab hegemony. The Mongol invasion by its accumulated horror and scant respect for human life and moral values produced an attitude of self-negation and renunciation in general and in Persian poetry in particular. The pantheistic philosophy of Ibn Arab! henceforth made a strong appeal to the minds of subsequent mystics such as Auhadi Kirmani, Auhadi of Maraghah, and Jami. The infinite havoc caused by this cataclysm constitutes a melancholy chapter in the history of Muslim civilization. What Juwaini had called the famine of science and virtue in Khurasan17 came true of all lands stretching from Transoxiana to the shores of the Mediterranean. Never, perhaps, had such a great and glorious civilization been doomed to such a tragic fall. This tragic fall was not. however a tragic end, for this civilization rose again and produced within two centuries and a half three of the greatest empires of the world, and though the main current of its thought changed its course, even before, and long before, its political recovery, it produced the world’s first destroyer of Aristotle’s logic in Ibn Taimiyyah and the first sociologist and philosopher of history in Ibn Khaldun. Juwaini, op. cit, P.4. CHAPTER 48 ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE UNDER THE ABBASIDS (1258 A.D./656 A.H.) By the end of the Umayyad rule, the Arabs in general and the Umayyads in particular had monopolized all the high offices of the State to the exclusion of the non-Arab Muslims. This polic> of discrimination between Arab and non-Arab Muslims caused a great wave of resentment throughout the empire, and the Abbasids effectively exploited it to their advantage. The revolution which wrested the supreme power from the Umayyads and transferred it to the Abbasids, having been manned and conducted chiefly by the non- Arab, opened the eyes of the subject nationalities and made them realize their real strength. ”Henceforth the non-Arabs, as common subjects of a great and civilized empire, assumed their proper place as citizens of Islam, were admitted to the highest employment of State, and enjoyed equal consideration with the Arabs. A greater revolution than this has scarcely been witnessed either in ancient or modern times; it gave practical effect to the democratic enunciation of the equality and brotherhood of man. To this mainly is due the extraordinary vitality of the Abbasid Caliphate anc! the permanence of its spiritual supremacy, even after it had lost its temporary authority. The acceptance of this fundamental principle or racial equality among ail their subjects helped the early sovereigns of the house of Abbas to Administrative Structure Under the Abbasids 575 build up a fabric which endured without a rival for over five centuries, and fell only before a barbarian attack from without”. The Caliph The Caliph was the head of the whole empire. As we have already noticed, he was more a political head than a religious one although his authority was based on religious factors. The Prophet (PBUH) and, after him, all his successors have been delegating the exercise of their military function to a general (al-Emir), revenue administration to an Amil, and judicial power to a Qazi. In addition to these offices a very high office, that of the Minister (al-Wazir), was instituted by the Abbasids to whom the Caliph delegated his civil authority. In spite of delegating his several duties to the various functionaries of the State in this manner, the Caliph remained the final arbiter of all governmental affairs. Although the Caliphate was not a purely religious office like that of the Pope, the Pious Caliphs, as the immediate temporal successors of the great Prophet (PBUH) and as the leaders of the pilgrimage (al-Hajj) and the prayer (as-Salat), had a good deal of the religious elements attached to their person and to their office. But much of the religious halo attached to the person of the Caliph and the sanctity attached to his office were destroyed under the Umayyads some of whom were indifferent to religion. The Abbasids came to power backed by a strong movement for the revival of the pure and impartial state of the early Muslims, a revolution which demanded that a Qurayshi and Salman of Pars, a noble Arab and the Negro Bilal, an ordinary subject and a prince like Jabalah! should once more be treated as equals, a revolt against the discrimination made against the non-Arab Muslims, a mighty protest against the worldliness of the Umayvads. As creatures of a strong religious revival, the Abbasids took great care to lay much emphasis on the religious character and dignity of their office as an Imamat (religious leadership). In about a century after the establishment of the Abbasid dynasty, the Vicegerent of the Messenger of God (Khalifa-tu-Rasulillah) became the Vicegerent of God (Khalifatullah) and God’s shadow on the Earth (Zillullahi’ala’lard). From the failure of the rule of Mu’awiya II, the Marwanids realized early enough that a boy ruler or a weak one was a danger to the dynasty itself and they invariably nominated more than one grown up successor. This led to a new set of evils. In the interest of the dynasty the Marwanids did not observe the strict rule of 578 Political and Cultural History of Islam murdered as he acted in contravention of the Qur’an and the traditions of the Prophet (PBUH) and that he would hand over power to anyone whom the Muslims wanted to elect. The same theory continued under the Abbasids also and alMa’mun’s answers to a Kharijite zealot recognized it in clear terms. The principle that eacn Caliph should be elected and that he should hold office during the pleasure of the people was recognized throughout, but no machinery was evolved or could be evolved at that stage of society by which the votes of millions of Muslims could be taken as often as the rulers changed or had to be changed. All the early Abbasid Caliphs, with the exception of the unfortunate al-Amin, were men of great abilities and worked hard as the chiefs of the entire administration of a very vast empire. Many of them attended to the minute details of administration, led the armies in person and acted as the highest court of justice. The early Abbasid Caliphs were a part and parcel of the vast administrative machinery, and in that capacity they acquired themselves remarkably well. The Shura We have seen how in the Pre-Islamic days the chief of a clan or tribe had to make his decision in a Council of Elders of the clan or tribe; how during the Pious Caliphate, the Caliphs convinced the Shura to discuss and decide important questions of the State; again we have noticed’ how Umar II attempted to revise the institution when he acted as the Governor of al-Hijaz. All along it was recognized in theory that the Caliph should consult his subjects through a selected few in all matters of administration. But nothing definite could be done under the Umayyads. Of course, the leading members of the Umayyad family formed a sort of council of the Caliph. Under the early Abbasids, the members of the royal family and the members of those families which were faithful to the dynasty like the Mahanids and the Barmakids were often consulted by the rulers. Ma’mun was the first Caliph to constitute a regular Council of State representing every community which owed allegiance to him. These representatives enjoyed perfect freedom in the expression of their opinions and were not hampered in their discussions. This council was continued under the later Caliphs also, and when the empire broke up into principalities, each prince had a council of his own in imitation of the Caliph’s council.2 Administrative Structure Under the Abbasids 579 ” Muhammad Arshad. P 150 The Court The colour of the early Abbasids was black, black too was the colour of their banner bearing in white inscription. ”Muhammad (PBUH) is the Messenger of God”. The coronation was marked by absolute Arab simplicity. The Caliph wore a black kaftan (a flowing garment) and a black turban. On him rested the mantle of Muhammad (PBUH) and in his hand was placed the Prophet’s (PBUH) staff. Usman’s (Rad.A) copy of the Qur’an was kept before him. One after another, the nobility first and then the others kissed the hand of the Caliph and this was the form of paying homage. The court staff consisted of the princes of the Caliph’s house, the palace staff, the Caliph’s freedmen, the guards, the private secretaries, the Qur’an readers, the Mu’adhdhins, the astronomers, the officers in charge of the clocks, the story-tellers, the jesters, the Caliph’s artisans (goldsmiths, carpenters, etc.), marshals, hunters, menagerie-keepers, personal attendants, cooks, physicians, crew of the court boats, lamplighters, etc. After his return to Baghdad (819 A.D) al- Ma’mun had a list prepared of men whom he wished to entertain at his table. The list included literati, savants, courtiers, and military leaders. ’’The court establishment consumed larger sums. For the kitchen and bakery 10,000 dinars (100,000 marks) were allotted per month. Merely for musk a monthly sum of 300 dinars was paid into the kitchen, though the Caliph did not care much for it in his food, and at the most had but a little in his biscuits. In addition to these sums the following payments are shown per month: 120 dinars for water carriers, 200 dinars for candles and oil, 30 dinars for medicines, 3,000 dinars for incense, baths, liveries, arms, saddles and carpets. The Wazir Next to the Caliph, came the wazir. Although the word is Arabic, the office was of Persian origin, al-Mawardi and other theorists speak of two kinds of al-wizarat, the wizarat of tafwid (having full unlimited authority) and the wizarat of tanfidh (having limited executive powers only). Often the wazir was all-powerful. He could appoint and dismiss Governors and Judges. Although, in theory, he had to consult the Caliph regarding every important appointment or dismissal, but often acted without consulting him. The office of the wazir did not exist under the Pious Caliphs, nor under the Umayyads. It is an Abbasid institution 580 Political mid Cultural History of Islam borrowed from the Persians. The first individual to be called a wazir under as-Saffah was Abu Salma al-Khallal. He was the chief of the Abbasid propaganda at al-Kufah and was known as the ”Wazir of the Family of Muhammad (PBUH).” He was charged with pro-Alid sympathy and executed. After him Saffah appointed Abu Jahm. According to another version, he appointed Khalid bin Barmak. Khalid came of a noble family of Persian priests and was one of the leaders of the Abbasid revolution. Although Khalid discharged the duties of the wazir, he did not call himself by that name being afraid of the fate that overtook Abu Salma. Under the earl} Abbasids we do not clearly discern the two separate posts of the wazir and the Hajib. After Abu Salmah’s murder, the person who performed the duties of the Prime Minister did not call himself the Wazir. Often a single person seems to have performed both the functions of the Wazir and the Hajib. Under Saffah and Mansur, the wazirs were highly circumspect and were kept under the strict supervision of the Caliphs. Under al-Mahdi and al-Hadi and during the major part of the reign of Harun Rashid the wazirs practically exercised the powers and prerogatives of the Caliph. They could appoint and dismiss any officer except the one directly appointed by the Caliph. They acted as the Chief Judge and heard all appeals from the lower courts. The Caliphs, who had perfect confidence in their wazirs, were glad that more and more of the burden of the office was being taken by trustworthy Wazirs and some of them devoted more time to their pleasures and amusements. The task of the wazir was by no means easy. He had to please the despotic monarch on the one hand and the fickle populace on the other. The office required an intimate knowledge of administration, principles of taxation and the whole of Muslim Law, public and private. Looking the confidence of the monarch meant dismissal, confiscation of all properties and certain death. As a rule, the early Abbasids executed all their deposed wazirs. Under Harun Rashid, his wazir Ja’far, and his Barmakid family became so powerful that the suspicious monarch in a fit of jealousy and fear had him executed, and all the members of the family were degraded and imprisoned. Under al-Amin, al-Fazal bin Rabi’ and during the early years of al-Ma’mun’s reign, al-Fadl bin Sahl were the de-facto rulers. But once al-Ma’mun’s eyes were opened by the great Imam Ali Raza. he took all powers into his own hands and his two successors Administrative Structure Under the Abbasidb 581 followed in the footsteps of their great predecessor. After the Caliph ceased to be the de-facto ruler and real power passed into the hands of his functionaries. The Hajib (Chamberlain) The growth of a large empire with scores of newly subdued races and discontented people, the growth of new religious and social movements, which the Caliphs had to suppress, and the rivalry between the members of the Muslim nobility for power, put the lives of the Caliphs in great danger. Umar (Rad.A) I was assassinated by a discontented prisoner of war and Ali (Rad.A) by a disgruntled religious zealot. Mu’awiya (Rad.A) was attacked but he escaped with a serious wound. Since the attack on his life, Mu’awiya (Rad.A) took care not to mingle with the people freely. He conducted the daily prayers but even in the mosque, he had a separate room (al-hujrah) constructed for him. He was the first to place guards (sing, al-haras) at his door and always had a special body guard with him. Apart from the danger to the life of the Caliph, it was not practicable that he himself should be at the back and call of every citizen of one of the most extensive empires the world has ever seen Therefore, Abdul Malik appointed a Hajib to interview all those who wanted to see the Caliph and send on to him only those who really stood in need of interviewing the Caliph in person. Many of the needs and complaints were attended to by the Fiajib himself. To counterbalance and compensate for this isolation of the Caliph from the common people, ’Abdul Malik fixed a day in the week when he heard all grievances and complaints in period. The office of the Hajib received additional significance and very great importance under the ’Abbasids. Keeping away a large number of people from interviewing the monarch implied power to the Hajib to remove their grievances himself and thus obviate the necessity of seeing the Caliph. Gradually the power of the Hajib increased on account of his remaining always with the Caliph The duty of the Hajib also included introducing accredited envoys and dignitaries of foreign countries into the presence of the Caliph The Central Boards The Abbasids developed a very elaborate system of administration. Under the Umayyads there were five Central Boards Qudamah bin Ja’far gives a list of eleven in his days. In determining which of the Central Boards existed during the early Abbasid period, there are four special difficulties. 582 Political and Cultural History of Islam a. The writers on this subject do not draw’s a clear line between the central departments and the provincial ones. We have simply to infer from the context or with reference to the names of the provinces which are sometimes mentioned along with those of the Boards. b. Details as to when some of these Boards came into being are not available. c. It is difficult, nay well-nigh impossible, to give a perfectly accurate account of the administrative machinery at a given period, inasmuch as different rulers frequently made capricious changes”. d. Some of the departments in big Boards also seem to have been called Diwans. In spite of the confusion we can clearly make out the following Boards in the centre: 1. Diwanu’I Jund. 2. Diwanu’I-Kharaj. 3. Diwanu’r-Rasa’il. 4. Diwanu’I-Khatam. 5. Diwanu’I-Barid. Thus the five Central Boards which existed under the Umayyads were continued under the early Abbasids, and many more were added to them. By the end of the first century of the Abbasid rule, the following Boards seem to have been established: 6. Diwanu’I-Azimmah (the Audit and Account Board). 7. Diwanu’n-Nazir fi’I-Mazalim (the Board of Investigation of Grievances). 8. Diwanu’n-Nafaqat (the Board of Expenditure). 9. Diwanu’s-Sawafi (the Board of Crownlands). 10. Diwanu’d-Diya’ (the Board of Estates). 11. Diwanu’s-Sirr (the Board of Secrecy). 12. Diwanu’I-’Ard (the Board of Military Inspection). 13. Diwanu’I-Tawqi’ (the Board of Request). 1. Diwanu’I Jund The great Diwan of Umar I (Rad.A), distorted and disfigured by the early Umayyads, but reformed and rectified by Hisham, was continued under the Abbasids. All soldiers irrespective of their Administrative Structure Under the Abbasids 583 nationalities were given stipends and allowances, but, retaining the very useful reform of Hisham, for whom al-Mansur had great admiration, no one, who did not take part in any war. was paid any annuity. This Diwan was responsible for the recruitment and pay of the troops. Actually, the Caliph or his Wazir looked after these matters which were among the most important in the state. 2. Diwanu’I Kharaj This Diwan, founded under the Umayyads, was continued by the Abbasids. It not only kept the account of the taxes collected, but also maintained the records of the expenditure. In this way it became the Central Finance Board. As under the Umayyads, it was one of its duties to collect the taxes of as-Sawad, the richest province of the Empire. All amounts remaining over in the provinces, after payment of the salaries of the officials and meeting other necessary expenditure, were received in this office. ’ 3. Diwanu’r Rasa’il ”The duties of the president of this bureau, who tnav be regarded as one of the principal Secretaries of State, was to draw up the imperial mandates, diplomas, letters patent, and political correspondence generally, and after these had been approved by the sovereign, or the wazir, to seal them in red wax with the pontifical seal bearing the Caliph’s device. He also revised and corrected official letters, and sealed them himself. He attended the public audience, where the Caliph heard the complaints or petitions of the people, and took down the royal decision on the paper presented by the suitor; often in such a copy was given to the complainant while the original was kepUin the state archives. From the nature of the work transacted in this office, and the style of writing, which was and has always been elaborately elegant, the secretaries and cierks were necessarily selected from among men of talent and education belonging to the higher classes of society”. 4. Diwanu’I-Khatam Von Kremer, Ameer Ali, Mez and Levy write that this Board was displaced by Diwanu’I-Tawqi. Al-Jahshiyari mentions Diwanu’I-Khatam under several of the Abbasid rulers. According to him, this Board was in existence even under al-Amin (809-814 A.D.) Mez writes that Diwanu’t- Tawqi’ was presided over by Ja’far, the great Wazir of Harun Rashid (786-809 A.D) Ja’far presided over Diwanu’n-Nazri fi’I-Mazalim, and the orders were known as the tawqi’at Thus we sec that Diwanu’I- Khatam continued 5S i)huinu’l-Bari«id The postal depamrtment. introduced into the Islamic Empire b^ Mti’a«0a’ was furthrher developed under Abdul Malik and his SH isors a”d perfect.rted under the Abbasids. Harun Rashid o^CCe zed the service thrlirough his tutor and counselor Yahya bin K| !. j the Barmakid. TPhere was a central office at Baghdad which re a.’J Sahibu’l-Barid (the Postmaster-General) at Baghdad such of the refsports to the Caliph as he thought necessary ^”’”’g Other reports (whrtiich used to be already classified and sorted 1ie extent at the p provincial headquarters) were sent to the S° ned departments. The provincial postmasters sent separate concerning each a department of administration. In this way th, v j ^ fi of distributing^ them to the various departments at the was facilitated. Ex.xtracts of important reports were made and the file of the cem ntral office. The central officc:e had very accurate postal itineraries of the WL | empire in which asall the stations were noted and the distances 1 °£ different statico ons carefully marked. The earliest Arab g^ jpliers derived rrmuch help from these accurate postal dj irjes The Postma?aster-Genera! at the capital was one of the rr| inlportant officers s of the Caliph. Besides looking after the IK ’ ,a| Mail and supervrvising the various postal establishments, he .. Charge of a veiy(y elaborate espionage system in which the of the entire personnel of the whole department were ”’ z |n this double cajapaciry, as the chief of the postal department ne ^ of the esP(l pi°naSe system, the Postmaster was called , -y’j-Band wa’I-Akhhl«bar (Controller of the Post and intelligence S li.,.i He ^as not ononlv the Postmaster-General and Inspector- \^r\Mi / q s| of tspionage buout also the disect confidential agent of the Q , sahibu’l-Barid has.ad in his hands the appointment of the postal op,, P|s mill the provii-’inciai towns, their general, superintendence a, . ’,» mfit of their salas aries. net c” ’ Administrative Structure Under the Abbasids 585 6. Diwanu’l-Azimmah Some writers have wrongly called it Diwanu’z Zirnam. This Diwan, founded by al-Mahdi (158- 168 A.H.) was called Diwan’lAzimmah at the Centre and Diwan’z-Zimam in the provinces. This Board concerned itself with audit and accounts and was an effective means of improving the administration. All provincial audits and accounts officers were under its jurisdiction. 7. Diwanu’n-Nazir’fi’l-Mazalim The Prophet (PBUH) and, after him, his pious successors heard appeals from all parts of the empire, and investigated into all grievances of the subjects. After the assassination of ’Ali (Rad.A) and the attempt on Mu’awiya’s life, the Caliphs became less and less accessible to the public. But all the Umayyad rulers set apart some time for hearing appeals and the inspection of grievances. According to Ibnu’l-Athir, Abdul Malik was the first Caliph to devote a special day for hearing cases of al- Mazalim. Umar II followed the precedence set up by his uncle with great zeal. The Abbasids continued this practice and established a regular department which was the highest court of criminal appeal. Under Harun Rashid, Ja’far presided over this Board. On a certain da> Ja’far decided a thousand cases and passed brief decrees. On an examination, it was found that none of the sentences were repeated and none was again the truth or right (al-haqq). Ma’mun set apart Sundays for deciding cases of al-Mazalim. A woman brought a case against the Caliph’s son. al-Ma’mun ordered Qazi to hear and decide the case in his presence The Qazi decided the case against the prince and the decree was executed. 8. Diwan’u-Nafaqat This Board was concerned with the requirements of the court, it dealt with the salaries of court officials, provisions (bread, meat, sweets, eggs, fruits, ftiel, etc), constructions and repairs of the royal buildings, and care of the stables (horses, mules, camels, other animals, and their fodder) and met all contingent expenses connected with the requirements of the court 9. Diwanu’s-SawafTand Diwanu’d-Biya1 As-Sawafi means crown-lands and ad-Diya’ means estates. Both these Boards are mentioned by ai-jahshiyari. But the passage dealing with ad-Diya’ reads: ”And (al-Mansur) placed Sa’id, his Maw la, in charge of his estates.” Therefore, it appears that the 586 Political and Cultural History of Islam crown-lands were under Diwanu’s Sawafi and the personal estates of the Caliph under Diwanu’d- Diya\ 10. Diwanu’s-Sirr This Board is mentioned in two places by al- Jahshiyari, that is, under al-Mansur and under Harun Rashid’; in both the place it is reported to be under the same officer who was in charge of Diwanu’r-Rasa’il. Possibly it was a section or department of Diwanu’r Rasa’il. 11. Diwanu-1-Ard This Board is also mentioned by al-Jahshiyari. It concerned itself with the inspection of military equipments, etc. The arsenals were under a special officer called the Mushrifu’s Sana’ati bi’IMakhzan. Whether this Board was a part of Diwanu’I-Jund or an independent one is not clear. 12. Diwanu-t-Tawqi An order passed on a petition or request or grievance was called at-tawqi. Such order used to be brief, comprehensive, elegant and clear and used to be recorded on the petitions themselves. Such orders, passed by Ja’far, who presided over Diwanu’I-Mazalim were sold to collectors of literary pieces, who paid one dinar a piece for them. Later a Diwan was established which drew up formal documents based on these short notes, entered them into a register, and sent them on the concerned persons. This Diwan seems to have taken up the work of Diwanu’l-Khatam as well. But Diwanu’IKhatam is mentioned under the early Abbasids including the reign of al-Amin. Therefore, Diwanu’t-Tawqi’ must have substituted Diwanu’l-Khatam later than al-Amin’s accession. A vivid account of the working of this Diwan under al-Mu’tadid (289-279 A.M.) is given by al-Maqrizi and al-Qalqashandi. A petition to postpone the date of payment of the kharaj was presented to the Caliph He heard the case and gave his decision to the scribe who wrote it down in a concise and elegant language on the petition itself. Then the petition, was passed on to the officers of the Diwan who drew up the formal document. Several copies of the document were made (one of them was made in a register) and, after affixing the seal and the motto of the Caliph, the copies were sent Administrative Structure Under the Abbasids 587 out as circular letters to all provincial Governors and other officials concerned. The Central Judiciary It was in the days of Mahdi that the institution of the chief judge (Qadiu’I-Qudat) came into existence. While at Medina the Prophet (PBUH) himself acted as the chief judge, and had also appointed Qazis for the various provinces of Arab. Later, the Caliph appointed Qazi who worked independent and had neither subordinate under them nor were they under any superior Qazis. Mahdi appointed Abu Yusuf, the most illustrious student of Imam Abu Hanifah, as the Qazi of Qazis. So far, the provincial Qazis were appointed by the Governors of the respective provinces or directly by the Caliph. Henceforward, the chief judge appointed his deputies (na’ibs) in the province. Abu Yusuf served as the chief judge under Mahdi and his two sons and died in the year 798 A D. The Central Police The police was called ash-Shurtah and the police officer Sahibu’sh-Shurtah by AM (Rad.A) who was responsible for instituting the office. The Umayyads would not adopt the name given by Ali (Rad.A). They called the police officer Sahibu-1- Ahdath. When the Abbasids came to power, the police officer once more became Sahibu’sh-Shurtah. The chief police officer at Baghdad ranked almost as a Governor, and under the later Abbasids presided over a Diwan and held the rank of a minister. Under the early Abbasids he was the chief of the bodyguard of the Caliph and executed death sentences. Mu’awiya was the first Caliph to have a bodyguard, and since then the bodyguard had become a part and parcel of the military force at the capital. Under the first two Abbasid Caliphs, Persian soldiers formed the bodyguard. Mahdi, the third Caliph of the house of Abbas, selected 500 men from among the Ansar of Medina to form his bodyguard. al-Mu’tasim, the eighth Abbasid Caliph, made the great mistake of discarding the Arab bodyguard and forming a standing military corps of Turks. ”Dressed in splendid uniform they galloped recklessly through the streets of Baghdad, knocking down everybody in their way. There was a howl of rage in the capital. The Caliph had to remove himself to Samarra with his bodyguard This force was officered almost entirely by Turkomans, ’ SAQ Hussami P 192 588 Political and Cultural History of Islam freedmen or slaves, and before long ”assumed the part of the Praetorian guards of the Roman Empire, deposing and setting up sovereigns at their own will and pleasure”. Prison Administration Among the Pre-Islamic Arabs it was customary to lead the prisoners atong the streets in chains. People would give them alms, and that was the means of their sustenance. Even after the advent of Islam, the same old custom was continued till Ali (Rad.A) put a stop to it and maintained the prisoners from State revenues. Mu’awiya (Rad.A) and his successors did likewise. Imprisonment is not one of the punishments prescribed by the Qur’an. The Holy Book prescribes summary of punishment for all crimes. With the degeneration of the Muslim Commonwealth, certain evils crept in. Political crimes on the part of the discontented subjects and suspicion on the part of the rulers, who were not sure of their title to the great office of the Caliph, created a new contingency, that of placing the suspects and others in prisons. With the appearance of new types of province and filled with a large number of prisoners. Under the early Abbasids, the old practice of leading the prisoners along the streets seems to have been revived. Abu Yusuf vehemently criticizing the practice writes: ”It is incumbent that every non-Muslim prisoner should be fed and well treated till his case is decided. Then what about a Muslim who has committed a mistake or a crime? Is he to be left to die of starvation because fate or ignorance has forced him to become what he is?”.... ”Do away with leading them in chains for people to give alms to them; for it is a great wrong that Muslims, who have committed some crimes or mistakes (God having ordained that they should be imprisoned and led out in chains to be bestowed with alms. I do not think that the infidels do such a thing \\ ith Muslims who are their prisoners). Then, how is it proper that Muslims should lead Muslims in chains in order that they may get something to eat? And sometimes they do not get anything. Abu’Yusuf further suggests that all male and female prisoners should be supplied each with a cotton suit for summer and a woolen one for winter.” CHAPTER 49 SCIENTIFIC AND LITERARY PROGRESS UNDER THE ABBASIDS, The rapid growth of Islamic scientific thought is one of the most instructive and astonishing events in human history. This process started after the death of Holy Prophet. The Holy-Prophet had left behind the Glorious Qur’an and example of his noble path for the growing community of believers, among whom were his companions from Makkah, learned scholars, statesmen and experts in military matters. This community provided the nucleus for the future growth of a worldwide Muslim society. Within fifty years of the Prophet’s death, the Muslims commanded a vast area covering the territories that had belonged to two ancient empires, and laid down the foundations of administrative, judicial, financial and educational systems based on Islamic principles. Shortly after the establishment of this infrastructure, Muslim scientists started their efforts to unravel the mysteries of the universe. Thus under the Abbasids, astronomy, physics, medicine, alchemy and other branches of science developed into organized subjects. True to the teachings of the Holy Prophet, Muslim.scholars also enriched themselves by learning from other civilizations. They imbedded the Greek philosophy and scientific discoveries of the ancient world, thus preserving a rich scientific heritage for later generations. Natural sciences were studied by the Muslim physicians and chemist opposition to dissection and vivisection no doubt discouraged anatomy and physiology, but the Arabs made progress in this field by studying the skeletons of monkeys imported from Africa. Making exhaustive experiments with new theories and taking precaution in ail operations, they made particular progress in aetilogy, pathology and therapeutics. Arab produced physicians who 590 Political and Cultural History of Islam specialized in various branches and wrote works illustrated with surgical instruments. These were their great innovations to which modern medical science is dealt. When we speak of ”Arabian Sciences” or ”Arabian Medicine” we mean that body of scientific or medical doctrine which is enshrined in books written in the Arabic language, but which is for the most part Greek in its origin, though with Indian, Persian and Syrian accretions, and only in a very small degree the product of the Arabian mind. Although there is not a single aspect of European growth in which the decisive influence of Islamic culture is not traceable nowhere is it so clear and momentous as in the genesis of that power, which constitutes the permanent distinctive force of the modern world and supreme source of its victory, natural sciences and the scientific spirit. According to Arnold, the treasure houses of Islamic science are just beginning to be opened. In Constantinople alone there are more than eighty mosque libraries containing tens of thousand of manuscripts. In Cairo, Damascus, Mosul, Baghdad as well as in Persia and India, there are other collections. Age of Translation The debt of our science to that of the Arabs does not consist in startling discoveries of revolutionary theories. Science owes a great deal more to the Arab culture. It owes its existence. The Greek systematized, generalized and the organized, but the patient ways of investigation, the accumulation of positive knowledge, the minute method of science, detailed and prolonged observation and experimental inquiry were altogether alien to the Greek temperament. If we just trace the history of pre-lslamic world of Arabia, we find that ”the Arabian pre-lslamic and early Islamic poetry shows that the Bedouins possessed a certain knowledge of the animals, plants and stones of their vast peninsula. By the time of Arabs had penetrated into the Byzantine and Persian Empire, Greek science had for centuries ceased to be a living force. It had passed into the hands of scholars who copied or commented on the works of Aristotle, Hippocrates, Galen, Ptolemy, Archimedes and the rest. The Greek medical traditions had found its most effective expositors in Actios of Amida and Paul of Aegina who dwelt in Alexandria. After the conquest of Egypt and some area of the Byzantine Empire, the Muslims came across some scientific institutions such as the 1. Jundishahpur 2. Harran 3. AJexandria. The scientific and philosophical works of the Greeks found in these and other places Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids gc caused a great curiosity in them. The access to such foreign scientif literature was ensured in many ways. The manuscripts in tl territories which fell into the possession of Muslims were accessib without any difficulty.1 These sciences had developed their modes of action und< the Abbasids. Transformation of knowledge of different civilizatio started from the, ”Age of Translation” which started from Mansu The translation work which began in the 8th century was, on significant scale, done by the end of the 10th century. The translatio was according to the original manuscript into Arabic. The translatoi belonged to different ethnic and religious groups. Fo; instanci Naubakht was of Persian origin, Muhammad Ibn Ibrahim al-Faza was an Arab. Hunain bin Ishaq was Nestorian Christian from Hiral A number of academies were established by the rulers at man places in the Muslim world to carry out the work of translator These academies undertook the translation of the main Greek wor on philosophy, astronomy, mathematics, medicine and othe sciences. The first such academy was Bait-ul-Hikma, set up b; Mamun. Similarly in Spain and Egypt such academies were set u] for the propagation of science and art. Muslim scientists fused th< practical approach to scientific problem with the abstract thought Their highly developed scientific techniques, the labelled diagram o their scientific apparatus, the elaborative discussion of chemica reaction found in their books confirm this thesis. Spanish sciences with reference to Iraqi, has a comparison to find the fair result of th« development of sciences. The first impulse given to the desire of the Arabs for knowledge of wisdom of Greek came from the Umayyacj prince Khalid who had a passion for al-chemy. Jabir bin Hayyan the most competent chemist of early Islam. The Biological Sciences While astronomy, mathematics, medicine and physica sciences were the forte of Muslim scientists, they were also ver> productive in life sciences. ”Biological Science” is a modern term. II designates those highly structured disciplines that focus on the study of living organisms and conveniently distinguishes them both from the physical sciences, which deal with inanimate matter, and from the arts and humanities. In a sense, therefore, it is misleading to apply this term to the medieval Islamic world, which was not Hassan Abbas. Islamic Culture, P.60 592 Political and Cultural History of Islam characterized by the formal specialization of the present day. The ”life scientists” of the time were not simply zoologists or entomologists, pediatricians or veterinarians. The physician, for example, might also be a mathematician, a poet, an astronomer, a musician, a linguist, a chemist, a philosopher, or a theologian, even in the practice of medicine he might be an oculist and a surgeon but also a hospital administrator, a psychologist, and designer of medical equipment. Moreover he might apply his knowledge of music, astrology, alchemy, or mathematics in an effort to increase his ability to choose and impound his cures. The great scientists of the period in the East were masters of many disciplines and typified ”the Renaissance man” in the Occident. in retrospect, however, we recognize that a process of academic and occupational differentiation was going on in medieval Islam in all fields of human endeavour, including the sciences. The Islamic Empire raised the sciences to a level of formal sophistication never achieved before provided a foundation on which the modern sciences have grown. The full flowering of the arts and sciences, and of medical science and natural history in particular, during the period of the Islamic empire is at least partially explained by the revertial and acquisitive attitudes characteristic of the Arab people from earliest days. In a monumental work on the classification of nation, Tabaqat al-Umam, the Toledan judge and historian al-Qasim Sa’id alAndalusi, describes the cultural attitudes that prevailed in Arabia before and shortly after the birth of Islam. The Arabs prided themselves on advancing their philological skill and on perfecting lexicology and etymology. As rulers of a vast territory, encompassing many cultures, the Arabs were able to draw on diverse sources to advance their knowledge and practice of the healing arts. They utilized indigenous folk medicine as well as written treatises from the Syriac, Persian, Sanskrit, and Greek legacies, the latter being the most important. Examples of the cross-cultural interchanges that took place between the Arabs - and their subject peoples are numerous. The Arab physician Isa (Masih) bin Hakam of Damascus, in compiling his medical dissertation al-Haruniyah (named after Caliph Harun alRashid, who died in 809, relied on Greek sources. A junior contemporary, Ali bin Sahl Rabban at-Tabari. devoted a large section of his ”Paradise of Wisdom” (completed in 850) to a description of Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 59 Indian medicine, which he had extracted from Sanskrit sources. Th physicians of the Bakhtishu’ and Masawayh families, who served th caliphs for over a century, contributed to the maturing of Arabi medicine by consulting Syriac treatises and writing books on Syriai medicine. Internal and Clinical Medicine Almost all branches of the healing arts in Islam wen indebted more to the indefatigable efforts of Hunayn bin Ishaq al ’Ibadi (809-873) and his team of translators than to any other ninth century author or educator. Together with his students anc associates. Hunayan made the most important medical writings 01 the Greeks available in Arabic, either by direct translations from the Greek or through Syriac versions, and established a solid foundatior for the development of Arabic medicine by devising a distinctivf methodology, which was followed, modified, and perfected during the following century.2 Before Hunayn’s death, the extant works of Hippocrates Dioscorides, Galen, and Galen’s commentators, including the last of the Byzantine physicians of the seventh century, became available to students and practitioners throughout the Islamic domain. Digests, compendiums, and synopses based on the Greek classics were abundant in all areas of the life sciences. Hunayn himself wrote an introduction to the healing arts, al-Masa’il fi at-Tibb, known in Latin as the Vade Mecum of Johannitius, which presented synopsis of Greek precepts on the health sciences. It influenced medical teaching and practice not only in Islam but in Christendom as well. By the close of the ninth century, a new star began to shine in Arabic medico pharmaceutical circles, the physician Abu Bakr Muhammad bin Zakarya Razi (865-925). Razi became the greatest clinician, pathologist, medical educator, and philosopher of his time. His writings advanced the contemporary understanding of internal medicine substantially, and many of his ideas and original concepts regarding psychiatric, the doctor-patient relationship, the diagnosis of diseases, chemotherapy, and methods of treatment remain valid today. His discourse on smallpox and measles, for example, gained him worldwide recognition. In fourteen chapters, Razi dealt with the causes of smallpox, its diagnosis and treatment (even in its most virulent forms), its universal occurrences, precautions that should be Rafi Ahmad. Islamic Medicine, P 18 594 Political and Cultural History of Islam taken against its spread, and the characteristics that distinguish it from measles. A skin rash occurs in both diseases, but Razi identified the specific symptoms of smallpox as fever, headache, nose and skin itching, redness of the eyes and cheeks, and restlessness. He listed the more evident symptoms of measles, in addition to the appearance of spots, as perturbation, distress, and faintness- concepts accepted in present-day pathology. In his treatise on colic, Razi differentiated its symptoms from those caused by kidney stones or the pains of ileus. A ten-part treatise on clinical and internal medicine, al-Kitab al-Mansuri, dedicated by Razi to his patron, Mansur bin Ishaq bin Ahmed bin Asad, and known in Latin as Liber and Al-Mansorem became a basic reference work. In it he discusses such varied subjects as general medical theories and definitions, diets and drugs and their effects on the human body, a regiment for preserving health, mother and child care, skin disease, mouth hygiene, climatology and the effect of environment on health, epidemiology and toxicology. In his comprehensive medical encyclopedia, alHawi, and his treatise on psychic therapy. Tibb ar-Ruhani, Razi provided considerable insight into the methods, applications, and scope of internal, clinical, and psychiatric medicine, as well as the interpretation of general health precepts. Recognizing the relationship between psyche and soma, he at tempted to treat diseases of both mind and body. Razi’s worthy successor Ali bin Abbas al-Majusi, in his Liber regius (al-Malik), contributed important original observations on medical theories and diagnosis, including new concepts regarding the impact of environment on health, the nutritional value of diets, and the action of drugs on human beings. His system of codifying, classifying, and theorizing details captured the admiration of later practioners in both East and West. His work was surpassed only by the elaborate Cannon of Medicine by Ibn Sina or Avicenna. the celebrated physician-philosopher. Another physician-philosopher and a reformer in matters related to public health and clean environment was al-Mukhtar bin ’Abdun bin Butlan of Baghdad. Ibn Butlan’s Taqwin as-Sihhah, on the preservation and restoration of good health, won him great prestige in medical circles during the middle ages. Ibn Butlan elaborated on the six ”non-natural principles” that had been identified earlier by Hunayn: clean air, moderate diet and drink, rest and work, wakefulness and slumber, evacuation of superfluities, and Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 595 emotional reactions and involvement. If these six principles are kept in equilibrium, he maintained, health results; if abused or imbalanced, sickness occurs. Ibn Butlan also recommended the utilization of fine music to lift the morale of patients and help speed their recovery. After a short period in which the development of medical science seemed to level off in the east, new and vigorous medical activities took place in the central and western regions of the Islamic world. Ibn al-Jazzar (died about 984) was a successful medical practitioner, therapist, author in Kairowan in modern Tunisia. One of his most interesting publications was a book on the management and care of children from the moment of conception to adolescence. It includes numerous health tips to mothers and midwives. Ibn alJazzar also wrote on therapeutics, dietetic, and internal medicine, works that made him famous in Andalusia as elsewhere in Islam. They were translated into Latin and received much attention in European medical circles. Hospitals and Medical Education It was in Islam, under the patronage of the Arab caliphs, that hospitals were first established, and they flourished in the Muslim world throughout the period of empire. The early Arab concept of the hospital became the prototype for the development of the modern hospital - an institution operated by private owners or by government and devoted to the promotion of health, the cure of diseases, and the teaching and expanding of medical knowledge. Within the Islamic domain, from the beginning of the 9th century onward, hospitals were generously endowed from the state treasury and operated under the administration and management. They served both men and women, in separate wards. In the tenth century, during the reign of al-Muqtadir (908-932), Sinan bin Thabit bin Qurrah extended hospital services to meet the needs of neighbouring rural areas, prisons, and the ”inner city” - a programme that has only recently been adopted in the West. Sinan’s contemporary Razi considered hospitals of primary importance in providing practical training in the health professions and in disseminating health information. Later in the tenth century, the fame of the ’Adudi hospital in Baghdad had spread far and wide. This remarkable institution had twenty-four doctors on its staff and was equipped with lecture halls and a generously supported library. Students from the eastern and western regions of the Islamic domain 596 Political and Cultural History of Islam travelled hundreds and thousands of miles to study at ’Adudi, and its graduate physicians were world-famous. As a result of its influence, new hospitals were constructed and older hospitals were reorganized in larger cities throughout the Muslim world. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, hospitals in Syria and Egypt had achieved such high levels of performance that travellers and historians regarded them as one of the treasures of Muslim civilization. They attracted gifted students and the best medical educators and enjoyed rich endowments and generous patronage. They were elegant, spacious buildings, equipped with comfortable lecture halls, extensive libraries, well-stocked pharmacy shops, and efficient laboratories, where medications could be freshly prepared and dispenses. Ibn Abi Usaybi’ah, the greatest medical historian of medieval Islam, was educated at two of the most famous hospitals in Islam: the Nuri in Damascus and the Nasiri in Cairo. In his writings he eloquently described hospital activities that he had been able to observe and compare firsthand. His favorite student, Ibn al-Quff, who later became a famous physician-surgeon, also trained in the hospitals of Damascus. Ophthalmology and Eye Diseases In the hot and dusty plains of the Middle East, endemic diseases of the eye, such as trachoma and ophthalmia, were unusually prevalent. This accounts for the extraordinary progress made by Muslim physicians in the field of ophthalmology. Though daily practice and gradually improved techniques and performances, Arab physicians and oculists attained a level of proficiency in ophthalmic science never reached by the ancient and classical ages. Their literary contributions were admired and copied throughout Europe and were not surpassed any where in the world until the seventeenth century. Among Arabic authors, Hunayn bin Ishaq was perhaps the first to write a systematic manual on ophthalmology, complete with diagrams. His work was elaborated upon by later authors and has survived up to the present time. In ten treatises, written between 840 and 860 and completed by his student and nephew, Hubaysh. Hunayn discussed the anatomy of the eye, brain, and optical nerves and the physiology, diseases, and treatment of the eye. Although he copied extensively from Greek works, he added many new, personal observations. Writing early in the tenth century, Razi was possibl> the first to describe papillary reflexes. Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 597 Arabic progress in ophthalmology reached a peak about the year 1000 in the work of Ali bin tsa, an oculist of Baghdad. His book, Dhakhirat al-Kahhalin (A Thesaurus for Ophthalmologist), was a comprehensive summary of ali the achievements of the past. His contemporary Ammar bin Ali al-Mawsili was the first to introduce the technique of suction removal of the cataract in order to avoid the ’”aqueouscalamity” He devised and used a hollow needle for the purpose, a technique revived in 1846 by a French doctor, Blanchet. This high level of performance was continued in the work of Ibn al-Haytham (Alhazen) who died in 1039, and a century later in al-Murshid, guide to the oculist written by Muhammad bin Qassum bin Aslam al-Ghafiqi of Andalusia, interestingly, Ghafiqi illustrated his manual with pictures of the surgical instruments he used in performing eye operations, a practice begun by the surgeon Zahrawi. Surgery, Anatomy, and Physiology The Arab physician-philosopher Ibn Rushd prudently stated that ”whosoever becomes fully familiar with human anatomy and physiology, his faith in God will increase.” This statement explains why surgery was accepted by the Arabs from the early days of Islam. Moreover, Muslim surgeons were among the first to use narcotic and sedative drugs in operations. Islam teaches that God has provided man with a great variety of natural remedies to cure his ills. It is man’s obligation to identify them and to use them with skill and compassion. During the ninth century Hunayn, translated the works of Galen on anatomy and surgery, and Razi devoted large sections to this art in his larger medical encyclopedias, al-Mansuri and al-Hawi. But al-Majusi, or Haly Abbas, is considered the first great theorist on anatomy and physiology in Arabic medicine. His Liber regius was the first Islamic work to deal with surgery in detail, and he was the first to use the tourniquet to prevent arterial bleeding. Zoology and Veterinary Medicine Long before the rise of Islam, the Arab tribes of the Arabian Peninsula developed a way of that made them extremely reliant on domesticated animals for survival. Harsh environment conditions in the Arabian heartland, a nomadic and seminomadic mode of existence, and economy based largely on trade and travel produced an unusually strong inierest in the feeding of animals for food, byproducts, and transpc$riation.’ The spread of Islam outward movement of the Arab people, the obligations of conquest, and the formalization of an Arab-Islamic culture raised this basic interest in animal husbandry to the level of a science. 598 Political and Cultural History of Islam The first comprehensive zoological study of animals in Arabic was al-Hayawan, by al-Jahiz. Written in an interesting and eloquent literary style, it covers animal life in Iraq and its neighbouring countries, describing the kinds of animals, their characteristics and behaviour, and their diseases and treatment. Several other works in this field deal with a narrower topics, such as sheep, camels, or wild animals. The most comprehensive work in the field. Hayat-al-Hayawan (The Life of Animals), was written by the Egyptian philosopher-theologian Kamal-ud-Din Damiri (died 1495). Damiri arranged and discussed animals in alphabetical order, listing their characteristics, qualities and habits, as well as the medicinal values of their organs as mentioned in folk medicine. It is worth noting that this work, like a number of other Arabic texts on animals and natural life, contains rudimentary concepts of evolutionary theory, including the doctrine of survival of the fittest. In the early centuries of Islam, several important manuals on veterinary medicine were published in Arabic for the use of the furrier. During the ninth century, the philologist Ibn Qurayb alAsam’i and his contemporaries produced several praiseworthy texts on lexicography and natural history that provided a wealth of information of zoological interest. But the first systematic book on horsemanship and the art of the furrier, al-Furusiyah wa al-Khayl, was written by Muhammad bin Akhi Hizam around 860. It discusses the behaviour and characteristics of horses, as well as diseases and treatment. Several similar texts followed, many of them containing beautiful illustrations of horses and other domestic animals, depicted with meticulous attention to anatomical accuracy. The greatest medieval work in veterinary medicine is the comprehensive manual, Kamil as- Sina’atayn, by Abu Bakr al-Baytar of Cairo, who was the groom of King al-Nasir Muhammad. This book covers animal husbandry, breeding, variations in wild and domestic animals, horsemanship, and knighthood and contains a section on birds, especially those domesticated in Egypt and Syria. Al-Baytar devoted a major part of his work to a discussion of animal diseases and to the methods and drugs used in treatment. As in many similar texts written in this period, there are also passages dealing with the use of animal organs in therapeutics, a tradition dating back to Aristotle. Pharmacy Pharmacy, as a recogm/ed profession, is an Arab- Islamic institution. Under Islam, it became an independent science - separate from, yet cooperating with, medicine and it was practiced by skilled and trained specialists. It achieved this status about 800, under the Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 599 patronage of the Abbasid caliphs. The first privately owned and managed pharmacy shops were opened in the early ninth century in Baghdad, the Abbasid capital, where drugs and spices from Asia and Africa were readily available and where the proximity of military installations increased the need for medications. Within a short period of time, pharmacy shops sprang up in other large cities of the Islamic world. Pharmaceutical preparations were manufactured and distributed commercially in the marketplace and dispensed by physicians and pharmacists in a variety of forms: ointments, electuaries, conserves, torches, pills, elixirs, confections, tinctures, suppositories, and inhalations. Formulas for these skillfully prepared medications were included in Arabic texts, unofficial pharmacopoeias, and pandects. In time they were included in European pharmaceutical texts, thereby influencing herbals and formularies up to modern times. Sabur bin Sahl was the author of the first known formulary in Islam. It contained many recipes and medications in several pharmaceutical forms for a variety of ailments. Many other compendiums followed, among which were a treatise on pharmacy by Razi and Books II and V of Ibn Sina’s al-Qanun. But the most important text on pharmacy and Materia Medica by far was Sayadalh, by Abu Rayhan al-Biruni. The author gave the most detailed definition of pharmacy and of the function and duties of the pharmacist that had yet been written. He also defined pharmacology and other branches of the healing arts in which professionals work together as a team to achieve the best results. The contributions of the Arabs of analyzing the effects of drugs on human beings and animals far exceeded the work done by the ancients in this area. The Arabs discovered many new, simple drugs in their crude forms and gave detailed descriptions of their geographic origi.-.s, their physical properties, and the methods of application. They also skillfully described the various phaimaceutical forms of the remedies used and the techniques employed in their manufacture. Their advances in pharmacology and pharmacy were matched by substantial achievements in such related fields as botany, zoology, and mineralogy. Many Muslim practitioners experimented with drugs in order to learn more about their effect on human beings. Several experiments with drugs and diets that were found useful in treating certain ailments were reported in notebook collections of case 600 Political and Cultural History of Islam histories, sometimes known as a!-Mujarrabat, which were used in medical schools and copied by later authors. Other manuals of the period included charts, diagrams, and tables and dealt with drugs and diseases in special categories, listing the causes and symptoms of diseases, the seasons of the year in which they occur, and the dosages of drugs administered. Medical Botany and Therapeutics Physicians and pharmacists in Islam devoted much attention lo locating Materia Medica in the three natural kingdoms - plants, animal, and minerals. In their studies of Materia Medica, the Arabs developed a system of classification and investigation based primarily on the five books of Dioscorides, which were completed about 865 A.D. They also borrowed from other sources, however, certain concepts and some descriptions of simple drugs came from such places as Persia, India, and the Far East, which explains why Arabic Materia Medica abounds in terminology adopted from Berber, Persian, Sanskrit, Greek, and other languages. In the ninth century, Arab, Hanifah ad-Dinawari accumulated impressive data on the medicinal plants known in preIslamic Arabia as well as on many others that entered the Arabic vocabulary thereafter. More new words and terminology can be found in the works of Ibn Abu al-Ash’ath in the tenth century, Ibn Wafid and al-Biruni in the eleventh, al- Ghafiqi in the twelfth, and Ibn al-Baytar in the thirteenth. All these authors included substantial amounts of original information as well as data borrowed from other cultures. Agricultural Science and Husbandry The legacies of the Greeks and the Nabateans, as well as indigenous traditions, were among the most influential factors in developing agricultural science in Islam. The famous Arabic manual (Filahah ar-Rumiuah is a translation of a Greek text on agriculture). About 904 A.D. Ibn Wahshiyah wrote his widely circulated book alFilahah an-Nabatiyah, which, according lo his introductory remarks, is a translation from an old text on agriculture based on ancient Nabatean (Aramaic) writings. As Islam expanded, agricultural and horticultural activities flourished and several detailed manuals were written in Arabic, not only in the eastern regions of the Islamic domain, in Andalusia as well. Similar activity flourished in Syria, Iraq, and Egypt during the same period and continued the end of the fourteenth century. In southern Arabia, Bughyaf’al-Fallahin, a Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 601 manual published during the fourteenth century under the Rasulid dynasty, includes data implied from earlier works on agriculture and significant additional informatiori|h plants, ligation, and agronomy m Yaman. Some of the agricultural texts also include astrological vice concerning the days, seasons, and locations that would prove most favourable for sowing and harvesting crops.1 Alchemy and Astrology From the tenth century to the present time, the origins of alchemy, the true authorship of the Latin and Arabic al-chemical writings attributed to Jabir bin Hayyan al-Azid (known in the West as Geber), and even the existence of this man have been matters of controversy. Some historians believe that Jabir was a name assumed by a number of anonymous authors and that there was no such historical figure. Others believe that he was a real person, born in Kufa, who became a Sufist Muslim and served at the Abbasid capital, where he was esteemed a pioneer al-chemist, experimenting in the transmutation of lesser metals into silver and gold. On the basis of available evidence, it seems reasonable to believe that Jabir did exist and that at least some of the writings bearing h’s name, such as the book of Rahman, are ge/iuine the eight century and that Arab alchemists made substantial, voluminous, and influential literary contributions up to the fourteenth century. By the early ninth century Arab al-chemists were reportedly organized into a sort of guile a group quite distinct from pharmacists and physicians. Their connections almost a century later with the fraternity of Ikhawan us-Safa’ (The Brethren of Sincerity) and with the type mysticism and occultism associated with their writings and life style seem highly probable. Although the occult art of al-chem}. which south was to transmute base matter into precious metals and to compound the elixir of life, was alluring to a great many sophisticate it had many opponents throughout the isiamic period. Some of its antagonists through that the claims of the al-chemists were m fundamental contradiction to Muslim beliefs. The naturalist a Jahiz and the philosopher Abu Yusuf al-Kindi were among ’ts staunches! critics. Ibi7 Sina was moderate opponent of the theory that base metals co-aid be changed into gold. ’Afadu- Latif ai-Baghdadi believed in al-chemy early in life, but as he grew older he came to consideration theories corrupting to its adherents and became criiical of its followers. Farooq Ahmad, Abbasid Culture, P. !05 602 Political and Cultural History of Islam Razi, however, was a strong supporter of al-chemy and a defender of its claims. Fortunately, his approach to al-chemy was experimental, rational, and scientific, so that his work actually enhanced al-chemy’s image. His writings established the foundation for empirical Arabic chemistry, experimental chemotherapy, and objective al-chemical procedures. He also described the tools and utensils used in al-chemical laboratories, in his recently republished book, ”On the Secret of Secrets.” Astrology Unfortunately, al-chemy was more akin to the art of astrology than it was to the traditional sciences. The practice of astrology actually antedates al-chemy in the Near East, and it is very closely related to the science of astronomy, although many today associate it only with horoscopy and the prediction of future events. Because astrology concerns itself so much with the effects of universal forces on the life and welfare of people, it must be treated as a ”life science” - at least as it was practiced in the Islamic period. The ancient idea that planetary bodies can effect health and wellbeing associated astrology with medicine. Astrology affirmed the belief that physical sympathy makes earthy things dependent on the movements of celestial bodies, that the virtually incorruptible stars rule over corruptible terrestrial things. Astrologers thought that the position of the seven planets within the zodiac at any time affects human beings. The twelve signs of the zodiac at any time affects human beings. The twelve signs of the zodiac were divided into three groups; the four elements (fire, earth, air, and water); the four humors (blood, phlegm, black bile, and yellow bile): and the four qualities of temperature and humidity (cold, hot, moist, and dry). This division was accepted as a primary concept in Greco-Arab medicine. At the Abbasid capita!, a!-Kindi predicted the duration of the dynasty from astrological interpretations, and he considered the twelve signs of the zodiac in his therapeutics. His student Abu Ma’shar, known in Latin as Albumasar, wrote extensively about constellations, birth dates, and horoscopy. Abu Bakr Ahmad bin Wahshiyah concerned himself with the secrets of the planets, alchemy, sorcery, and magic and promoted witchcraft. In the eleventh century Ibn Jazlah and al-Biruni believed in astrological interpretations, and Ibn Butian diagnosed and treated diseases in accordance with the occurrences of zodiacal signs. During the Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 603 twelfth century, Ibn at-Tiimidh in Baghdad and Ibn Zuhr in Andalusia insisted that the position of the planets determines the proper time to perform certain surgical operations, even bloodletting. Their writings record anecdotes involving astrological interpretations that influenced their decisions in diagnosing and treating diseases. They also believed in the healing powers of plants that resembled the ailing organs they were intended to cure. With the decline of Arabic civilization during the European Middle Ages, astrology degenerated into sorcery and witchcraft. In modern times, however, it has been revived in the West as a serious ”science”. Arabic culture, including its contributions to the life sciences, reached its highest stage of development between the ninth and the eleventh centuries and experienced a number of major revivals during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. During this period the West was just beginning to awaken from the Dark Ages. From the twelfth century to the Renaissance, via translation and copying activities in Spain, Sicily, and Syria, the bulk of Arabic writings in all fields was made available in Latin. Despite the poor quality of translation and scholarship that prevailed in the West at that time, these Latin versions revived the spirit of learning in Western Europe during the late Middle Ages. ’’Arabic authors, as a result of the translation of their works into Latin and the vernaculars, because widely known under Latinized names: Rhazes for Razi, Avicena for Ibn Sina, Averroes for Ibn Rushd, and so on. Their books were widely read and frequently cited and quoted by writers in the West. In the life sciences, Arabic authors not only preserved the classical achievements of the ancients but also added new and original data to the fund of human knowledge, thereby contributing to the well-being of all men everywhere. Astronomy We have no books of the time of Umayyad; the documented history of the Arabs learning only begins with the Abbasids. Under the Mansur, the centre of Muslim empire was transferred from the Byzantine to the Persian part of the Empire. He had at his court a number of learned men, engineers and astronomers. Astronomy was a practical science as they were guided by the stars for travels in the deserts. Al-Biruni, quotes Ibn Khatib in his ”Athar al-Baqiya”. stating that the Arabs had no equal to their knowledge of the stars. They translated Ptolemy’s Almagest, revised the ancient theories and 604 Political and Cultural History of Islam iTrerlf r°/eml T1”5 W6re rectified and Greek Tables co.rected. Fvt t tt H ^^ W°rkS °” the SubJects were also translated. cnnlnV J’ ^ ”ames are as^iated with some starts, constellatlo and tronomjca| insmjments Before ^ M there was only one observatory at Alexandria but in the course of a few centur.es the Muslims erected numerous well-equipped observator.es .a, Baghdad, Cairo, Cordova, Toledo and even the and Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 605 .Indeed thgy Perfected not only the old transit instruments, but devised many „ ones Their ^ recognizing lit? , ea!h, reV°1VeS r°Und the sun and the orbits of the plane* are , eH,pt,c AI- B.runi also testifies the same in his Qanun-i- motnn TS R§ ^ Aastronom^ of his time believed in earth’s ral „. . M Baghdad sch001 of astronomy was the earliest as the Caliph al-Mamun was himself interested in it and is credited with the discovery of the movement of the sun’s apogee. Besides, c, cumference of the earth was measured, the exactitude, whose resu t is astonishing Work was compiled very early dealing with ebb and tide, dawn, twihght, rainbow, halo and above all the sun and the moon and their movements, since they are directly related with the question of hours of prayers and fasting. It will not be out of place to describe the work of some of these astronomers, a little more in detail. Al-Kindi: He improved the astronomical instruments, and is credited as author of more than 265 books on mathematics, astronomy, medicine and music etc. Al-Battani: Al-Battani is said to have published his first book on fixed stars, which gamed him royal favour. He studied the plants and stars for over 30 years and prepared the famous al-Battani’s Tables. values m°ti0n °f The ap°gee 3nd C°rrected ma”y other Ibn a!-Haitham: Ibn al-Haitham, also a member of the Cairo School .s said to have compiled 20 books on astronomy and cosmology. His work may be stud.ed in two parts (a) dealing critically ^ith Greek studies (b) his own work on the light of the moon, the stars, parallax, height of atmosphere, motion of the moon and planets, halo, rainbow, eclipses, meteors, sundials, compasses, spots on the moon and the milky way and also determ .nation of azimuth and meridians. About space his observations are, ”we know that space is not something matenal nor does it have any resistance. Space is actually measured by those dimensions which are capable of accepting matter as it is”. His observation that the moon and other planets are lit by the sun is crucial. About stars, he maintains that the real source of the light of the stars is in their own bodies, and their light is not borrowed from an external sources. He was the first to advocate the construction of a dam at Aswan. Al-Biruni: His contribution in the field of astronomy, cosmology, etc., is enormous. He is credited with having written 50 books/papers on the subject. Some of these were translations from Indian books. He also published a list of latitude and longitude of the world’s principal towns. Abul Wafa: He accurately determined the obliquity of eclipses and calculated the variations in the moon’s motion. He also discovered the third lunar inequality or variation which was rediscovered by Danish scholar, Tycho Brahe after 600 years, and now is associated with his name. He perfected Ptolemy’s lunar theory and corrected many errors in the observation of the astronomers. Ibn Yunus: He invented the quadrant, the pendulum and the sundial. Fatimid Caliph al-Hakim built for him an observatory on Mount Mocattam, and he is looked upon as founder of the Cairo School. He edited the great Hakemite Tables move accurately than all the earlier attempts. Al-Bitruji: He pointed out many errors in Ptolemy’s hypothesis of solar system and in 1150 proposed a new system for the planetary motion. Ibn al-Alam: Determined the stellar motion by observing that the stars traverse one degree in 70 solar years. He also determined the latitude and longitude of many stars and measured the greatest declination of the planet Mercury, he discovered the moons (satellites) of Jupiter, discussed the motion of sunspots and determined the eccentric orbits of the comets. Ibn-ul-Hassan: Discovered that the moon’s distance from the sun is not constant as measured by Ptolemy. Umar Khayyam: He was the court astronomer of Malik Shah Saljuq. He reformed the old Persian calendar, in such a way that the solar calendar proposed by him is more accurate than any calendar proposed either before of after his time. Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (Almuhaqqiq): He accompanied Hulagu Khan to Baghdad. He was good both in astronomy and astrology. He persuaded a savage like Hulagu Khan, a man with no taste for such 606 Political and Cultural History of Islam sciences, to build an observatory for him at Maragha and equipped it with sophisticated instruments. From this new study centre, the work of Baghdad and Cairo astronomers found its way into China during the reign of Kublai Khan. He compiled a book al-Zij al-Ilkhani based on his 12 years hard work and observation and also on information gathered from Greek, Indian and Muslim sources. Ulugh Beg: Grandson of Timur, Ulugh Beg is also credited with the accuracy of his observations. In trigonometric functions, his accuracy is more than that of al-Biruni. He is regarded as the last representative of the school of Baghdad. His work published in 1437, gives a comprehensive survey of the contemporary knowledge of astronomy, linking the ancient with that of the modern era, earlier than Kepler. Abdur Rahman II was a great patron of science. Astronomical studies were therefore held in no less esteem in Muslim Spain. Unfortunately all their works were destroyed. Of course, we know that observatories at Toledo and Cordova enjoyed great fame then. One can judge the high quality of this lost work of these Muslim scholars by the numerous contemporary Christian authors who borrowed from them. Mathematics Muslim contribution in all branches of mathematics are noteworthy. To start with arithmetic, the style of writing digits from right to left is an evident proof of its Arab origin. For example the figure of five hundred in the English style should be written as 005 and not as 500. Prior to this, numbers were written in alphabets or abjad, then the introduction of the zero sign by Muhammad Ibn Ahmad in 986, was an invention that revolutionized mathematics and was introduced in the West as late as the beginning of the thirteenth century. The Arabs also contributed a great deal to fractions: to the principle of errors, which is employed to solve the algebraic problems arithmetically; to be higher theory of numbers with its problems-on the primitive, perfect and associated numbers. They also solved the famous problem of finding a square, which on addition and subtraction yields another square. Algebra was originated and developed by the Arabs so much in the Course of two centuries, that it touched gigantic proportions. Al-Khawarizmi: Is credited with the first treatise Hisab al-jabr wal muqabalah, on the subject. This work in Gerard of Cremona’s translation: After being the cornerstone of the mathematical edifice built by the Arabs who came after him, was one day to initiate their Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 607 first Western colleagues to the beauty of algebraic calculus and at the same time to that of decimal arithmetic”. Al-Khawarizmi solved algebraic equation of the 1st and 2nd degree and also introduced his geometrical method of solving these equations. He also recognized that quadratic equations have two roots. His work was continued by Thabit Ibn Qurrah, the translator of Ptolemy’s Almagest who developed algebra and first realized its application in geometry. By the llth century, the Arabs had founded, developed and perfected geometrical algebra and could solve equation of 3rd and 4th degree. Cantor confirms the Arabs superiority in algebra by saying- ”At least in science with which we are at present concerned (i.e. algebra) the Arabs of the year 1100 were uncommonly superior to the most learned Europeans”. Abul Wafa: In 10th century he created and successfully developed a branch of geometry which consists of problems leading to algebraic equations of higher degree than the 2nd . He made many valuable contributions to the theory of poly hedra, which is even now considered, the most difficult subject. Ibn al-Lais: He found geometrical method o? solving cubical equations. Al-Khujandi: He proved the so-called fermats problem for cubic powers. Al-Karkhi: Al-Karkhi of the 11th century is considered to be one of greatest Arab mathematicians who wrote an arithmetic book al-Kafi fi Hisab and another one in algebra called al-Fakhri. In these books he developed approximate method of finding square root, theory of indices, theory of surds, theory of mathematical’ inductions and theory of quadratic intermediate equations etc. Umar Khayyam: Khayyam was the most glamorous figure of the llth century and a poet of renown. According to Mortiz Cantor: ”Has better claim to immortality as one of the greatest mathematicians of all times. He made great advance in the theory of equation. He found and proved binomial theorem for positive integral indices”. In the field of geometry the Arabs started with the translations of Euclid and the conic section of Apollonios and thus preserved the work of these Greek Masters for the modern world. Having completed that by the 9th century, they soon began making new discoveries in the field. Thus Hussain, Ahsan and Muhammad, 608 Political find Cultural History of Islam the three sons of Musa Ibn Shakir discovered the method of trisecting the angle by means of the geometry of motions. Ibn ul-Haitham: His book on geometrical optics, deals with problems, which would be difficult to solve even now. It is this book that was translated by Roger Bacon and published in his ”Opus majus”. Later, the Arabs developed the geometry of conic section to a great extent, but the crowning discovery is that of Abu Jafar Muhammad Ibn Muhammad Ibn al- Hasan commonly known as Nasir al-Din al- Tusi, the greatest savant of the 13th century. He separated trigonometry from astronomy, but his greatest contribution is the recognition and explanation of weakness in Euclid’s theory of the parallels and may thus be credited as founder of non-Euclidian geometry. Trigonometry is the branch of mathematics, which the Arabs cultivated most diligently because of its application to astronomy. The first steps in this science date from al- Bartani, who was the first to use the expression of ”sine” and ’cosine’ and prepared tables for ’sin’ ’con’ ’tan’ and ’cot’; etc. These tables were translated in the 12th century into Latin and in Spanish in the 13th century. His basic formula and proof of spherical trigonometry are well-known and earned him the title of the best observer of the sky and the best Arab astronomer. His book on the motion of stars was translated by Plato of Tivoli, in the 12th century. It is from this translation, that the word of ’sine’ spread in all European languages. With these trigonometric tables, they calculated the height of mountains, distance of in-accessible points and breadth of rivers. Modern mathematicians are said to have rediscovered it some 500 years later, Their knowledge of applied mathematics evident from all those wonderful examples of Arab. Thus we find Muslim scientists deeply interested in the functioning and the making of clocks. Now clocks are machines which, by recording the progress of time from one moment to another, indicate the living nature of the universe and thus of the eveliving God. Al-Biruni and other Muslim astronomers, as we remember, envisaged the universe as a dynamic ’becoming’, and thus as a proof of God’s eternal manifestation in the phenomenal world. Everything that denoted the close relationship between the world and its maker was of supreme concern to Muslim thinkers and scientists. Movement produced solely by man, such as we find in mechanical contraptions, was of less interest to them than movement caused by forces that are more obvious manifestations of divine Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 609 creativeness. Thus we find Muslim scientists devoting much labour to the making of clocks moved by water or anercury or, even, by burning candles. The force of water, or mercury, or fire, and the movement produced by any of these, seemed a direct illustration of the living nature of the universe and of the deity from which it derived its life. One of Islam’s most famous clocks was that at Damascus made by Muhammad ibn AM which was run by water. Thanks to the account of it written by its maker’s son Rizwan, in 1203, that clock remained famous until the sixteenth century. Many books often embellished by fascinating illustrations, were also written bv Muslims on other clocks and on all manner of hydrostatic automata In their lighter moments, and to satisfy the fancies of their patrons Muslims scientists would turn their attention to mechanical toys These toys were extremely popular with the princes and the gentlemen and ladies at the various Arab courts. This fashion incidentally, was not confined to Muslim courts.- It was equally popular at the princely courts of Renaissance Italy, and at the various European courts of that time. Abul Ali Hasan ibn al Haytham (Alhazen) of Basrah (965) was the first scholar to attempt to refute the then generally accepted optical doctrines of Euclid and Ptolemy. According to those doctrines, the eye received images of various objects by sending out visual rays to those objects. In his book On Optics, Alhazen proved that the process is the very reverse. In so doing, he laid the foundations of modern optics. His own classical formula was: ’It is not a ray that leaves the eye and meets the object that gives rise to vision. Rather the form of the perceived object passes into the eye and is transmuted by its transparent body’, i.e the lens. Alhazen also did essential spadework for the much later discovery in Italy of magnifying lenses. Most of the medieval writers on optics, including Roger Bacon, used Alhazen’s findings as their starting point, especially his Optica the- saurus, a book that left its mark even on Leonardo da Vinci and Johann Kepler. Alhazen’s writings are rooted in very sound mathematical knowledge, a knowledge that enabled him to propound well-nigh revolutionary doctrines on such subjects as the halo and the rainbow, eclipses and shadows, and on spherical and parabolic mirrors. Alhazen’s work was carried on by a number of Muslim scientists, one of the last of real importance being the Persian Kamal 610 Political and Cultural History of Islam al-Din, of the fourteenth century, best known for his explanation of primary and secondary rainbows and his experiments with the camera obscura. It is perhaps worth mentioning that the three most famous of the questions whose explanations Frederick II of Hohenstauffen sought from Muslim scientists dealt with optics. They were: what is the cause of the illusion of floating specks before the eyes of those suffering from incipient cataract? Why do oars or lances, partly covered with water, appear to be bent? And why does Canopus appear bigger when near the horizon, whereas the absence of moisture in the southern deserts precludes moisture as an explanation? Botanical Sciences One of the features that invariably roused the curiosity of Muslim travellers in foreign countries was plant life. They studied, collected and described plants, and Europe can thank them for the source of most distinguished contributions to early botanical science. With their strongly developed practical sense they were particularly interested in plants that might serve some utilitarian purpose, whether in agriculture or in medicine. As Professor Sarton points out: By far the most important herbalistic tradition in almost every respect was the Arabic or Muslim one.... these excellent tendencies, without equivalent in Christendom, were continued during the first half of the thirteenth century by an admirable group of four botanist. One of these Ibn al-Baitar, compiled the most elaborate Arabic work on the subject (botany), in fact the most important for the whole period extending from Dioscordies down to the sixteenth century, it was a true encyclopedia on the subject, incorporating the whole of Greek and Arabic experience. Botany was only part of Ibn alBaitar’s life-interest. He also described more than 1,400 medicinal drugs and plants throughout the Mediterranean area. As has already been indicated, the Muslims took the keen interest in pharmacology, and produced a very large number of books on that subject. Many of the receipts contained in the writings of the fourteenth-century Jewish author Kohen al- Attar and of the sixteenth-century Dawud alAntaki were adopted by European druggists; and so were some of the original Arab or Persian names such as syrup from the Arab sharab. rob for a particular mixture of honey and fruit juice, and julep from the Persian gulab, or rose-water, for a medicinal aromatic drink. Since farming provided the chief source of income for the caliphs and other Muslim princes, and since most of their subjects Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 611 lived by agriculture, husbandry received much attention both from the rulers and the ruled. The Muslims must in fact be regarded as the first people in the post-Roman world to approach the problems of agriculture in a scientific frame of mind. It is only natural, as observed above, that in the Near Eastern countries with their notorious scarcity of water, much attention should be paid to problems of irrigation. However important the contribution of the Arabs to irrigation, their most spectacular gift to European agriculture was comprised in the variety and numbers of new plants they introduced, for the list includes some of our most popular fruits and vegetables. Thus we owe to their transplanting our oranges and lemons, peaches and apricots, rice, sugar- cane and coffee, pomegranates and saffron. At a time when the Arabs had already introduced sugar to Spain, the rest of Europe was still unaware of its existence, and few of the new delighted them more than this sugar-cane; until that time honey had been the main sweetening ingredient known to the Christian world. Books on agriculture and horticulture were as common among the Arabs as were those on plants and drugs. This applied particularly to the Arabs of the west, that is of Spain and Morocco. The most famous of such books was compiled by the twelfth-century agriculturist, Ibn al-Awwam of Seville, his treatise Kitab al-Falaha. At least one Western expert considers it to be the most important medical work on the subject; this book makes use not only of the whole body of ancient agricultural role and of existing Greek and Arab material on the subject, but. even more convincingly of the author’s own practical experience. It deals with 585 different plants and the cultivation of over 50 fruit trees, with different kinds of soil and fertilizers, with methods of grafting, with sympathies and antipathies between plants (a subject usually considered to be a modern discovery), with plant diseases and cures, and with the raising of cattle, bees and poultry. The famous gardens of Persia, Morocco or Andalusia attest to the Muslims’ great interest in horticulture and their love of flowers. The walled-in gardens of Persia and the patio-gardens of Andalusia and Morocco are among the most fascinating examples of the garden builder’s art. With their jealously guarded privacy, their tiled floors, their murmuring fountains or rivulets of water, their apparently casual yet perfectly thought out arrangements of trees, shrubs and flowers, and their subtle insight into the aesthetic relationship between architecture, 614 Political and Cultural History of Islam Muslim agriculture. The fertility of Nile Valley in Egypt also encouraged new experimentation. In the Middle East, the prime factor in agriculture has been water for which a number of irrigation canals linked the Tigris and the Euphrates with each other. Thus specializing in dates (using controlled polynization methods), they also took great pride in their fruit and vegetable gardens, cotton and sugar-cane plantations etc. Moving to Spain, they introduced cotton, sugar-cane, rice, oranges, apricots, peaches, spinach and saffron from India, vines, olive and mulberry (and with that silkworm breeding and sericulture were in vogue), and also indigo from India. The cultivation of flowers resulted in extracting essences and perfumes. For example the province of Jur or Ferozabad in Iran was noted for its ”Itr” of red roses. Shahpur and its valley produced ten world famous varieties of perfumed oils. The Muslims were also familiar at this period of history with various kinds of manures (such as bones, blood, leg, waist etc.), adaptability of plants to soil and climate. Besides wells, (Persian wheels), canals and aqueducts and other means of irrigation were generally adopted. In addition to al- Battani’s work in Botany and the al-Fihrist, mention may also be made of Ibn al-Awwam’s book Kitab al-Falaha, Al-Ghafiqi, a Spanish, made a long list of African trees along with their Arabic and Latin names. In the field of inventions, Ibn Firnas (d.888) had invented a type of aeroplane in which he flew a long distance. Mechanical instruments for floating sunken ships or puiiing out trees of enormous dimensions were available. History The Arabs had a natural liking for history and took endless pains to collect historical data and test their accuracy by certain standards that worked all right when applied to their own sources. I have already been discussed the art of writing history in Umayyads period, here I described the development of historiography under the Abbasids. Abu Jafar Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari (838-923) is the most celebrated historian of the Muslim world. He was born in Tabaristan (Iran). His monumental work Taiikh Rasul wal Muluk is a work of detailed and accurate information. He travelled all over Asia and Egypt together material for his book from original sources, and according to Yaqut wrote 40 pages daily for 40 years. His history begins with the creation of the world and comes down to 915 A.D. Al-Tabari arranged the events chronologically and tabulated them under the successive years of the Hijrah. The original edition of Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 615 al-Tabari’s history is said to have been ten times as long as the surviving edition. Later historians have made free use of this authoritative work. Abul Hasan AM al-Masudi is famous both as a historian and geographer and was one of the versatile writers of the 4th century. He was born at Baghdad. He travelled far and wide in practically every Islamic country in Asia from Baghdad and even went to Zanzibar, settling down finally in Egypt. He died at Fustat in 956 A.D. His work Muruj al-Dhahab wa-ma’Adin al-Jawahar (Meadows of Gold and Mines of Precious stones) is a record of his travels, experiences and observations from the creation up to 947 A.D. It is not confined purely to chronological facts but gives interesting geographical information as well. Hitti says, ”Arabic historical composition reached at highest point in al-Tabari and al-Masudi and after Miskawayh started on a rapid decline.” Ibn al-Athir was a historian of wide repute, who wrote Kamil, a history of the world upto 1231 A.D. Ibn Khallikan (born in Irbil in 1211 and died at Damascus in 1282) was the Qazi of Syria and author of a most delightful dictionary of national biography (Wafayat al-A’yan wa-Anba’ Abna al-Zaman) dealing with the lives of 868 prominent Muslims-a marvel of accuracy and eloquence.4 Geography Muslims were navigators by nature. They wandered far and wide both on land and on sea, on the trade routes and so collected a lot of geographic information not known before their time. As far as their literary work is concerned, they translated into Arabic, Ptolemy’s ”Geography” and also the Sanskrit works from the Indian authors. The map of al- Idrisi. prepared for King Roger of Sicily is astonishing for its great precision and exactitude. From the maps of the earth, (in these maps, north poirffs downward) it is evident that the Muslims knew that the earth is round. They prepared a silver globe, with a map of the world on it, and thus it is even claimed that they had discovered, America long before Columbus. Ibn Majid, who served as pilot to Vasco de Gama as far as India, speaks of the compass as an already familiar thing. According to Sediliot, on this voyage, he was guided by a sea map belonging to the Gujrat. Muslim mariners like Ibn Majid and others astonish a man, with their skill and during their voyages from Basra (Iraq) to China. Masudi Him P388 616 Political and Cultural History of Islam travelled in the middle of the 10th century. Besides visiting the Muslim empire, from one end to the other, he also visited Ceylon, Madagascar and Zanzibar. He gives a detailed description of the countries visited and their people in his famous work ”Golden Pastures”. Like al-Biruni and al- Idrisi, Ibn Batuta is another traveller, scholar and author of invaluable geographical works. ”For three hundred years”, says Sedillot, European cartographers did nothing but copy al-Idrisi’s treatise on geography, with negligible variations. The two hundred years under review fall into four main periods of fifty years duration. Each period has been studied as regards the developments of (i) Mathematical Geography (ii) General Geography, Exploration and Itineraries (in) Physical Geography and Bio-geography etc. The first period or the first half of the IX century is marked by considerable development of Mathematical Geography with Baghdad as centre. In the second period i.e. in the second half of the IX century A. D. we find the continuation and augmentation of the developments in the field of Mathematical Geography initiated in the previous period. In addition to this we find travel accounts and itineraries. The third period or the first half of the X century A. D. is marked by a large extension of exploration and growth of practical knowledge of the world. The fourth and the culminating period i.e. the second half of the X century A. D. was period of great practical achievement. It as marked not only by more systematic geographical accounts of different lands but also by immense improvements in all the different branches of geography (v\ ith main centres at Shiraz, Cairo, and Cordova). Mathematical Geography The period under review is characterized by a rapid advance in mathematics and astronomy and in the application of these sciences in the solution of geographical problems such as the determination of the shape and size of the earth, accurate fixing of positions, surveying, cartography and navigation. One of the most important works on Mathematical Geography was composed on the model of Ptolemy’s Geography by Muhammad b. Musa alKhuwarizmi, one of the ablest astronomers of ai-Ma’mun. The book bears the title ”Kitab Surat al-Ard.” This book deals primarily with the longitudes and latitudes of places. The other name is that of Ja’far b. Muhammad b. Umar al-Balkhi surnamed Abu Ma’shar 886 A.D.). His astronomical treatise namely Kitab al-Mudkhal Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 617 al-Kabir has the same scope as Ptolemy’s Almagest. Astronomical tables have also been attributed to him which unfortunately have not reached us. In addition to the Greek material at his command Abu Ma’shar had at his disposal the mathematical doctrines prevalent in Persia. He knew well equally the Indian sciences and is believed to have visited India for learning the sciences of the Indians. Abu Ma’shar shows a knowledge of the monsoons of the Persian Gulf and the seas of India and he writes about the causes of the ocean tides and currents, a knowledge which was of great importance to the navigators of his day. Abu Ma’shar was profusely quoted by Roger Bacon in his Opus Majus. Al-Kindi’s book on tides deals with the tidal phenomena and the shape and size of the earth. His works on Meteorology and Geology deal with Physical Geography and his works on Medicine supply information on the distribution of plants and animals. During this period the progress of Mathematical Geography continued on the same lines as in the previous one with the only difference that some of the scholars devoted whole heartedly to the verification of the results already achieved by their predecessors. .-Astronomical tables were prepared by al-Mahani, which were based on a series of observations of lunar and solar eclipses and the planetary conjunctions. These tables were later used by Ibn Yunus. Mahani wrote also, commentaries on Euclid, Archimedes and Ishaq b. Hunain’s translation of Menelaos’s Sphaerica. The greatest astronomer of his age and one of the greatest in Islam is Abu Abdullah Muhammad b. Jabir b. Sinan, Battani, al-Sabi. Various astronomical writings are ascribed to him but his main work is the book of tables known as Kitab al-Zij al- Sabi’I. Battani made astronomical observations with remarkable range and accuracy from 877 to 881 A.D. His main researches may be summarized as follows:- 1. He calculated the latitudes and the longitude of important towns. 2 He determined the Precession of Equinoxes with great accuracy. 3. He fixed precisely the Obliquity of the Ecliptic i.e. the inclination of the celestial equator with reference to the Zodiacs, as 23 35’. 618 Political and Cultural History of Islam 4. He calculated the length of the solar year as 365 days 5 hours and 40 minutes. Al-Battani’s geographical ideas were mainly derived from Ptolemy and al-Khwarizmi which he openly confesses in the introduction of his Zij. Al-Ya’qubi’s work bears the title Kitab al-Buldan. The author speaks of his inclination for the study of strange lands and also of his interest in voyages. He says that it was in the course of his voyages that gathered geographical, topographical and historical information which he incorporated in his book. Beginning with a detailed study of the capitals of the Abbasid Caliphs viz. Baghdad and Samarra, he describes the major part of the Islamic countries as regards facts of physical and human geography discussing in detail the principal routes and the distances. Unfortunately the work has not survived in entirely. The extant portion contains an account of Baghdad and other important cities and countries. Biography Arab views on biography may be found in their historical and cosmographical compilations. The most remarkable is the book entitled Kitab al-Nabat composed by the historian al-Dinawari (Abu Hanifa Ahmad b. Daud). The book is lost but quotations from the book are found in Ibn Sina and Ibn al-Baitar. Gradually, Muslims acquired a taste for travel across the world for the sheer joy of acquiring new knowledge. With their passionate curiosity and their innate gift for observation, they were to prove excellent students, turning their attention to geography as well as to fauna and flora, to political and social institutions, to history and economics. The great respect in which the Arabs always held men of learning would often induce them to press on to distant lands in order to seek out scholars and if possible to sit at their feet as students.5 Arabic Literature Arabic literature in the narrow sense of adab (belles-letters) began with al-Jahiz, the sheikh of the Basrah literatures, and reached its culmination in the fourth and fifth Muslim centuries in the works of Badi al-Zaman ai-Hamadhani (969-1008), al-Tha’alibi of Naysabur (961-1038) and al- Hariri (1054-1122). One characteristic feature of prose-writing in this period was the tendency, in response to Persian influence, to be affected and ornate. The terse, incisive 1 Nails Ahmad Muslim Contribution to Oeographs. P 60 Scientific knd Literary Progress under the Abbasids 61 and simple expression of early days had gone for ever. It w; supplanted by polished and elegant style, rich in elaborate simiU and replete with rhymes. The whole period was marked by predominance of humanistic over scientific studies Intellectually was a period of decline. It supported a literary proletariat, many < whose members, with no independent means of livelihood roarm from place to place ready to give battle over linguistic issues at grammatical technicalities or to measure poetical swords over tnv matters with a view to winning favours from wealthy patrons. Tl period also saw the rise of a new form of literary expression, t maqamah. Badi al-Zaman (wonder of the age) al-Hamadhani is credit with the creation of the maqamah (assembly), a kind of dramal anecdote in the telling of which the author subordinates substance form and does his utmost to display his poetical ability, learning ai eloquence. In reality such a form of composition as the maqam could not have been the creation of any one man; it was a natui development of rhymed prose and flowery diction as represented ibn-Durayd and earlier stylists. Al-Hamadhani’s work served as model for al-Hariri of al-Basrah, whose Maqamat for more th seven centuries were esteemed as the chief treasure, next to t Quran, of the literary Arabic tongue. In these maqamat of al-Hat and other writers there is much more than the elegant form a rhetorical anecdote which most readers consider the only signifies feature. The anecdote itself is often used as a subtle and indirect w of criticizing the existing social order and drawing a whole soi moral. Since the days of al-Hamadhani and al-Hariri the maqam become the most perfect form of literary and dramatic presentati in Arabic, a language which has never produced real drama Ea Spanish and Italian tales of the realistic or picaresque type disp clear affinities with the Arabic maqamah. Before the maqamah was developed Arabic literature s the rise of its greatest literary historian, Abu-al-Faraj-al-lsbahani, al-Isfahani, a lineal descendant of Marwan, the last Umayyad cali Abu- al-Faraj flourished in Aleppo, where he produced his Kitab Aghani (book of songs), a veritable treasury of poetry and literal and an indispensable source for the study of Muslim civilization his Muqaddamah, Ibn-Khaldun rightly calls it ”the registei of Arabs” and ’’the final resource of the student of belles-letters”. Aleppine patron Sayf-al-Dawlah al-Hamdani bestowed on the aut 620 Political and Cultural History of Islam Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 621 a thousand gold pieces as a reward for this work, and the Andalusian al-Hakam II sent him a like sum. A Buwayhid wazir, al-Sahib ibn Abbad, who is said to have been wont to take with him on his journeys thirty camel-loads of books, dispensed with them all on receiving a copy of al- Aghani, which he thereafter carried about alone. Arabian Nights In this period, shortly before the middle of the tenth century, the first draft of what later became Alf Laylah wa-Laylah (a thousand and one night) was made in al-Iraq. The basis of this draft, prepared by al-Jahshiyari, was an old Persian work, Hazar Afsana (thousand tales), containing several stories of Indian origin AlJahshiyari added other tales from local story tellers. The Afsana provided the general plot and framework as well as the nomenclature for the leading heroes and heroines, including Shahrazad. As time went on additions were made from numberless sources: Indian, Greek, Hebrew, Egyptian and the like. Oriental fold-tales of svery description were absorbed in the course of centuries. The court of Harun al-Rashid provided a large quota of humorous anecdotes and love romances. The final form was not taken by the Nights until the later Mamluk period in Egypt. Its heterogeneous character has inspired the facetious words of a modern critic who has described the Arabian Nights as Persian tales told after the manner of Buddha by Queen Esther to ”Harun” in Cairo during the fourteenth century of the Christian era. First translated into French by Galland, the Nights have worked their way into all the principal languages of modern Europe and have taken their place as the most popular piece of Arabic literature in the West, vastly more popular than in the Muslim East itself. In English the first important translation, incomplete but accuratem is that of Edward William Lane. It has a valuable and full commentary and has gone through several editions. John Payne’s translation is complete but has no commentary. In his rendition Sir Richard F. Burton follows Payne’s except in the poetical part and endeavours to improve on it by attempting to reproduce the Oriental flavour of the original.6 Poetry The pre-Islamic poetry of the heroic age of the Jahiliyah provided models for the Umayyad bards, whose imitations of the antique odes were treated as classical by the Abbasid poets. The pietistic spirit fostered by the new regime of the Banu-al-Abbas, the foreign cultural and religious influences streaming mainly from Persia, and the patronage of the caliphs under whom the poets flourished and whom they were expected to laud and glorify, tended to produce deviation from the old trodden paths of classicism and develop new forms of poetical expression. Nevertheless poetry proved the most conservative of all Arab arts. Throughout the ages it never ceased to breathe the spirit of the desert. Even modern Arabic versifiers of Cairo, Damascus and Baghdad feel no incongruity in introducing their odes by apostrophizing the deserted encampments (atlal) of the beloved, whose eyes they still liken to those of wild cows (maha). Other than poetry, law~particularl> in its marital ordinances- is perhaps the only field in which the old desert elements have succeeded in perpetuating themselves. The earliest exponent of the new style in poetry was the blind Persian Bashshar ibn-Burd, who was put to death in 783 under al-Mahdi, according to some for satirizing his wazir but more probably on account of his zindiqism, Zoroastrian or Manichaen secret views. Bashshar, who once thanked Allah for having made him blind ” so that I need not see that which I hate”, was a rebel against the archaic formulas of ancient poetry. Another early representative of the new school was the half-Persian Abu-Nuwas; the boon companion of Harun and al-Amin and the poet in whose sons love and wine found their best expression. The name of AbuNuwas has lived to the present day in the Arabic world as a synonym for clown; in reality he has few rivals in amorous sentiment, erotic expression and elegant diction. He is the lyric and bacchic poet par excellence of the Muslim world. The many songs on the beauty of boys attributed to this dissolute favourite of the Abbasid court, as well as his poems in praise of wine (khamriyat), which have not ceased to enchant those who read and drink, throw interesting light upon contemporaneous aristocratic life. The ghazal of abu-Nuwas short poems of love ranging from five to fifteen verses, follow the model of Persian bards, who developed this verse form long before the Arabs. Just as the witty and licentious Abu-Nuwas represented the lighter side of court life, so did his ascetic contemporary Abu-alAtahiyah; a potter by profession, give expression to pessimistic meditations on mortality which the common man of religious Hitti. P 405 622 Political and Cultural History of Islam mentality entertained. The soul of this scion of the Bedouin tribe of Anazah rebelled against the frivolous high life of Baghdad, where he lived, and although Harun assigned to him a yearly stipend of 50,000 dirhams, he adopted the garb of a dervish and produced those ascetic and religious poems (zuhdi-yat) which entitle him to the position of father of Arabic sacred poetry.7 The provinces, particularly Syria, reared during the Abbasid period a number of first-class poets, among whom the most renowned were Abu-Tammam and Abu-al-Ala’. Abu-Tamman’s father, who kept a wine shop in Damascus was a Christian by the name of Thadus (Thaddaios), which the son changed to Aws when he embraced Islam. Abu-Tammam was a court poet in Baghdad, but his title to fame rests rather upon his compilation Diwan al-Hamasah. poems celebrating valour in battle. This Diwan embraces gems of Arabic poetry. The collection of Hamasah poems of the same description by the other court poet, al-Buhturi (820-97), is inferior to that of Abu- Tammam, after which it was modeled. The patronage accorded by the Abbasid caliphs, wazirs and governors to poets, whom they employed as encomiasts, not only made the panegyric (madih) an especially favourite form of poetical composition but led poets to prostitute their art, and resulted in that false glitter and empty bombast often said to be characteristic of Arabic poetry, Abbasid poetry, not unlike Arabic poetry of other periods, was moreover mainly subjective and provincial in character, full of local colour but unable to soar above time and place to gain a position among the timeless and landless offspring of the Muses. Philosophy It would hardly be wrong to say that Islam might easily have dispensed with philosophy. A religion as uncompromisingly monotheistic, as realistic and all-embracing as Islam, seemed to provide answers to most spiritual and secular questions and should have offered no excuses for philosophical speculation. It explained the mysteries of life in comparatively simple and concrete terms far more concrete, in fact, than were those of Christianity, and infinitely less ambiguous than those of the great Asian creeds. Indeed, during the first century following upon the Holy Prophet’s death, the Muslims felt little need for rational explanations of Qur’an tenants. Once, however, the early religious enthusiasm had abated and the 7 Hitti, P 406. Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 623 Muslims were becoming more sophisticated, an intellectual interpretation of truths that hitherto had been accepted on faith became imperative. Within the world of Islam that need was felt even more strongly. Soon after the Arab empire had come into being, the Muslims were forced to defend their creed against vehement attack by Christians Not unjustifiably, Christendom regarded Islam is its only dangerous competitor. Judaism had become the religion of insignificant minorities, and represented no threat. Paganism had been conquered, and the religions of Asia, such as Buddhism and Hinduism, were unknown in Europe. But the whole of North Africa had become Muslim; so had Spain and, for a shorter time, Sicily; the lands in which Judaism and Christianity had seen their birth were in Muslim hands; and Constantinople, the cnetre of eastern Christendom, was being threatened by the forces of Islam; forces which, on a number of occasions, battered at its very gates. In first century of Islamic history had many theological problems such as the existence of God, his Unity, Power, Justice, and other divine attributes. Qur’an is the complete code of life. Philosophic basis of Islam are found,in the Qur’an and Sunnah. Rationalism was the product of other neighbouring civilizations of the time. Holy Prophet had given the true philosophy of Islam through Sunnah. Now we study the cross cultural impact on Muslim philosophy. Impact of Greek Philosophy The story how Greek philosophy was discovered by the Muslims and then transmitted by them to the West provides one of the most fascinating chapters in the book of mankind’s progress from ignorance to enlightenment. Though there was no dearth of Greek manuscripts in Europe, most of these lay hidden and undisturbed under dust monasteries. Roger Bacon tells us in his Philosophize that the custodians of those manuscripts were too ignorant or too indifferent to study them, and Latin translations were still nonexistent. Constantinople greatly su: passed Rome as a centre of intellectual activities, and it was chiefly through Constantinople and Persia that the Arabs acquired their knowledge of the Greeks. After Alexander’s conquest of the Near East, Greek knowledge found a ready welcome even in some of the most distant outposts of his far-flung empire. By the fifth century A.D., many of the Christian scholars domiciled in the Byzantine Empire were driven out by religious schisms. The most important of these were 624 Political and Cultural History of Islam the Nestorians, regarded by the Eastern Church as heretics. However, Persia and Mesopotamia received them, and it was in the latter century that they founded their famous school of Edessa. Some of them were Greeks, others Syrians, but it was Syriac, a language derived from Aramatic, into which they translated the countless Greek manuscripts that they had brought with them. By the time, Mamun, son of Harun al-Rashid, became caliph in Baghdad (803), the Muslims were fully aware of the existence of the magnificent Greek patrimony, and it was their caliph who helped them to satisfy their new intellectual appetites. He dispatched agents to every country in which he suspected of translators, the existence of Greek manuscripts he founded a special academy for translators and many other men of science and arts, Dar al-Hikma, at Baghdad he gave employment to countless translators who put the Greek classics into Arabic. In all this work he employed Muslims, Christians and Jews alike. Study of the Greeks became a passion with the Arabs and their Persian fellow-Muslims. Gradually their translations and commentaries of the Greeks passed on from Baghdad to Sicily and to Spain where such Christian scholars as Michael Scott, Roger Bacon, Albertus Magnus, Gerard of Cremona and countless others studied them avidly. It was, in fact, a Muslim philosopher, Ibn Rushd, better known as Averroes, who interpreted Aristotle for the West, thus enabling Christian scholars, particularly St. Thomas Aquinas, to lay foundations for a Christian philosophy and theology. Of all the Greeks, it was Aristotle whom the Muslims venerated most as the fountain head of classical wisdom. Yet, in their purely philosophical pursuits as distinct from scientific ones, they referred not so much to Aristotle as to that mixture of Aristotle and Plato whose foremost exponents were Plotinus and his Neoplatonic school. The work that influenced them most was the theology of Aristotle which, in actual fact, consisted of the last three books of Plotinus’ Enneads. The problems that preoccupied the Muslim philosophers were problems of unceasing concern to most Western thinkers: the apparent contradiction between a perfect God and an imperfect world: between one indivisible God and a universe of multiplicity; between free will and predestination; between divine goodness and the evil existing in the world. Though the approach of the Muslim thinkers to these problems was intellectual and rationalistic, they never allowed the findings of the intellect to override religious Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 625 beliefs. Their aim, in fact, was to produce a synthesis of the truths of religion and the truths of science. Though they may not have succeeded fully in that task, they came as close to producing a valid synthesis as did any philosophers of the West, and they left a deep imprint upon Christian scholasticism and Western philosophy would not be what it is, if it had to dispense with the findings of a Farabi, an Ibn Sina, a Ghazali or an Ibn Rushd. Before Islam brought forth great individual philosophers, it produced a number of intellectual movements which, though predominantly theological, provided, nevertheless, a sound foundation for the later work of the purely intellectual inquires into truth. Seen from a distance of over a thousand years, some of these movements appear rather primitive to us. Thus the Murjites, the Qadarites, the Jabarites tried to resolve the fundamental Qur’anic dichotomy of free will and predestination. However, rather than attempt a genuine intellectual solution, they were content with theological sophistries and plays upon words. In the Mutazilla, originating with the eighth century Wasil bin Ata, we are confronting, however;* a serious intellectual movement that makes use of all the philosophical tools available at the time. In al-Ashari (873- 935), founder of the Asharite school, we find the seeds of many of the concepts utilized later by his more famous successors. While still concerned with the problem of free will, he also/dealt with such fundamental concepts as those of existence and of the self. He might even be said to have anticipated Kant’s doctrine of ’Das Ding an Sich”. Likewise his followers, the Asharites, developed a theory of Atomism which anticipated in some respects the much later theory of moands evolved by Leibnitz. A movement whose repercussions were felt not only in philosophy but also in Arab politics and in Islamic science in general was that of the Ikhwan-as-Safa (Brethern of Purity), whose universalist endeavours entitle them to be regarded as the first ’encyclopedists’. Though the Muslims produced a large number of philosophers of unquestioned merit, only about half a dozen of them attained truly international status: Kindi, Farabi, Ibn Sina, Ghazali, Ibn Rushd and Ibn Arabi. Whether willing followers of the Greeks, or opposed to them (as was Ghazali), they all drank deep at the springs of Neoplatonism. Even those among them who tried to refute Aristotelian premises were compelled to use the logic, and often the terms, that Aristotle’s Organon put into their hands. Most of them 626 Political and Cultural History of Islam also acJopted the formula, devised by Plotinus, according to which it was not God who was directly responsible for the universe and all the problems resulting from its existence but an intermediary agent who was called the ”Logos or Nous, the Universal Spirit or the First Cause.” But Plotinus’ ingenious solution of that fundamental dilemma left many loopholes, many questions unanswered. It was the Muslim philosophers who perfected his system and who gave it an intellectually irreproachable appearance. Though in its origins their philosophy is unmistakably Greek, they turned it into a system that is unmistakably Islamic, and that is never completely divorced from the tenets of the Qur’an. Though neither politics nor problems of morality pre-occupy the Muslim philosophers to any marked extent, whenever they do invite examination, it is within a distinctly Islamic framework. Al-Kindi The first of the great Muslim philosopher was Abu Yakub ibn Ishaq al-Kindi (ninth century), usually known as the ’Arabian philosopher’ because of his purely Arab origins. One of the early ’rationalists’ in Islam, he was also a great admirer of Socrates, a Neo-Platonist and a Neo- Pythagorean. In common with most of the Muslim philosophers, he was also active in many other branches of knowledge; he wrote on medicine and astrology, and translated direct from the Greek. He regarded mathematics as the basis not only of scientific investigations but also of philosophical ones. His doctrine of creation differed little from that of Plotinus, from whom he accepted the notion of a. ”First Cause” (as the creative element) and that of a, ”World Soul.” In the fields of logic and of what we would term psychology he proved himself an original thinker. Though his theory about the ways in which the spirit works in man derived partly from Alexander of Aphrodisias, the Aristotelean commentator who was active in Athens at the end of the second centusy A.D., his formulation was both more precise and more elegant than that of his Greek predecessor. Interested as he was in astrology, he naturally believed that the heavenly bodies leave an influence upon human beings, but, because of his Islamic con\ictions, he denied those influences power over the human soul, and limited them solely to the minor role of motivators of purely physical occurrences. Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 627 Al-Farabi (870-950) Islamic philosophy can be said to have come into existence under the Abbasids, in the ninth century A.D. Yet within less than a hundred years it had already produced a thinker of truly international stature, namely al-Farabi (870- 950), a contemporary of Ashari. His works consists of books on logic, ethics, politics, mathematics, chemistry and music. He was celebratedly work on politics, entitled ”the Ideal city”. Yet three hundred years of political development separated the Muslim philosopher from his Western successor, and a great deal of philosophical material accumulated in the intervening centuries. Farabi, commonly called ”The Second Teacher”, that is, the veiy next one to Aristotle, the ’first’ teacher, was the son of a Persian general of Turkish descent. In his many sided education, mathematics played a decisive part. But in later life he wrote also on medicine, physics, psychology, theology and logic. An outstanding polyglot, he was reputed to be master of seventy languages. It would be hard to decide in which of his various fields, Farabi made his most distinguished contribution, whether in metaphysics, psychology or logic. His book ’Political Regime’ was recommended by Maimonides, the greatest Jewish philosopher, in the following words. ’I recommended you to read no works on logic other than those of the philosopher Abu Nasr al- Farabi”. Yet Maimonides was acquainted not only with the relevant books by Aristotle but also with those by most of the other Greek, Muslim and Christian philosophers before the twelfth century. In logic, Farabi is best known for his doctrines of proof, norms and definitions and his law of contradiction. More clearly than anyone before him he explained how universal truths can be deduced only after individual truths have been ascertained and how abstract or conceptual knowledge must be preceded by ’precepts’, that is, knowledge gained through sensory experience. Hardly less distinguished were his theories on what constitutes ’true being’, and what ate ’essence’ and ’form’. The orthodox Muslim conception of God’s will as the force responsible for the creation of the universe he replaced by the more philosophical concept of the ’divine knowledge of the necessary’. Regarding knowledge as even more important than morality, he claimed that the basis of all rational knowledge must be mathematics rooted in astronomy. Such knowledge he viewed as the highest good attainable by man. Like most Muslim philosophers, Farabi dealt extensively political and Cultural History of Islam with the subject of prophethood and prophecy, and while many of his political ideas undoubtedly derive from Plato, he replaces the Platonic philosopher-king by the ruler who must also be a caliph. There is hardly a single Muslim philosopher of later ages who is not indebted to Farabi. Many of the ideas and theories developed by his remote successors have their germinal being in his doctrines. Ibn Sina (980-1030) In spite of his decisive importance in the development of philosophical thinking, Farabi has remained far less famous in the Western world than Ibn Sina, known universally as Avicena. It is not so much any one book or any one achievement of his accounts for his great renown. It is rather the universality of his labours that has made him pre- eminent. Whatever subject he touched, were it science or medicine, philosophy or psychology, he illumined by the peculiar brilliance of his mind, by the liveliness and incisiveness of his intellectual grasp. Abu Ali al-Hussain Ibn Abdullah Ibn Sina was born in Afshana in Persia in 980 and he died in 1030 at Hamadhan. Within the brief span of fifty-seven years he was able to produce an astounding number of works on dozens of different subjects, an achievement that can only be accounted for by his unequalled ability of mind and a power of assimilation of which history offers few such striking examples. To mention but a few subjerts on which he wrote: there were medicine and philosophy, mathematics and astronomy, problems of motion, vacuum, infinity, light, music, geology, chemistry and pharmaceutics. Only in Leonardo da Vinci, of course in enjoyment of a more considerable legacy from earlier thinkers, do we find a similar universality of mind. If any one statement could summarize Ibn Sina’s philosophy, it might be said that it is not the fruit of a one-sided intellectual approach, but that it required the combination of both reason and intuition. While a great deal in his philosophy derives from Aristotle and Farabi, his notion that all reality is a flux or movement is entirely his own. That notion proves him to have foreseen intuitively some of the fundamental concepts of twentieth-century physics. Although first and foremost a scientist and a philosopher, Ibn Sina never departed from the tenants of Islamic monotheism, and in his scheme of creation, God is the apex and cause of everything. God alone is the Necessary Being in whom essence and existence are identical. Everything else is merely possible: it might or it might not Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 629 exist, its existence being accidental. Likewise multiplicity and thus individuality can exist only in creatures other than God. Matter is the principle responsible for multiplicity and individuality, matter being the limitation of the operation of the spirit. Inevitably Ibn Sina refrained from trying to define matter, describing it is potentiality which, though eternal, has no ’being’ per se or, at least, a tendency towards ’not-being’ as opposite to pure being inherent in God. Ibn Sina devoted much time to problems of logic and to the operations of the mind in its process of acquiring knou ledge Though in his respective theories he drew upon the findings of Kindi and Farabi, his own conclusion shows a greater clarity and perspicacity than those of his forebears. There is not much that Modern psychology Cot;:rf arfu fo his doctrine r.~ •&<; way:, ;- V-ich the rr:»nd works, doctrine rr> which he tabulates the different faculties of mental perception. There is little in St. Thomas’ notions of human knowledge that we do not find already in the theories of Ibn Sina. Likewise Ibn Sina’s highly intuitive recognition of the fact that the mind exists independently of the body (and thus that the soul is immortal) precedes by more than half a millennium the notion by Descartes that we are able to imagine that we have no body but cannot imagine that we do not exist. Many of Ibn Sina’s philosophical concepts were taken over by western thinkers without, however, a due acknowledgement of their true source His influence is even more noticeable in the doctrines of the Jewish philosophers, especially Moses Maimonides (1135-1204), many of whom in fact acted as a sort of bridge between the thinkers of Islam and Christian schoiasticists. The vear« following --cr H,» ±^ of J^,, s;,,a w£rc ve;, <^ ~ *7 critical tor rr>e further development of Islamic philosophy, either as a religious or as a philosophical system. The work of the philosophers was not always viewed in a favourable light b> the representatives of orthodoxy, for it appeared to threaten the simplicity and directness of the faith. Even more dangerous for orthodoxy was Sufisin. that is the , mystical movement that developed within the fold ot Islam Siifism, which originally tried to formulate a system whereby a more intimate and personal relationship with the deity could be achieved, had been Assuming extravagantly emotional, forms Many of its adherents clain,*^ that a religious life did not depend upon adherence to the five caro’.’^ai precepts of Islam, implying thus that orthodoxy and religious auf’ority could be disregarded, and that each individual 630 - Political and Cultural History of Islam was the sole arbiter of the nature of his relationship with God. Others felt entitled to disregard not merely religious laws but also the accepted moral code. Many of them became drink addicts or gave themselves up to morbid exhibitionist emotionalism and lecherous habits, all of which aberrations they tried to explain away as the legitimate concomitants to their religious life. Torn between these extravagant interpretations of the creed, on the one hand, and the rationalism of the philosophers on the other, orthodoxy was threatened with disintegration, and Islam, as a whole, with spiritual chaos. Al-Ghazali (1059-1 111) It was at that critical moment that one of the most richly endowed thinkers of Islam, al- Ghazali, appeared upon the scene to save the situation. Abu Hamid ibn Muhammad al- Tusi al-Ghazali was born in 1059 in Khorozan, in Persia. Though he lost his father while still very young, he received an excellent education. His outstanding intellectual gifts were soon recognized, and at the age of 33 he obtained one of the most important academic positions of the time, namely that of professor at the famous Nizamiyah University in Baghdad, founded by Nizam al Mulk, the great wazir of the Seljuq ruler Alp Arslan. A few years later he went through a serious crisis that was both mental and physical, and gave up his academic duties. He became a wandering ascetic resumed, for a while, his teaching vocation but finally withdrew into a life of solitary work and contemplation. He died at Tus in 1111 A.D. As a result of the original crisis, Ghazali was transformed from a worldly teacher of philosophy and religion into a mystic. From his autobiography we learn that, after having made a profound study of the philosophers, the jurists and the theologians, Ghazali concluded that ultimate truth can be attained only through mystical revelation. His most important writings are an elaboration of that thesis. In this process of elaboration Ghazali succeeded in cleansing sufism of its unhealthy accretions, and in liberating Islamic philosophy from some of its cold rationalism, not to say secularism. Those of his works which enabled him to achieve this task were principally the autobiographical ”Deliverance from Error”, ”The Revival of the Religious Science” and the more famous ”Tahafut-ulFalasifa” or Incoherence of the Philosophers. In this last book, while accepting the findings of mathematics, science a”d logic, and employing the weapons of Aristotelianism, he attempted to/^molish Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 631 the reputation of Aristotle (and the Greeks) as the guides of Muslim philosophy. Unlike Farabi he denied that reason (and thus philosophy) can fathom the absolute and the infinite, and insisted that it should limit itself to the finite and relative. Absolute truth can be attained only through that inward experience that is the essence of genuine religion. As would be expected, Ghazali’s fundamental conceptions were diametrically opposed to those that his Muslim predecessors had so laboriously evolved out of Neoplatonic tenets. Thus, while they held that the universe was finite in extent but infinite (eternal) in duration, he tried to prove that an infinite time presupposed also an infinite space, since space is related to body, and time is related to the movements of bodies (i.e. those of the stars and planets). Having cast aside all the intermediate agents between God and His creation, such as the Logos, Nous or First Cause, Ghazali considered God as being directly responsible for everything that is So while the other philosophers claimed that God dealt only with universals but not with particulars, Ghazali’s God was concerned even with the minutes details of the world, he had created and that is the real philosophy of Islam. Ever since the days of the Mutazilla, it had become axiomatic that an acceptance of divine attributes (the classical ninety- nine Islamic ’names’ of God) implied an acceptance of divine plurality. This, however, was inconsistent with His unity and the strict monotheism of the creed. Ghazali did not hesitate to accept God’s attributes, which he regarded as coexistent with His unity. Though philosophers like Farabi and Ibn Sina gave much thought to problems of the Caliphate, good government and political conduct, questions of morality preoccupied them much less. For Ghazali, on the other hand, such questions were of paramount importance, and in his, ”The Beginning of Guidance”, he deals in great detail with every aspect of what he considers to be right moral and religious conduct. Nothing pertaining to such conduct escapes his attention, and he provides careful instructions for the solution of even such problems as jesting, self-justification, backbiting, arguing, cursing, over-eating and so on. The most impressive attributes of Ghazali - a part from his more strictly philosophical attainments - are his great rectitude, his seriousness of purpose, and the almost tragic urgency behind his message. He embodies in his person and his doctrine a synthesis between heartfelt piety and philosophical objectivity, a mystical 632 Political and Cultural History of Islam ardour for God and an almost scientific precision in the manner in which he tries to give it expression. There can be no doubt that he deepened Islam’s religious conceptions and ’spiritualized’ orthodoxy. At the same time, he gave Sufism a respectability that it had lost long before his advent. His appeal was to the righteous but not the self-righteous, to the individualist but not to the libertine in the field of religion. His position in Islam is comparable to that of St. Thomas Aquinas in Christianity. G.F. Moore is not the only Western scholar who maintains that Ghazali’s personal contribution to theology was more considerable than that of the Christian theologian. As early as the twelfth century, Ghazali’s books (not only on metaphysics and logic, but also on physics) were translated (chiefly in Toledo) into Latin and, from the very beginning, they exercised a profound influence upon Christian and Jewish scholasticism. While such Jewish thinkers as Maimonides and Bar Hebraeus were attracted by his ethical teachings, Christian philosophers avidly accepted Ghazali’s doctrine r»f creatio ex nihilo that did away with all the intermediaries between God and His creatures. It is more than likely that St. Thomas took over Ghazali’s concepts on the impotence of reason for explaining things divine; on God’s unity as implied in His perfection on the names of God and on the possibility of beautific vision. Education During the Abbasid period the Muslim culture and civilization was at its zenith. It was a period of economic prosperity, development of trade and commerce, growth of artistic activities and of great intellectual awakening of all the periods of Muslim history,” says Hitti, ”undoubtedly the Abbasid period is the most striking and unequalled in depth and variety of talent.” During this period the Muslims came under the influence of the Greek literature and philosophy. It was also in this period that the Arabs became acquainted with the Indian sciences, particularly medicine, mathematics and astronomy. This contact of the Arabs with the outside world revolutionized their outlook towards different spheres of their life. It seemed as if all the world from the caliph down to the humble citizens suddeMy became students, or at least patrons, of literature. In quest of knowledge men travelled over three continents and returned home, like bees laden with one, to impart the precious stones which tlvy have accumulated to crowds of eager disciples, and to compile, with incredible industry, those works of encyclopedic range and erudition from which modern sciences, in Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 633 the widest sense of the work, was derived far more than is generally supposed.”8 As a result of this inter-change of ideas the Arabs developed an intense passion for learning. The lover for learning was so great that deserving pupils in the elementary schools of Baghdad were often rewarded by being paraded through the streets on camels whilst almonds were thrown at them. This was the reason that this period witnessed the intensification of the efforts towards formalization of education system initiated during the Ummayyad times. In the history of Islam, the Abbasid period was known as Golden Age of Muslim learning and science. The age of conquest had passed that of civilization had commenced. ”The Abbasid Caliphs not only encouraged the learning but also enjoined public discussion and founded schools where, besides Arabic literature, theology, philology, grammar, rhetoric mathematics, physics, astrology and other branches of sciences were studied.” There was no regular system of education nor a fixed syllabus, each professor having his own method of teaching and syllabus. Besides the mosque and the buildings adjoining shrines, there were other places endowed by the well learned men delivered their lectures. System of Education Under the Abbasid Caliphs the system of education divided into two groups 1. Elementary Education 2. Secondary Education The elementary school was opened in the mosque or the houses of the people. Its curriculum centered upon the Qur’an and Hadith. Deserving pupils in the elementary schools of Baghdad were often rewarded by being paraded through the streets on camels whilst almonds were thrown at them. In certain cases the scholars were granted a whole or partial holiday whenever one of them had finally mastered a section of Qur’an. Through the whole curriculum memory work was especially emphasized. Senior students studied Qur’anic exegesis, Qur’anic criticism, the science of apostolic tradition, jurisprudence, scholastic theology, lexicography rhetoric and literature. Advanced scholars engaged themselves in the duty of astronomy, spherical geometry philosophy, geometry, music and medicine.” ’ Hitti, P 408 634 Political and Cultural History of Islam Co-Education Under the Abbasid Caliph, the co-education system existed. The formal education started at home. As soon as one could speak, it was the duty of one’s father to teach one the basics of Islam. At the age of four, boys were sent to schools and it was the starting point of their education. Under this system, along with boys, the girls were allowed to join the schools. The girls were expected to read the Qur’an and Sunnah of the Holy Prophet. Hitti says, ”Girls were welcome to all the religious instruction in the lower grades of which their minds were capable, but there was no special desire to guide them further along the flowery and thorny path of knowledge. For after all, was not the centre of woman’s sphere the spindle”.9 System of Tution The system of appointing the private tutors for children was in vogue among the elite class of the Abbasid society. The children of wealthy had private tutors who instructed them in religion, polite, literature and art of verification. The ideals of aristocratic education may be ascertained from the instruction given by Harun al-Rashid to the tutor of his son Amin. As Tritton given, the full detail about the position of the tutor in his book namely as, ”Materials on Muslim Education in the Middle Ages.” Position of the Teachers There were various classes of teachers under the Abbasid according to their competency in various branches of the knowledge. There were two major types of the teacher of Abbasids society: 1. Mu’allim 2. Mu’addib The teachers of elementary schools having low position in Abbasid social structure of the society, were called Mu’aallim. Mu’addib was superior to Mu’allim. Next to these classes, was professor, who taught all branches of knowledge of science and arts to the royal family. Several authors have set down their ideas on teacher, student and teaching but the differences between them are not so great they need to be set down separately. Mawardi sums up the conditions of learning as: 1. Reason perceives facts 2. Intelligence ’ Muhammad Aslam, History of Muslim Education, P. 15. Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 635 3. Quick comprehension 4. Perseverance. 5. Contentment with modest living 6. Leisure 7. Freedom from anxiety 8. Long life 9. A good teacher The work of a good teacher was thus described. He went several times over the passage from at Muhadhdhab revised it with the students. The pay of the teachers was quite handsome amount of that time. Teachers as well as poor students were supported by the income derived from endowments attached to mosque, shrines, hospitals and in some cases donation from the elite classes. Some of them received allowance from the royal treasury. The concept of the regular vacations as the modern time was not existed in the Abbasid period. Bayt-al-Hikmah was the great center of learning. All branches of knowledge, science, arts were taught in the institution. Mustansria and Tajyya were the two more institutions for higher education in Abbasid period. After the age of translation which was started with Mansur and reached the highest position during the period of Mamun. Greek, Persian, Indians books were translated into Arabic. The book shops as a commercial and education agency also makes its appearance early under the Abbasids The common writing material was parchment or papyrus down to the beginning of third Muslim century. Certain official documents written on paper. Chinese paper was imported into Iraq, but soon the paper industry gained a well position in Iraq. The development of education in Abbasid time reached its climax during the reign of Mamun. There were a large number of richly endowed cchooir>, upened ^ university was founded, libraries were organized and observatory was set up for the development of learning.10 Music The art of music continued to make progress with the Arabs, and under the Abbasids it \vas carried to perfection. During the period covered by the ”Golden Age,” Arabian music made greater progress than during any other period. This was primarily due to two causes, which can be vie\ved quite apart from industrial prosperity or ’Hitti, P411 636 Political and Cultural History’ of Islam Scientific and Literary Progress under tlie 637 political poise. These causes were the influence of Shi’a and Mu’tazili ideas upon Islamic thought, and the dominant note of Greek scientific culture in secular life. The former brought a more tolerant attitude towards music in so far as Islam was concerned. Strange to say, however, the theologians had considerable power at court. Whilst the Umayyads kept the theologian to his private and domestic sphere, the Abbasids brought him into the court and made him take part in public policy. Favouring the theologian in this way, was evidently considered a better policy than keeping him at a distance. The personal contact seems to have enoM**i the caliphs to get their own way to a considerable extent, and certainly it otts’ned so far as the malahi were concerned, including music. Harun, said to Ibrahim ibn Sa’d al-Zuhri the theologian one day, ”I hear that Malik ibn Anas makes singing a crime.” The court theologian replied, ”Has Malik the right to loose and bind?....If I heard Malik condemning it, and I had the power, I would improve his education.” Harun was amused at the reply. Indeed, what other reply could al-Zuhri have made, seeing that everyone knew, many to their cost, that it was Harun alone who could ”loose and bind.” Of course, the orthodox still murmured, and we have the poet Bashshar ibn Burd, himself a rationalist, voicing their opinion in a satire saying how incongruous it was to find a ”Successor of the Holy Prophet in the midst of winebottle and lute.” The pasquinade brought him to his death. Proficiency in the theoretical side of musical art had theories derived from the ancient Greeks. Collectors of songs such as Yahya ai-jviakki, Ahmad ibn Yahva al-VUkki. Fulaih ibn Abi’I Aura’, and Ishaq al-Mausiii, issued several works, whilst the tast r^med compiled a dozen or so biographies of famous musicians. It is here that we see how considerably the Arabian traditions were preserved in the music of the period. The rhythmic modes (iqa’at) appeal to have been little different from what we saw in Umayva^ fifm^ Tney are fully described in the Risala fi Ijza’ Khabariya al-musiqi by alKindi, now preserved at Berlin. The only apparent difference is the substitution of a khafif ai-khafif instead of a ramal tunburi. The Persians adopted the rhythmic modes of the Arabs, although it was not until the time of Harun (786-809) that they took the ramal mode, which was introduced by a musician named Salmak. Discussions on the theory of music, even before the caliphs, both by the virtuosi and the scientific musicians, were not uncommon, and they certainly reveal the temper of the period. That a phonetic notation was known during the Golden Age is highly probate. Perhaps the letter of Ishaq to Prince Ibrahim mentioned above contained a notation. We certainly read that caliph al-Ma’mun ”waited twenty montus without hearing a letter (harf) of music (ghind).” Al- Kindi (d. . 874) uses a notation in his Risala fi khubr ta’Iif al- alhan, which is the earliest definite use of it among the Arabs.” Considerable changes had taken place on the instrumental side, and during the second half of the 8th century, one of the court musicians, Zalzal, introduced a new type of Ud (lute), which was soon generally adopted in the place of the Ud, al-Farist or Persian lute that had been in common use. This ”’perfect lute” was called the Ud al-shabbut, which Hugh thinks to have been the instrument in which the neck and fingerboard gradually broadened out to the body. It was still mounted with four strings, although in al-Andalus, a musician named Ziryab had added a fifth. This Ziryab, whilst he was at the court of Harun (786-809), introduced some novel improvement to the lute. Calligraphy Calligraphy is the art of fine writing. It may be defined ”as free hand in which the freedom is so nicely reconciled with order that the understanding eye is pleased contemplate it. Hence, we immediately recognize the beauty resulting from rightjjfoportion of the components to the whole of a letter and betweert^the parts to whole of a word. The art of calligraphy in Islam occupies a unique place in the history of the world. The Arabs had a systehJ of writing in pre-Muslim world. This system based upon the two important system of writing namely monumental and eurisive. The former system was very common in the literary figures of the Bedouin society. The earliest form of Muslims script is known as Kufic, which is supposed from Anabr. Under Abdul Malik the script improved and Kufic script was replaced by Naskh. Ibn Muqla of Baiza is considered the most celebrated calligraphist of MuqtadarBillah under the Abbasid Caliph. The scripts, he invented and improved were Raihan, Sulus, Naskh, Tauqi, Khat-e- Muhaqqaq. Every type depends on two things: Satah and Daur. The fundamental character of Islamic calligraphy influenced all subsequent development of painting in Islam and hence calligraphy is sometimes said to be mother of painting because it is the linear rhythm that has characterized the majority of the paintings done by Muslims in ” Jenny, Islamic Civilization, P 18 638 Political and Cultural History of Islam history of Islamic Art. The linear feature of the Arabic alphabet takes its origin from the very source where from the letters of Arabic derived.12 However, the structural form of the letters is directly related to the type of calligraphy that could possibly develop in the Muslim world. Under the Abbasid Caliphs many calligraphist took part in the artistic beauty of writing the following were the most celebrated calligraphists of the Abbasid period. I. Ishaq 2. 3. Ibrahim Ahmad 4. 5. Ishaq bin Ibrahim 6. 7. Ibn-e-Bawwab 8. 9. AbuFazi 10. II. Abu Nasar Ismail. 12. 13. Ahmad 14. 15. Azad-ud-Doula. 16. Ibrahim Fazi Abu Ali Muhammad. Abu Abdullah Muhammad Abul Faraj. Abu Maali Abul Hasan Rawandi Yaqut. Though extremely beautiful the Kufic style, during the first five centuries of the Muslim era, developed into an absolutely ornamental style and it became impossible to continue it as the script of the Quran. The calligraphy became part and parcel for Islamic art. Architecture During the Abbasid period, the Muslim culture and civilization was touching the height of its glory. It was a period of economic prosperity and of great intellectual awakening. Hitti says, ”undoubtedly the Abbasid period is the most striking and unequalled in depth and variety of talent.” During this period the Muslims came under the influence of the Greek literature and philosophy. It was also in this period, when the Arabs became acquainted with the Indian science, particularly medicine, mathematics and astronomy. This outlook towards different spheres of their life It seemed as if all the world from the caliph down to the humblest citizens became students, or at least patrons, of literature. In quest of knowledge men travelled over three continents and returned home, like a bee laden with honey, to impart the precious stores which they had accumulated crowds of eager disciples, and to compile with incredible industry those works of encyclopedic range and eradication from which modern science in the wider sense of the Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasids 639 world, has derived for more than is generally supposed. This was the cultural heritage under the Abbasids. Islamic architecture started from Arabia, developed in Mesopotamia, Syria, Iran, North Africa. Spain and Central Asia and reached its zenith of the artistic beauty during the reign of Abbasid Caliphate. Abbasid architecture was the product of many other major civilization’s architectural patterns. Under the Abbasids, the Hellenistic influence of Syria was replaced by the surviving influence of Sassanian Persia, which profoundly modified the art and architecture, and this gave birth to the art of Samarra, the influence of which extended to Egypt under Ibn Tulun, and even Nishapur and Bahrain. In palace architecture there was a vast difference between one of the Umayyads and that of the Abbasids, partly due to the adoption of Persian ideas of royalty which almost deified the king, hence elaborate throne-rooms, generally domed, for private audience, preceded by a vaulted lawn (or four radiating lawns) for public audience. The baits also were different following the type of Mshatta and Qasre-al- Tuba. The scale was immense and axial planning was a marked feature. But all are built of brick and a great part of that basest of materials-mudbrick-hidden by thick coats-of stucco A new type of pointed arch appears~the four-centered arch. The earliest existing squinches in Islam date from this period. An important innovation was the introduction of luster tiles, the earliest examples being those brought to Qairawan from Iraq in 248/862. Bands of inscription were usually made to stand out on a blue background. But the widespread influence of the Abbasids are not extend to Spain, where the Umayyad art, brought thither by Syrian refugees, was still full of life.n The City of Baghdad Nothing remains of al-Mansur’s famous circular city of Baghdad begun in 762 and called the City of Peace but many contemporary descriptions allow us to make a hypothetical reconstruction. The double walled moated enclosure was about 2,515 yards in diameter. The four gates, halfway between the cardinal points and surmounted by four golden-domed audience chambers, looked out on the major directions of the empire: the Khorassan gate toward the northeast, the Kufa gate towards Makkah and the M Ashraf, History of Islamic Calligraphy, P 10 Hoag. P 24 I 640 Political and Cultural History of Islam southwest, the Shami gate toward Byzantium and the northwest, and the Basra gate toward India and the southeast. Within a circular inner city surrounded by administrative buildings and residences for alMansur’s relatives stood the 900 square foot Dar al- Khilafah (residential palace) at the qibla wall of the great mosque, also a square of 450 feet. The palace had a so-called Golden Gate, an iwan 45 feet deep and 30 wise, and two 45-square-foot domed chambers one above the other. The uppermost was called the Qubbat alKhadra, like Mu’awiya’s in Damascus and Hisham’s at Rusafa. Ukhaidir As successor to thr brother al-Mansur, al-Saffah had named Isa ibn Musa, his nephew, Isa was made Governor of Kufa and occupied a great palace in the new Baghdad, but beginning in 764-65 a number of attempts were made to depose him in favour of Mansur’s son,al-Mahdi. When treachery and poison failed, a threat to the life of Isa’s son compelled the father to give up his rights on payment often million dirhams, while retaining the right to succeed al-Mahdi. Finally, in 778, when Isa refused again to give up his right of accession in favour of al-Mahdi’s son, Harun al-Rashid, he was deprived of the governorship of Kufa and retired to his estate, visiting Kufa only for Friday prayers. Ukhaidir consists of an inner enclosure about 367 by 269 feet entered from the north through a portal flanked by quarter circle towers. After ponstruction had reached about 10 feet was begun perhaps in 778, when Ibn Musa might have felt he needed added protection. Where the north wall of the outer enclosure enveloped that of the inner one, three stories of symmetrically arranged rooms rose against it; all other parts of the palace were of one story, like Mshatta.14 Instead Ukhaidir follows the hieratic immobility of the enshrined Persian king and the grandees, tribute bearers, and entertainers of his court-a court by now safely receding into legend and ultimately totally supplanted by the power of Islam. The Tarik Khana of Damghan Monuments of the early Abbasid period are rare in Persia but at Damghan, due south the eastern most tip of the Caspian Sea, there is hypostyle mosque of Arabic plan but Sassanian structure. Heavy cylindrical piers of baked brick support arcades perpendicular to the Hoag, P 25 Scientific and Literary Progress under the Abbasuh 641 qibla wall with its elliptical arches, some almost pointed. Wooden tie beams are use, as at Ukhaidir, and the mihrab aisle is notabl> wider than that at al-Aqsa in Jerusalem. The arcades originally supported barrel vaults of unbaked brick, and the riwaqs v\ere also barrelvaulted perpendicularly to their outer walls. A date sometime between 750, when the Minber was first permitted in all Friday mosques and 789, when the Abbasids first began to use the pointed arch consistently, has been suggested for the Tank Khana. The building is simple, massive, and utterly without ornament, relying, much as do parts of the palace at Ukhaidir. on the hea\>, rhythmic succession of pier and arch for its great force and dignity. The Samarra of al-Mu’tasim AI-Mu’tasim, before settling upon Samarra proper, first chose a site nearer Baghdad but soon rejected it for another at a place called al-Qatul. Here construction continued until the soil was found unsuitable. There is at the southern end of a Samarra a site called Qadisiyya where an octagonal fortified enclosure with habitation areas around the walls encloses what looks like an inner square. Nearby across a canal is an unfortified palace enclosure some 711 by 924 yards with the remains of a square ornamental lake on axis. If this site is indeed al- Qatul it seems that al-Mu’tasim repeated the arrangement of al-Mansur’s secure circular city but built near it a .more open palace, as al-Mansur himself had done about 773 at al- |Khuld, a Baghdad suburb. |The Qasr al-Jiss Excavations by the Iraqi government form 1936 to 1939 at ^Huwaissalat, on the west bank of the Tigris near the Ishaqi canal, uncovered what may be al-Mu’tasim’s Gypsum Palace or Qasr alJiss, mentioned by Ibn Serapion around 945. The building (of baked brick and a kind of terre pisee found later in North Africa) is 167 square yards and stood within a outer enclosure of mud brick 442 square yards, presumably with four portals corresponding to those of the inner enclosure. Here Abu Muslim’s famous palace at Merv is resurrected complete with a central, almost certainly dome, chamber and four iwans leading to as many open courts. The outer enclosure may have accommodated courtiers, guards, and servants, as it did in al-Mansur’s round city, though on a more modest scale here. The rows of buttresses close to the walls of inner enclosure were probably linked to them and to each other with arches suggesting the blind arcading of the outer walls of Ukhaidir. They would have 642 Political and Cultural History of Islam supported a fairly ample passage behind a parapet and suggest that there were fortifications as well a feature absent in al-Mu’tasim’s far grandeur establishment across the Tigris. The Jausaq al-Kharqani Although set some distance south of the Qasr al-Jiss, this vast structure of al-Mu’tasim’s may have had the same relation to the former that his unfinished palace at al-Qadisiyya had to the octagonal enclosure there, al-Khuld to the circular city at Baghdad. In other words, it may have functioned as a plaisancs, open and unfortified, with convenient access to a fortified keep in which considerable magnificence was available, though on a reduced scale. The area encompassed by the Jausaq, also called Bayt alKhahfa, is immense. From the pavilion on the Tigris opposite the Bab al-Amma, the gate of public audience, to the eastern moist pavilion overlooking the race-course in the game preserve the distance is no less than 1,531 yards. In area the building covers some 432 acres, of which 172 were gardens. Although it has been questioned, there seems little doubt that the Bab al-Amma, or gate of the people (ummah), served both as palace entrance and public audience hall where the canopied throne (sidilla) was placed in the central iwan.15 The Muslims continued their work in the service of science until a great misfortune afflicted their principal intellectual centres at Baghdad and Damascus in the East and Cordova and Granada in the West. Then there was downfall. Several reasons can be attributed for this decline of the Muslim power and civilization. The first and foremost of these were the Mongols who destroyed all the centres of learning with the result that Muslims started living on their past glories, which were slowly fading and giving place to a more vibrant society, emerging from the West, after the renaissance. A degeneration of the political and economic conditions that followed proved also a great setback to sciences. If the Muslims could lead the world in the field of science, by making solid contributions in the past, they can do the same now. They can touch the same heights again or even higher, provided they inoculate the habit of dedication and selflessness on the individual as well as the national scale. The Qur’an says: ”God helps only those who help themselves”. 15 Falbot Rice, P 25 CHAPTER 50 LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC DEVELOPMENT IN MUSLIM SPAIN THE UMAYYADS IN SPAIN The Abbasids Revolution had changed the course of Umayyad structure of state and afterwards its complete destruction. The Umayyad power was destroyed by the revolt of the Khurasanians, although the revolt was set on foot and engineered from Kufa. It is, therefore, necessary to take note of the situation in Khurasan at the time when the Abbasids began to organize their movement which led to the eventual disappearance of the Umayyads.1 When in 750 the Abbasids signalized their accession by a general massacre of the members of the house of Umayyad, one of the very few, who escaped was, Abdur Rahman *bn Mu’awiya, grandson of Hisham, the tenth caliph of Damascus. Twenty- year-old youth and of his five year’s wandering in disguise through Palestine, Egypt and North Africa, where more the once the barely escaped the vigilant eyes of Abbasid spies, forms one of the most aromatic episodes in Arabic annals, the fight began from a Bedouin Camp on the left bank of the Euphrates where Abdur Rahman had sought refuge. One day the black standards of the Abbasids suddenly •appeared close by the camp. With his thirteen year old brother, Abdur Rahman dashed into the river. The younger, evidently a poor swimmer, believed the purchaser’s promise of amnesty and returned from, mid stream, only to be slain, the elder kept on and gained the opposite bank. M. Shaban, The Abbasid Revolution, P 168. 644 Political and Cultural History of Islam The conquest of Spain by the Arabs was one of the most remarkable event recorded in history. At this time the Iberian throne was occupied by Roderick, who had deposed and murdered Witiza. The Gothic kings had killed industrial activity by vexatious and grinding imposts; there was no commerce or manufacture to engage the minds or develop the resources of the people. Cultivation was in the hands either of serfs, tied to the soil, or of miserable herds of slaves who served under the lashes of pitiless overseers, as was the case in later times on the plantation of North Africa. The Jews who had settled in large number, in the Peninsula, where the victims of frequent and ruthless persecutions. Saracenic Africa, on the other hand, enjoyed the blessings of a tolerant government and many Spaniards, Jew and Christian, found refuge there from the oppressive rule of their kings and bishops, Julian, the Governor of Ceuta, smarting under a cruel wrong inflicted on him by Roderick, in the person of his daughter Florida, joined in the appeal of the Spanish refugees to the Saracenic viceroy to liberate Spain from the hated yoke of the usurper. In answer to their prayers Musa bin Nusair, who then ruled over the vast dependency of the Caliph, dispatched the memorable expedition under Tariq, which opened up a new chapter in the history of Spain. The battle of Madina Sidonia decided the fate of the Iberian Peninsula. The Gothic host was completely routed, and Roderick was drowned in the waters of the Guadalate. City after city opened its gates to the Saracens, and in less than two years the whole of the Peninsula as far as the Pyrenees acknowledged the sway of the Caliph of Damascus.2 The Arab* conquest was unattended with any of the consequences which usually accompany a foreign invasion. There was no molestation of inoffensive citizens, no insult to women, no spoliation of private property; whilst the economic revolution it affected has parallels. It emancipated the serfs and slaves from the cruel bondage under which they had so long laboured; it relieved the industrial classes from the heavy burdens which had hitherto ground them down. It swept away the intolerable rights and privileges of the nobles, and made ^11 the Caliph’s subjects equal in the eye of the law. A just and equitable system of taxation revived industry and fostered the growth of corn mefce and manufacture. Muslim and non-Muslim alike were subject to the land-tax, which was regulated by Dozy, Spainsh Islam, p 105 Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spain 645 productiveness of the soil. Besides the land- tax, the Muslims paid the tithes, and the non- Muslims the test-tax, from which, however, certain classes of persons were wholly exempt- women and children, people leading monastic lives, the sick, the blind, the lame. It varied with the means of the payer, was slight in its incidence, and was never a burden, as it was realized by monthly installments. Under the Saracenic rule, the presented Jew breathed again. He obtained the right to follow his religion without interference, and to pursue his avocations without hindrance. As merchants, scholars, and savants the Jews soon became important members of the empire. Arab rule made the existence of a Maimonides possible in Spain. The Christians were secured in the unmolested enjoyment of their faith and laws. Special rights and immunities were granted to such of the cities as had offered little or no resistance to the conquerors, and these rights became in later times the source of their prosperity. The task of the Saracens in Spain can be compared only with that England has in view in India. But when we consider the conditions of the two countries the resources at the command of the two peoples, and the time they each had for organization, the Arab’s work will be recognized to have been far more arduous. Toleration, justice, and sympathy enabled the Arabs to achieve in Spain results which have evoked the wonder of successive historians. The character of a government, whether it is liberal, tolerant, and just, is the best index to the development of the nation which it represents. Judged by this standard, it would be found that the Muslims of Spain were in their civilization not behind any of the civilized nations of modern times. The Christians themselves preferred the mild and tolerant rule of the Saracen to the grinding tyranny of the Goth or Frank, and after the first shock of alarm flocked back to their towns and villages. Even the priests were not discontented with the change. Like the word ’English’, which in its comprehensive sense includes the Scotch and Irish, the expression ’Saracen’ comprehends all the Muslim races subject to the Caliphate who had adopted the Arabic language or had assimilated Arabian civilization. The Saracen colonists were thus composed of the divers nationalities which formed the common wealth of Islam. Among these the Arabs constituted the dominant and ruling class - the guiding spirit of the Muslim natipn. 646 Political and Cultural History of Islam r LA:\’N T ”P c ’ ’ Literary &• Scientific Development m Muslim Spam 647 For nearly half a century the Iberian Peninsula remained a subordinate provinces of the great Arab Empire. A remote dependency, however important, ruled from a distant seat of government, suffers from many disadvantages. Its interests are apt to the scarified or subordinated to considerations depending on the immediate policy of the central power, and efficiency and merit give way to favouritism. That was the case with Spain whilst it formed a part of the Caliphate of Damascus. And yet efficient administration was by any means neglected. At the very outset a Diwan or Council was appointed for adapting the laws of Islam to the requirements and needs of the Caliph’s new subjects. A few years later a census was taken of all the races and creeds, and a complete cadastral survey was made. The assessment was revised, new magistrates were appointed, new bridges and roads were built, the old were repaired, and numbers of schools were opened. About the middle of the eighth century of the Christian era Western Asia was the scene of a great revolution, the effects of which were far-reaching. The first Arab government was republican. The Umayyads overthrew it and established in its place an autocratic empire. Racial pride and racial exclusiveness bore under these monarchs their usual fruit; they alienated from the ruling classes the sympathies of the subject races, and paved the way for the downfall of the dynasty. In the year 756 A.D. a scion of this ill-fated family escaped into Andalusia and there founded the empire which gave that country her period of greatest prosperity - for unquestionably the happiest time Spain has ever enjoyed was under the Umayyad sovereigns of Cordova.1 The culture and prosperity attained by the Spanish Empire under the Umayyads can be judged by the condition of Spain under the eight sovereign of this house, surnamed al- Nasir, the ablest and most gifted of all the monarchs who have ever ruled over that country. In the accounts of Ibn Haukal, the famous geographer, who travelled about this time in Andalusia, we possess an interesting contemporaneous record. Ibn Haukal speaks in glowing terms of the beneficence of Nasir’s rule, of the thoroughness of the police organization, of the perfect security with which the stranger and trader could travel in the most inaccessible parts, and of the flourishing state of agriculture. TF Glick Islamic and Christian Spam PI?’? 648 Political and Cultural History of Islam All the accounts handed down to us of al-Nasir’s reign prove the wonderful impetus he gave to the economic and intellectual development of Spain. He consolidated the different creeds and races into a homogeneous nation, and made absolute equality the guiding spirit of his government But what exists the admiration and wonderment of the student of this glorious reign, says Dozy, is less the work than the workman. And he goes on to add: This sagacious man, who centralized, who formed the unity of the nation and that of the monarchy, who, by his alliances, established a kind of political equilibrium, who in his large tolerance called to his counsel men of every religion, is essential!} a king of modern times rather than a ruler of the Middle Ages. Under Hakam, ”Nasir’s son and successor, who was equally far-sighted, Spain continued in the path of development and progress. A lavish liberality was extended to all forms of learning and arts; and scholars and scientists belonging to every country or creed were welcomed to Cordova. Commerce and industry prospered under him and manufacture of all kinds was promoted by a wise and discriminate patronage. To form a correct estimate of the development of a nation it is necessary to have an idea of its system of government and the machinery by which it is conducted, of the economic condition of the country, and of the social and intellectual state of the people. In dealing, therefore, with the subject of Saracenic civilization in Spain all these aspects require investigation. The difficulties which usually attend the task of ruling people professing different faiths-although inhabiting the same soil of which modern India furnishes a mild and modern Turkey a bitter example, were aggravated in Andalusia by acute racial rivalries. The subjects of the Cordovan monarchs not only professed there different creeds, Islam, Christianity, and Judaism but the Muslims themselves belonged to three distinct nationalities - Arab, Spanish, and Berber. Naturally the Spaniards formed the bulk of the population. A large number of the natives had embraced Islam the serfs and slaves to obtain freedom and the blessings of existence, the magnates and nobles from conviction or interested motives. These Spanish Muslims were called the biladium, literally ’natives of the country, and their relations to the Arabs, inspite of their community of religion, were marked by strong racial antipathy which reminds us in some degree of that which existed between the Austrians and Italians in Lombardy, and which exists even now between Saxon and Celt in Ireland. The Arab, like to Anglo-Saxon, considers himself the noblest of God’s creation, nor Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spain 649 have the democratic teachings of Islam succeeded in effecting from his mind that intense pride of race which forms an essential feature of his character and wherever he has gone superiority, which naturally excited the hatred of the subject people. The Arab, again, was energetic, tolerant, and progressive in his tendencies, while the Spaniard was the reverse. The indigenous Muslims were greatly under the rule of the faqihs, or legists. These Muslim faqihs, instead of endeavouring to remove the racial differences and antipathies, often fanned them into flame, and fomented risings against the foreign domination. The intractableness of the Berbers and the tribal jealousies of the Arabs added to the difficulties of the rulers. With these discordant elements to work, with Muslim Sovereigns of Cordova organized a system of government which, in its wisdom and equity, its large-hearted liberalism and tolerance, its appreciation of merit among the subjects, irrespective of race, creed, or colour, its absolute freedom from religious or racial partiality, will bear comparison with the political organizations of modern time. LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC ACTIVITIES UNDER MOORS Andalusi civilization, which extended, approximately, from 93/711 to 897/1492, witnessed no scientific development in the field of the exact sciences until the reign of the amir Abdur Rahman II (206/821-238/852), who, according to a late anonymous Maghribi source, was the first to introduce astronomical tables in al-Andalus. Before that period we can only discern the survival of a Latin astrological tradition and suppose that it probably coexisted with an Arabic tradition of folk astronomy dealing mainly with weather predictions based on the anwa’ system and with miqat problems, such as determining the qibla in order to establish the more or less correct orientation of the mihrab in the new mosques. The middle of the 3rd/9th century saw the beginning of a period of easternization in Andalusi culture, favouied both by the common practice of a rihla to the East designed to complete the education of young men from any family which could afford it and, also, by the cultural policy of the Umayyad amirs, who encouraged Eastern scholars to establish themselves in Cordova and did their best to buy the new books published in the great capitals of the Mashriq. This period lasted at least until the fall of the Uma>yad Caliphate (422/1031), which entailed the loss of political umt\. but was followed by a subsequent x-Cf. Political and Cultural History of Islam pet,.^d of fifty years (422/1031-479/1086) which may be regarded as tlj ’ Golden Age of the exact sciences and of all the other m jfestations of Andalusi cultural life. Sovereigns of the ”petty k- Joms” (muluk-al-tawa’if) encouraged the development of Sc- ,ice, and one of them. Yusuf al-Mu’taman of Saragossa (474/1081-478/1085), was pr «ably the most important mathematicians in the history of al- A ialus. This period also witnessed the scientific activity in Toledo a , Cordova, of Abu Ishaq Ibrahim b. Yahya’l-Naqqash, known as JL al-Zarqalluh or Ibn al-Zarqali (d. 493/1100), who became. v^jout any doubt, the most original and influential astronomer in al- A Jalus. On the other hand, this golden half century also entailed a D ^ressive slowing down in contacts with the Mashriq, which meant th , the development of the exact sciences in al-Andalus from the m.jdle of the 5th/llth century became somewhat original and •^pendent of the East. This loss of contact with a cultural area w. |ch, especially from the 7th/13th century on words, was producing n ^ ideas in the field of astronomy was also one of the main reasons -j- the decay of Andalusi science, the first symptoms of which a .eared during the 6th/12th century.4 Now we study in detail the „ ijiiral history of Muslim Spain. j^DICINE IN MUSLIM SPAIN The science of medicine and the art of surgery, the best • |ca to a nation’s genius, were developed by the Muslims to the i jest degree. Medicine had undoubtedly attained a high degree of Alienee among the Greeks, but the Arabs carried it far beyond je in which their predecessors had left it and brought it close to tK modern standard. The Muslims made research for several Buries. The study of medical substances, the idea of which struck j-yscorides in the Alexandrian school, is in its scientific form, a •jtion of the Arabs. They invented chemical pharmacy and were ^,, first founders of those institutions which are now called \V ^.pensanes. When, by the eleventh century, Islamic science had begun to Jine in the Near East, its golden period was just beginning in the s.,(st, that is, in Morocco and Spain. In the Maghrib too, to be a great ,,;tor usually meant being a cabinet minister or the personal adviser the ruling prince as well. A famous physician at the court of the , I he 1 egacy of Muslim Spam. P 952. Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spain 651 Moroccan Almohades was Ibn Zuhr (Avenzoar). His, ’’Facilities of Treatment” (al Taysir) different from the usual compendia and encyclopedias so beloved by Muslim doctors in that it was based chiefly on its author’s personal clinical experiences. It was yet one more of the numerous books by Arab doctors destined to enjoy great popularity among their European colleagues. The most outstanding name in medicine in western Arabism was that of Ibn Rushd (Averroes), the great Aristotelian philosopher, who, as we already know, held various important posts under several Almohades kings. Among his books on medicine, pride of place goes to his, ”General Rules of Medicine” (Kulliyyat fit Tibb). In it, unlike so many of his colleagues, he did not give mere summaries of Greek and Arab medical knowledge but compared and analyzed the two, collating the work of such Muslims as Razi and Ibn Zuhr with that of Galen and Hippocrates. It was western Arabism that gave the world the most concrete affirmation of the doctrine of the contagious character of disease. The immediate cause for that discovery was provided by the great plague that ravaged the world in the fourteenth century. Having started in India in 1332, the plague gradually reached eastern Russia at its one end, and then spread across Syria and Constantinople to southern Europe and finally, in 1338, Spain in the south and England in the north. Throughout Europe the plague was regarded merely as an act of Gqd, even the scholars remaining incomplete ignorance of the fact that it was caused by contagion, carried by rats and fleas. (A famous description of the plague is contained in Boccaccio’s introduction to his Decameron.) Whereas in most countries the plague produced a spate of pious tracts reeking with childish theology and rampant superstitions the chief causes of the plague were said to be either the Jews or volcanic eruptions or the birth of a calf with two heads-two Moorish doctors wrote treatises based entirely on scientific observation. They were Ibn al Khatib of Granada (1313-1374), equally famous as a historian, statesman and author, and Ibn Khatima (1323-1369), a doctor, poet and historian. Ibn Khatib was the author of a number of distinguished historical works dealing chiefly with various aspects of Spanish and Moroccan history. He also wrote books on travel and literary essays, and he became famous for the elegance of his style and his linguistic innovations. During most of his life he was a wazir at the famous court of the Nasnds at the Alhamra in Granada. From a scientific 652 Political and Cultural History ofhlam point of view, his most important work is his treatise, ”On the Plague.” remarkable for its courage and for its convincing argumentation in defense of the idea of contagion. For indeed it required courage for a Muslim to oppose himself to views not merely held by the whole of his own community but sanctified by the Hadith, that is the Traditions concerning the life and the sayings of the Prophet (PBUH). Yet in propounding his medical theories, Ibn Khatib contradicted the Hadith. It must be a principle, he wrote, that a proof taken from the Traditions has to undergo modification when in manifest contradiction with the evidence of the perception of the senses. Ibn Khatib gave proof of a like independence of mind and moral courage in writing his other medical treatise, ’’Amal Man Tabba Liman Habba,” dedicated to one of the Merinid kings of Morocco. For besides dealing with general problems of medicine, he tackled, in a final chapter, matters as controversial as abortion (which he approved of in cases where the life of the potential mother might be endangered); the advocacy of aphrodisiacs for national and social reasons and the use of wine for medical purposes. Ibn Khatib also wrote a biography of his colleague Ibn Khatima whose treatise on the plague is even more significant than his own. Ibn Khatima wrote it in 1349 when the Black Death was at its height in Almeria in Spain where he lived. His findings were based entirely on his own observations. We find in his treatise then revolutionary sentence, the result of my long experience is that if a person comes into contact with a patient, he is immediately attacked by the disease with the same symptoms and the second patient likewise transmits the disease. Ibn Khatima does not disdain a preoccupation with the theological aspects of the plague, but la>s most of his emphasis on the contagious nature of the disease, and on therapeutics and prophylaxy. Neither of the two great doctors produced a water tight systematic definition of contagion. Scientific knowledge was not sufficiently advanced for that, and another two hundred years were to elapse before Gerolamo Fracastoro’s work De Contagione could appear. In fact, the decisive statement on the true nature of infection was not to be made until modern times with Pasteur’s bacteriological discoveries. Nevertheless, Ibn Khatib and Ibn Khatima were the first to give clinical accounts of contagion, thus revolutionizing the medical conceptions of the time. Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spam 653 In Europe, throughout the early Middle Ages, medicine was practised mainly either by quacks or by some devoted but not very learned monks. During the same period, Islam was producing some of history’s most distinguished theoreticians and practitioners in the medical craft. In Muslim countries the profession of a doctor was deemed to be among the most honourable ones and its practitioners enjoyed high social standing. Numerous accounts have been preserved of fabulous fees paid to doctors for their services. As we should expect, the Muslims developed at quite an early date the institution of hospitals. Baghdad already had its first hospital during the reign of Harun, that is, in the very first years of the ninth century. During that century several new hospitals were added. Cairo’s first hospital, too, dates from the ninth century. By the eleventh century we find a number of travelling hospitals in various parts of the Muslim world. Even the earliest Islamic hospitals were divided into wards for men and wards for women, each with its own dispensary. Some of them maintained their own gardens in which herbs and medicinal plants were cultivated. The larger hospitals would contain a medical school in which the prospective doctors might obtain their diploma. Not only doctors but also druggists and barbers who performed certain surgical operations were subject to official inspection. Zahrawi The greatest surgeon of the Arabs, who never produced many surgeons, was Abu-al-Qasim Khalaf ibn-’Abbas al-Zahrawi; the court physician of al-Hakam II. His claim to distinction rests on a treatise al-Tasrif li-Man ’Ajaz ’an al-Ta’alif (an aid to him who is not equal to the large treatises), which in its last section sums up the surgical knowledge of his time. The work introduces or emphasizes such new ideas as cauterization of wounds, crushing a stone inside the bladder and the necessity of vivisection and dissection. This surgical part was translated into Latin by Gerard of Cremona and various editions were published at Venice in 1497, at Basel in 1541 and at Oxford in 1778. It held its place for centuries as the manual of surgery in Salerno, Montpellier and other early schools of medicine. It contained illustrations of instruments which influenced other Arab authors and helped lay the foundations of surgery in Europe. A colleague of al-Zahrawi was Hasday bin-Shaprut, the Jewish minister and physician who translated into Arabic, with the collaboration of a Byzantine monk Nicholas, the splendid illustrated manuscript of the 654 Political and Cultural History of Islam Materia Medica of Dioscorides, which had been sent as a diplomatic present to Abdur Rahman in from the Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII. Ibn Maymun For first place after ibn-Rushd among the philosophers of the age the only candidate is his Jewish contemporary and fellow Cordovan abu-Imran Musa ibn-Maymum, the most famous of the Hebrew physicians and philosophers of the whole Arabic epoch. IbnMaymun was born in Cordova in 1135,; but his family left the country as a resultyof the Muwahhid persecution and settled in Cairo about 1165. The claim of al-Qifti and ibn-abi-Usaybi’ah that in Spain ibn- Maymun professed Islam in public but practised Judaism in secret has recently been subjected to sharp criticism. In Cairo he became the court physician of the celebrated Salah-al-Din and of his son al-Malik al-Aziz. From 1177 on he held the chief religious office of the Jewish community at Cairo, where he died in 1204. In accordance with his will his body was carried by hand over the route once taken by Moses and buried in Tiberias, where his unpretentious tomb is still visited by throngs of pilgrims. Ailing people among the poor Jews of modern Egypt still seek their cure by spending the night in the underground chamber of the synagogue of Rabbi Mosheh benMaimon in Cairo. Ibn Maymum distinguished himself as astronomer, theologian, physician and above all as philosopher. His medical science was the standard Galenism of his time derived from al-Razi, ibn-Sina and ibn-Zuhr and enlivened by rational criticism based on personal observation. Ibn- Maymum improved the method of circumcision, ascribed hemorrhoids to constipation, prescribing for them a light diet predominantly vegetarian, and held advanced ideas on hygiene. His most popular medical work was al-Fusul fi al-Tibb (aphorisms of medicine). His leading philosophical work bore the title Dalalat al-Ha’irin’ (the guide of the perplexed)’ in this he tried to reconcile Jewish theology with Muslim Aristotelianism or, in broader terms, faith with reason. Prophetic visions he explained as psychical experiences. To this extent at least he stood as the champion of scientific thought against biblical ”fundamentalism” and aroused the anger of conservative theologians, who referred to his book as Dalala (misguidance, error). His philosophic ideas resembled those of ibn-Rushd, though developed independently. Like ibn- Rushd he knew no Greek and depended entirely on Arabic Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spain 655 translation. The theory of creation which he propounded, but did not share, was the atomistic one as distinguished from the two others held by the Arabic-writing thinkers, namely, the fundamentalist theory, which made God creator of everything, and the philosophical, which was Neo-Platonic and Aristotelian, but in Hebrew characters, and were soon translated into Hebrew and later in part’into Latin. Their influence, far-reaching in space and time, was exerted mainly over Jews and Christians. Down to the eighteenth century they remained the principal medium through which Jewish thought reached the Gentiles. Modern critics detect traces of that influence in the Dominicans as attested by the works of Albertus Magnus, in Albertus’ rival, Duns Scotus, in Spinoza and even in Kant. PHARMACOLOGY A great progress was achieved in pharmacology as a consequence of the Arabic version of the Materia Medica of Dioscorides, established by doctors in Cordova in the 4th/10th century. This, in turn, was twice summarised in Latin in 7th/13th century Toledo, while Ibn Wafid’s books on balneology (the scientific study to bathing and medicinal springs) and simple plant remedies were translated into Christian tongues: the first into Latin (De Balneis) and the second into Catalan. In the second of these works, the fruit of twenty years of research, he follows Dioscorides and Galen, but at the same time he makes his own personal observations, alleging that he prefers simples to compounds and that as far as possible, he would do without either, limiting himself to the prescription of well-proven dietetic treatments. However, the greatest pharmacologist in Muslim Spain seems to have been al-Ghafiqi, who made detailed observations on the flora of al-Andalus. Al-Nabati’, Ibn Salih and Abu ’I-Hajjaj did the same, while their disciple, Ibn al-Baytar, continued this work in the north of Morocco and in all those regions through which he travelled. The text of Dioscorides known in Cordova during the 4th/10th century was gradually augmented as a result of the contributions made by other over the centuries up to the time of Ibn al-Baytar (d.646/1248). The latter, in the Jami’ al-Mufradat, lists more than three thousand simples in an alphabetical order, using the information collected by his predecessor, but adding his own comments. This work alone describes more than twice the number of 656 Political and Cultural History of Islam species of plants mentioned in the original Arabic version of Dioscorides. BOTANY In the field of natural history, especially botan> pure and applied, as in that of astronomy and mathematics, the Western Muslims enriched the world by their researches. They made correct observations on sexual difference between such plants as palms and hemps. They classified plants into those that grow from cuttings, those that grow from seed and those that grow spontaneously, as evidenced by ibn-Sab’in’s answar to one of Emperor Frederick’s questions. The Cordova physician al-Ghafiqi, abu-Ja’far Ahmad ibnMuhammad, collected plants in Spain and Africa, gave the name of each in Arabic, Latin and Berber, and described them in a wave that may be considered the most precise and accurate in Arabic His principal work al-Adwiyah al-Mufradah (on simples) was not merely quoted by practically appropriated by his later and better known conferee and countryman, ibn-al-Baytar. Towards the end of the twelfth century there flourished at Seville abu-Zakariya Yahya ibnMuhammad ibn-al-Awwam, whose treatise on agriculture, alFalahah, is not only the most important Islamic but the outstanding medieval work on the subject. Derived partly from earlier Greek and Arabic sources and partly from the experience of Muslim husbandmen in Spain this book treats of five hundred and eighty-five plants and explains the cultivation of more than fifty fruit trees. It presents new observations on grafting and the properties of soil and manure and discusses the symptoms of several diseases of trees and vines, suggesting methods of cure. But with all its importance this book was little known to Arab writers, neither ibn-Khallikan, Yaqut, nor Hajji Khalifah knew it and ibn-Khaldun wrongly considers it a recension of ibn-Wahshiyah’s. The best-known botanist and pharmacist of Spain, in fact of the Muslim world, was ”Abdullah ibn-Ahmad ibn-al-Baytar, a worthy successor of Dioscorides. Born at Malaga, ibn-al-Baytar travelled as a herbalist in Spain and throughout North Africa and later entered the service of the Ayyubid al-Malik al-Kamil in Cairo as chief herbalist. From Egypt he made extensive trips throughout Syria and Asia Minor. In 1248 he died in Damascus, leaving two celebrated works dedicated to his patron al-Salih Ayyub, who, like his predecessor al-Kamil, used Damascus as his Syrian capital. One of these works, al-Mughni fial-Adwiyah al-Mufradah, is on Materia Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spam 557 Medica; the other, al-Jarni, fi al-Adwiyah al-Mufradah, js a collection of ”simple remedies” from the animal, vegetable and mineral worlds, embodying Greek and Arabic data supplemented by the author’s own experiments and researches.5 In order to do this, these scholars had to rely on the more advanced sciences: botany, pharmacology and medicine. The first of the above disciplines had attained its peak in Muslim Spain with the anonymous work entitled Umdat al-Tabib fi marifat al-nabat li-kull labib, written at the end of the 5th/l 1th century In it one finds an excellent attempt to classify plants into categories (Jins)- species (naw) and varieties (sinf). which is far more developed than any other system previously conceived of, even including those of Aristotle and theophrastus. The first known botanical garden was al-Rusafa, a kind of country estate devoted to recreation, built near Cordova on the orders of the first Umayyad ruler of al-Andalus, Abdur Rahman I. The Arabic sources give a splendid account of the construction and agricultural activity there, laying special emphasis on the introduction of new plants which were later to spread throughout alAndalus.6 It stands out as the foremost medieval treatise of its kind Some 1400 items are considered, of which 300, including about 200 plants, were novelties. The number of authors quoted is about one hundred and fifty, of whom twenty were Greek. Parts of the Latin version of ibn-al-Baytar’s Simplicia were printed as late as 1758 at Cremona.7 AGRICULTURE The importance of agriculture in human life has been obvious since earliest times. One of the many to stress this importance is the agronomer al-Tighnarj from Granada (5th/l 1th- 6th/12th century), who writes that ”agriculture constitutes the basis of subsistence for men and animals”, so permitting ”the preservation of life and the sustaining of the spirit”. The arrival of the Arabs marked the beginning of a profound development in Peninsular agriculture, which in the last years of Visigothic rule, had regressed and decayed from the high level achieved during the Roman period. 5 Hitti, P 574 6 Jayyusi. P 943 7 Hitti, P.576 658 Political and Cultural History of Islam The new arrivals encountered a land whose fertility was described and celebrated by the Arab chroniclers and geographers, and they not only quickly perfected techniques inherited from the HispanoRomans and Visigoths, but added their own specialised expertise in the fields of applied botany, agronomy, pharmacology and medicine-an expertise which, once it had been integrated and applied in practice, produced the great agricultural richness with which alAndalus was blessed. This expertise was acquired from different sources and transmitted in various ways. The first and most important source was the Eastern Graeco-Byzantine tradition, the second source was the Latin tradition and the last was local knowledge, possibly a LatinMozarabic substratum, which was perfectly assimilated. To this collection of diverse knowledge must be added, at a later date, the learning collected and transmitted in the Nabataean Agriculture, the first great Arabic work of agriculture, which was considered at that time to represent the Mesopotamian tradition.8 In Muslim Spain, on the subject of agriculture, we may proceed with more confidence, since the history of agriculture in Muslim Spain has recently been rewritten by Lucie Bolens. First in Toledo, under the patronage of al-Ma’mum b. Dhi ’I-Nun, and later in Seville, there were, we know, several agriculturalists. Their dates are uncertain, but their activities seem to exist within the framework of the Ta’ifa period, or, at the latest, up to the beginning of that of the Almoravids. The texts which have survived are, for the most part, incomplete, since they are included in much later anthologies compiled by North African writers. We should note the works of the doctor Ibn Wafid (398/1007-467/1074) and Ibn Bassal of Toledo; of Abu ’I-Khayr and Ibn Hajjaj of Seville; and of al-Tighnari, who after studying in Seville, moved to Granada and, moreover, must have been a distinguished man of letters because his biography is to be found in a!-Dhakhira by Ibn Bassam. The last of them, Ibn al’Awwam (he lived some time between 512/1118 and 663/1265), composed his writings by a grafting process: it is a mosaic of what his predecessors had written on agriculture. An analysis of these treatises shows that we are here faced with a mixture of agricultural traditions, the origins of which date back to Babylonian and Egyptian antiquity, and which reach the Jayyusi. P 987 Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spain 659 medieval period through the Filaha nabatiyya of Ibn Wahshiyya. The Charthaginian, Roman and Hellenistic influences merge with the earlier sources as a consequence of Arabic version of the Byzantine Geoponika. The majority of quotations by authors whose names are mentioned in these Hispano-Arab works are indirect. In other words, as in the case of the astrologer Ibn Abi Rijal, these writers have not seen the original texts from which they cite. Furthermore, they mention sources like the Filaha rumiyya and the Filaha hindiyya. The first may be attributed to a certain Qustus, who is probably an imaginary person invented in the middle of the 4th/10th century by Ali b. Muhammad b. Sa’d. The agriculturalists of Muslim Spain studied the composition of the soil and endeavoured to make unfilled land cultivable: they tried to define the characteristics of the manure best suited to each situation, and they analysed the water and examined how land could be irrigated by means of water-channels, wells, water-wheels (na’uras) and other devices. Their machinery and primitive wheels, articulated by a winding gear which was very imperfect, since it was only required to draw water in an irregular fashion, probably provided mechanics such as al-Muradi with the inspiration to develop their mechanical ”toys”-toys which would eventually become clocks. The agriculturalists were aware of the importance of rotating crops and leaving land to lie fallow; they knew that in some cases, the mixing of manure was of paramount importance and thus they managed to raise the standard of agriculture in Muslim Spain to a level which was only surpassed in the 19th century with the development of chemistry. During the Enlightenment (18th century) the Spanish authorities became so convinced of this decline in agriculture that they commissioned a Spanish translation of the work of Ibn al-’Awwam-a work which a good many years later, was translated into French to make it accessible to French Algerian farmers. If, from the medical point of view, agriculture reached its maturity at the end of the 4th/10th century with the work of alZahrawi, and remained at a reasonably high level in the Iberian Peninsula throughout the 5th/l 1th century, the initial influence which it.exercised on Christian Europe was slight. Here the chief influence 660 Political and Cultural History of Islam was that of the Latin translations of the Salerno school made by Constantinus Africans in the 5th/l 1th century.9 MATHEMATICS The Arabs were keen students of Mathematics. They made marked advance in this subject. The use of the cipher which was obtained by them from India, was passed on by them to Europe. Prof. Arnold says, ”They were undisputable the founders of plane and spherical trigonometry which properly speaking did not exist among the Greeks.” The Arabs gave the world the science of algebra in its perfect form. Algebra is one of the proudest achievements of the Arabs and it was cultivated with so much absorbing interest that within two centuries of its invention it had reached gigantic proportions Hajjaj bin Yusuf translated the first six books of Euclid into Arabic : he also wrote a treatise on geometrical problems. Their contribution to the development of mathematics is great. Algebra, Statistics, conic sections and other branches of applied mathematics are the discoveries of the Muslims. They for the first time applied algebra to geometry. They discovered equations of the second degree and developed the theory of quadratic equations and the binomial theorem. The Arabs not only collected and translated the works of the Greek mathematicians but also illustrated them and made valuable commentaries of them. There were a good number of mathematicians among the Muslims who contributed much to mathematics during the middle ages. The oldest extant Andalusi mathematical text is the unpublished treatise on land surveying (taksir) written by the physician Muhammad b. Abdun al-Jabali towards the middle of the 4th/10th century the book is of a practical nature, and this seems, indeed, to be one of the main characteristics of the first manifestations of Andalusi mathematics. The second half of the 4th/10th century witnessed the important mathematical and astronomical school founded by Abu ’I-Qasim Maslama b. Ahmad al-Majriti (d. 397/1007), three members of which-Maslama himself, Abu ’I-Qasim Ahmad b. Muhammad b. al-Samh (d.426/1035) and abu ’I Hasan Ali b. Sulayman ai-Zahrawi-wrote treatises on commercial arithmetic (mu’amalat). These texts do not seem to be extant, but we can gain an idea of their contents through the Liber Mahameleth, a Latin translation, ascribed to John of Seville, of an Jayyusi, P.988 Literary & Scientific Development m Muslim Spam 661 Andalusi treatise on the same subject’ The authorities quoted in it (Euclid, Archimedes, Nichomachos of Gerasa, Muhammad b. Musa al-Kharizmi and Abu Kamil Shuja b. Aslam al- Misri) are precisely those one would expect to be known in al-Andaius in the second half of the 4th/10th century. The book deals with elementary arithmetic (addition, subtraction, multiplication, division and extraction of the square root, together with adequate methods for obtaining good approximations to imperfect square roots) and algebra (equations of the first and second degrees), and ends with a long collection of practical problems which might be of interest to a merchant.10 Ibn al-Samh himself seems, apart from his kitab almu’amalat, to have written extensively on arithmetic and geometry, but his works on these subjects are apparently lost. Nothing, on the other hand, is known of the development of algebra in al-Andalus in this period, apart from what we can gather from the Liber Mahameleth and, possibly, from an analysis of the treatises on division of inheritance (’ilm al-fara’id)’ we have to wait till the last stage of Andalusi history the Granada of the Banu Nasr (631/1232- 897/1492) to find an abridgement of algebra (Ikhtisar al-jabr wa ’1muqabala), written by one Abu Abdullah Muhammad b. Umar b. Muhammad b. Badr of whom we know only that he wrote this book before 744/1343 and was (perhaps) an Andalusi author. The Ikhtisar is a treatise on elementary algebra dealing, among other things, with indeterminate equations in the Diophantine tradition, which are here documented for the first time in al-Andalus. Far more interesting is the work of the last important Andalusi mathematician, Abu IHassan Ali b. Muhammad al-Basti al- Qalasadi, who wrote extensively on arithmetic, algebra and fara’id. His mathematical works seem to have been strongly influenced by those of the Moroccan mathematician Abu ’l-’Abbas Ahmad b. Muhammad, known as Ibn al-Banna al-Marrakushi (654/1256, 725/1321). but his originality has been exaggerated by modern scholarship. Thus, although he did indeed make interesting improvements to the method of successive approximations of squares and cubes merely followed the lead of Abu Mansur al-Baghdadi and al-Umawi al-Anualusi. Again, although he has been regarded as the man who introduced algebraic symbolism and it is obvious that he did use it-he had numerous predecessors in this, both in the Mashriq and in the Maghrib. Jayyusi, The Legacy of Muslim Spain, P 953 662 Political and Cultural History of Islam If this brief survey of arithmetic and algebra in al-Andalus is somewhat un-encouraging a different picture emerges when we consider geometry and spherical trigonometry. Apart from the lost geometrical works of Ibn al-Samh, we should here consider three important figures of the 5th/l 1th century: King Abu Amir Yusuf b. Ahmad al-Mu’taman of Saragossa, Abu Zayd ’Abdur Rahman b. Sayyid’-who flourished in Valencia between 456/1063 and 490/1096 and was the master of the famous philosopher and physicist Muhammad b. Yahya b. al-Sa’igh, known as Ibn Bajja (463/1070- 533/1138)-and the Qazi of Jaen Abu Abdullah Muhammad b. Mu’adh al-Jayyani (d. 486/1093). About al-Mu’taman we only knew, until very recently, that he had written an important treatise called Al-Istikmal, but this situation has now changed as a result of important works by A. Djebbar and J. P. Hogendijk. The latter has discovered four incomplete manuscripts of the Istikmal, containing fragments of the work dealing with number theory, plane geometry, study of the concepts of ratio and proportion following books V and VI of Euclid’s Elements, and the geometry of the sphere and of other solid bodies and conic sections. The extant parts of the Istikmal prove that al-Mu’taman had an important royal library containing the best books available in the 5th/11th century for the study of higher mathematics: Euclid’s Elements and Data, Archimedes, ’On the sphere and Cylinder (and, also, Eutocius’ commentary on the second book of this work), the books on Spherics by T’neodosius and Menelaos, Appolonius’ Conies, Ptolemy’s Almagest, Thabit b. Qurra’s treatises on amicable numbers and on Menelaos’ theorem, the treatise of the Banu Musa on the measurement of plane and spherical figures, Ibrahim b. Sinan’s book on the quadrature of the parabola, Ibn al-Haytham’s Optics, etc. Nevertheless, al-Mu’taman’s treatment of geometrical problems is not limited to mere reproduction of his sources, but, quite often, offers original solutions which prove that he was an excellent geometer.” The diffusion of the Arabic numerals in non-Muslim Europe was incredibly slow. Christian arithmeticians throughout the eleventh, twelfth and part of the thirteenth centuries persisted in the use of the antiquated Roman numerals and the abacus or made a compromise and used the new algorisms together with their old system. It was in Italy that the new symbols were first employed for practical purposes. In 1202 Leonardo Fibonacci of Pisa, who was layyusi, P 954 Literary & Scientific Development m Muslim Spam 663 taught by a Muslim master and had travelled in North Africa, published a work which was the mam landmark in the introduction of the Arabic numerals. More than that, it marks the beginning of European mathematics. With the old type of numerals, arithmetical progress along certain lines would have been impossible. The zero and Arabic numerals lie behind the science of calculation as we know it today.12 ASTRONOMY In Spam astronomical studies were cultivated assiduously after the middle of the tenth century and were regarded with special favour by the rulers of Cordova, Seville and Toledo. Following abuMa’shar of Baghdad, most of the Andalusian astronomers believed ip astral influence as the cause underlying the chief occurrences between birth and death on this earth. The study of this astral influence, i.e. astrology, necessitated the determining of the location of places throughout the world together with their latitudes and longitudes. Thus did astrology become the mother of astronomy. Finally it was through Spanish channels that the Latin West found its Oriental inspiration in astronomy and astrology. The leading Muslim astronomical works were translated in Spain into Latin, and the Alfonsine tables compiled by Alfonso X in the thirteenth century were nothing but a development of Arab astronomy. Spanish Arab astronomers built upon the preceding astronomical and astrological works of their co-religionists in the East. They reproduced the Aristotelian system, as distinguished from the Ptolemaic, and in the name of Aristotle attacked the Ptolemaic representation of the celestial movements. Outstanding among early Hispano-Arabic astronomers were al-Majriti of Cordova, al- Zarqali of Toledo of Seville. Abu-al-Qasim Maslamah al-Majriti, the earliest Spainsh Muslim scientist of any importance, edited and corrected the planetary tables of al-Khwarizmi, the first table composed by a Muslim. He converted the basis of these tables from the era of Yazdagird into that of Islam and to some extent replaced the meridian of arin by that of Cordova. In 1126 Adelard of Bath made a Latin version of the tables ascribed to al-Khwarizmi. About fourteen years later another important zij, that of al-R.ntam. composed about Hitti, P 573 Hitti, P 570 664 Political and Cultural History of Islam 900, was rendered into Latin by Plato of Tivoli and long afterwards done directly from Arabic into Spanish under the auspices of Alfonso X, surnamed the Wise and the Astronomer. Among alMajriti’s honorific titles was al-Hasib, the mathematician, for he was considered a leader (imam) in mathematical knowledge, including menstruation. It was either he or his Cordovan disciple Abu-alHakam Amr al-Karmani’ who introduced into Spain the writings of the Ikhwan al- Safa. The so-called Toledan tables were based upon observations made by a number of Muslim and Jewish astronomers notable among whom was al-Zarqali, abu-Ishaq Ibrahim ibn-Yahya. These tables comprised geographical information derived from Ptolemy and al-Khwarzmi and were rendered into Latin in the twelfth century by Gerard of Cremona. The works of Raymond of Marseilles were likewise largely drawn (1140) from the astronomical canons of alZarqali. Ptolemy’s exaggerated estimate of the length of the Mediterranean Sea as 62 (degree), cut by al- Khwarizmi to about 52 degree, was reduced probably by al-Zarqali to the approximately correct figure of 42 degree. Al-Zarqali was evidently the foremost astronomical observer of his age. He devised an improved type of astrolabe, called the safihah, and was the first to prove the motion of the solar apogee with reference to the stars. According to his measurements it amounted to 12.04, whereas its real value is 11.8. Compernicus quotes al-Zarqali along with al-Battani in his book De revolutionibus orbium coelestium. In his kitab al-Hay’ah (book of astronomy), which was also translated by Gerard of Cremona, Jabir ibn-Aflah (Geber filius Affiae) sharply criticizes Ptolemy and rightly asserts that the lower planets, Mercury and Venus, have no visible parallaxes. This book of ibn-Aflah is otherwise noteworthy for a chapter on spherical and plane trigonometry. About two and half centuries before ibn-Aflah, al-Battani had popularized, if not discovered, the first notions of trigonometerical ratios as we use them today. The science of trigonometry, like algebra and analytical geometry, was largely founded by Arabs.14 According to Julio ”Andalusi astronomers were extremely interested in the development of astronomical instruments, most of which were, like the equatorium, analog computers. Only in two Hitti. P 572 Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spam 665 exceptional instances do we see them designing instruments meant for use in observations. One of these is Ibn al-Zarqali armillary sphere, on whose construction he wrote a treatise which is extant in a 7th/13th century Spanish translation. This instrument seems to be a development of the astrolabon described by Ptolemy in the Almagest, V,l: Ibn al-Zarqali adds six rings to those of Ptolemy and states that the armillary sphere can be used to determine the longitudes and latitudes of the sun, moon, planets and stars.” The second observational instrument described in Andalusi sources was designed by Jabir b. Aflah, and consists of a large graduated rings (Jabir mentions a diameter of about six spans) with an axis in its centra on which rotates a graduated quadrant with an alidade and two sights. The instrument can be mounted on the plane of the meridian, oy that of the equator or on that of the ecliptic, and it has been /egarded as a predecessor of the torquetum, first described towards the end of the 13th century by Bernard of Verdun and Franco of Poland, although the similarities between the two instruments are not very clear.15 Ibn al-Zarqali seems to have been the first to design a universal instrument of this kind: 440/1048-9 saw his treatise, divided into 100 chapters, on the instrument called al-safiha alabbadiyya, for it was dedicated to the future al-Mu’tanmid b. ’Abbad, King of Seville, who was then only eight or nine years old. This instrument had on its face, a double grid of equatorial and elliptical coordinates and a ruler-horizon, while in its back, it had a zodiacal scale, an orthographic projection of the celestial sphere, a sine quadrant and a diagram which, combined with a most elaborate alidade, allowed the computation of the geocentric distance of the moon for a given time 31. At a later date he seems to have dedicated a new version of his instrument to the same al-Mu’tamid. This second species of safiha is usually called al-shakkaziyya, and appears described in treatises divided into 60 chapters. It is a simplified version of the ’abbadiyya type, with only one complete grid of equatorial coordinate (the elliptical grid is limited to the projection of the great circles of longitude which correspond to the beginning of the zodiacal sings) in its face, while back resembles that of standard astrolabe because the ortho graphic projection, the sine quardant, the lunar diagram and the sophisticated alidade have disappeared. ’ Jayyusi, P 958. 666 Political and Cultural History of Islam Foremost among the last Spanish astronomers stood Nur alDin abu-Ishaq al-Bitruji, a pupil of ibn-Tufayl. His kitab al-Hay’ah on the configuration of the heavenly bodies, is remarkable for its attempt to revive in a modified form the false theory of homocentric spheres. Though considered the exponent of a new astronomy, alBitruji in reality reproduced the Aristotelian system; his work marks the culmination of the Muslim anti-Ptolemaic movement. By the end of the twelfth century translation has been made from Arabic into Latin of a large number of Aristotle’s works on astronomy, physics and meteorology, in which most of Aristotle’s thought in geography had also found expression.16 One of Said’s contemporaries was the alchemist Abu Maslama of Madrid (not to be confused with the astronomer who is his near-namesake). He wrote a book entitled Rutbat al-Hakim, which, incidentally, contains a description of some experiments made by the author, from one of which one can infer that he was aware of the principle of the preservation of matter. Among this group of authors-it is difficult to know whether to call them technicians or scientists-one must include Ahmad or Muhammad b. Khalaf al-Muradi, a person unknown twenty years ago, who was ”discovered”’ through the study of his kitab al-asrar fmata’ij al-afkar, conserved in a single manuscript copied by the hand of Ishaq b. alSid, the chief astronomer of Alfonso X (the Wise). The work of al-Muradi is of great interest. In spite of the fact that the single manuscript in which it is conserved has been approximately 40% destroyed, it can be almost completely reconstructed. It describes various clepsydras capable of being set in motion at specified intervals of time-so that they could have been used as clocks-and capable of performing predetermined motions. This means that we have found the only book hitherto known in alAndalus which is comparable to the works of Heron, the Banu Musa brothers and al-Jazari. There is another interesting detail about this work: the manner in which al-Muradi treats his subject-matter seems to be without precedent; in a couple of key words, the terminology is quite different from that which one finds in the above mentioned works, and everything seems to suggest that we are here in the presence of a true inventor, or else someone who represents a native Andalusi tradition of artesan-mechanics. Similarly, in his clepsydras Him. P 572 I Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spain 667 he seems to be working independently from Ibn Firnas and Azarquiel. Moreover, and this is important to emphasise, in order to produce hysteresis in his mechanical ”toys”, al-Muradi uses mercury (al-Jazari uses metal baljs) which is displaced inside the arms of the main balance, or master-balance of the system. Machine number one, which has recently been reconstructed, demonstrates the efficacy of a mechanism which had never before been used in this way. HISTORY In Spain Arabic philology, theology, historiography, geography, astronomy and allied sciences had a comparatively late development, since the Muslims there, unlike their co-religionists of Syria and al-Iraq, had but little to learn from the natives. Even after their rise Spanish sciences lagged behind those of the Eastern Caliphate. It was mainly in such disciplines as botany, medicine, philosophy and astronomical mathematics that Western Muslims made their greatest mark. One of the earliest and best known of Andalusian historians was abu-Bakr ibn-Umar, usually known as ibn-al-Qutiyah, who was born and flourished at Cordova, where he died in 977. His Ta’rikh Iftitah (variant Path) al-Andalus,’ which we have used in this work, extends from the Muslim conquest to the early part of ’Abdur Rahman Ill’s reign. Ibn-al-Qutiyah was also a grammarian and his treatise on the conjugation of verbs was the first ever composed on the subject. Another early but more prolific historical writer was abuMarwan Hayyan ibn-Khalaf of Cordova, surnamed ibn-Hayyan (987 or 988-1076). Ibn-Hayyan’s list of works contains no less than fifty titles, one of which, al-Matin, comprised sixty volumes. Unfortunately only one work, al-Muqtabis fi Ta’rikh Rijal alAndalus,’ has survived. The most valuable work on the Muwahid period was written in 1224 by the Moroccan historian ’Abdul Wahid al-Marrakushi,’ who sojorned in Spain.17 Andalusia produced a number of biographers, one of the first among whom was Walid ’Abdullah ibn-Muhammad ibn-alFaradi, who was born in 962 at Cordova, where he studied and taught. When thirty years old be undertook a pilgrimage in the course of which he stopped to study at al- Qayrawan, Cairo, Makkah and al-Medina. After his return he was appointed Qadi of Valencia. During the sack of Cordova by the Berbers in 1013 ibn-al-Faradi was Hitti, Histor> ot the Arabs. P 565 668 Political and Cultural History of Islam murdered in his home; his body was not found till the fourth day afterward and was so decomposed that it was buried without the usual ceremonial washing and warpping. Only one of ibn-al-Faradi’s works, Ta’rikh ’Ulama1 al-Andaius.’ is extant. This collection of biographies of the Arab scholars of Spain was supplemented by ibnBashkuwal, abu-ai-Qasim Khalaf ibn-rAbdul Malik, in a volume completed in 1139 under the title al-Silah fi Ta’rikh A’immat alAndalus. This is one of two surviving works of ibn-Bashkuwal, who is credited with the composition of some fifty books. Ibn-Bashkuwal was born at Cordova in 1101 and died there in 1183. His Silah was continued by abu-’Abdullah Muhammad ibn-al-Abbar (1199/1260) of Valencia under the title al- Takmilahli-Kitab al-Silah In addition to this work ibn-al-Abbar wrote al-Huliah al-Siyara, a collection of biographies. Another valuable dictionary of learned Spanish Arabs is Bughyat al- Multamis fi Ta’rikh Rijal al-Andalus, by al-Dabbi, abuJa’far Ahmad ibn-Yahya (1203), who flourished in Murcia. In the history of science we have from the pen of abu-alQasim Sa’id ibn-Ahmad al-TuIaytuli (1029-70) the Tabaqat alUmam’ (Classification of nations), which was a source of al-Qifti, ibn- Usaybi’ah and ibn-al-Ibri, Sa’id held the office of Qazi of Toledo under the dhu-al-Nuns and distinguished himself as historian, mathematician and astronomical observer.18 The two names which stand for the highest literary accomplishment and historical comprehension of which Western Islam was capable are those of the two friends and officials of the Nasrid court, ibn-al- Khatib and ibnKhaldun. Lisan-al-Din ibn-al-Khatib (1313-74) was descended from an Arab family which had migrated to Spain from Syria. Under the seventh Nasrid Sultan, Yusuf abu-al-Hajjaj (1334-54), and his son Muhammad V (1354-9, 1362-91), he held the pompous title of dhual-wizaratayn. In 1371 he fled from Granada because of court intrigues, only to be strangled to death three years later at Fas in revenge for a private feud. In his death Granada, if not the whole of Arab Spain, lost its last important author, poet and statesman. Of the sixty odd works penned by ibn-al-Khatib, which are chiefly, belletristic, historical, geographical, medicinal and philosophic, about a third have survived. Of these the most important for us is the extensive history of Granada. Hitti, History of the Arabs, P 566. Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spam 669 Abdur Rahman ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) was born in Tunis of a Spanish Arab family which traced its ancestry to the Kindah tribe. The founder of the family had migrated in the ninth century from al-Yaman to Spain; his descendants flourished in Seville untill the thirteenth century. Abdur Rahman himself held a number of high offices in Fas before he fell into disgrace and entered (1361) the service of the sultan of Granada, Muhammad VI. The sultan entrusted him with an important mission of peace to the Castilian court. Two years later, after having aroused the jealousy of his powerful friend ibn-al-Khatib, ibn-Khaldun returned to al-Maghrib. Here he occupied a number of positions, finally retiring to Qal’at ibnSalamah, where he began work on his history and resided till 1378. In 1382 he set out on a pilgrimage but broke his journey in Cairo to lecture at its famous mosque, al-Azhar. Two years later he was appointed chief Malikite Qazi of Cairo by the Mamluk Sultan alZahir Barquq. In 1401 he accompanied Barquq’s successor al- Nasir to Damascus on his campaign against the dreadful Tamerlane (Timur), who received ibn- Khaldun as an honoured guest. Thus did this historian play a significant part in the politics of North Africa and Spain, all of which prepared him admirably for the writing of his great work. His comprehensive history, entitled Kitab al-Ibar waDiwan al-Mubtada’ w-al-Khabar fi Ayyam al-Arab wal-Ajam walBarbar (book of instructive examples and register of subject and predicate dealing with the history of the Arabs, Persians and Berbers), is made up of three parts a Muqaddatnah (prolegomena), forming volume one; the main body, treating of the Arabs and neighbouring peoples and the last part, which sketches the history of the Berbers and the Muslim dynasties of North Africa. Unfortunately the critical theories ably propounded in the Muqaddamah were not applied to the main part of the work. However , the section treating of the Arab and Berber tribes of the Maghrib will ever remain a valuable guide. The fame of Ibn Khaldun rests on his Muqaddamah. In it he presented for the first time a theory of historical development which takes due cognizance of the physical facts of climate and geography as well as of the moral and spiritual forces at work. As one who endeavoured to formulate laws of national progress and decay Ibn Khaldun may be considered the discoverer as he himself claimed- of the true scope and nature of history or at least the real founder of the science of sociology. No Arab writer, indeed no European, had ever taken a view of history at once so comprehensive and philosophic. 670 Political and Cultural History of Islam By the consensus of all critical opinion Ibn Khaldun was the greatest historical philosopher Islam produced and one of the greatest of all 19 time. GEOGRAPHY AND TRAVELS The best known geographer of the eleventh century was alBakri, a Hispano-Arab, and the most brilliant geographical author and cartographer of the twelfth century, indeed of ail medieval time, was al-Idrisi, a descendant of a royal Spanish Arab family who got his education in Spain. Abu Ubayd Abdullah Ibn Abdul Aziz alBakri, the earliest of the Western Muslim geographers whose works have survived, flourished in Cordova, where he died at an advanced age in 1094. A belletrist, poet and philologist, he won his laurels through his voluminous geography al-Masalik wal-Mamalik (the book of roads and kingdoms), which, like most geographical works of the Middle Ages, was written in the form of an itinerary. The book has survived only in part. Al-Idrisi, born at Ceuta in 1100, shed lustre on the reign of Roger II, Norman King of Sicily, and will be treated in that connection. After al-Idrisi Arab geographical literature can claim no great originality and is represented by travellers narratives, which then become especially numerous. The best known among these travellers was ibn-Jubayr, abu-al-Husayn Muhammad ibn-Ahmad, who was born in Valencia in 1145 and educated at Jativa. Between 1183 and 1185 ibn-Jubayr undertook a journey from Granada to Makkah and back, visiting Egypt, al-Iraq, Syria-parts of which were still in the hands of the Crusaders- and Sicily. He travelled in the East on two further occasions, 1189-1191 and 1217, but on the latter journey he only reached Alexandria, where he died. His Rihlah, the account of his first journey, is one of the most important works of its kind in Arabic literature. Another Hispano-Arab geographer and traveller was abu-Hamid Muhammad al-Mazini (1080/1- 1169/70) of Granada, who visited Russia in 1136. While among the Bulgars in the Volga region he witnessed a commercial activity unreported in any other source, trade in fossil mammoth ivory, which was exported as far as Khwarizm to be made into combs and pyxides. The travels of Ibn-Jubayr and al-Mazini were eclipsed by those of the Moroccan Arab Muhammad ibn-Abdullah ibn-Battutah, the Muslim globe-trotter of the Middle Ages. Ibn-Battutah was born I Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spam 671 at Tanjah (Tangier) in 1304 and died in Marrakesh in 1377. In thei second quarter of that century he made four pilgrimages to Makkah in conjunction with which he journeyed all over the Muslim world. Eastward he reached Ceylon, Bengal, the Maldive Islands and China. He also visited Constantinople. His last travels in 1353 took him far into the interior of Africa. His alleged visit to the city of Bulghar, near Kazan and the Volga, seems to be the only serious fabrication in his whole account.20 The Muslims opened a brilliant chapter in the history of cartography (the science of map- making). They had vast knowledge of geography and their original contributions to it along with the translation of Greek works have been highly recognised by the civilized world In the field of cartography the Muslims icpresented the world on map when the Western scholars could not think of it. Al-Idrisi was unquestionably the last map-maker the world ever produced. He is said to have made 70 maps of his ’climatic’ divisions, a celestial sphere and globe of silver-on the globe he indicated his seven latitudinal ”Climatic” Divisions. He also made a map of the world on a silver plate. These maps of Idrisi indicate the western Islamic world better than eastern. The world maps of Qazwini and al-Wardi were made after the world maps of’Balkhi school.21 CALLIGRAPHY Calligraphy is the art of fine writing, calligraphy became an art in Islam and worthy of serious study. Under Umayyad and Abbasids, this art made much progress. In North Africa the Maghrib script was very common. It was originally called Kairawan after the name of the town where a University had been established. An art of calligraphy was so highly appreciated by the Arabs that it was styled the ”Golden Profession”, and in this, the Spanish Muslims achieved remarkable proficiency. It was developed, under the caliphates of both the East and the West, and reached the climax of perfection. The skin they used had a ground of gold or silver or were dyed of various colours, scarlet, green, purple, blue and black: their luster was so great that they reflected light like the polished surface of a mirror. Their inks were of different types. They were brilliant and durable. The manuscripts were enriched with illuminations. They ’ Hitti. History of the Arabs, P 568 20 Hitti. History of the Arabs, P 570 M A Hanfi. A Sarvey of Muslim Institutions and Culture, P 193 672 Political and Cultural History of Islam included medallion, portraits, representations of men and animals delineated with astonishing skill, surpassing all their predecessors, A new force of-writing arose in Spain after the centre of the Maghrib script had been shifted from Kairawan to that country. It was called Andalusian or Cordovan and is distinguished from the still somewhat stiff and angular script of Kairawan by the remarkably round of forms of its letters. Timbuktoo became the intellectual centre of Africa in 1213. Its script is called the script of Timbuktoo or Sunani. Its letters are large and thick. The practice of Arabic script and beautiful handwriting existed throughout the Islamic world. Numerous types of writing reflect the depth of devotion which attached to calligraphy. The causes of miraculous nobility and respectability of this art in Islamic culture may be traced in the writings of Mr. Arnold who writes in his work Painting in Islam: The art of writing is an honourable and soulnourishing accomplishment; as a manual attainment, it is always elegant and enjoys general approval.” Imagine its honour and importance when God Himself says in the Holy Quran (68 : 1): Nun (inkstand) : By the pen and by the (record) which men write. After Allah, Hazrat Muhammad always encouraged the Muslims saying ”Go in quest of knowledge even into China” (Ibn Majah). The word ’China’ implies ”that one can here seek other types of learning besides religious knowledge and even from non-Muslims.” A wise man has said, ”Fine utterances in elegant handwriting are a pleasure to the eye and a joy to the heart and fragrant to the sou!.’*22 Thus calligraphy became an important art in Islam and worthy of serious study. The calligraphists enjoyed a higher reputation and honour than painters in the society. THE PHILOSOPHY AND MUSIC The Arab philosophers-and this includes all those whose were written in Arabic-have often been accused with having inextricably woven Platonic elements into the Aristotelian heritage, which they passed on to the Christian West, as if by so doing they were guilty of misrepresentation. In reality, this ”mingling” for which they are censured, represents a splendid work of adaptation, a synthesis in the true sense of the world without which the intellectual flowering of the Christian Middle Ages would have been inconceivable. The fertile union of intellectual discipline and 22 MA. Hantl, P.209. Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spain 673 contemplative spirit, for which the schools of Damascus, Baghdad. Cordova, and Cairo were the centres of Muslim learning’s in Medieval Ages. All these philosophers combined the strictly methodical thought of Aristotle, proceeding from premise to premise, with the contemplative Platonic approach which was directed immediately to the essence of things. Obviously the Arab scholars were sometimes mistaken about the authorship of Greek doctrines. But what concerned the philosophers named above was not so much the question of which writings should be attributed to Plato or to Aristotle, as from which viewpoint one master or the other reasoned. For the Arabs were convinced that the great sages of antiquity did not simply construct a system of ideas, but that the> set out from an immediate view of reality, so that any contradictions were simply like one and the same scene painted by two different artists. If we are familiar with the subject of the painting, it is possible to reconcile the apparent discrepancies of the different renderings. It was possible for the Arab scholars to reconcile Aristotelian philosophy with that of Plato, because they themselves possessed a firm axis was the doctrine of the oneness of God is unique and exalted above the entire universe, and, on the other, it implies that everything that exists necessarily partakes of divine being. There is only one being. Thus although plurality springs from oneness, it never supplants it. There are manifold reflections of the one being, in that it appears by degrees increasingly fragmented, limited, and ephemeral and yet it still always remains one. The Arabs took the outline of this doctrine largely from the metaphysics of Plotinus, although in essence it is set out in the Qur’an. One fundamental ingredient of this doctrine is the hierarchical structure of the universe. Plurality in oneness and oneness in multiplicity-this is the law of hierarchy. An awareness that reality embraces countless different levels of existence was common to all the cultures of classical antiquity and the Middle Ages, whether this was expressed in mythological form or in terms of philosophy. That the whole of reality should consist of the physical world which can be comprehended by our five senses is a very recent concept, and one which is basically contradicted by any knowledge of oneself. For man readily discovers that the ”stuff,” as it were of which his soul is made is different from that of his body, and that for all its ties to the physical world, it possesses qualities 674 Political and Cultural History of Islam that the bodv does not have, such as perception, thought, and independent action. Endowed with these faculties the soul, with its constant changes, is itself an object of recognition and this presupposes that there is something like an inner eye that sees the soul, while itself remaining constant. This is the intellect in the medieval acceptance of the word. To try and comprehend it would be as hopeless as an attempt to see one’s own power of vision. It transcends thought, yet it lends all possible certainty to thought. The reign of Hakam II was indeed the golden age of Arab learning in Muslim Spain. Hakam II was passionatel} devoted to letters. His agents were sent to all parts of the East to collect rare books. He was himself an erudite scholar and patronised learning. He granted liberal bounties to men of learning and established twenty seven free schools in the capital. During his reign the University of Cordova gained a prominent position among the educational institutions of the world and attracted students, Muslims. Jews and Christians from different parts of the world- Europe, Africa and Asia. Professors of international repute were invited to adorn the chairs of different faculties of the university and he set aside endowments for their salaries. Under Hakam II that the study of philosophy was commenced and cultivated. All rational evidence would be nothing without the truths that are a direct ”illumination” (intellectusagens in Latin, al-akl alfa’-al in Arabic), because the intellect consists, as it were of the pure act of recognition, and never itself becomes the passive object of perception. For man, the soul is his inner being, and the intellect is the innermost part of that inner being. The physical world ”inward” by the sensor} organs and the corresponding mental powers. Common sense, the senses communis. collates the external impressions, imagination translates them into images, the intelligences sifts and presents them to the intellect, which makes the final distinction between true and false. Accordingly, the various conditions or layers of the human nature can be thought of in terms of a varying number of concentric circles, with the outer circle corresponding to the physical condition, and the center to the intellect. The advantage of this formula, which was well- known to medieval philosophers, and to which we shall return later, is that it illustrates the order of basic realities in the simplest way. However, its limitations, and its partial fallac> are immediately evident in that the very element representing supra-personal and universal truth- ’ ili’r it/ 675 namely tlfu intellect, appears as the smallest thing - a mere point. The reason for-thi> is that the entire scheme with its differentiation between ”external” and ”internal” is determined by an egocentric or ”subjective” outlook. The stud> of philosophv was not flourished in Spain due to the orthodox) of Muslim Spain. There are famous philosophers olMuslim Spain:- 1 Ibn Masarrah 2. Ibn Hazm j. 4. 5. Ibn Bajjah Ibn Tutyal Ibn Rushd Ibn-al-Arabi Ibn Hazm of Cordova (994-1064 A.D.) He \\asa wazir and an intimate friend of the Umayyad ruler Abdur Rahman V. and wrote a book on law, in which he drev\ a complete picture of the psychological effect of this profession. In his book of characters and conducts he summed up the social psychology of the Spanish Muslims. His main and most famous work, a critical history of religions and heresies (Kitab al-Fisal fi’lMilal wa ’l-Ahwa wa T-Nihal), was translated into Spanish by Miguel Asin Palacios in five volumes (1927-1932). Ibn Hazm, who had Jewish blood in his veins, was a great philosopher and historian of his time. He lived at Seville, where his books were burnt by King al-Mu’tamid (1069- 91). In his Kitab al-Fisal (Magnum Opus) Ibn Hazm attacked both the Ash’artes and the Mu’tazilites.2’ Ibn Bajjah Abu Bakr Muhammad ibn Yahya ibn Bajjah or Avempace (1085-1 128 or 1138 A.D.), a native of Saragossa and a Tujibid by descent, was an eminent philosopher, mathematician, astronomer, and physician. According to some Arab writers, he surpassed even Ibn Sina and al-Ghazza!i of the East. He wrote the Tadbir alMutawahhid (Regime of the Solitary) and prepared the way for his favourite disciple, Averroes. Among the Spanish Muslim philosophers Ibn Bajjah, Ibn Tufayl and Ibn Rushd were the outstanding figures. Ibn Bajjah lived under the Murabitun and the other two flourished under the Muwahhidim. Under the influence of al-Ghazzali the Muwahhidun Ja\\usi. The Legacy of Muslim Spain. P 122 ”M* ¥ 676 Political and Cultural History of Islam adopted Kalam doctrines. Ibn Rushd was opposed the mutakallimun who had formulated the dogmas of the Muwahhidun, but none of the Spanish philosophers could be as free as al-Farabi had been in the East. In the event of political chaos renunciation was preached b\ philosophers like Ibn Bajjah. Contrary to Ibn Sina, Ibn Bajjah believed that the individual soul perished with the bod> and that it was the intellect in man which survived. Ibn Tufayl Abu Bakr Muhammad ibn Tufayl (d. 581/1185), a wazir and physician of the Muwahhid court, followed Ibn Sina in teaching that the soul, which was an immaterial substance, survived and did not perish with the body. In his philosophical novel Hayy ibn Yaqzan. named after a philosophical tale of Ibn Sina, he urged his followeis to live a solitary life and they were reminded not to disturb the religious way of life led by ordinary people unable to transcend then animal nature. According to him spiritual life was beyond then reach \ Ibn Rushd Abu’l-Walid ibn Rushd, or Averroes, was born at Cordova in 1126 A.D. and died in Morocco in December 1198. He lived in the days of the fanatic Almohades. Ibn Rushd considered the Mutakallimun half orthodox and half philosophical (semiintellectual) and therefore dangerous for both the orthodox believers and the philosophers. They did not have clear concepts and could not interpret the Qur’anic verses correctly and rationally. He followed Aristotle and became known for his commentaries on Aristotle. Ibn Rushd was i rationalist but submitted to reason only if not contrai) to the Qur’anic teachings. In refutation of Ghazzali’s attack on rationalism in his Tahafut al-Falasifah (the Collapse of the Philosophers) Ibn Rushd wrote the Tahafut al-Tahafut al-Falasifah. He also wrote on the Agreement of Religion and Philosophy and the Mabadi ’I- Falsafa’n (the Beginning of Philosophy). Through Avicena and Averred Platonism and Anstotelianism found their way into Latin and exercised great influence on European philosophy. Ibn Rushd ^ known in the Muslim world for his Tahafut al-Tahafut but in t\* Christian and Jewish worlds mostly for his commentaries c>n Aristotle, namely Talkhis (resume). Jarm’ (summary) and Tafsir <-”” Sharh (a long commentary). His commentaries created agitation ”’ the minds of the European scholars and teachers and for fof-1’ Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spam 677 centuries (from the end of 12th to the end of 16th) Averroism remained the subject of heated discussion in philosophical seminars and writings in Europe. Ibn Rushd was a great commentator of the works of Aristotle and through him Greek philosophy reached Medieval Europe. Although the original Arabic texts have been lost, a number of his works have survived in Latin. He is supposed to be the authonof the ”Three Impostors” and the Two Realities. Alfred Guillaume says ”In Italy his influence lived on into the 16th century and gave rise to the famous disputes of Achillmi and Pomponazzi. Averroism continued to be a living factor in European thought until the birth of modern experimental science. Ibn al-Arabi In spite of the rigid official Malikism, Mu’tazilite ideas considered heretical by some, entered Spain in the garb of asceticism nourished by and developed into a philosophy by Ibn Masarra and finally transformed into Sufism by the great Murcian mystic Muhya al-Din b. al-Arabi, who spread pantheistic mysticism throughout Andalus and became known all over the East. Muhya al-Din ibn al-Arabi (1164/5-1240 A.D.) of Murcia travelled to Africa and Asia, and composed several works including, ”Futuhat al-Makkiyyah” and Fusus, which preserved Neoplatonic and pantheistic ideas and influenced enormously the later philosophers and the, ’’Divine Comedy,” of Dante. He is called the ruling mystic of the age. Ibn al-Arabi believed in the primordial unity of all beings and was a sufi- philosopher.24 Music No doubt music and its ancillary fields have formed an integral part of the social life of various peoples throughout the ages. In pre-Islamic times, Arabic women sang war songs and laments; they were accompanied by instrumentalists at nuptials, festivals, and other occasions. The lute, reed pipe, vertical flute, drum, tambourine, and other instruments were in use. These musical traditions survived to Islamic times, were enriched by new techniques, and enjoyed great popularity among the nobility and the common people. However, it seems paradoxical that a popular and flourishing art should have been considered unpraise worthy in Islamic tradition. In this connection, it is not clear \\hether the censure of music can be attributed to Muhammad (PBUH) himself, or to his followers who \ Mil M\stiutl I’httosophx ol Ihn.tl’-\uibi I’ 14 678 Political ami Ci/ltnml H/sfc» i/ rf />/ ’ // were jealous of their roles as torchbearers of social values and public morality. Traditions are contradictory with respect to the nature, lawfulness, or unlawfulness of music and smmng Some praise such pursuits, while others condemn them on the giound that they disturb the mind and dissipate the emotions. Some of the traditions which consider listening to music unlawful are: Iblis (Satan) was the first who wailed and the first who sang”, No one lifts up his voice in singing, but Allah sends to him two devils to his shoulders”. Music and singing cause hypocrisy to grow in the heart as water makes corn grow. Still another tradition asserts that singing girls and stringed instruments are signs of the end of the world and the most powerful means by which the devil seduces men. Western Muslim authors Ibn Abd Rabbihi of Cordova and Ibn Khaldun of Tunis, among others concerned themselves with both the negative and positive attitudes toward singing and music and their practice. Ibn Abd Rabbihi. in ”The Unique Necklace,” says that it would be distasteful not to include the art of singing in a book containing all the arts, wisdom sayings, anecdotes, and proverbs. He gives the pros and cons for the permissibility of singing and music from a wide range of people - religious men, philosophers, physicians, rulers, and others. He says: People had opposing views concerning singing: the majority of the people of Hijaz condoned it while the majority of the ’Iraqis disapproved it. Those who condoned it argue that its source lies in poetry which was allowed by the Prophet (PBUH), who urged people to use it, eulogized his companions with it, and armed himself with it against the polytheists. And those who disapprove of singing argue that it shatters the heart, disturbs the mind, makes the forbearing lightuitted, leads to past time, incites the people to excitement (tarab), and for this reason, it is false from the outset. This notwithstanding, Ibn Abd Rabbihi appears to be more inclined to favour singing and music, as evidenced by his numerous quotations praising those arts. In fact a full section is devoted to the praise of the lute (’ud) and includes some of his own poems. Ample space is given to statements supporting a beautiful voice: ’Physicians claim that a beautiful voice flows into the body and runs into the veins making the heart limpid and happ\. the soul cheerful, the limbs shaky, the movements soft.... Even the beasts take delight in a beautiful voice and know its excellence. Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spain 679 Centuries later, Ibn Khaldun wrote that the arts of singing and music are concerned with the setting of poems to music. Moreover, he includes music among the sciences. One of the reasons he gives for Muslim concern with singing and music is the fear of confounding Qur’anic cantilation, which has certain fixed rules not allowing for melodies. In addition, the recitation of the Qur’an is an occasion of reverence and awe incompatible with the pleasure and amusement produced by singing and music. However, a beautiful voice is highly desirable for the recitation of the Qur’an in addition to proper articulation and enunciation of letters. In spite of legal restrictions on and religious ambivalence, music and signing became part and parcel of entertainment at all levels of society. They were cultivated widely in both the Eastern and Western Muslim world. War, battle, and love songs were sung and were accepted, however grudgingly, by the religious scholars. Music, singing and dancing became common features at festivals, weddings, births, and circumcisions. Even the spiritual effects of music were widely recognized among the mystics, who came to accept music as an elixir and a means to ecstasy. The great Egyptian mystic, Dhu-I-Nun says :Listening (al- sama’) is a divine influence which stirs the heart to see Allah; those who listen to it spiritually attain to Allah and those who listen to it sensually fall into heresy. Rulers in both East and West vied for the best talents in these areas, and musicians, singers and dancers - male and female became an integral part of court entourage. They had great passion for music and singing, patronized them, and encouraged their study. It is perhaps for these reasons and out of a natural attraction to music and singing that the study of music was allowed at the practical and theoretical levels. There emerged an abundant literature which dealt with the various aspects of music and singing and its leading figures. The lexicographer al-Khalil b. Ahmad (d.791) is credited with two works, the Kitab al-nagham (The Book of Notes) and the Kitab aliqa (The Book of Rhythm). The philosopher al-Kindi wrote seven treatises on anangement of notes, rhythm, composition, introduction to the art of music, art of lute, and so forth. He was followed by his able pupil al-Sarakhsi, who is credited with a number of treatises. The great philosopher al-Farabi was an able instrumentalist as well as theorist of music. He was able to pay the lute in such a manner as to cast his hearers into a fit of laughter or draw tears from their eves. He wrote three works on music. These men were followed 680 Political mid Cnltiirnl History of Is by al-Razi. Ibn Sina, the Brethren of Purity, and others who considered music one of the sciences and wrote numerous works about it. In addition, Abu Faraj al-ispahani wrote his famous Book of Songs in twenty-one volumes which reached al-Andalus before its circulation in the East. Although these authors were inspired by Greek music as learned in translation, they were also concerned with the various musical instruments. All of these preoccupations became known to the Andalusians, who. in turn, emulated and assimilated the musical lore of the East. Moreover, leading Eastern instrumentalist, singers, and dancers were known to the Andalusians. There was the Makkhan Siyyat (d.785), a famous singer and lute player, who left an array of pupils - Ibrahim and Ishaq al-Mawsili, Ibn Jami. al-Hakam al-Wadi (d.800) all of whom were accomplished singers and musicians. By and large the musical traditions of the East passed on to al-Andalus and became part of the culture inspite of the avowed conservatism and protest of the religious scholars. The Andalusians loved poetry, songs, music, and dancing. These arts suited their temperament and permeated their lives. As among the Abbasids in the East, the Andalusian rulers introduced singers, musicians, and dancers into their courts. At first, they imported both male and female singers and dancers from the East. The Eastern singers ’Alwan and Zarqun entered al-Andalus during the reign of the emir al- Hakim I and were followed by others. Among the female singers was Fazl al-Medina. originally from alAndalus who received her musical training in Baghdad and Medina. The song stress Qamar was brought from Baghdad and became famous for composing melodies at the court of Sex ille. Ziryab But the most important emigre was ’AM Ibn Nafi’, known as Ziryab (789-857). He was probably a client (Mawla) who was brought up and educated in Baghdad. According to Ibn ’Abd Rabbihi, he was a black slave of the famous musician Ibrahim alMawsili, the leading musician of the da>, who trained him in the arts of music and singing. He was so gifted that his special talents attracted the attention of the caliph was so pleased that his master became jealous and advised Ziryab in unmistakable terms either to leave the country immediately and settle in a distant land or to remain and suffer anguish and enmity. The story has an element of exaggeration, and Ziryab’s departure may have been promoted by the unsettled conditions during the civil wars between the brothers al- Litcrnn/ & Scientific Development in Muslim Spain Am in (808-813) and al-Ma’mun (813-833) At any rate, he left for North Africa, where he spent some time in Qayrawan at the court of the Aghlabid ruler Ziyadat Allah I (816-837). Here Ziryab is said to have incurred the displeasure of the ruler, to have been whipped and given three days to leave the country. However, the displeasure may have been caused by Ziryab’s decision to go to al-Andalus at the invitation of al- Hakam. Ziryab travelled with his family to Algeciras and had reached al-Andalus in 822 when his patron-to-be died. However, he was received by a delgf ation sem by the new emir Abdur Rahman II. His arrival coincided with the inauguration of this ruler, who bestowed a furnished mansion and expensive gifts. He also gave Ziryab a salary of 200 dinars per* month, and 20 dinars to each of his four sons, a bonus of 3,000 dinars a year, and 500 to 1,000 dinars for special religious festivals. Ziryab’s influence at the court grew rapidly, and he was soon one of the ruler’s favourites. Ziryab became the boon-companion of his patron, and introduced new fashions in hair styles, culinary arts, table etiquette, and dresses for every season and occasion. However, Ziryab’s greatest talent lay in singing, playing the lute, and instructing and training students. He is credited with knowing one thousand songs from memory. He composed numerous songs and claimed that the (spirits) jinn and inspired them at night. As an instrumentalist, he excelled at the Ud (lute), which he improved by adding a fifth string The colour of the string was red, representing the soul, and was placed between the second and third strings. He also used plectras which were made of eagles, talons rather than those hitherto made of less durable wood; this innovation assured longer life to the strings and improved the tone. Perhaps Ziryab’s greatest contribution to the art of music was in the field of instruction. He founded a conservatory of music in Cordova, the first of its kind. He introduced a curriculum consisting of three stages: first, the study of rhythm, meter, and words of songs taught to the accompaniment of musical instruments: second, the mastery of melody: and third, an introduction to za’idjh (gloss). He had an ingenious method of training singers. He wSuld have the student sit down on a round cushion and make him use the full power of his voice. If he found that the voice of the student was weak, he would tie a turban around the waist to increase the voice. If the student stammered or clenched his teeth, Ziryab would put in his mouth a small piece of wood in order to expand his jaws, and he 682 Political and Cultural History of Is would then order him to utter certain words, \\hich if done clearly would gain admission for the student. It \vas in this conservatory that a great number of students, including his concubine Mut’ah and his daughter Hamdunah, were trained who became famous for their singing, dancing, and musical compositions.”^ Ziryab’s position was so high that he was able to accumulate a fortune valued at some 300.000 dinars in addition to several villages that were given to him in fief. His affluence aroused the resentment of poets and religious men alike, for different reasons. This notwithstanding, his influence on the taste of Cordova was felt strongly and spread to the capital cities of the provinces and eventually to North Africa. Ibn Firnas and Others The musical legacy of Ziryab was kept alive by his pupils •who were natives of al-Andalus. Thus, from the ninth century onward, the Andalusians began to make their own contributions to the field of singing and music. Ibn Firnas (d.888) is said to have been the first teacher of music in al- Andalus. He was followed by a group of teachers who dealt with the theoretical and practical aspects of music. We owe to Ibn Abd Rabbihi a collection of songs. He was followed by Yahya al-Khuduji of Murcia (twelfth century) who wrote a ’Book of Songs’. Ibn Fathun (eleventh century) he wrote treatises on music, as did his near contemporary Sa’id of Toledo, perhaps the greatest musical theorist of al-Andalus was the philosopher Ibn Bajjah, whose book on music was as popular in the Maghrib as was that of al-Farabi in the East. He was followed by Averroes and by the two great Andalusian mystics, Ibn Arab! and Ibn Sab’in, who dealt with some aspects of music. Cities prided themselves in possessing the arts of music, singing, and dancing. Seville became famous as the center of music and the major producer of musical instruments. Al-Shaqundi recognizes this fact as the major merit or wonder of Seville and gives an impressive list of musical instruments Andalus, some of which found their way into Europe. Likewise, al-Shaqundi singles out Ubeda, a town near Jaen famed for its places of entertainment and for its dancer, who are the best female manipulators of swords. In sum, music, singing, and dancing were widespread both in high circles and among the general populace. These arts were so 25 la\\UM. P 556 Ltternry & Scientific Development in Muslim Spain 683 deep rooted that the judge Ibn al-Arabi of Seville defended music against the strictures of the religious scholars. More significantly still, it was in al-Andalus that popular poetry as embodied in the zajal and muwashshahat was set to music and sung in all places and for every occasion.26 EDUCATION For education, Andalus counted at first on a large body of scholars who had received their education in the East and who had brought back many works of outstanding Eastern scholars. The numerous mosques became education centers for anyone who wished to learn. Private and public libraries \\ere founded in great numbers. All of these paved the way for enormous literary activity in the tenth century. Cordova was the nerve center of politics and the major intellectual center of Andalus. On it converged many student from all over the country to study at the feet of scholars. This center reached the pinnacle of its glory during the reign of Abdur Rahman in and his son al Hakam II. They sponsored the leading intellectual of the day. Ibn Abd Rabbihi, al-Qfli, al- Zubaydi, and Ibn al-Qutiyah, among many others. Moreover, Hakam II founded a number of schools, thereby making education available to anyone who sought it. Cities such as Seville. Algeria. Badajoz, Granada, Toledo, Valencia, Malaga, and Denia became centers to which scholars converged to received rulers’ patronage. Besides poets, many outstanding men of letters appeared in the eleventh century. The gifted scholar Ibn Hazm (994-1064) may be considered the first intellectual giant of Muslim Spain and one of the greatest thinkers in the intellectual history of Islam. He was a poet, theologian, jurist, historian, moralist, and one of the ablest polemicist in Islam. He always spoke what he thought at a time when discretion would have guaranteed him the highest honours at any court of his days. As a polemicist it is said of him that this ”tongue was as sharp as the sword of al-Hajjaj.” When his books were ordered to be burned by the ruler of Seville, he defiantly retorted in a famous poem ”Although you may burn the paper, you shall never burn what in on it. for this will remain in my breast.’”” The Andalusians had developed a strong tradition for learning. That they were avid students of Muslim culture is attested 26 Anuai (j C hc|nc. Muslim Spain its Histon and Culture. P 374 T7 ’\n\\ai.MusliinSpain PIM 684 Political and Cultural Hispen/ of Islam by their great literary legacy in all branches of knowledge. As already indicated, they sought knowledge wherever they could find it. They travelled far and wide in its pursuit, often risking their lives. Moreover, they were great and devoted teachers. They built numerous libraries, which became not only the symbol of learning but also a mark of prestige among non-scholars who found it fashionable to have libraries in their homes. These reflections of Ibn Hazm are for the most pa^t’re iterated in Maratib-at ’ulum, in which he reflects on the sciences, their actual worth, and the manner of pursuing them. The treatise is very important since it was the first work of the kind known in Andalus. It shed light on the sciences as conceived b> a thinker who attempted to classify them according to their value, and to distinguish the spurious from the genuine sciences. It consisted of two major parts: the first dealing with the education of the individual, and the second with the division of the sciences according to an Islamic framework. On the other hand, Ibn Hazm conceives that the best sciences are those which lead to eternal salvation. The student of these sciences, unlike the one pursuing sciences aimed at worldly gains, is amply rewarded. He gives little but receives much in return that is. he labors little and receives the tranquility of an eternal life. GRAMMAR AND LEXICOGRAPHY Next come grammar and lexicography, which should be studied until one grasps the structure and morphology of the language and the meaning of most frequently used words and expressions. Anything beyond the material contained in some standard grammar or The Book of Sibawayhi is rather useless since the time spent in such pursuits could be put to a better use. The same is true of the study of lexicography, which could stop after acquainting oneself with the lexicons of Abu Ubayd and of alZubaydi. To reinforce grammatical and lexical studies, Ibn Hazm suggests with great reluctance the study of poetry, but only poetry containing counsels and good examples. He was fully aware of the strong attachment the Andalusians had for poetry and suspected he Would be criticized severely for his stringent limitations. He defends his position by calling attention to his knowledge in the field and his contribution to the art of versification. Though fully aware of its merits, he strongly feels that poetry is not good material for educating the young, since most ofjt is not edifying but insiead’ Lih’rnn/ & Scientific Development in Muslim Spain 685 adversely affects the individual. The poetical forms that should be avoided are: (1) love poetry (ghazal), which provokes fervent longings, invites temptations, incites youth, turns the soul to dissipation and pleasure, and leads to deceit, passion, corruption of religious sentiments, extravagant spending, and other objectionable pursuits; (2) poetry of separation (taghar rub) and description of deserts which encourages abandonment of dwellings and his other adverse effects; (3) poetry connected with destitution and wars which agitates the soul and leads lo destruction and crimes, and other abominable action; (4) satirical poetr> (hija’). which is the vilest of all since it leads the individual to the company of insolent people, deep addicts, and street sweeper: in addition, it aims at tearing people’s honour to pieces, and at indulging in imperfections and defilements; and (5) panegyrics (madh) and eulogy (ritha) which may be licit but are distasteful since they tend to exaggerate, distort, and falsify. After studying writing, regarding, grammar, lexicography, and selected poetry, the student should pass on to study the science of numbers (’ilm al-’adad). He should master addition, subtraction, multiplication, division, fractions and plane geometry (masahah). Then he should take arithmetic, which is the science of the nature of number (’ilm Tbi’at al-addad). He should read and grasp Euclid’s work, which will gain him knowledge about the earth and its surface, about the celestial bodies, their positions, distances, as so forth. He should also read Ptolemy’s Almagest, which teaches him about the eclipses, the width and length of countries, the duration of day and night, the rising tide, the rise and setting of the sun, moon, and the bright stars. After a digression on the virtue of teaching, the true objective of knowledge, the evil company of the sultan, and the usefulness of books, he divides the sciences into seven groups which are, he says, universal among all peoples. The first three (law. history, and language) distinguish one tuition from another, whereas the remaining four (astronomy, number, medicine, and philosophy) are common to all peoples. After stating that the religious law (Shari’ah) is the only true law, he recognizes its main components which constitute the following discipline: 1. Religion law (Shari’ah) a. Qur’an:reading and meaning (ma’na) 686 Political and Cultural Hilton/ ofhlnm b. Prophetic Traditions (Hadith): texts (main) and chain of transmitters (ruwat) c. Jurisprudence (Fiqah): Qur’anic ordinance. Hadith ordinance, consensus (Ijma1) d. Theology (kalam) 2. Language a. Grammar b. Lexicographv 3. History a. Dynastic (inamalik) b. Annalistic c. Countries d Categories (Tabaqat) e. Genealogy 4. Astronomy 5 Numbers: Ascertaining their rules and then their proofs 6 Logic, rational or metaphysical and sensory 7. Medicine: Spiritual medicine and corporeal medicine Perhaps as an afterthought he adds poetry, rhetoric, (balagha), and idioms (’ilm al-’ibarah). He argues that any thing \vhich is known can be called knowledge (fa kull ma ’ulima fa huwa ’ilm) and thus commerce, construction, tailoring, weaving, shipbuilding, agriculture, horticulture, and the like can be called science (’ilm). But these are limited to this world fpr gaining a livelihood.28 The earliest of the examples of Andalusian literature that have been preserved data from the middle of the 8th century We know verses bv the Umayyad Amir Abdur Rahman 1 (the newcomer), who had fled from the Abbasids and founded an independent Umayyad state in Andalusia. His verses are full of the exile’s yearning for his beloved countrv. Zirvab (789-857) The Persian Ziryab (789-857). who came to Cordova from Baghdad, played an important part in the development of Andalusian literature and art. Ziryab, v\ho was a musician, a singer and an actor, introduced to Spain the East Arabian custom of reciting verses to a la\\usi. P940 Litcran/ & Set ’ntific Development in Muslim Spam 687 musical accompaniment From this time on. the development of Andalusian poetry kept pace with music. Towards the end of the 9th centurv,, a strophic poetry arose known as the mmvashshah (”encircling”, evidently from the term wishah, a baldric studded with a double row of precious stones). This invention was attributed to the poet Mukaddam ibn Mu’afa. The origin here of strophic poetry, unknown in the eastern regions of the Caliphate, was connected, in all likelihood: with the influence of Romans poetry, the traditions of which had been introduced to Andalusian literature bv the Arabised population of Spain The muwashshah is a verse consisting of from four to ten stanzas There are a many variations of the muvvashshah. depending upon the alternation of the rhyme in the stanza and upon the number of lines between the ”encircling” rhymed bavts. This strophic form was used in ail traditional genres of Arabic poetry, emploving all traditional metres. The Cordovan ”imitative” literature attained its peaking the 10th century. In those davs, while in Western Europe cultural development still remained at a ver> low level, and the only literate class was that of the clerg). Arabic Spain was passing through a remarkable economic and cultural advance. The political and religious reaction that was gaining ground in Baghdad did not concern Andalusia. The enlightened Cordovan caliphs, Abdur Rahman in (912-961) and al- Hakam II (971-976). inaugurated building activities on a wide scale and encouraged science and art. The caliph al-Hakam II founded many schools in Cordova: the Cordovan University was celebrated far beyond the frontiers of Spain. The library founded bv the caliph contained, according to Arab sources, about 400,000 manuscripts. In the 10th century, a favourable influence on the development of Andalusian literature was exerted by the literary circles organized by rich and noble Cordovan patrons. A renowned circle was that associated with the powerful Mansur (in the European pronunciation, ”al Mansorv, ”), the wazir on the Cordovan Caliphs. Ibn Abd Rabbihi (860-940) The most prominent writer of the ”limitation” period is justly considered bv Arab critics to be Ibn Abd Rabbihi, the ode-writer to Abdur Rahman in. He compiled an anthologv entitled. ”The Unique Necklace” (al’Iqd al-Farid). Other works by this writer include a series ot verses in the traditional genres (love lyrics, odes, elegies. 688 Political and Cultural History of Islam and so on). The Unique Necklace consists o1 25 parts. 12 of which are named after precious stones. In writing them, the author has used as references, ”The Choice Histories” (’Uyun al- Akhbar) of Ibn Kutayba; they contain information on the writers of the eastern regions of the Caliphate. Various socio-political, historical-literary and even ethical questions arc treated here. The Unique Necklace enjoyed widespread popularity in Spain and the eastern regions of the Caliphate. The manner in which it is written makes the book such diverting reading that it might even be placed among the adab. literature, which, as we have previous!) noted, bordered upon scientific books and belles-letters. In his youth, Ibn Abd Rabbihi composed a series of erotic verses. Towards the close of his life he repented, like Abu Nuwas in his time, of his licentiousness and compiled a volume of verse, wherein, for every frivolous lyric written in youth, there was a corresponding pious verse in the identical metre and with the identical rhyme; all were written with a view to his own purification and redemption. Ibn Hani (983-973) Another very popular Andalusian poet of the ”imitation” period was Ibn Hani, whom the historian Ibn Khallikan considered worthy of a place beside al-Mutanabbi. His Shi’ite sympathies and also his daring hyperbole, which likened the personage he praised to a deity, brought down upon the head of Ibn Hani’ the wrath of the orthodox Muslims of his native Seville. He was obliged to depart for North Africa. Here, he was to come into close contact with alMu’izz. the son of the Fatimid Caliph al-Mansur. After the conquest of Egypt by the Fatimids, al-Mu’iz/ had becjme the ruler of the country. But on the way to his new patron Ibn Hani’ was attacked by an unknown assassin and died at the age of thirty-five. He had already written about 60 qasida?. mainly encomiums, following the customary lines of this genre perhaps, their sole distinguishing feature lies in the philosophical maxims, pessimistic in tone, contained in them. From the standpoint of poetical craftsmanship, they are inclined to be banal. Besides the above mentioned tendency to use unexpected allegories and simile, a typical trait of this poet is the use of unfamiliar words and rhymes that to Arab ears sound inharmonious, and it was this that led critics to accuse him of lack of taste. Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spain 689 Ibn Shuhayd (992-1035) Who left some elegant (though traditional in their content) encomiums and lyrics. There is also a prose work originally called The Epistle of the Spirits and Demons (Risalat al- Tawabi wa ’IZawabi). This is reminiscent in its subject of al-Ma’arri’s Epistte of Forgiveness, while the general character of its presentation and its tone recall the satirical works of al-Jahiz. The Epistle of the Spirits is a narrative of the author’s imaginary journey into the spirit world and his encounters there with the souls of certain departed Arab poets and prose writers. Each of these recites his own works. Ibn Shuhayd was an adherent of the tradition of East- Arabic poetry, although he did not consider it necessary to obey its cannons to the letter. He looked down upon the muwashshah as dissociated from Arab tradition. Unlike many of his eastern colleagues, however, Ibn Shuhayd definitely rejected the epigonic verse of erudite writers and considered that the artistic value of a iiterary work must be determined, primarily, by the author’s talent. The decline of the Cordova Caliphate at the beginning of the 11th century and the formation of numerous petty states in Andalusia did not check the further development of its literature. From this time on, Seville, Badajoz, Valencia. Murcia, Jaen, Granada, Almeria and the island of Mallorca became centres of literary life on a level with Cordova. By degrees, Andalusian literature departed from the traditional East-Arabic forms and subject-matter and adopted the local Spanish theme. It became Arabic-Spanish in the exact meaning of the terms, and was called by the Arabs ’.he literature of ”modernization”. This period extended from the fi:st half of the 11th century to the middle of the 12th. During this period the general subject-’/iatter of Andalusian poetry altered; whereas the leading theme during the ”imitation” phase had been the expression of nostalgia for distant Iraq, the poetry of the ”modernization” expressed love for Andalusia. All the traditional Arab genres are preserved in th’s poetry, but while the canons of the East-Ara yt in tradition w^re adhered to in the encomiums or in satires this tradition underwent considerably alteration and modificatioi ,n love lyrics, wine songs, humouresques and descriptions of nature. One of the most widespread genres in Arabic-Spanish poetry was the wasf. The material in the descriptive parts showed great variety. The admiration of the AndaKisian poets for Spain was 690 Political and Cultural History of Islam expressed in praises of the picturesque Andalusian landscape, flowery meadows, rivers, lakes, mountains, gardens and parks. Now, for the first time in Arabic poetry, detailed descriptions appeared of the sea, and the shifs that sailed upon it. The attention of the ”modernization” poets was attracted by the marvelous edifices in Spanish cities, the richly-encrusted weenons, the Towers The instability of the Arabs position, in Spain, wfiere they were constantly at war with Christian countries, strongly influenced the general tone of Andalusian poetry. Undoubtedly, elegiac mourning for vanished dynasties and ruined cities, a theme unfamiliar to Eastern Arabs, sounded in Andalusian poetry like an echo of the menacing attacks of the Spanish. The verse of ArabicSpanish poet abounds in endless prayers and appeals for the aid of Allah and the Muslims of the eastern provinces. The constant repetition of the theme of the ephemeral nature of human existence, recurrent since pre- Islamic times, acquired, against the background of the Spanish Arabs’ tragic destiny, a universal resonance in Andalusian verses. These were on the level of the finest lyrical productions in Arabic literature. Ibn Hazm (994-1063) Among the writers of the last years of the Cordovan Caliphate was Ibn Hazm , the scholar-poet, with whom the ArabicSpanish ”modernization” phase may be said to have begun. He was among the active adherents of the Cordovan Umayyads and after the fall of this dynasty retired to Almeria, a town on the Mediterranean coast. Here, at the request of a friend, he wrote a work on love, something between a treatise on ethics and a literary study, entitled Dove’s Necklace on ethics and a literary .study, entitled Dove’s Necklace (Tawk al-Hamama). It is a unique work of its kind in Arabic literature. In each chapter an analysis is given of a love Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spain 691 situation or a phase in the unfolding of love: the signs of love, fidelity, betrayal, the break, and so on. After observations of a general moral and psychological nature, the author usually illustrates his conclusions by instances drawn from life or literature. These examples frequently resemble anecdotes of life in Spain in the author’s time. In this respect, the construction of Dove’s Necklace is reminiscent of the Book of Misers by al- Jahiz, that is to thereto unknown in Andalusian literature. According to the custom of Arab storytellers. Ibn Hazm provided his composition with poetical inserts, illustrating the basic principles of the book. Some scholars connect Ibn Hazm’s attitude to love with the views of Baghdad mystics, who considered that the works of the ’Udhrite poets were simply the reflection of a mystical love of God. Ibn Zaydun (1003-1071) A contemporary of Ibn Hazm, though younger was Ibn Zaydun an eminent Arabic- Spanish poet from Cordova. He took an active part in the political struggle that raged around the Cordovan throne. After the overthrow of the Umayyads, he found himself among the courtiers who, under the new rulers, were out of favour. He was thrown into prison, escaped and became once more a member of the Cordovan rulers court. Eventually, he fell into disfavour again and fled to Seville, where he was given a high position at the court of the ruler al-Mu’tadid. The poems of Ibn Zaydun were written in all the traditional genres: encomiums, elegies, love songs, etc. He also composed epistles. For example, he wrote a satirical epistle to his principal rival in love, the wazir Ibn Abdus, constructed in the same manner as alJahiz’s Epistle of the Quadrangular and the Circular. The best of Ibn Zaydun’s verses, tale of his love for the daughter of the Umayyad Caliph al-Mustakfi, the poetess al-Wallada. Among Arabs, the poem Nuniya was the greatest favourite. It is a qasida rhyming on the letter ”nun” and describing his love for al-Wallada. The influence of East-Arabian poetry is strongly marked in the work of Ibn Zaydun. He imitated the poets of the East, in particular al-Buhturi, from whom he borrowed ideas and imagery. Sometimes he even inserted lines from al- Buhturi’s poems in his own verses. Nevertheless, purely Spanish elements are frequently encountered in Ibn Zaydun’s poetry and permit of placing it at the beginning of the Arabic- Spanish ”modernization” period. The poet 692 Political and Cultural History of Islam praises Spanish landscapes, the splendid Andalusian cities, especially Cordova. Al-Mu’tamid (1040-1095) Al-Mu’tamid was no less popular than Ibn Zaydun in Spain. He was the son of ’Abbadid, amir of Seville, and on his accession to the throne, pursued a vigorous foreign policy. He considerably extended his dominions and even captured Cordova. But his fear of Alphonso VI, the King of Castile, was so great that he appealed for aid to the Almoravide ruler of Morocco, Yusuf Ibn Tashifm. This ruler effectively checked the Reconquista and simultaneously seized al- Mu’tamind’s dominions; he exiled the royal poet to Morocco. There, in the village of Aghmat, he ended his life as a captive. According to tradition, al-Mu’tamid appears to have been a hospitable and generous patron of learning, to whose court savants and men of letters came from the parts of Andalusia. The poems that have been preserved are for the most part those written in captivity. Their main theme is the narrative of the humiliations to which the poet has been subjected, and his memories of the happier past. AlMu’tamid’s verse is elegant and simple. The freshness and the unusual nature of the imagery place him among the most brilliant representatives of Andalusian poetry. Ibn Hamids (1055-1132) While al-Mu’tamid was still in power in Seville, a poet, named Ibn Hamids. lived at his court. A Sicilian Arab by birth, he was obliged to leave his native land after the Norman conquest of 1078. He became an intimate friend of al-Mu’tamid’s and remained faithful to the amir until his death. Ibn Hamids spent the last years of nis life in Tunisia and on the Island of Mallorca depiction of nature his flights of fancy knew no bounds. This is a description of a stream: Lines praising wine frequently vary descriptions of nature Ibn Hamdis composed love lyrics and also verses of a pious and ascetic nature (zuhdiyyat). His work in these genres shown the influence of East-Arabian poetry; for instance, that of’Umar ibn Abu Rabi’a and Abu ’I-’Atahiya. His verse is always graceful and expresses ideas, his imagery is plastic and expressive, the language invariably simple and precise. Ibn Khafadja (1058-1138) Ibn Khafadja, a noted master in the poetic depiction oi landscape, was popularly known as al-Djannan (”the Gardener”). He Literan/ & Scientific Development in Muslim Spam 693 was born in Alcira, a small town in Valencia. The landscapes of his native district, one of the most beautiful in Spain, proved an inexhaustible source of inspiration to the poet. Whether his compositions were odes or elegies, the nature theme was inevitably present in them. Despite his inclination to employ the stereotyped phrases of East-Arabic poetry, his keen observation and form of expression rendered his descriptive passages worthy of being taken as models by succeeding generations of Andalusian poets. Andalusia is presented to us in his verses as a blossoming garden, where beauty and serenity are only disturbed for a while by storm. The gradual decadence of Arabic-Spanish literature began in the 12th century. The invasion of Spain by the Almoravides and the Almohades led eventually to the loss of political independence by the Arab states and the transformation of Andalusia into a province of the Maghrib. No trace remained of the former intellectual and religious tolerance. The Christians were driven beyond the confines of Andalusia. The renowned architecture of the country was reduced to ruins by the fanatical Berber leaders, and ”heretical” books were burned all with a view to restoring the ”simplicity” and ”purity” of early Islam. The Berber conquests in Spain were responsible for the total disappearance of the cultured circles where the poetry of the court had flourished of old. The African conquerors were not very familiar with the Arabic language, and at their residences, refined ArabicSpanish poetry was incomprehensible, except to the few. This led to the disappearance of the hitherto familiar type of court poe£ and the mergence of th« wandering oard, who sought listeners and found appreciation only among towns-people with whom he could converse in the jargon of the city streets. A widely- known type of verse in a commonly used dialect is found during the period lasting from the end of the 1 Ith to the first half of the 12th century. Poetry in dialect was popular among the masses, who knew nothing of the refinements of classical poetry and, very often, spoke two or three languages (the Arabic dialect of Andalusia, the Berber and the Romance tongues). The most widespread form of folk poetry was the zadjal, a strophic ballad, resembling in structure the muwashshah. The two opening lines of the zadja! determined the metre and the master-rhyme of the whole, but unlike the muwashshah were not divided into rhyming hemistiches. Following this, came form five to nine stanzas of an equal number of lines (from four to twelve) with 694 Political and Cultural History of Islam the same rhyme. Only the last line of each stanza rhymed with the first two lines. Ibn Kuzman (1080-1160) Ibn Kuzman, a wandering poet and musician of Cordova, attained a very high level in the zadjal. He led a free and dissipated life and enjoyed invariable success with his songs in different Andalusian towns. No trace of the classical qasida is to be found in his zadjals, no descriptions of deserts, nomad migrations, camping grounds or camels. Neither to they suggest the spirit of the Qur’an, for the poet’s attitude to Islam was ironic in the extreme, a fault that brought him to punishment and even to prison. The zadjals of Ibn Kuzman usually consist of two parts: the first, a love prelude with a very marked erotic element; the second, an encomium, always containing a request for reward. The genetic relationship between Ibn Kuzman’s zadjals and ancient Romance poetry is indisputable. They also include many Berber elements and some traits that are characteristic of the poetry of the Provencal troubadours: Ibn Kuzman openly derides Udhrite love, contrasting it with sensual joys, much in the same manner as the Provencal poets of the 12th and 13th centuries proclaimed that earthy love outweighed religious asceticism. These zadjals of Ibn Kuzman are also closely bound up with a musical accompaniment. Difficult though it is to determine the extent and nature of the influence of Arabic Spanish poetry on that of tin troubadours, there is no doyfci ”hat this influence existed. Ibrahim ibn Sahl (1208-1251) Ibrahim ibn Sahl, a Seville Jew who was converted to Islam towards the end of his life, was one of the most important poets of the ”decadence” period. He was the author of a series of remarkable love verses, distinguished by lightness and simplicity, blended with gracefulness and boldness of imagery. A place of significance in Andalusian literature is accorded to the fine philosophical novel known as ”The Romance of Hayy ibn Yakzan,” written by Ibn Tufayl (died 1 185), a noted philosopher and scholar. This, a kind of parable romance describing the greatness of the mind, the process of becoming a perfect human personality, and the ways to attain knowledge of the highest truths, belongs rather to the class of history of philosophy. It is a reflection of that subtle alloy of rationalism and mysticism which owed its emergence in medieval Arab thought to the cross-influence of ancient Greek philosophical ideas and Oriental Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spain 695 (Indian and Muslim) mysticism. The plot of the romance and the vivid poetry of its presentation has earned the romance a place in the treasury of Arab belles-lettres. The philosophical and the mystical meaning of the novel is evidenced by its title: the Arabic name ”Hayy ibn Yakzan” means ”living son of the waking”. From infancy, Havv ibn Yakzan lived on a desert island. According to one version, he was ”of those who are born without father or mother”. According to another version, he was tlv son of a certain Yakzan. His mo’her. who had borne him in secret, threw the infant into the sea, which finally cast him ashore on a desert island. A gazelle suckled him and he grew up among wild beasts, far from his own kind. By observation of nature, analyzing and interpreting certain natural phenomena, Hayy graduall> attains, though his reasoning powers, an understanding of the laws of life and the foundations of the world. This process of cognition of the world is described by Ibn Tutavl in an exciting and poetic manner. It forms a kind of hymn in praise of the self-sufficient mind capable of working out, by its own powers and without the aid of society, the laws of thought, and then. b\ force of loga and the faculty for generalization, of completeK masiennu all human knowledge of the world. But Ibn Tufayl’s perfect man does not attain the highest truth by intellect alone: Hayy’s spiritual path culminates in the mystical revelation, the intuitive cognition of the ”Essence of the Needfully Existing” and the ecstatic mergence wifli this Essence. This information the author merely imparts to the reader, excusing himself from describing the ways of divine revelation and the state of ecstatic mergence with the Highest by declaring it impossible. After the culmination of Hayy’s spiritual formation, the pious Asal arrives at the island in search of solitude when Hayy encounters Asal, he realizes that this is one of his own kind, but, since he knows no human tongue, he cannot communicate with him. Asal teaches him human speech, whereupon Hayy reveals his own spiritual experience. In his turn, Asal tells him about the way in which people live in society and imparts to him the teaching of the Qur’an and certain beliefs, which amaze Hayy by their anthropomorphism. Why, he wonders, instead of plainly revealing the Highest Essence, the Prophet spoke in parable attributing fleshly characteristics to the deity? And then - the ineptitude of social establishments. (”Why should the Prophet permit the accumulation of property.... so that people devote themselves to trivial affairs and 696 Political and Cultural History of Islam r are distracted from truth?”) Hayy sets out in search of human society, to elucidate the truth to people. But they do not understand his teachings. After studying society, with its vicious relations between people and false conceptions, Hayy despairs of improving people, who lack the power to rise ’’to the heights of thought”, who lack the power to rise ”to the heights of thought”, and returns to solitude on his desert island. The plot of the book shows an inclination towards the philosophical parable of a perfect man the paths to cognition of truth. The basic situation - man who, though alone, face to face with nature, reaches an understanding of the world which he is discovering - embellishes all the events that follow in the course of the narrative with a kind of poetry and endows the whole work with an unfading charm. Lisan al-Din ibn al-Khatib (1313-1374) The last eminent writer and poet in Andalusia was Lisan alDin ibn al-Khatib, the wazir of the Grand amirs. He rnet his death-at the hands of an assassin in the prison of Fez, to which he had been committed for his philosophical theories, considered heretical. Lisan al-Din ibn al-Khatib was the author of a number of historical works, epistles and verses, of the latter, his mawashshah enjoyed greatest popularity. One of hi? best-known works is the elegy, written when he felt a fbieboding of his death, and reflecting the sense of approaching ruin and despair that he shared with Granada’s people long before the final victory of the Spanish. Ibn-al-Khatib’s prose style was markedly characteristic of Andalusian literature during the decadence. It has much in common with East-Arabic literature at a parade! period: the somt; fiorid style, artificiality and verbosity, the s-niis? crubf Hishi:.ARt <.-f the exposition by complex metaphors and rhetorical figures of speech, the Same love of quotations, historical digiessions, rhymed piosc, and so forth. Andalusian literature constitutes one of the most brilliant chapters in the history of medieval Arab culture. True, the ArabicSpanish poets are less profound and philosophic than East-Arabic poets, such as Abu Tammam, ai-Mutanabbi and al-Ma’arri, but they excel the East-Arabic in clarity of idea, exposition, refinement, elegance, poetic fantasy, in the fluency and lightness of the language. The Arabic period in Spain’s history is one of extensive and deeplaying mutual literary influences of West and East. It was through Andalusia that the ancient Oriental, Greek and Arab cultural Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spain 697 traditions reached Europe. Indeed, it is difficult to overestimate the importance of the intermediary role played by the Arabs of Spain in the cultural exchange between East and West, which proved so fruitful an influence in the development of world culture.29 ARCHITECTURE Several dynasties ruled in Spain and each has left historical monuments in the shape of architectural buildings of note such as the Umayyad Caliph, who built the mosque of Cordova, the Almohd, Girald Tower and a portion of the celebrated palace known as the AlCazar at Seville and Nasrid who built the Alhamra which may be called the Taj-Mahal of the Western Muslim monuments. The sides are entirely covered with palmettes in addition to peacocks and other birds. Hoag says, ”Islamic architecture in Spain is considered a great marvel of aestheticing mosque and palaces, gardens an citadels, foundations and aqueducts, public baths and private dwellings that Umayyads built at Cordova, Seville, Granada and other cities of this western outpost of Islamic culture, were unpralleled in the entire civilized world.” These and other architectural features developed at Cordova were carried to Toledo and other centre a in the north of the Peninsula -by Mozarabs. Here by merging of Christian and Muslim traditions arose a definite style characterized by almost regular use of the horseshoe arch and the vault. In the hands of Mudejar workmen this mixed art attained great beauty and perfection and became the Spanish national style. Mudejar work is still to be seen all over the country. The Spanish language has preserved several architectural terms which attest an Arabic origin. Great Mosque of Cordova The Great Mosque of Cordova, preserved fortunately because Christian conquerors used it as a Cathedral instead of destroying it, is one of the finest exa’rnples left of an early hypostyle mosque. It \vas begun in 786 and enlarged in 848, 961, and 987 as the city of Cordova grew and developed. Its plan, a plethora of columns supporting arcades and covered with a flat roof, is simple and flexible. It illustrates the characteristics desire of early Muslims for a space large enough to contain the multitude of the Faithful yet suitable for teaching, private meetings, or whatever other needs the community may have felt. The focus of the mosque was its mihrab. 29 Jayyusi, P.309. 698 Political and Cultural History of Islam A mihrab is normally a semicircular niche that serves to indicate the direction of Makkah and to symbolize the place where the Prophet (PBUH) stood as leader of prayers. The mihrab of Cordova is unique, however, in that it is a small windowless room. The effect if quite striking from a far. At a distance it becomes less a niche than an opening, dark and even mysterious, a source of divine presence or at least a door to it. It is the first mihrab in Islamic architecture to which it is possible to attribute a mystical significance.30 The mihrab was also meant to be an exquisite work of art. The Caliph al-Hakam who had it built in 961 is reported to have ”ordered” the Byzantine emperor to send him a mosaicist who could decorate the mihrab in the same way that al-Walid I had decorated the Mosque of Damascus. The Byzantine emperor reportedly compiled, sending not only a mosaicist but also three hundred and twenty bags of mosaic cubes (tesserae). The mosaicist, it is said, trained local workers so well that they surpassed him in ability, while from all over Andalusia people came to help decorate the monuments. Whether this account is true or not, the point is &*i-«! Hakam wanted to create a unique monument in imitation of the Great Mosque in Damascus, the first major mosque «’” the Muslim world. He transformed three bays in front of the mihrab into a separate enclave within the mosque-a maqsurah or enclosure reserved for the prince, an elaborate arcade of ploly lobed arches was put around these bays, and each bay was covered with a fancy cupola. The principal one, which is illustrated here, has two particularly noteworthy features. One is its system of construction. It presented the traditional passage from square to dome through an octagonal zone of transition. But a set of eight intersecting arches were then added above the octagon. These arches may have been intended originally to function as structural ribs to distribute the thrusts from the dome to a large number of points on the square. The use of such ribs (which, centuries later, became so typical of Gothic architcvuire) was rare at this time, and the Muslim experiment is one of the earliest found anywhere, certainly the earliest to be found in the western Mediterranean. But, even if the purpose of the design initially was structural, the ribs of Cordova did not serve this one function only: eventually their masonry formed a single mass with the rest of the dome. Their Hoag, P.38. Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spam 699 more specific purpose was to break down the normal spherical space of the dome into many planes set at different angles from each other. This multiplication of planes gave a comparatively s>mall dome a monumental character and created an illusion of great height. But, beyond these architectonic achievements, the dome illustrates a very profoundly Islamic concern to modify the appearance of obvious or traditional shapes. In the dome, as in the polylobed arches below, the illusion was achieved by breaking forms down into smaller and smaller units, in a manner similar to the way in which contemporary poets at times reduce words to syllables or even letters. The second noteworthy feature of this dome is its surface decoration of mosaic. This is one of the last major examples of wall mosaics in the Muslim world. Unlike the Damascus mosaics they purport to imitate, the Cordova mosaics are limited in subject matter to writing, abstract vegetation, and simple lines. It can be argued, however, that these designs have an iconographic meaning, as do the architectural landscapes of Damascus. The vegetal motifs and the rich texture of the decoration may indeed be an intimation of a parfadisiac setting in the sense that they are both stimulating to the eye and totally removed from any known reality. It is. therefore, the divine world that is suggested by the dome in front of Cordova’s mihrab, as envisioned by the Universal Islamic consciousness. Alhamra Palace The Alhamra is one of the best known and most studied monuments of Islamic architecture. Yet, curiously, much about it, is still not clearly understood. Even the purpose for which it was constructed may be less obvious than is suggested by contemporary guide books or by the existing, romanticized stories of such writers as Washington Irving. The historical background of the Alhamra is fairly clear. Although the city of Granada dates from pre-Islamic times, the superbly defensible spur of land overlooking it from the northeast was hardly used at ail until the eleventh century, when minor local rulers began to develop it as a fortress and when one of the court wazirs may have planned a palace there. Little is known of those early activities beyond the tale reflections preserved in chronicles and poetry. In the thirteenth century the Nasrid dynasty, the last Muslim dynasty of Andalusia, made Granada its capital and turned the hill of the Alhamra (the Red Palace) into a royal city. The outer walls were completed, water was brought by aqueduct from the 700 Political and Cultural History of Islam mountain above, and a citadel was established on the western most part of the ridge. A mosque, baths and houses were built for the private retinue of the princes, splendid gardens were designed and planted inside the walled area and on the slope of the mountains above it and a royal burial place was marked off. Not much remains of most of these constructions, however, except the outer walls and the citadel, and it is virtually impossible to reconstruct the character of the Alhamra in full power-a citadel-city-within- a- city, so typical of late medieval Islam. What does remain today, reasonably well preserved, are two large architectural units, set at a right angle to each other. Each has a central open court with a ”water piece” in the middle - a long pool in the Court of Myrtles and a fountain in the Court of the Lions. A series of rooms and halls open into the courts, either directly or through arcades. There is a bath between the two units, and a number of smaller rooms and courts are located between the two formal units and the citadel proper. In all likelihood, living quarters were located below the Court of the Lions is ar area that was rebuilt after the Christian conquest.11 The Hispano-Muslim system of decoration reached its culminating point in the Nasrid palace Alhamra. This acropolis of Granada, with its excessive decoration in mosaics, stalac tiles and inscriptions, was conce.ved and constructed on so extensive and magnificent a scale that it has been accepted as the last word in such workmanship. Begun by Muhammad I al-Ghalib 1248, its construction was completed by Abu-al- Hajjaj Yusuf (1333-54) and by his successor Muhammad V al-Ghani (1354-9). Most of the interior decoration is ascribed by the inscriptions on the walls to Abu-al-Hajjaj. The most celebrated portion is the Court of Linns. In the centre of this court twelve marble lions stand in a circle, each spouting a jet of water from its mouth. Among the surrounding profusion of decotation these lions, together with the ceiling of the so-called Hall of Justice, are the most important monuments of art. The ceiling depicts scenes painted on leather illustrating tales of chivalry and hunting episodes, besides al-Ghalib’s motto, Wa- laghalib ilia Allah (but there is no conqueror other than Allah); others, employed for dscorStive purposes only, are represented as addressing the visitor in tfieir function of ornament. The striking feature of the Emile, Spaimsh Art. P 105. Literary & Scientific Development in Muslim Spam 701 Court of the Lions is the infinite subtlety of its forms. Real, tangible architectural structures are arranged in a way that creates fleeting, ever changing impressions. Sturdy marble is combined with cheap stucco. The design of the court seems almost perfectly that do for correspond to the obvious features of the plan, as can be seen, for example, in the manner in which single and double columns have been ordered. Throughout the Alhamra - especially in the Court of the Myrtles, where the effects are particularly striking open and covered space are combined and contrasted according to a system whereby interiors are always in the presence of exterior spaces, with pavilions projecting into open areas. This elusive, illusory quality is found in the decoration, also. Every fragment of so-called muqarnas (stalactite) design is a three-dimensional shape outlining a void, forming a complex line, and having an independent design of its own on its surface. By daylight or at night, the same features appear in opposite ways, dominant or recessive, columns that are brilliantly around sunlight. It is possible to suggest that these extraordinary and carefully contrived contrasts have specific, yet somewhat contradictory meanings. One interpretation projects a paradisic setting, inasmuch as the poems inscribed under one of the domes to the side of the Court of the Lions imply that it was metaphorically the rotating dome of heaven. The other interpretat on suggests an embodiment of the idea that nothing made or seen by man is real, since ”there is no victor but God”, as inscriptions throughout the building repeat again and again. This mystical Islamic interpretation may be the official one; but, in a deeper sense, the true meaning of the Alhamra is in the eye, the mind, and the soul of the behoider.^ Hoag, P 45 CIIAITKH 51 MOORISH ART Moorish Sculpture in Spain and North Africa With the conquest of Spain in 710 A.D., the Islamic civilization obtained a strong foothold in western Europe. Cordova, chosen the capital and residence of the Spanish Umayyads, became an Oriental city. In 786 Abdur Rahman began the construction the Great Mosque, which was gradually enlarged and embellished by his successor. The most important period of Umayyad art in Spain began in the tenth century with Abdur Rahman in (912-961), who erected a magnificent palace at Madinat-az-Zahra, near Cordova. The decoration of the stone reliefs of the palace consists chiefly of floral scrolls, which differ radically from contemporary Abbasid work of the Islamic East. The disintegrated acanthus of Syrian variety is mixed with geometrical palmette scrolls in which Byzantine and local Visigothic traditions are evident. We have to go back to Syrian art of the seventh and eighth centuries, known to us from stone and wood carvings, to find prototypes for the decoration of Madinat-azZahra. This ornament did not come directly from Syria, however, but via North Africa, where interesting parallels are found in the ninth century sculptures of the mosque at Kairwan in Tunisia. That direct Byzantine connections exited in evident from Islamic sources, which tell us that Byzantine emperors helped Abdur Rahman to decorate the palace. The Umayyad style of the tenth century is represented in several museums by marble capitals and bases, some Moorish Art 703 of which belonged to the old palace. The ornament is often deeply undercut so as to form a pattern of light and dark, a feature very popular in Hispano-Moresque decoration.’ Hakam (961-76) made additions to the mosque of Cordova, giving both the interior and the exterior some of their finest decoration. The beautiful marble plaques at each side of the mihrab, decorated with palmettes scrolls and trees of life, are masterpiece of Hispano- Moresque sculpture. A characteristic feature of these marble reliefs is the absence of solid surfaces, all the motives are dissected into small thin scrolls which together from a lacelike pattern. In the eleventh century Islamic Spain was ruled by stirs, known as Reyes de Taifas,” party kings”. Although Cordova remained the chief art centers. Some of the provincial cities had a prominent part in the development of Hispano-Moresque art. An important monument of the eleventh century is the palace of Aljaferia at Saragossa, erected by the ruler Abu Ja’far Mukhtadir (10146-81). The remains of the palace, now partly in Spanish Museums have a rich stone and stucco decoration which although based on the tenth century Cordovan style, shows features associated with the new style developed in Islamic Spain palmettes, used to some extent in the tenth century, have entirely replaced acanthus motives but are stylized in a fashion peculiar to Hispano-Moresque art. Derived from the Arabic half palmettes, they are often occasionally suggests natural leaves. The carving is more deeply undercut than in the tenth century and the decorative effect of light and dark therefore more pronounced. With the Berber Almoravides, who in 1090 combined Islamic Spain and Morocco into one empire began a new chapter in Hispano- Moresque art. Moorish Wood Carving in Spain and North Africa Early Hispano Moresque wood carving is very little known today, as most of it, including such noted examples as the sanctuary screen and pulpit of Hakam in the Cordova mosque, has disappeared entirely. But several important eleventh and twelfth century pulpits have been preserved in North Africa. The earliest minbar is in the Great Mosque of Algiers built by the Almoravides in 1082. Its decoration consists of square panels carved with geometrical interlacing, palmette trees, and arabesque scrolls in the Hispano- Dimand, P 104. 704 Political and Cultural History of Islam Moresque style introduced into North Africa by artists from Andalusia. Typical Hispano- Moresque arabesque decoration in wood is still preserved in the screen and the ceiling of the mosque of Tlemcen, which is carved with a rich floral arabesque known from contemporary stucco work. The twelfth century pulpit of the mosque at Karawayan is another example of Almoravid wood carving. Hispano-Moresque wood carving of the Almohad period is known from two magnificent pulpits, one in the mosque of Kutubiya in Marrakesh, Morocco, made between 1150 and 1160 the order in the mosque of the K?sba. The sides of these minbars have polygonal interlacing with inserted panels forming a geometrical pattern adapted to the structure of the furniture. The panels contain rich floral arabesque scrolls carved with great precision and fine detail, recalling some of the Hispano-Moresque ivory carving of the tenth and eleventh centuries. The pulpit is further enhanced by the use of maraquetry in bone and precious wood. The mihrab of the Kasha mosque is particularly rich in parquetry mosaics, which form geometrical patterns based on early Egypto-Arabic prototypes. Moorish Ivory Carving in Spain Under the Umayyad rulers of Spain, ivory boxes, both round and rectangular, became exceedingly popular, and great number were dated and inscribed with the names of sultans or court officials, The earliest ones, which date from the tenth century, when the Umayyad style of Ivory carving had became fully developed are inscribed with the name of Abdur Rahman in (912-961) and are in the Victoria and Albert Museum. An important tenth century box from the Cathedral of Zamora is now in the National Museum in Madrid. It is dated A.H. (353) (964) and bears the name of Caliph Hakam II. Two rectangular boxes in Spanish collections, both dated A.H. 355 (966), were made at Madinat-az- Zahra, near Cordova, famous for its palace. The main decoration of these boxes consists of palmette scrolls into which are occasionally introduced animals and birds. The exuberant palmettes, with finely carved veins, give the illusion of naturalism which is characteristic of Hispano-Moresque art. Two round boxes, one date A.H. 357 (968), in the Louvre, the other, dated A.H. 359 (970), in the Victoria and Albert Museum, are of great interest because of the fact that their decoration, consisting of court scenes with entertainers and hunters, is derived from the contemporary Islamic art of Egypt and Mesopotamia. In the eleventh century the Umayyad style became even more elaborate, the Moorish Art more formal, and compositions 705 frequently palmette scrolls overcrowded.’ Moorish Metalwork of Spain and North Africa Moorish metal work of Spain follows in general the style of Islamic art, with the addition of characteristic features of this country. Hispano-Moresque gold jewelry, made mostly in Granada, is frequently in filigree work and sometimes combined with enamel inlay, as in a group of fourteenth century necklaces and bracelets in the Morgan collection of the Museum. The treasuries of Spanish Churches contain several silver boxes with relief decoration and filigree work. Most famous among them is a gilded silver box in the Cathedral of Gerona, scrolls. According to an inscription, it was made at the order of Caliph Hakam II (961-76) for his successor, Hisham II. Noteworthy among the bronzes is a lamp from the ’Alhamra mosque, now in the Archaeological Museum of Madrid. It was made to order for Muhammad in in the year A.H. (705) (1305) and has an openwork decoration of arabesque and Arabic inscriptions. There are several bronze doors of Moorish workmanship, including one in the Cordova Cathedral bearing the date 1415 of the era of Caesar (13 77), and one in Seville Cathedral which is similar in style. In North Africa the art of metalwork never achieved a high standard. Inlay, if not entirely unknown, was at least very rare. Such metalwork as we known is mostly of later date and decorated in the usual Moorish style. Moorish Pottery The earliest known ceramics of Arabic Spain have been unearthed in the palace city of Madinat-az-Zahra, near Cordova. Much of the pottery so found is probably the work of native Cordova potters and may be assigned to the second half of the tenth century. The painted decoration consists of birds floral motives, and inscription in green, blue, and dark brown. Fragments of lustered ware found at Madinat-az- Zahra and related to that of Samarra and other sites in Mesopotamia and Iran were most probably imported Hispano-Moresque pottery from the eleventh to the thirteenth century is still very little known. We may assume, however, that the manufacture of both lustered and painted ceramics :Dimand. P 126 706 Political and Cultural History of Islam continued in this period, judging from the fragments found in various sites. The Moorish potters of Andalusia were manufacturing well tops and large water jars with a decoration stamped or models in relief. This type of ware is either unglued or covered with a green glaze. An earh example, dated A.H. 430 (1039), a well top from Seville with a decoration in barbotine technique is in the Archaeological Museum in Madrid. A large unglazed water jar in the Metropolitan Museum, decorated with straight and wavy bands in relief and with geometrical ornaments, may be assigned to about the thirteenth century. Islamic Textiles of Spain and Sicily The Arab conquest of Spain in 711 introduced the arts and crafts of the Near East into Europe Spanish textiles were mentioned in the papal inventories as early as the ninth century, and Idrisi, the Arab historian (1099) (1154) recorded that there were eight hundred looms at Almeria in Andalusia for the weaving of costly silk stuffs Textiles were also woven in Murcia-Seville, Granada, and Malaga. In the Royal Academy of History at Madrid is preserved a fabric decorated with a tapestry-woven band in light blue, dark blue and red with octagons containing geometrically stylized animals, birds and human figures. It is inscribed in Arabic with the name of Hisham II, Caliph of Cordova (976- 1009). The design, which is undoubtedly of Egypto-Arabic origin, resembles .some of the patterns on contemporary Hispano-Moresque Ivory Caskets. An interesting fabric with tapestry-woven decoration in coloured skill is in the Cooper Union Museum in New York within interlaced circles are pairs of figures drinking. Here again the similarity of the figures to those on Spanish ivory caskets of the eleventh century is striking and indicates that the piece must belong to the same period. Similar in style is a fragment of gold brocade in the Metropolitan Museum with a lesigh of musicians holding tambourines the colours are light brown, red, blue, green and gold on a gold background. Moon si i Art 707 The fabric is of particular interest because the figure subjects may be assigned to the twelfth 01 thirteenth century. An important group of Andalusian textiles of the eleventh to twelfth century is characterized by a bold pattern of figures, birds and animals. The best known pieces are those with the representations of the legendary lion, stranger and others with pair of sphinxes, which are today in Spain Museum. To Spain are attributed certain gold brocades showing both Iranian and Chinese influence The designs are characterized by scroll work combined with figures of animals in gold on a background. Two such fabrics are in the Metropolitan Museum. In one the scroll work and lotus palmettes enclose a pan of hares, the other shows palmette scrolls with birds drinking from a fountain. They are probably of the early fourteenth century and are closely related in other style and technique to other Spanish textiles. Moorish Rugs of Spain With the Arab conquest, Spain was brought into close relation with the arts and crafts of the Eabt. I hat rugs vscie woven in Spain in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries is known from literary sources, but no existing rugs can be assigned to an eailier period that the fourteenth century. To this period may belong a so-called Synagogue rug in Berlin decorated with an elaborate candelabrum whose arms end in ”Thora” shrines. Several fifteenth century rugs bear coats of arms that may be identified and dated. The arms are displayed upon a field ornaments with a repeat pattern of octagons enclosing geometrical motives, human figures, and birds, angular in design and woven in may vivid color. The borders are divided into several bands of Kufic inscriptions, geometrical patterns, and grotesque figures.3 Robert, P Moorish Rugs, P 78 CHAPTER^ Society mid Administration 709 SOCIETY AND ADMINISTRATION The division of Andalusian society into religious and ethnic groups adversely affected social integration. Consequent!}-. Andalusian society remained heterogeneous and discordant and was often beset by grave troubles in which religion and ethnic association provided the main lines of cleavage. In theory, Islam recognized the equality of all adherents regardless of ethnic origin or social group. In practice, however, differences were common, arising mainly from economic and political factors. Muwalladun, Berbers, and other groups felt they were not getting their due as prescribed by the ideas of Islam: they often rose in open revolt against the ruling class. It should be emphasized, however, that Andalusian society was flexible and open. A man of humble station, whether Muslim or non-Muslim, could climb the social ladder and occupy any high position except that of supreme ruler. Moreover, the various social groups were united in language and culture-the two major elements in a common national identity. But this did not prevent social inequality, tension, and recurrent revolts whenever there was a political vacuum. Economic and social factors also contributed to restiveness. In this connection, one may distinguish the following groups according to their position in the social pyramid: nobility (alkhassah), the masses (al-ammah), and the slaves. From 711 to 1031, an Arab elite whose blood had become diluted through mixture and intermarriage held the peak of the social pyramid. This group represented the dynasty from which the supreme ruler and other high officials were drawn. Known as Qurayshites. or Umayyads, they received ample pensions (rizq) and were given large estates (qata’i). Under the emirate, there were five important families which held key positions as governors of provinces, commanders of the army, judges, wazirs, and so on. In the course of time, however, many of these posts were filled by nonArabs who, through ability and wealth, succeeded in moving up the social ladder and becoming an integral part of the nobility (ahl alkhassah). By and large, they lived in cities and received their incomes from the court and from their estates. With the downfall of the Umayyad dynast), this Arab aristocracy was soon replaced by a number of lesser aristocracies consisting of Berbers, Saqalibah and others who forged petty states for themselves. After the eleventh century, the Berbers became the predominant element in society. However, they soon lost their influential position to the Christians, who eventually managed to gain full control of the destiny of al-Andalus. The masses constituted the bulk of population and included the middle and lower classes. They were the main stay of society. To them belonged the crafts, commerce, agriculture, and all the minor civil posts. They were made up of heterogeneous elements-Arabs, Berbers, Mozarabs, and Jews. The last two groups inhabited their own quarts, but they moved freely for business and social intercourse. A prosperous segment, or a middle class, lived in comfortable homes, where as others merely subsisted. Ibn ’Abdun and Ibn al-Ra’uf give us a glimpse of the many civil service employees, tradesmen, and craftsmen during the eleventh and twelfth centuries in Seville. There were wardens, gatekeepers, caretakers of mosques and public buildings, street cleaners, garbage collectors, bakers, perfumers, wheat dealers, butchers, cooks, fishermen, and traders of figs, oil, perfume, linen, milk, cheese, meat, fruit and vegetables, one cannot be sure of the composition of the rural population, one may assume, however, that it was more homogenous than that of cities, grouped along ethnic or religious lines. Although many probably had their own land, the rest worked for absentee landlords on a sharecropping basis which may have amounted to between 25 percent and 50 per cent. The recurrent revolts and instability in the countryside made their lives insecure-a situation that must have prompted man y to settle in large towns where they could engage in menial labc /ur This may party explain the frequent famines and economic troi a(j|es in al- Andalus. In ancient and medieval times, slaveiy u.i-> a comr non apcj flourishing business. Islam condoned the institution ( through / manumission was considered an act pleasing to God. Al-/4n(ja|us had 710 Political and Cultural History of Islam many slave markets and a large number of individuals who prospered through slave trade. Slaves were often victims of war, but they were also sought throughout the Mediterranean region by specialized merchants who knew the market demands for human chattel. The slaves included blacks from the Sudan and other parts of Africa and Christians from Spain and elsewhere in western and eastern Europe. The aristocracy and the well to do had a large number of slaves of both sexes. They used them for domestic help, menial labour, and so forth. For instance, some male Saqalibah were castrated to become eunuchs in the caliph’s harems, and others served as guards in the palace. Female Saqalibah with fair skin and blue eyes were eagerly sought as concubines. The price could be very high, depending upon a girl’s talents as dancer or singer and upon her physique. A female had a better chance of being declared free, especially after she bore children. The freed woman was thus called ’the mother of the son” (umm al-walad). SOCIAL LIFE Life Style of the People Medieval literature, which was essentially aristocratic, reflects the mode of thinking, the taste, and way of life of an elite. Little is known about the manner in which the average and poor citizen lived. Andalusian nobility and the rich lived in refinement and luxury. They enjoyed an urban life, taking pleasure in sumptuous palaces, mansions, gardens, country houses, and public baths. In the tenth century, Cordova was, perhaps, the most cosmopolitan and sophisticated city in the Muslim world and Europe. It served as a model for building and fashion. There was the great Mosque of Cordova and a number of splendid palaces, such as al-Zahra’ built by Abdur Rahman in and al-Zahirah built by Ibn Abi ’Amir. According to al-Maqqari, Cordova had under Ibn Abi ’Amir in the tenth century some 1,600 mosques: 900 public baths; 213,077 homes for the general populace; 60,300 mansions for notables, wazirs, secretaries, army commanders, and other high officials; and 80,455 shops. One is inclined to doubt these figures, since they suggest that Cordova would have had, by conservative estimate, more than one million inhabitants. However exaggerated they may be, these figures give us an idea of the high development and vigour of urban life under Muslim rule. In fact, each city came to excel in some area. Cordova was famous for its libraries and books, Malaga for its songs; and Society and Administration 711 Seville for its musical instruments - lute, qanun, rebec, drums, which were most common for a musical ensemble. Ordinarily, the homes of the wealthy had two stories, gardens, and running water. It was fashionable to include an ample room for a library. Men of means had also their country houses (munyah) which were located in the suburbs or the countryside. The government palaces resembled self- contained cities. They provided not only government offices and ample sleeping quarters but also storage for large amounts of food, clothing, and • furniture. In addition, they contained recreation areas and gardens with many beautiful flowers and fruit trees. To this may be added a great refinement in personal care. There was a while selection of clothes and jewels for men and women. Cleanliness was a daily practice maintained in private baths for the wealthy households or in public baths which were a major feature in every city. These public baths were well managed, and each had several attendants. Ordinarily, they were accessible to women in the morning and to men at noon. Sports The Andalusians enjoyed indoor and outdoor pastimes. In their homes the ruling class and the well-to-do had literary salons (majlis, pi. majalis), to which men of letters and boon-compansions gathered for serious literary discussions and lighthearted pursuits such as drinking wine, listening to music and singing, watching dancing girls, or playing chess frowned upon by the jurists and religious scholars, they were so widely pursued that the judges could hardly penalize a musician, wine drinker, or other violator. This was equally true of popular outdoor sports, such as hunting and polo Many of the rulers were so fascinated with these sports that the religious scholars grudgingly accepted them. Horse racing, marksmanship, and animal fighting were not uncommon. Status of Womeu Finally, some remarks should be made about the status of women in al-Andalus. In theory, a woman was subjected to the traditional restrictions imposed on her by religion and Islamic custom: inequality with men and limited freedom of movement and social intercourse. For instance, Andalusian propriety required that women sjiould not be allowed to walk alone, to follow a funeral, or to visit cemeteries, they should be kept whenever possible from the company of men at weddings and other gatherings unless accompanied. They should not wash in streamlets or sit at the edge Political and Cultural History of Islam of a wadi (river), for they would provoke men; they should not be jaiied with men, and their warden should be old and married. Moreover, women should not enter churches because of the corruption attributed to priests, who were said often to co-habit with more than one woman. In practice, however, Andalusian women seemed to have enjoyed a great deal of freedom, as attested to by their poetry and biographies. They seemed to have circulated freely in the streets and 10 have enjoyed all sorts of gatherings. It would seem that women had more freedom in Andaltis than in the eastern part of the Muslim world. Significant too is the fact that when a Muslim in Andalus married a Christian woman, she often was allowed to continue practicing her religion. A great number of rulers were quite submissive to their wives or concubines, who often displayed an independent attitude and whimsical behaviour. Vast numbers of poems were composed in their names exalting their beauty and good qualities. The emir al-Hakam 1 composed a poem to his five rebellious concubines and became overjoyed when he was reconciled with them. Abdur Rahman II showered his wife Tarub with expensive and precious gifts and composed numerous verses in her name. The great poet-king alMu’tamid showed a great deal of submissiveness to the whims and arbitrary demands of his beloved I’timad. Walladah (d.I091), daughter of the caliph al- Mustakfi, was an able poetess. She had a salon frequented by the leading talents of the day. She had a complete disregard for the veil and circulated freely among the high circles of eleventh-century Cordova. She frequently met her lover Ibn Zaydun at night in the beautiful gardens of Cordova, exchanged pleasantries until! dawn, and often partook wine with him.1 Other interesting glimpses about Andalusian women may be gained from the famous Dove’s Ring, a valuable treatise on love by the prolific Ibn Hazm. Dealing with love at first sight, !bn Hazm refers to the gathering of women at the Gate of Perfumers in Cordova. One day, the poet al-Ramadi saw a slave girl (jariyah) who took possession of his heart and love. He followed her, succeeded in engaging her in a conversation, and set a rendezvous for Friday at the Gate of the Perfumers. Lovers corresponded extensively, making use of male or female messengers, in addition, lovers frequently visited each other. \m\arG C’hcjne. Muslim Spam its Historj and Culture, P. 137 Socieh/ and Administration 713 In conclusion, the status and role of women varied according to the social pyramid. Women of the low class (aminah) were not inhibited by social structure. The> performed numerous domestic duties and helped support the family. It was among the wealthy class and aristocracy that the status of women was complicated by economic and social considerations and by the taste and proclivity of the husband. A woman ma> have been quite submissive to her husband, thus conforming to legislation favouring the male, or quite independent and inventive, thereb) subverting the law and the social mores. In the latter case, she appeared as a towering figure exerting great influence on her husband, including a decisixe role in politics. This notwithstanding, she did not attempt to encroach on the freedom of her husband to have a multiplicity of \\i\es and concubines. In fact, she seemed to resign herself to a life of competition in the harem, and to the expectation of becoming the favourite wife. In this wa\. she would become the prima donna of the harem and would be served by an arraj of servants (jawan alkhidmah). There were many gifted appreciated for pleasurable purposes (ladhdhah) or for more serious pursuits. They were the object of love and a source of in privation for an enormous quantiU of tender lyrical poetry. ADMINISTRATION From 711 to 750 al-Andalus constituted an integral part of the Islamic Empire with its capital at Damascus. Administratively. al-Andalus was part of the province of the Maghrib, ruled from the city of Qayrawan in present das Tunisia. Its gcnernor was appointed by cither the caliph in Damascus or the governor of the Maghrib, but in time of crisis he was also elected by the Andalusians themselves. As for the internal administration of al-Andalus, the Arabs, like the Church and the Visigoths before them, adopted the existing administration which was traceable to the Romans. The Arabs had done the same in the hast b\ adopting.Sassanid and Byzantine institutions, which were eventual 1\ Arabi/cJ Division of Spain Al-Andalus was divided into three mam districts: central, eastern and western. The central district included the cities of Cordova. Granada, Malaga, Almeria, Jaen and Toledo. In the western district were Seville. Jerez. Gibraltar. Tarifa, Beja, Badajoz, Mcrida, Lisbon, and Sihcs. In the eastern district were Saragossa. Valencia. Murcia, Cartagena, and Albaracin. These three main 714 Political and Cultural History oflslmu Society mid Administration 715 divisions were subdivided into provinces, to each of which a governor (wali) was appointed by the governor of al-Andalus and by the emir or caliph under the Umayyads. Although we do not possess an exact account of the number of provinces, one can distinguish some twenty or more which were designated by the name of a city or region. East province (kurah) had its capital (hadrah) were the governor resided. In addition to the provinces there were three regions known as the Marches (thughur). They high, middle, and low Marches extended from Saragossa to Toledo. They were zones of war, ordinarily governed by a military commander (qa’id) whose troops were in constant readiness against Christian intrusions from the North. Nature of Government By and large, the provincial administration was patterned after the central government in Cordova and remained essentially the same under the party-kings, the Almoravids, and the Almohads. Under the Umayyads, the governor was appointed for an unspecified time. More than not be would assume independent jurisdiction, especially at the death of one ruler and the inauguration of a new one to regain control the ruler frequently resorted to force. For a while the capital of al-Andalus was Seville, but soon after the conquest it was moved to Cordova, where it remained until the fall of the Umayyad dynasty in 1031. For a long time Cordova was both the political and intellectual centre of al-Andalus. Al- Maqqari said that it had no equal on earth, not even the city of Bhaghdad; he quoted Ibn Sa’id al-Hijari as saying,... ’Its relation to al-Andalus is like that of the head to the body...” Cordova was famous for four things: the sciences, the Umayyad Mosque, al- Zahra palace, which even came to surpass it in splendour under the party-kings and afterward. From 711 to 750, the government of al-Andalus was vested in the hands of a military commander appointed by the viceroys in Qayrawan who were themselves appointed by the caliph of Damascus. These governors controlled army and civil affairs and were directly responsible to the caliph. After the fa!! of the Umayyad dynasty in 750, al- Andalus was ruled by local governors in the midst of contention and political upheaval. With the advent of Abdur Rahman I in 756, Andalus became politically independent from the Muslim East. Nevertheless, the Andalusians looked to the East as a model. This was evident not only in the adoption of Arabic names for public offices but also in the structure of the official hierarchy. The country was ruled by the Umayyad dynasty until 1031. Until 929, the Umayyad rulers assumed the title of emir inspite of the fact that their ancestors had been overthrown by the Abbasids. During this period, they were content to refer to themselves as the ”sons of caliphs” or ”emirs,” and not as caliphs, which would imply sovereignty over the whole Islamic community. This confirmed to the political reality of the day, since the Abbasids actually remained supreme over a large area of the Muslim world. With the decline of the Abbasids in the tenth century and the emergence of the Shi’ite. Fatimid dynasty in North Africa, the Umayyads of Spain under ’Abdur Rahman in felt did not justified in assuming the title of caliph-though in practice their power did not extend much beyond the Peninsula. Like his counterpart in the East, the emir or caliph had absolute power over his subjects. He was the temporal and spiritual ruler: the imam or leader of prayer on Friday and commander in chief of the army on military expeditions. He delegated his power to whom he wished; he appointed and dismissed his functionaries at will. He coined money in his own name. From the tenth century onward he adopted sonorous titles (laqab). His inauguration was attended by great pomposity; an oath of allegiance was rendered to him first by the nobility and high functionaries and afterward by the masses. His name was expected to be mentioned throughout Andalus in the Friday sermon (khutbah). Nomination Whether under the emirate or the caliphate, the Umayyad rulers nominated their successors during their own lifetime. Their criteria for the nominee were as inconsistent as those in the East. By and large, a son or relative was appointed to the throne after the incumbent’s death, but the heir apparent (wali-i-ahd) more often than not had to earn his throne on the battlefield against contending members one of the major factors tlwrt led to the decline and ultimate fall of the dynasty. Centralization The Umayyad rulers constantly strove for strong central government, but the actual degree of centralization always depended on the ability and determination of the individual ruler. Abdur Rahman in had full control of Andalus. However, after his death power was arrogated almost solely by the chamberlain (hajib), who made the major decisions on behalf of the caliph. After the great civil 716 Political and Cultural History oflslfiin war of 1009, chaos prevailed in Andalus, and a viable central government hardly existed. Revolt followed revolt, and a number of caliphs emerged but were ineffectual and always captives of military commanders and princes.2 During the breakdown of Umayyad power and the subsequent downfall of the dynasty in 1031, governors of provinces and commanders of the army forged for themselves a number of principalities. (These rulers, known as party-kings, held authority from about 1009 to 1091: they emulated the Umayyads of Cordova in every respect and arrogated to themselves the role of Caliphs. They adopted titles, nominated their successors and surrounded themselves with all sorts of bureaucrats: secretaries, wazirs, judges, military commanders, eunuchs, literati, and others). Soon after 1091, the Almoravids, governed Andalus from Marrakush. They appointed their relatives or commanders of the army to govern the various provinces of Andalus. Their administration remained essentially the same as it had been under the Umayyads, but began to lose its Arabic character with the advance of the reconquest. Under both the Umayyads and subsequent dynasties, the ruler relied on many individuals for the administration of his domain. Important among them were the following officials: Hajib The Hajib (chamberlain) was the most influential figure at the court. He was the intermediary between the ruler, on the one hand, and the rest of the courtiers and people, on the other. His functions were similar to those of the wazir in the East. He executed the ruler’s orders and often made decisions and formulated policies for him. Furthermore, he was in charge of the central administration, public security, and military and provincial affairs, and he presided over the council of functionaries. His power was enormous since he oversaw all branches of administration: foreign relations, justice, finance, provision and equipment of troops, and so on. Hakarn II delegated most of his t£)\vcis to his hajib. ai-Mushafi. This powerful chamberlain was succeeded by Ibn Amir who ruled Andalus under the title of hajib, and was assisted by a number of wazirs. Wazir The wazir was a secondary figure accountable to the chamberlain. There were a number of wazirs, each of whom had P 142. Society and Administration 717 under his control one branch of administration: finance, foreign relations, justice, etc. They formed a council over which the emir and the hajib presided. The tittle of wazir soon became honorary and was assumed by military commanders and other individuals. However, the office of the wazirate developed in time and seems to have overshadowed the post of hajib. It took on a dual character and was conferred upon people who were both good administrators and erudite, hence their appealation of ”Holder of the two wazirates” (dhu-i-wizaratayn).’ Katib The katib (the secretary) was an important official- There were several secretaries, each incharge of a specific function. The two most important were the secretary of correspondence (katib alrasa’il), who excelled in the epistolary art and drafated and wrote official documents, and the secretary of finance (katib al-dhiman), who took charge of budgetary mattes and accounting, with particular concen for the affairs of Christians and Jews so long as this (latter) office subsisted in Andalus and in the Maghrib no Christian or Jew ever needed the protection and assistance of the gieat and powerful. Sahib al-Barid Sahib al-Barid (the postmaster) held a very important, sensitive post concerned not only with the distribution of mail but also with gathering intelligence about the state of affairs in the provinces. Khazin al-Mal Khazin al-Mal (the treasure) took care of the caliph’s coffers and supervised tax revenue from the provinces. Qazi The Qazi (the judge ) was an appointee of the ruler. He was known at first as Qazi al-jund (the judge of a military contingent) and later as Qazi al-Jamah (the judge of the people) or Qazi al-Quzat (the chief judge); in a small town, he was known as hakim. Judges belonged to the Malikite school of law. They were extremely influential and highly respected owing to the great independence and power which the office gave its holders; it is even maintained that if a Qazi summoned the ruler tl?e latter would immediately obey the S M Imamuddm, Cultural Histor, of Muslim Spam. P 54 718 Political and Cultural History of Islam summons. In theory the chief Qazi had the power to appoint judges to the various provinces, but it is unlikely that he actually exercised such power. They had jurisdiction over religious foundations (waqf,pl. awqaf) and the treasury of Muslims (Bayt-ul-Mal alMuslim in), which differed from the state treasury. In addition, a Qazi conducted the Friday prayer in the main mosque. He was often assisted by an advisory council (majlis al-shura) of people familiar with the law: the council deliberated legal questions. The Qazi deal with civil cases pertaining to marriage, divorce, wills, inheritance, and so on. whereas police inspectors dealt with criminal cases. He was supposed to be a man of great learning, high moral standards, and integrity. Sahib al-Medina Sahib al-Medina,(the prefect of the city), known in the East as Sahib al-shurtah (chief of police), seems to have been the principal official for administering the city. He had almost unlimited authority, even to the point of sentencing anyone he pleased. He was in charge of detecting and punishing crimes against public morality. At times of appointment to this office had to be sanctioned by a Qazi. The prefect of the city had a number of assistant, each of whom had subordinates. For instance, night, guards were assigned to each gate of the city to ensure that suspicious characters were questioned or arrested. Sahib al-Suq The Sahib al-Suq,(market inspector) also known as Muhtasib fell under the jurisdiction of the city prefect or the Qazi, but acted independently of both. Ibn Abdun said that inspection (ihtisab) is the twin of adjudication, and that the inspector is ”the tongue of the judge, his chamberlain, his wazir, and his successor, ”Ibn Abdul considered ihtisab the most important branch of government, requiring much legal knowledge. The inspector was concerned with all sorts of things: making sure that weights and measures were in order; correcting irregularities, regulating sales and purchases with respect to the quality of goods and their prices; ascertaining that all foods, beverages, and clothing were clean and up to standard, that mosques, roads, rivers, and other places were kept in good order so as’ not in endanger public safety or offend public morality. Along with these broad functions, the Muhtasib had the full power to impose a sentence at the scene of the offense. If a violation was Society and Administration 719 committed, he would serve a warning or impose a fine. After repeated violations he would flog or banish the culprit. Sahib al-Mazalim The Sahib al-Mazalim (the judge of appeal) was empowered to correct abuses of power by those in authority. This function was often performed by the ruler himself or by his delegate. Sahib al-Asghal The collector of taxes (sahib al-ashghal) was one of the most important and feared officials. He was considered ”more powerful and influential than a wazir.... all necks bowed before him, all hands were stretched out to him, and he kept the provinces in awe by means of his overseers and informers. Sahib al-Awqaf The Sahib al-Awqaf (the Director of Religious Foundations) managed estates endowed for religious purposes. The commander of the army had responsibility for the defense of the country. The governors of the provinces had executive power in their territories but were ultimately accountable to the central government. In addition to this array of officials, the ruler was surrounded by a large number of religious scholars who exerted great influence on both the religious and secular life of Andalus. At his court could also be found a galaxy of poets, litteraeurs, boon-companions, and entertainers of all sorts. The people ordinarily met in majaiis to discuss literary questions or to entertain, depending on the proclivity of the ruler. * Institution of Military One can hardly omit the military institution on which depended the defense, peace, and security of the realm. The Arab conquerors relied on the army for conquest and pacification. Their success depended on its strength, discipline, and loyalty. Once these elements were lacking Andalus fell into a state of confusion-which happened frequently. The underlying reasons may be found in the organization of the military and its objectives. The army remained heterogeneous throughout, and its loyalty was identified with group consciousness rather than with national consciousness. The call for jihad was often made but was frequently superseded by self-interest. The composition of the army followed ethnic lines from the outset, Its early components were Berbers and Arabs. These two groups.conflicted each other further torn by serious tribal divisions. 720 Political and Cultural History of Islam After the army’s resounding success in conquering most of the Peninsula, nothing was done to bridge these differences. Army contingents for a long time identified primarily with their tribes - for example, the Syrian contingents were given grants of land (qata’i) in the various southern cities, according to their place of origin, and the Berbers were given certain areas in the north. The central government soon discovered that it could rely on neither Syrians nor Berbers and introduced mercenaries. AI-Hakam I (796-822) is said to have been the first emir to introduce Christian slaves into the army. The Saqalibah became the mainstay of the dynasty under the great Abdur Rahman in and his successor, Hakam II. As the power of the Saqalibah became desisive. Ibn Abi Amir substituted loyal Berbers whom he brought from Africa. Andalus existed in a state of war throughout its history. There was hardly a decade of continuously peace. Wars and skirmishes with the Christians coupled with frequent internal revolts required the presence of a standing army of 25,000 to 50,000 men. In an emergency the ruler called for volunteers to fight in a jihad. Fortresses (qala’i’), castles, and other fortifications were erected and constantly manned. The army considered of cavalrymen (fursan) and infantrymen (rajjalah). A general (amir) command 5,000 men and had under him several officers: a qa’id who commanded 1,000 men, a nakib (200 men), an ’arif (40 men), and other minor officers. Up to the time of Abdur Rahman II (823-852), al- Andalus had no viable navy. However, when threatened by the Norsemen (majus), Abdur Rahman II took immediate steps to strengthen the navy. This force soon proved effective in checking Norse inroads as well as the menace of the Fatimids in the Mediterranean. Moreover, the navy succeeded under Abdur Rahman HI in occupying and holding the strategies cities of Ceuta and Tangier in northwest Africa. Economic Policy Economic policy in Andalus conformed to general Islamic practice. At fist the conqueror introduced, at the expense of the Visigothic nobility and the Church, a land reform more tolerable to the peasants. The conqueror himself soon became the major landowner, and many of the conquered or contested lands passed on to the State. Land ownership meant wealth, and agriculture was the mainstay of the economy. The early Umayyad rulers fully realized the importance of agriculture in the economic life of the country and ’ endeavoured to improve irrigation by constructing canals. They also Society and Adinuiistialion 721 improved agricultural produce bv mtioducing vegetables, spices. rice, sugar, oranges, and cotton from the East. These products \\ere widely cultivated. Coinage System A state had a monopoly on minting silver and gold coins Abdur Rahman 11 appears to have been the first ruler to strike coins A number of taxes were exacted, to be paid in cash or kind. Muslims were required as a part of their religious obligation to pa> alms (sadaqa), which represented about 10 per cent of the mobile property. The Christians and Jews were required to pay the poll tax (jizya) in return for protection. A more general tax was the kliaraj imposed on land. In addition, there \\ere extraordinary and oppressive taxes imposed on animals, wine, olives, and other goods. Revenue Andalus had periods of prosperity and acute depressions, the latter owing to natural disasters or the ravages of war. We have only scanty information about the net revenue of a few rulers, the annual income (jibayah) under Hakam 1 amounted to 600,000 dinars. It reached 1,000,000 under ’Abdur Rahman II, it seems to have declined afterward, but it reached a maximum of 5.480,000, in addition to 765.000 collected from Crown properties, under ’Abdur Rahman in. This caliph allocated from land taxes 300.000 dinars each for the army, administration, and serve. He is said to have left 20,000,000 dinars in the treasury upon his death. Such property continued under Ibn Abi ’Amir but declined considerably under his immediate successors. During the political chaos and recurrent internal wars from 1009 onward, the financial situation in Andalus deteriorated to the extent that the central government could not maintain an army. As a result, political disorder was accompanied b\ an economic breakdown. The many newly established states could maintain themselves only through oppressive taxes and extortion. Internal wars forced them to maintain mercenary armies in constant readiness and to pay tributes to avoid being absorbed by the Christians. Moreover, the local rulers indulged in extravagant spending. Under the circumstances, Andalus gradually fragmented until it ceased to exist as a recognizable political entity. The Administration of Justice of Muslim Law in Spain Before the death of Hisham A.D. 796. the Fakihs of Spain had come into prominence. These jurists belonged to the Maliki School of jurisprudence. The Abbasids Caliphs were inimical to 722 Political and Cultural History of Islam Society and Administration 723 Imam Malik because of his alleged support to a pretender and he is said to have declared that ”in Hisham he saw the ideal of a Muslim King and he proclaimed him alone worthy of sitting on the caliph’s throne:’ accordingly Imam Malik’s disciples were welcomed in Spain, and in fact Hisham appointed the judges and ecclesiastics from this Sunni School. Yahya ibn Yahya was the most renowned pupil of Imam Malik. It is related that Imam Malik called him the ’Aqil (subtle, sagacious and learned man), of Spain, Yahya was greatly revered at Cordova. Another great Maliki jurist was Talha. The Maliki jurisprudence ever since exercised great influence in the Muslim Spain. During the reign of the Almoravides the theologians and fakihs were very powerful The Muslims of Spain had imported the same system of administration of justice as was prevalent in Medina and Damascus. The chief Qazi aided by subordinate Judges administered justice according to the Qur’anic law. The court of Justice was usually neai the city mosques and frequently the mosques were used as the local Courts. During the reign of Abdur Rahman I there were four chief Qazis, Qazi-ul-Qzat in Spain. There are also known as Qazi-ulJamat. In small towns the Judge appointed was known as Musaddid. Closely associated with the duties of Qazi and under his supervision was the Sahib-ul-Medina commonly known as Sahib-ul-lail who was responsible for the execution of the sentence of death or of Hadd, the prescribed punishment for whoredom and intoxication, etc. The sentence of death was executed after jt was confirmed by the caliph. The Muhtasib was responsible field standard for the purchase and sale of all commodities. The traditional custom of the caliphs to near cases in person was in existence in Spain, but it was not so common as at Damascus. Amir Hisham-al-Razi is credited with hearing such suits. Apparently this Court and the Court of the Wazirs known as the Council of State, where state trials were held was the Supreme Court of the state. The Court of the Qazi-ul- Quzat was the chief appellant Court where appeals from the subordinate Courts were filed. There was Muftis also who generally advised the Qazis in interpreting and applying the law. One of the most learned jurists was Ibn Bashir who acted during the reign of Hakam as the Chief Qazi of Spain. His judgments were respected throughout the Muslim world. It is related that Hakam’s uncle Said al-Khayr had a case pending before Ibn Bashir. It was required to prove the disputed deed by the evidence of marginal witnesses. One of the witnesses happened to be Hakam himself. The monarch’s presence was thus indispensable and he was I accordingly summoned to appear in the Court. On another occasion Ibn Bashir decreed a suit against Hakam, and ordered the monarch to deliver possession of the disputed land to the plaintiff. It is related that Hakam sent for the plaintiff and purchased the land from him. Ibn Ali ’Amir styled Mansur was one of the greatest Prime Ministers (Hajib) of Spain; in fact the was sovereign defacto. His love of justice and equity was proverbial. He was for sometime Chief Justice at Mauritania. It is related that a man presented himself in the wazir’s court and accused the shield bearer of Mansur of breach of contract, and of refusing to appear in the court of the Qazi to answer the charge. He reported that the judge also had not compelled the shield-bearer to present himself in the Court. Thereupon Mansur became indignant and ordered the prefect of the police to conduct these two men to the Court of the Qazi. ’Abdur Rahman ibn Futais, the judge, having decided the case in favour of the plaintiff, he appeared to thank the minister. ”Spare me the thanks, said the minister ”thou has gained by case,: On another occasion an African merchant approached Mansur and accused his majordomo who thinking that he was shielded from legal proceedings in virtue of his high office had declined to appear in the court of the Qazi. The minister instantly placed the majordomo under arrest, and sent him to the court, and on hearing that the case was decided in favour of the African merchant he deprived his majordomo of office. The idea of state trials for nobility was known to the Muslims of Spain. We have a complete account of the trial of Mushay who was sometime private secretary to Hakam, governor of Majorca and lastly secretary of state. He was trialed by the Council of State composed of several wazirs notably Ibn Jahwar and Ibn Lyash. His property was declared requestrated and he was imprisoned in the state prison at al-Zahra. The Muslim law is very strict in punishing people who blasphemed the Prophet (PBUH) of Islam and the religion. Such instances were common in Spain. The self-styled martyrs sought glorification cheaply; to achieve that end they had merely to revile the Holy Prophet. The monk Isaac (Ishaq) was the first to set the example. He was condemned to death by the Qazi of Cordova. The trail of the famous monk Evlogius had caused a sensation. He was also condemned to death. Similarly Leocritia a Muslim girl on apostasy was convicted and sentenced to death.4 Muhammad Arshad. P 506 CHAPTER MUSLIMS’ CONTRIBUTION IN THE EUROPEAN RENAISSANCE The growth of modern Western civilization since Renaissance and Reformation is an unparalleled historical reality due to its mobility, inherent growth and internationalic cross-currents in almost every sphere of human society. Modern Western civilization brought forth a jargon of movements, which resulted into a complete transformation of the European society, and its off- springs elsewhere. Simultaneously, the very civilization since its inception, was spearheaded by a more mobile and ambitious middle class, mainly consisting of manufacturers, entrepreneurs and traders-the Bourgeoise. The rise of the Protestant Revolution commercial expansion, colonialism and industrialism, or for that matter the evolution of the entire capitalistic hodge-podge owes its origin to this very ambitious middle class, which brought Europe out of its medieval past into a modern era. With enlightenment and its posthumous, Europe became the most developed part of our planet and its mighty cultural values became the accepted common norms of the countless generations in the East. Though during this very period of isms and revolutions, certain philosophers felt disappointed about its future, yet the material progress of the West continued unhindered.1 The entire saga of modernization and material progress in the West started with Renaissance, which became a focal point in the European history. Renaissance closed the Middle Ages and initiated a new era in the Western civilization. Renaissance infused Europe Muhammad Arshad, Islamic History, P. 106. Muslims Contribution in the European Renaissance 72! with a new wave of self-reliance. Such a historic and pi\ota movement covering a span of two centuries, owed its evolution to number of factors and forces. European travellers, the Crusades sense of competition with the Muslim neighbours, role of the Muslir Spain, fall of Constantinople, waning of the feudal age, invention o the printing machine and many other factors strengthened Europea quest for identity. Besides acknowledging the due importance of other factoi in the inception and development of Renaissance, the fact goe beyond challenge that the Muslims had much to do with the origin c Renaissance, and the ensuing destiny of the West. Before visualizing the role of Muslims in Renaissance it wi be appropriate to have a theoretical estimate of this intellectu, movement itself. ’Renaissance’ is a French word which literal means ’revival’ or ’rebirth’. In Italian, it is ’Renascenza’ < ’Renascimento’. In European history, it is the mainspring of a ne era, when feudal age started vanishing from the European scenari Petrarch, the famed 14th century poet, classical philosopher and a early humanist believed that Renaissance was ’a time of revival n< of Latin studies alone but of all man’s intellectual and creativ powers.’ In its classical meaning, Renaissance stood for a quest fc antiquity which regenerated an interest among the Europeans 1 reorient themselves with the Graeco-Roman heritage. Starting from Italy it spread to other parts of Europe an equally influenced all the socio-cultural spheres including literatim art and politics. High Renaissance, which occurred around tl’ beginning of the 16th century, was contemporary to the Protestai Revolution. Humanists like Erasmus, Thomas More. Casti!ogn< master creators like Michaeianglo de Vinci and Raphael: scientis like Copernicus. Galelio and Kepler; and political theorists lil1 Machiavelli. heralded a new era in the Western culture. Imbued v\i’ the more mundane and individualistic precepts of Renaissanc reformers like Luther, Calvin and Zwingli challenged the tradition hierarchy of the Catholic Church and Europe entered a new thresho of scientific and geographic discoveries. Renaissance, with i emphasis on individualism and a more rational life infused a ne self-reliance amongst the Europeans, and they very ambitious embarked on the reorganization of their societies with a bourgeoi character. 726 Political and Cultural History of Islam Muslims Contribution in the European Renaissance 727 The importance of Renaissance was properly acknowledged during the mid-19th century, when Jules Michlet, a French historian, titled the seventh volume of his History of France as ’Renaissance’. In 1855, he theorized it as an antithesis to the Middle Ages. Jacob Burckhardt, the conservative Swiss historian, while writing during that very period, called it a distinct epoch which started in 14th century and ended in 16th century. Renaissance became a root-cause of a conglomeration of new isms in its European context where the tantrums of the Age of Chivalry seemed shattered. Under its protegee a new Europe emerged. Since long Renaissance has become synonymous with optimism and a positive change.” As mentioned earlier, Renaissance owes its existence to a number of factors and forces which rigorously refashioned life in the West. Along with a multitude of internal causes and reasons, Europe felt the tremours from the outside world. The decisive role of the Muslims in the evolution is an undisputed reality. The Muslims, who, during the Middle Ages, had been able to establish magnificent institutions and traditions in politics, philosophy, academics, sciences, arts, architecture, and a number of other fields were themselves harbingers of a new age for the contemporary Christendom. The Muslim centres of power extending from Spain to Central Asia and from North Africa to South Asia were simultaneously the fountainheads of the above mentioned realms in human life. They presented a dynamic challenge to the contemporary Europeans, whom they constantly and unflinchingly reminded them their by-gone past. The Golden Age of the Muslims influenced the European mind and endowed it with a positive and more difinitive curiosity to dig out its own place in the sun. The Muslims did not build up their cultural heritage in a vacuum, rather thev inherited many of its traits from the preceding human generations The Judeo-Christian morality, Greek philosophy, and Indo-Chinese sciences were a great asset for the Muslim scholars who not only preserved this valuable human heritage from a total decay, but also rendered yeoman additions to it. Simultaneously, the Muslims with a missionary zeal refined the inherited scholarship, and, with their own innovations presented an alive synthesis for the succeeding human generations. The Muslim libraries and schools in Damascus, Kufa, Baghdad, Nishapur, Bokhara, Qayarawan and Scott. Hibton of the Moorish Empire in Europe. Vol in. P 306 Cordova boasted of rare manuscripts and with a continuum of patronage for further researches, the creative activities went on endlessly and incessantly. The Islam emphasis on education, travel and mutual sharing created mobility among the scholars who would work endlessly and laboriously to enhance learning and scholarship. The regular patronization of the scholars, researchers and the artists by the Umayyads and then the Abbassids resulted into the golden era of Islamic arts and letters. The Muslims not only preserved classical heritage of the Greeks, Persians, Romans and the Indians, but with their improvisations and additions caused a dynamic synthesis in different branches of knowledge. They preserved the classical human heritage for the posterity and due to the strategic location of the Muslim world, the socio-cultural under- currents in the adjoining areas were influenced enormously. The libraries in Baghdad and Cordova consisted of rare collections under the guidance of quite a few enlightened’ and gifted sovereigns. The non-Muslims equally contributed and benefited from the world of academics and spent their life-time in translating the original works from science and philosophy. In other words, the Muslims proved a vital channel in the continuity of an all-transcending and all-pervading cultural inheritance by its preservation, addition and diffusion, which otherwise would have been lost, since Europe ”had itself become fragmentary, ’medievalized’ and unproductive”.1 The Arabic language revived the antiquity, and quite assuredly other Muslim languages like Persian and Turkish maintained this intellectual suzerainty. However, Arabic remained the predominant modus vivendi for the classical learning and arts. As an author opined: Its geographical diffusion in three continents enabled it to leave important traces on several non-Islamic literary traditions: for Europe and the Mediterranean region it became, along with the other two classical literatures, Greek and Latin, an integral part of the medieval complex.4 That Islam was admittedly the torchbearer of light and learning in the West, when Europe was enshrouded in the ignorance and darkness and that the followers of the Holy Prophet were undoubtedly among the very few factors creating the conditions leading to present culture and advancement. The Islamic Culture influenced the Cultures and Civilizations of the ’ Glick. Islamic Spam. P 131 Arnold. Lccac\ ol Islam P 104 728 Political and Cultural History of Islam Muslims Contribution in the European Renaissance 729 \sorld. especially the Europeans, in imiltifaiioiis ways. The broad fact remains that the Arabs of Spain were the principal source of the new learning for Western Europe. ” Cordova Under the administration of the Arabs, and at its highest point of prosperity. Cordova became a beautiful citv of palaces and gardens. After sunset a man might walk through its solidly paved streets, in a straight line, for ten miles in the light of the public lamps. AI-Maqqari savs that with its one hundred and thirteen thousand homes, twenty one suburbs, seventy libraries and numerous book shops, mosques and palaces, it acquired international fame and inspired awe and admiration in the hearts of travellers. It enjoyed miles of paved streets illuminated bv lights from the bordering houses, whereas, according to John W. Draper. ”Seven hundred years after this time there was not so much as one public lamp in London, and in Paris, centuries subsequently, whoever stepped over his threshold on a rainy day stepped up to his ankles in mud”. Other cities as Granada, Se\ille and Toledo considered themselves rivals of Cordova. The palaces of the Caliphs were magnificently decorated. They stood forth against the clear, blue sky or were embossed in wood. They had overhanging orange gardens and courts with cascades of water. The walls were adorned with arabesques. Huge chandeliers hung from the ceiling ; the apartments of the Sultans were sometimes incrusted with lapislazuli. The Alhamra, the world-renowned castle made of red stucco is still counted as one of the wonders of the world. worthy to be mentioned in the same breath as the faj of Agra, The furniture was of sandal and citron wood, inlaid with mother of pearl, ivory, silver or relieved with gold, such was Cordova. And now. a word about the influence of the Spanish Muslims on European literature, philosophy and science. The refined society of Cordova pride itself on its politeness. A gay contagion spread from the beautiful. Moorish miscreants to their sisters beyond the mountains. The south of France became full of witcheries of female fascinations and dancing to the lute and mandolin. Even in Italy and Sicily the love song became the favourite composition : and out of these genial but not orthodox beginnings the romantic literature of modern Europe arose. Muslim Spain inaugurated the age of chivalry and her influence passed hncvclopedia of Viuhamnml (PBUI1). Vol in. P 571 through Province into the other countries of Europe, bringing into birth a new poetry and a new culture. Channels of Influence The chief media through which Muslim civilization was transmitted to Europe vveie Spanish teachers and traders and the Muslims of Sicil} and Africa. There were also other channels through which the Muslim influence infiltrated into Europe. The material and cultural improvements that the Muslims made were very necessary for the happiness and well-being of Spain. The Christians reoccupied their country and eventually turned Muslims out of Europe but Muslim culture and civilization continued to influence every aspect of European life. This influence was not only due to proximity, but also to the common interests of Christians and Muslims, especially to the Christian slaves, who, escaping and on’ their return home, nearly always retained their Arab names and culture. Between the Christians and the Muslims, visits were frequently exchanged and mutual succour given in time of civil war. Throughout the later wars the combatants on both sides were apparently a combination of Muslims and the Christians. European Muslims traded with Christian countries both by land and sea. Their goods were purchased by Christian customers in every large town in Europe. In their daily contacts Muslim and Jewish merchants taught the Arab manners and customs to their Christian customers. They intermarried not only in the lower but also in the higher strata of society. ”Spanish ladies of the highest rank, among them the sister of Pelagius and the daughter of Roderick, contracted marriages with the ”infidels”, as th_e orthodox Jean Mariana calls the Muslims.” The Muslims in Spain, like their counterparts in Sicily, were destined to play a vital role in the transfer of the new ideas and institutions to the contemporary Europe. The Moors produced men of ultra-intellectual forbearings in almost every discipline of learning. This galaxy of intellectuals and inventors included Christian as well as Jewish scholars who used Arabic as a medium of expression in their works, along with Latin and Hebrew. But stil! Arabic remained the lingua franca of the time for all the talents. Influence on English Literature Across the Pyrenees, literary, philosophic and military adventurers were perpetually passing, and thus the luxury, the taste and above all the chivalrous gallantry and elegant courtesies of 730 Political and Cultural History of Islam Moorish society found their way from Granada into Province. The French and English nobles imbibed the Arab admiration of the horse. Hunting and falconry became their fashionable pastimes It was a scene of grandeur and gallantry, the pastimes beinii tilts and tournaments. And this reminds us of the Normans Nci’iandy, we know, is in France. The battle of Hastings is consideicd one of the decisive battles of the world. Theeffects of the Norman invasion on the English mind and fancy, which had been hitherto provincial and uncouth,-were to infuse the lightness, grace and self-confidence of romance into the literature of the period. The genesis of modern English literature points to the north of France and the Trouveres, who were themselves influenced by the polished Moors of Spain. Just take the case of one of the great romances of the East, the Arabian Nights, and notice its influence. Many romantic writers of Europe have acknowledged their debt to even an imperfect translation of the tales. Balzac never turned to them in vain, when his prodigious imagination needed a spur. Thackery has told us in a charming passage how the ”Nights” fascinated and inspired him. In the life of Charles Dickens we are told that the dormant imagination of the future novelist was roused to action by a perusal of the ”Thousand and One Nights.” Hawthorne’s letters are filled with allusions to the stories whose influence can be traced as clearly in many of the shorter stories. Stevenson, who knew the Burton version, tells us in his Memoirs and Portraits, that the ”Arabian Nights” was one of the books that helped to form his mind and style. Scientific Progress The Saracen Empire was dotted all over with colleges and in the heyday of Muslim power. Spain alone boasted of 70 libraries. Colleges were also established in Mongolia, Tartary, Persia, Mesopotamia, Syria, Egypt, North Africa, Morocco and Fez. Great was the patronage that learning received at this time. To give an adequate statement of the results of this imposing scientific movement would far transcend the limits of these pages. The ancient sciences were gradually extended and new ones brought into existence. At various centres of the Empire observatories were established under Mamun, and by exchanging observations Islam succeeded in revising the astronomical tables of Ptolemy, and in ascertaining, with greater precision, the obliquity of the ecliptic and the orbits of the sun, the moon and the planets. In a most ingenious Muslims Contribution in the European Renaissance 731 manner al-Beruni, who is considered the most profound and original savant and mathematician that Islam produced in the realm of natural science, determined the magnitude of the earth’s circumference. He brought out in 1030 A.D. an account of the whole science of astronomy called al-Qanun al-Mas’udi fi al-Hayat w-al- Najum. He has discussed scientifically the then controversial theory of earth’s rotation on its axis and made accurate determination of latitudes and longitudes. Two of the oldest Muslim astronomers al-Farghan and alBattani were the preceptors of Europe and under the name of Alfraganus and Albategnius enjoyed high and wide spread renown. Abu Abdullah Muhammad ibn Jabir al~ Battani, Undoubtedly the greatest astronomer of his time, made his observations and studies in al-Raqqah from 877 to 918. His contributions were original. According to Prof.. Hitti, ”He made several emendations to Ptolemy and rectified the calculations for the orbits of the moon and certain planets. He proved the possibility of annual eclipses of the sun and determined with greater accuracy the obliquity of the ecliptic, the length of the tropical year and the seasons and the true and mean orbit of the sun”. AI-Battani wrote a large treatise and compiled astronomical tables. His greatest claim to fame is undoubtedly that, if he did not discover, he at least popularized the first notions of trigonometrical ratios as we use them today Ptolemy used chords, for the calculation of which he had only one main theorem, a very clumsy one. AlBattani substituted the sine for the chord. He used tangent and cotangent and he was acquainted with two or three fundamental relations in trigonometry. Joseph Hell has rightly remarked that ”In the domain of trigonometry the theory of sine, cosine and tangent is an heirloom of the Arabs. The brilliant epochs of Peurbach of Regiomontanus, of Copernicus, cannot be recalled without reminding us of the fundamental and preparatory labours of the Arab Mathematician”. Writing about the great advance made by the Muslims in the domain of mathematics, Joseph Hell comments thus : ”Taking over the elements of mathematics from Euclid, the decimal system from the Indians in the ninth century. the> soon made substantial progress. The adoption of the sign ”Zero” (Arabic Sifr) was a step of the highest importance, leading up to the so-called arithmetic of positions. With the help of the Arab system of numbers, elemental} 732 Political and Cultural History oflfslnin methods of calculation were perfected ; the doctrines of the properties of, and the relations between, the equal and the unequal and prime numbers, squares and cubes, was elaborated; algebra was enriched by the solution of the third and fourth degrees, with the help of geometry and so on. About the >ear 820 A..D. the Mathematician al-Khawarzimi wrote a text-book of algebra in examples, and this elementary treatise translated into Latin was used by Western scholars down to the sixteenth century”. ”Besides an important treatise on astronomy, al- Khawarzimi also wrote a book in Indian (Hindi) method of calculation and another on algebra. The first was translated into Latin by Adelard of Bath, the two otheis by Gerard of Cremona, the treatise on astronomy and that on arithmetic are known only from these Latin translations” The Muslim contributions in the field of Chemistry and Physics are also of far-reaching importance. Joseph Hell has paid genuine tributes : ”The oldest chemists, as a body, were alchemists. This notwithstanding, in their writings we find items of chemical knowledge which cannot be shown to have existed anterior to their times. The) describe the methods of melting and solution of filteiing, crystallizing, sublimating. They knew alum, salt petre, salammonia. alkali prepared from tarter and salt petre ; and among ihem we first notice the knowledge of mineral acids. The increase in the number of artificially prepared substances ; the perfection of methods handed down from the Greeks; the application of these methods to most diverse materials, are the striking achievements of the Arabs in the domain of chemistry. If, in this diicction, the\ advanced considerably beyond the Greeks, it was due to the fact that in the place of hazy, mystical speculations they introduced objective experiments into the study of nature”. The later phxsicians succeeded in displacing the works of Galen and Hippocrates for several centuries and substituting their own at the universities, of this class of original writers the oldest is Muhammad ibn Zakariyyah al- Razi (865-925). According to Prof. E.G. Browne, ”Al-Razi was the greatest and most original of all the Muslim physicians and one of the most prolific as an author”. His erudition was all-embracing and his scientific output rematkable, amounting to more than 200 works, half of which are medical. He also wrote a monumental work ”Kitabul Mansuri” in ten volumes of which a Latin translation appeared in Milan in the eighties of the Muslims Contribution in the European Renaissance 733 fifteenth century. Parts of it have been recently rendered into German and French. One of the most celebrated of his monographs is that on ’’Smallpox and Measles” (al-Judari-wal-Hasbah). it was first translated into Latin in 1565 and later into several European languages, including English, and went into fort} editions between 1498-1866. According to Prof. P. K. Hitti, author of History of the Arabs, this treatise served to establish al-Razi’s reputation as one of the keenest original thinkers and greats clinician not only of Islam but of the Middle Ages”. The most important medical work of alRazi was ”al-Hawi” (the comprehensive book), an encyclopedia in the annals of medical information. It was translated into Latin under the auspices of Charles I of Anjou by the Sicilian Jewish physician, Faraj ibn Salim (Farragut) in 1279 and was repeatedly printed from 1486 onwards. These works of Razi exercised a remarkable influence on European medicine. The most outstanding and illustrious personality in the domain of medical science after al-Razi is that of Ibn Sina, universally known to the West as Avicena (980-1037) and called by the Arabs a!-Shaykh-al-Rais. Among his scientific works the leading two are ”Kitab-al-Shifa” (Book of Healing) and ”ai-Qanun fit Tibb” (the canons of medicine). This book is the culmination and masterpiece Of Arabic systematization. This medical encyclopedia deals with general medicines, simple drugs, diseases affecting all parts of the body from the head to the foot, specially pathology and pharmacopoeia. The ”Qanun” was published in Arabic in Rome in 1593. It was translated into Latin by Gerard of Cremona in the twelfth century. It became the text-book for medical education in the schools of Europe. ”The demand for it may be gleaned from the fact that in the last thirty years of the fifteenth century it was issued sixteen times-fifteen editions being in Latin and one in Hebrew, and that it was re-issued more than twenty times during the sixteenth century”. In 1930 Cameron Gruner partly translated this book into English, called a treatise on the Canons of Medicine of Avicena. From the twelfth to the seventeenth centuries the ”Qanun” served as the chief guide to medical science in the West. Dr. William Osier, author of The Evolution of Modern Science, has rightly remarked, ”The Qanun has remained a medical Bible for a longer period than any other work.” 734 Political mid Cultural History of Islam Optics was developed to its highest degree by Ibn alHaitham (Alhazen) of Basra (965 A.D). His main work is ”On Optics,” the original Arabic is lost, but the book survives in Latin. He opposes the theory of Euclid and Ptolemy that the eye sends out visual rays to the object of vision. He discusses the propagation of light and colours, optic illusions and reflection. Alhazen examines also the refraction of light rays through transparent mediums (air, water). In detailing his experiments with spherical segments (glass vessels filled with water), he comes very near to the theoretical discovery of magnifying lenses which was made practically in Italy three centuries later, whilst more than six centuries were to pass before the law of sines was established by Snell and Descartes. Roger Bacon (thirteenth century) and all medieval Western writers on optics- notably the Pole Witelo or Vitellio-base their optical works largely on Alhazen’s ”Opticae Thesaurus.” His work also influenced Leonardo da Vinci and Johann Kepler. In the field of geography, too, the Muslims made a great headway. Under, Caliph Mamun (813- 833) the government appointed a committee under Muhammad ibn Musa al-Khawarzimi to make a survey of the globe. Seventy great minds worked to explore the field and ultimately they were able to produce the first map of the globe in 830. A.D. This activity of the Arabs heralded the dawn of a new adventure in the rough seas, guided by this scientific data, Columbus was inspired to hazard out in the seas five centuries later, believing that the earth was a globe, and not a flat saucer. Thus in search of Indian condiments. Columbus, who had been taught this knowledge of geography by one Arab, found the American Continent. ”When Vasco de Gama, after his circumnavigation of the African Continent in 1498 A.D., had reached Malindi on the east coast of Africa, it was an Arab pilot, Ahmed ibn Majid who showed him they way to India. According to Portuguese sources this pilot \\as in possession of a very good sea map and of other maritime instruments. The same pilot is also known as the writer of a sailingmanual for the Indian Ocean, the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf, the South China Sea and the East Indian Archipelago’’. Briffault in his book, The Making of Humanity, had honestly expressed the indebtedness of Europe to the Arabs : ”It was under the influence of the Arabs and the Moorish revival of culture and not in the 15th century, that a real Renaissance took place. Spain, not Italy, was the cradle of the re-birth of Europe. After steadily sinking Muslims Contribution in the European Renaissance 735 lower and lower into barbarism, it had reached the darkest depths of ignorance and degradation when cities of the Saracenic world, Baghdad, Cairo, Cordova and Toledo, were growing centres of civilization and intellectual activity. It was there that the new life arose which was to grow into a new phase of human evolution. From the time when the influence of their culture made itself felt, began the stirring of a new life. ”It was under their successors at the Oxford School (that is, successors to the Muslims of Spain) that Roger Bacon learned Arabic and Arabic Sciences. Neither Roger Bacon nor his later namesake has any title to be credited with having introduced the experimental method. Roger Bacon was no more than one of the apostles of Muslim Science and Method to Christian Europe and he never wearied of declaring that knowledge of Arabic an Arabic Science was for his contemporaries the only way to true knowledge. Discussions as to who was the originator of the experimental method are part of the colossal misrepresentation of the origins of European civilization. The experimental method of Arabs was by Bacon’s time widespread and eagerly cultivated throughout Europe. Science is the most momentous contribution of Arab civilization to the modern world ; but its fruits were slow in ripening. Not until long after Moorish culture had sunk back into darkness did the giant which it had given birth to rise in his might. It was not science only which brought Europe back to life. Other and manifold influences from the civilization of Islam communicated its first glow to European life. For although there is not a single aspect of European growth in which the decisive influence of Islamic culture is not traceable, nowhere is it so clear and momentous as in the genesis of that power which constitutes the permanent distinctive force of the modern world, and the supreme source of its victory-natural science and the scientific spirit. The debt of our science to that of the Arabs does not consist in startling discoveries of revolutionary theories, science owes a great deal more to Arab culture, it owes its existence. The Astronomy and Mathematics of the Greeks were a foreign importation never thoroughly acclimatized in Greek culture. The Greeks systematized, generalized and theorized, but the pa.tient ways of investigation, the accumulation of positive knowledge, the minute method of science, detailed and prolonged observation and experimental enquiry were altogether alien to the Greek temperament. Only in Hellenistic Alexandria was any 736 Political and Cultural History of Islam approach to scientific \vork conducted in the ancient classical world. What we call science arose in Europe as a icsult of a new spirit of enquiry, of new methods of investigation, of the methods of experiment, observation, measurement, of the development of mathematics, in a form unknown to the Greeks. That spirit and those methods were introduced into the European world by the Arabs. It is highly probable that but for the Arabs, modern European civilization would never have arisen at all, it is absolutely certain that but for them it would not have assumed that character which has enabled it to transcend all previous phases of evolution. Iftikhar Haider Malik says, ”The Muslim scientists included well known inventors like Hasan b. al-Hatham, whose discoveries in the field of optics helped the future studies completed by Roger Bacon and Witelo. Similarly, Hunayn b. Ishaq, al-Rarabi, Ibn-iRushd and al-Razi were the other leading innovators of the time, who rendered multifarious services in the disciplines of natural and medical sciences. Ishaq b. Sulayman was another physician with the Jewish ethnic background, who rose to the highest pinnacle of fame. Ibn-Zuhr and Maimondas-the latter also being a Jew-belonged to the category of the scientists who mainly dwelt on the scientific discoveries of Ibn-i-Sina and al-Farabi. This was the age of interdisciplinary learning, where an individual dealt in philosophy, sciences and literature simultaneously. Such individuals spent a major portion of their lives in gaining knowledge through travels to far away places and spent rest of their lives in transmitting it to others. They would attend the daras of some eminent scholar in religious or mundane academies and then would move on to the farthest corner of the Muslim world to resume teaching and research. Quite frequently such talents were patronized by the rulers, but still these scholars were the most mobile people of their age. They worked as the agents of trans-cultural and trans-intellectual values in far away regions. Like al-Beruni and others, these people travelled with the Muslim armies to the new places and with their observation and participation acquired a practical form of knowledge. They wrote in Arabic mostly, which was the Latin of the Muslim world. Ibn-i-Sina and Ibn-i- Khaldun are some of the best case-studies of this mobile Muslim intelligentsia of the Middle Ages: ”With Ibn-i-Sina, Muslim medicine reached the peak of its achievement. While less of a clinical physician than al-Razi, ’’he was more philosophical, more systematic; he tried to rationalize the Muslims Contribution in the European Renaissance 737 immense accumulation of medical science which has been inherited from antiquity and enriched by his predecessors”. He was very much influenced by early Greek scientists like Hippocrates and Galen, and himself discussed the .favourite contemporary philosophical themes like soul, mind and ego, so much a popular subject with Read Descartes the father of the European rationalist school of thought.” Translation Works The European scholars flocked to the Muslim Spain and retranslated manuscripts into Latin. The earliest translation of the Holy Quran was done by Adelard of Bath and Robert of Chester; the two Englishmen studying in Muslim Spain. During the 12th century, quite a few European scholars residing in Spain were engaged in such research pursuits. For example, Lombard Gerard translated more than seventy works from Arabic into Latin. Leading exponents of the European Scholasticism like Thomas Aquinas owed enormously to the Muslim philosophers like Ibn-i- Rushd. This interrelationship between the Medieval Europe and the world of Islam was manifold. The earliest European universities in Italy, France and England emerged as a result of this intellectual and cultural intercourse between the East and the West. The Muslims influerced the European mind through their rich Arabic literature which stood for romance, courtly love and an austere life. Similarly, the Muslims enriched the other subjects like history, geography and travel accounts, as a modern authority on the Muslim Spain observed: ”The Hispano-Arabic scholar was not a professional in the strict sense of the word, but rather a man of erudition and diversified learning. He was more often than not a religious scholar, grammarian, poet, jurist, scientist, or statesman. As such he was prolific writer who tried his hand at writing on the various disciplines”. Ibn-i-Hazii, al-Razi, Ibni-Khaldun and al-Maqqarri were the leading historians like al-Babri, al-Idrisi, and Ibn-i-Battutah, the known geographers and traveller, of that period. Philosophy The reign of Hakam II was indeed the golden age of Arabian learning in Spain. The Caliph was passionately devoted to letters. His agents were sent to all parts of the East to collect rare books. It was under him that the study of philosophy was commenced and cultivated. Among the Muslim philosophers of Spain. Ibn Bajjah and Ibn Rushd occupy the first and foremost place. Besides the honour of having Ibn Rushd for his pupil, it is said of Ibn Bajjah by some Arab 738 Political and Cultural History of Islam writers that ”if we established comparison between his essays and those of Ibn Sina and al-Ghazali, the two authors who most promoted the study of philosophy in the Islamic world after alrarabi, we shall find the balance inclining rather on the side of Ibn Bajjah. \verroism The Eastern doctrines of Absorption and Emanation were first introduced by Aristotle into Eastern Europe. Philo, the Jew, kised his philosophy on the theory of Emanation. From the \le\andrian Greeks these ideas passed into the Saracenic philosophers. In the intellectual history of the Arabs, the Jew and the Saracen are continually seen together. From them conjointly Europe derived its philosophic ideas, which in course of time culminated in Averroism. Now, Averroism is Philosophic Islamism. The work of Ibn Rushd invaded Christendom by two routes (a) from Spain, through Southern France, they reached Italy, and (b) from Sicily they passed to Naples and South Italy. The doctrine of Emanation and Absorption thus introduced into Europe affected the ranks of intelligence and fashion all over the continent. Even as early as the 10th century persons having a taste for learning found their way into Spain, a practice in subsequent years still more indulged in when it became illustrated by the brilliant success of Gilber who passed from the University of Cordova to the Papacy of Rome. Petu and many ecclesiastics and learned men even from Britain were found studying in Andalusia. Into Italy and England, Averroism had silently made its way. It found favour in the eyes of the Franciscans, and a focus in the ancient University of Paris. Michael Scott made the writings of Averroes known by his translations. We meet continually Arabian ideas in Roger Bacon, the forerunner of his great namesake, and eventually in Spinoza. The Aristotelian or Inductive Philosophy, clad in the Saracenic costume and given by Ibn Rushd, found favour with Leonardo de Vinci to whom some would attribute the Renaissance of Learning in Europe. Bertrand Russell commenting on Averroism writes, in his History of Western Philosophy, ”Averroes is more important in Christian than in Muslim philosophy. In the latter he was a dead end in the former a beginning. He was translated into Latin early in the 13th century by Michael Scott ; as his works belong to the later half of the 12th century ; this is surprising. His influence in Europe was very great, not only on the scholastics, but also on a large body of unprofessional free- thinkers, who denied Muslims Contribution in the European Renaissance 739 immortality and were called Aveiroists. Among professional philosophers, his admirers were at first especially among the Franciscans and at the University of Paris. Sufism As mention of Averroism or the doctrine or Emanation and absorption, that the soul of man has emanated or issued from God and shall finally be absorbed into God, naturally leads one to say a word or two on Sufism, which has also exercised its quota of influence on Western thoughts. Sufism owes its origin to a little Persian sect who early stuck out a path for themselves by discarding all costly robes and clothing themselves in black woolen garments These were hence forth known as Sufis, and their way as ”Tasawoof.” Abu Hashim was the first to bear the name of Sufi. AlMisri may be said to have given sufism its permanent shape. By the end of the 3rd century A.H., Quietism had changed into Pantheism and kindled a belief that the Beloved and Lover are one and identical. Two theories are advanced as to the origin of sufism : 1. Reaction of the human mind from the Transcendental to the Imminent type and 2. Neoplatonic influence. It is highly probable that the Seven Philosophers who were forced to leave their homes through the tyranny of Justinian, who forbade the teaching of Philosophy at Athens, should have exercised a considerable influence upon a few of the more thought full Persians when these Neoplatonists paid a visit to the Persian court in the 6th century, and Neoplatonism is the doctrine of Ecstasy, and this bears directly upon Sufism. These points from a broad outline of Sufism. The later Sufis elaborated the ideas, gave them a rich and beautiful setting a built about them one of the most interesting phases of mystical poetry the world has ever known. They, however,changed the Neoplatonists purely abstract conception of God to an essentially personal one, and were strongly opposed to a distinct personality from the Beloved. Finally, the ”Abu Brain” of the Indian Vedantists found an echo in the ”Anal Haq” (I am the truth) of the Sufi Mansur al-Hallaj (died 922 A.D.), who had to pay with his life for this utterance. His mystic theory has been clearly expressed in these verses : ”I am He whom I love, and He whom I love is I, We are two souls dwelling in one body, 740 Political and Cultural History of Islam When thou seest me, thou seest Him, And when thou seest Him, thou seest us both.” Allama Shibli’s remark, that ”Tasawoof’ is control of the faculties and observance of breath, certainly points to the belief that the later Sufis got certain ideas from the Vedantic Philosophy. In seeking to submerge themselves in God, the Sufis arrived at the Indian conception of The All-One.’ All Pantheistic methods and utterances are curiously alike. In William James book, Varieties of Religious Experiences, we read ”This overcoming of all the usual barriers between the individual and the Absolute is the great mystic achievement. They say that in mystic states we become one with the Absolute and we become aware of our oneness. This is the everlasting and triumphant mystical tradition, hardly altered by differences of clime or creed. In Hinduism, in Neoplatonism, in Sufism, in Pantheistic Christian mysticism, in Whitmanism we find the same recurring note, so that there is about mystical utterance an eternal unanimity which ought to make a critic stop and think, and which brings about that which the mystical classics have, as has been said, neither birth- day nor native land. Perpetually telling of the unity of man and God, their speech antedates language and they do not grow old. Every man, says the author of ”Gulshan Raz’1 whose heart is not longer shaken by doubt, knows with certainty that there is no being, save only one. In his divine majesty the me, the we, the thou, are not found, for the one there can be no distinction. Every being who is annulled and entirely separated from himself, .bears. .”I am God.”; In the vision of God, says Plotinus, what one sees is not our reason, but something prior and superior to our reason. He who thus sees does not see two things. He changes, he ceases to be himself, preserves nothing of himself. Absorbed in God, he makes but one with him, Here, writes Suso, the spirit dies, any yet is all alive in the marvels of the Godhead. The Influence of Sufi Poetry on Western Thought As regards the influence of Sufi poetry on Western thought it may be noted that many of the European mystics wrote as the Sufi poets had written before them, particularly Thomas Aquinas, Exkhart and Dante. The greatest names in the realm of Mysticism arejhose of Johann Tauler and Heinrich Suso, who were the pioneers of the early mystic movement, ”the Minnesinger of Gottesminne”. Their writings were intensely practical and touched on all sides the deeper problems ^^^ Muslims Contribution in the European Renaissance 741 of moral and spiritual life, and made the mystic movement in its later manifestations so important a forerunner of the Reformation. There was rapturous language both with Eastern and Western mystics. In the 19th century Hegel was loud in the praise of Jalaluddin Rumi. You find the same influence in Didactic Literature, Ibsen’s ”Caesar and Galilean”. English Literatures and Oriental Thought Shakespeare Let us take the case of Shakespeare first. It would have been strange indeed if among the many motions of his mind on pantheistic ideas were to be met within Shakespeare. A passage in ”The Tempest” will illustrate our meaning: ”We are such stuff As dreams are made of, And our little life Is rounded with a sleep”. Shelley Of all English poets there is none who is so closely akin to the pantheistic type of mind as is Shelley. In ”Prome theus Unbound” Asia is the goddess of his workshop. It may have been only an instinct that attracted one essentially of a deeply pantheistic spirit to the great home of Pantheism. ”Life not the painted veil, ”he said ”which those who live call life, even though unreal shapes be pictured there”. But in none of his works so much as in his Adonais does the Pantheism of Shelley appear in such dazzling radiance, embellished with all the charm of poetical colouring. The exquisite beauty of the following lines expressing the Oneness of Existence demands citation: ”The One remains, the many change and pass, Heaven’s light for ever shines earth’s shadows fly, Life like a dome of many coloured glass. Stains the white radiance of Eternity”. In tracing the scope of Eastern thought in England one has also to mention the names of English mystics such as Law, George Herbert, Henry Vaughan and the Cambridge Platonists of modern poets. Arthur Symons’ lines on ”A Dancing Dervish” and Browning’s ”Paracelsus” and ”Sordello”, will have been read by many. Harris’s poems are full of Sufi nature. In Phillip’s beautiful poem ”Parpassa” 742 Political and Cultural History of Islam there are lines full of Sufi mysticism. Tennyson gives indications of being influenced by Oriental through in ”Akbar’s dream”, and especially in ”’the Ancient Sage” he has given expression to perhaps more fascinating form than any other poet, to some characteristic Oriental ideas. Mathew Arnold’s mystic melancholy bestows upon him a kinship with the Indian temperament. Edwin Arnold, Ralph Griffiths, Max Muller and a host of other Orientalists have drawn their inspiration from the Oriental literature. American Writers Longfellow depicts the Universe as an immeasurable wheel turning for ever more in the rapid rushing river of time. We also find Emerson playing Pantheistic mysticism of the Oriental type. In short, we find that so far as it has been borne in upon the thinkers of the East that the things of sense deceive and betray, so far as they utter with tremendous emphasis that the things that are seen are shadows, so far not a few in the West have hearkened-to their teaching. Art and Architecture In the world of architecture, minor arts and music, the Muslims in Spains excelled their contemporaries in Europe. Their beautifully ornamented mosques, palaces, bath houses in and around Cordova, Saville or Granada testified a unique artistic taste cultivated by the Muslims in Spain. The suburbs of the metropolitan centres with sprawling orchards, flowing streams and ornate vinecovered villas embodied the aesthetic sense of the Moors. The architectural designs of the great Mosque in Cordova with its decorated arches, carved gates and scenic walls symbolized the zenith of the Muslim arts destined to influence Barouqe Art of the 17th century Europe. Similarly, the ruins of al-Zahara or al-Hamara are still great architectural monuments of the world and represent the genius and refined culture of the Andalusian Muslims sufficient enough to provide exotic themes to the known Western writers like Washington Irwing. Social Life In the social life of the Muslims in Spain, women enjoyed comparativel} more freedom and a better status than their counterparts in the adjoining territories. Some of them proved to be of great literary and artistic excellence, something not much enjoyed by the contemporary European women. Muslims Contribution in the European Renaissance 743 The Muslim rulers vied for the best talents in poetry, fine arts and music. The richness and eloquence of Arabic introduced many new words, similes and metaphor in the European languages which were hitherto unknown. In the sphere of music, the greatest musician of the Muslim Spain was Ziryab, who had migrated from Baghdad to Spain under some official compulsion. His pupils carried on his musical legacy successively and introduced Europe with many instruments: In sum, music, singing and dancing were widespread both in rich circles and among the general populace. These arts were so deep rooted that the judge Ibn al-Arabi of Seville defended music against the strictures of the religious scholars. More significantly still, it was in al-Andalus that popular poetry as embodied in Zajal and Mawashahat was set to music and sung in all places and for every occasion. Andalus was a cultural bridge between the Muslim East and Christian West. Through the transmission of the classics, arts and literature, the Muslims endowed Europe with their technology which was to play a decisive role in its commercial expansion. The prevalent notion of earth, extensive travel accounts, better technical know-how in ship-building and devices like the compass quite ludicrously enhanced European dream to reach the fabulous East. The Muslims had their impact on Europe not just through Spain, certain other events in the Middle Ages also helped in buttressing such cross-cultural contacts. The pilgrimages to the Biblical places in the Middle East, and, most of all the Crusades afforded the Europeans with prolonged opportunities to witness the socio-cultural progress of their adversaries. No doubt the Crusades enunciated a new phase in the East-West relationship, where despite political rivalries and warfare, the natural process of acculturation continued on unhindered. The fall of Constantinople happened at the time when the Muslim rule in Spain was on a steady decline and a new channel of this international relationship was emerging. In short, the Muslims influenced the European thought and life enormously and rendered gigantic services in the evolution a modern age in the Western civilization, Dante, Marco Polo, Aberlard, Chaucer, Machiavelli, Erasmus. Columbus, Vasari, Michaelanglo, Rabelais, Montaigne. Thomas Maon More and so many others who highlighted European Renaissance were beneficiaries of the classical heritage reintroduced to them by the Muslims. What did the Muslims lose or gain from thi-, ’-elationshin is 744 Political and Cultural History of Islam in itself a separate story, no doubt, equally grim and sardonic one. However, their services in the re-birth of Europe cannot be overlooked while studying the beginning of a modern phase in the Western Civilization. ”In short, during these centuries no aspect of Western European civilization escaped the influence of the East. It is a debt often forgotten today, when the West has so far materially outstripped the peoples of the Near East”. Some Scholar’s Views on Islam’s influence on Europe According to John W. Cambell, the whole of Europe except Italy was in a state of barbarism. It was the civilisation of Islam which infused light into Europe. Lane-Poole in his famous book ”The Moors in Spain”, remarks: ”Students flocked from France, Germany, England and every part of Europe to drink from the fountain of learning which flowed only in the city of Moors”. S.P. Scott in his monumental work ”Moorish Empire in Europe” writes, ”No achievement of ancient or modern time was perfected with such rapidity or produced such decided effect upon the intellectual progress of the human race as that of the Arabs”. About Islam’s contribution to the modern world progress and western civilisation Oxford Junior Encyclopedia remarks: ”It is said that institutions created by the Arab Muslims were remarkable for their good sense and humanity and that justice was frequently well administered. Even the Jews and Christians so long as they paid taxes received the protection of the Islamic State. The modern world also owes a debt to Islam for keeping alive and fostering art and science through dark ages in the great centres of Arab civilization at Baghdad, Cairo and Cordova”. Allama Muhammed Asad in his book ”Islam at the Crossroads”, referring to the new cultural impulses and ideas which the Arabs had been transmitting to the West for several centuries, comments: ”Whatever had been best in the culture of old Greece and the later Hellenistic period, the Arabs had revived in their learning and improved upon, in the centuries that followed the establishment of the early Islamic Empire. I do not say that the absorption of Hellenistic thought was an undisputed benefit to the Arabs, and the Muslims generally-because it was not. But for all the difficulties which this revived Hellenistic culture may have caused to the Muslims Contribution in the European Renaissance 745 Muslims by introducing Aristotelian and new-Platonic philosophy into Islamic theology and jurisprudence, it acted, through the Arabs, as an immense stimulus to Europe. The Middle Ages had laid waste Europe’s productive forces. Sciences were stagnant, superstition reigned supreme, the social life was primitive and crude to an extent hardly conceivable today. At that point the cultural influence of the Islamic world-at first through the adventure of the Crusades in the East and the brilliant universities of Muslim Spain in the West, and later through the growing commercial relations established by the republics of Genoa and Venice-began to hammer at the bolted doors of European civilization. Before the dazzled eyes of the European scholars and thinkers another civilization appearedrefined, progressive, full of passionate life and in possession of cultural treasures which Europe had long ago lost and forgotten. ”What the Arabs had done was a far more than a mere revival of old Greece. They had created an entirely new scientific world of their own and developed until then unknown avenues of research and philosophy. All this they communicated through different channels to the western world; and it is not too much to say that the modern scientific age in which we are living at present was not inaugurated in the cities of Christian Europe, but in such Islamic centres as Damascus, Baghdad, Cairo, Cordova, Nishpur and Samarqand.” The effect of these influences on Europe was tremendous. With the approach of Islamic civilization a new intellectual light < dawned on the sky of the west and infused it with fresh life and thirst ! for progress. It is no more than a just appreciation of its value that European historians term that period of regeneration, the Renaissance-that is, ”re-birth”. It was, in fact, a re-birth of Europe. Ameer Ali estimating the achievements of the Arabs says: f’The Saracenic race by its elastic genius as well as by its central Dosition-with the priceless treasures of dying Greece and Rome on ine side, and of Persia on the other, and India and China far away sleeping the sleep of ages-was pre-eminentl) fitted to become the teacher of mankind. Under the inspiring influence of the great Prophet, who gave them a code and a nationality, and assisted b\ 746 Political and Cultural History of Islam their sovereigns, the Saracens caught up the lessons of wisdom from the East and the West, combined them with the teachings of the Master, and started from soldiers into scholars.” , Humboldt says, ”The Arabs were admirably situated to act the part of mediators, and to influence the nations from the Euphrates to the Guadalquivir and Mid-Africa. Their unexampled intellectual activity marks a distinct epoch in the history of the world.” Charles T. Gorham, writing about the achievements of the Muslims in his book ”Christianity and Civilization says: ”In the eighth century the Moors conquered Spain, and. as if by magic, a splendid civilization sprang into being. An extensive commerce and a general love for industry created a wealth that astounded the Christian world. Wise laws developed and regulated an ingenious system of agriculture. The Moors bred cattle, sheep and horses. Civilization owes to them the culture of silk and introduction into Europe of rice, sugar, cotton and many fruits. They fostered the manufacture of textile fabrics, earthern-ware, iron, steel and leather. While Christians were slaughtering one another for the glory of God, the Spanish Moors were writing treatises on the principles of trade and commerce. A Christian stricken by disease sought the aid of the nearest saint, and wanted a miracle; the Moors relied on the presumptions of a physician or the skill of a surgeon. Rome and Constantinople were asserting the flatness of the earth while the Spanish Arabs were using globes in their common schools. In practical science especially in astronomy, botany, optics, surgery and medicine their achievements were beyond imitation or even comprehension of the rest of Europe for hundreds of years. The study of Algebra and Mathematics was carefully cultivated by the Moors. They understood the weight of the atmosphere and the principles of hydrostatics, discovered the theory of the pendulum, recognized gravity as force, and, at least partially, discovered the theory of the progressive development of animal organism. A school of poets arose in Spain who furnished the germs of poetry of Provence; the fiction writer and the historian were held in high esteem. Dictionaries, one of which was in sixty volumes, and encyclopaedias were completed. The palaces of the rulers were Muslims Contribution m the European Renaissance 747 adorned with mosaics and tapestries and lighted by chandeliers the courts were cooled by cascades; baths of marble were supplied with warm and cold water, according to the season. The scrupulous cleanliness of the Arab was as great an improvement on the verminous hair shirt of the Christian saint as the superb palace of the Caliph was upon the Chimneyless barn of the Christian King. In the great city of Cordova, a centre of learning and prosperity, the streets were paved and lighted centuries before London or Paris had imagined such luxuries.” George Sarton, the great historian of science has paid glowing tributes to Muslim scholars and their attainments: ”The most valuable of all, the most original and the most pregnant works were written in Arabic. From the second half of the eighth to the end of the eleventh century, Arabic was the scientific and the progressive language of mankind. During that period anyone wishing to be wellinformed and upto-date, had to study Arabic. It will suffice here to evoke a few glorious names without contemporary equivalents in the West: Jabir-Ibn Hayyan, AI-Kindi, AI-Khwarizmi, Al-Farghani, AlRazi, Thabit Ibn Qura, Al-Battani. Hunain Ibn Ishaq, Al-Farabi, Ibrahim Ibn Sinan, AI-Mas’udi, Al-Tabari, Abul Wafa, Ali Ibn Abbas, Abul Qasim, Ibn-al-Jazzar, Al- Biruni, Ibn Sina, AI-Ghazzali, Al-Zarqali, Omar Khayyam-a magnificent array of names which it would not be difficult to extent. If anyone tells you that the Middle Ages were scientifically sterile, just quote these men to him. All these scientists flourished within a relatively short period between 750 and 1100 A.D.” E.A.W. Budge, in Chronography says: ”And there arose among the Arabs, philosophers, mathematicians and physicians, who surpassed the ancient sages in the exactness of their knowledge. The only foundations on which they set up their buildings were Greek houses; the wisdom-buildings which they erected were great by reason of their highly polished diction, and their greatly skilled researches.”6 \hmdd Influence of Islam on Furopt. P 27 The Fatirmds 749 CHAPTER 54 THE FAT1M1DS Origins of The Fatimids The Fatimid dynasty that originated in North Africa in 909 A.D. was the work of a well developed intellectual and social movement, called the Islmaili movement, which in turn was a part of the general Shii movement. The Fatimid Caliphs were descendants of the early Shia Imams and their doctrines were part of the Shia principles. After the death of the Prophet (PBUH), when the question of succession had arisen a group of companions of Hazrat Ali who were called the Shia of Ali or the party of Ali had contended that the succession of Ali had been pre-arranged by the Prophet (PBUH) himself and they opposed the succession of Hazrat Abu Bakr. Although these Shia had to accept the political Caliphate of Hazrat Abu Bakr. Hazrat Umar and Hazrat Usman, they, however, reserved the right to consider Hazrat Ali as the spiritual leader or the Imam. The early Shia, therefore, were purely legitimist, and racially only Arabs. After the expansion of Islam in the time of Hazrat Umar, many foreign people such as the Persians, Syrians and Egyptians who had now come in the Muslim Empire and accepted Islam wanted the same status as the Arab Muslims. When they did not get this status they began to assert their national identity against the central Caliphate. This was the cause of discontent that ultimately led to the assassination of Hazrat Usman as well as to the popularity of the Shia with the foreign Muslims. The marriage of Hussain, the second son of Hazrat Ali with Shahrbanu, daughter of the last Persian Emperor Yezdgird in, had helped in the sentiment of the foreign Muslims for the Shia. Thus in the second stage of their development the Shia had Arab as well as non-Arab followers and, besides the legitimist claim of the dynasty of the Holy Prophet and Hazrat Ali, they had now added the social grievances as a part of their movement.1 During the Umayyad times, the Shia developed very rapidly because the Umayyad rulers on the whole were not considered pious Muslims. The tragedy of Karbala was a very strong factor in strengthening the emotional hold of the Shia on the Muslims as a whole and the memory of Karbala kept on inspiring various Shia revolts against the Umayyad Caliphate. But now the Shia themselves split into two factions. The official Shia believed in the Imamat or spiritual leadership after Hazrat Ali, or his son Hassan, then Hussain, then Zayn al-Abidin, son of Hussain, then Muhammad al- Baqi, son of Zayn al-Abidin, then Jafar Sadiq, son of Muhammad. This line of Imams comes down almost to the end of the Umayyad Caliphate. They represented a mild and passive policy of opposing the Umayyads. After the setback at Karbala they were not prepared to undertake any violent action against the Umayyad Caliph. The second faction of the Shia was violent and it is to this that foreign Muslims turned to redress their grievances against the Umayyad administration. This faction did not represent any definite . line of Imams but they revolted time and again during the Umayyad period. The first revolt was that of Mukhtar against Abdul Malik. He supported Muhammad bin Hanafiya, a son of Hazrat Ali, as the Imam. Although his movement died out, t?ie idea of Mahdi which he introduced became a central idea in all the later opposition movements. It represented in the person of the coming Saviour a hope in the change of their society. Another violent movement was that of Zayd against the Caliph Hisham. Zayd was a brother of Muhammad al-Baqir but differed from him on matters of policy. His revolt was also crushed. By this time the Abbasids had began organizing themselves and the Shia were at a loss whether to support them against the Umayyads or to oppose them. This was the time of Jafar Sadiq, and also of the change-over from Umayyad to the Abbasid dynasty. This change of the Caliphate brought about a basic change in the Shia movement as well. The Time of Jafar Sadiq 1. The Doctrine of Qadr. All opposition movements in the Umayyad times laid emphasis on the doctrine of Qadr, i.e. free-will. They maintained that it is their religious duty to use tneir own intelligence and free-will in order to chose between right and wrong. They derived a political lesson from this, i.e. if the Umayyad rulers were bad, it is the religious duty of the Muslims to change them for better F’arhad Daftary. The Isma’ihs, P 70 750 Political and Cultural History of Islam rulers. This suited the interests of the Shia. and although this doctrine was first developed in the circle of Hassan al-Basri it was adopted by Imam Jafar Sadiq. It also became, later a central principle of the Fatimid movement. 2. The Doctrine of Tawil. About the end of trie Uma>yad period foreign works, mainly from Greece and Persia, on science and philosophy were being translated into Arabic. The new ideas contained in them were challenging the simple Islamic principles of the Qur’an. The Rationalists of the time, such as the Muatazilities, were trying to reconcile foreign thought with Qur’anic principles by the method of Tafsir, i.e. commentaries of the Qur’an. The knowledge of the inward meaning can be obtained by interpretation, i.e. Tawil. This interpretation was not an ordinary commentary of the Qur’an but a definite philosophical teaching given by the Shi’ite Imams. This idea of Tawil, developed in the time of Jafar Sadiq. became also another central principle of the Fatimid movement. 3. Haqaiq and Iniamat. In the time of Jafar Sadiq the Muatazilities and the Muslim philosophers were introducing much of the Greek philosophy. As applied to Muslim doctrines their philosophy was called by the Sliia. Haqaiq, which means the Truth. They also asserted that the only way to arrive at this truth of life was to follow an Imam. The Shia theory of the Imamat was different from the Sunni one. With Sunnis a leader in prayer and a leader of jurisprudence can be called Imam. But for the Shia the Imam was the one and the only interpreter of law as well as life. He was considered a teacher and thus the Shia movement was also called the Taalimiya. The Fatimid movement of later times was built on the idea of the teaching of the Fatimid Imams who also became the political Caliphs. 4. With the change-over from Umayyad to Abbas id times the social conditions also changed. Now there was no only a conflict between Muslims of foreign nationalities and the Arab Muslims, but there was also a conflict on economic basis. The Arabs of the South and of the Persian Gulf area as well as the poor Persian peasants now began to j oin the Shia movement, in position to both the Arab and the Persian aristocracy. The Persian converts from the orthodox The Ffltiniids 751 Zoroastrian religion became now orthodox Muslims and those belonging to Persian heresies like the followers of Mazdak and Mani proceeded to join the Muslim heresies like the Shia. Thus we find that both economically and religiously the Shia represented a revolt against the established authority of the Abbasids. The Shia revolt was a culmination of many revolts that had gone before. In the Umayyad times there had been the violent revolts of Zaky and the followers of Abu Muslim al-Khurasani like Bihafarid. Muqanna and Babak. to mention only the most important. The rising sentiment of revolt had challenged the very succession of the Imamat of Jafar Sadiq, to which we shall return later. 5. By the time of Jafar Sadiq the Shia had developed a disciplined organization like that of the Abbasids. It was called tine Daawa. It was a religious mission as well as a political organization. The officers of the Daawa who were called tlie Dais were missionaries, authors of Shia teachings, helpers in administration of the Fatimid Caliphs, political agitators in the Abbasid Empire were they wanted to see that the Abbasid authority was subverted. The Dais served many purposes and were systematically spread out in a large network throughout the Muslim Empire These were the main features of the Shia movement in the time of Jafar Sadiq vwhich were adopted later by the Ismail! Fatimid movement and Caliphate. On the death of Jafar Sadiq, there was a great split in the Shia movement- Two definite policies were adopted by the two contenders for succession to the Imamat: one was Ismail and the other was Musa al-Kazim. The Shi’ite organization was split in supporting either of these two. Those who followed Musa al-Kazim and the Imams who caine in his line (twelve in all) were called the Ithna Ashariya, I.e. Twelvers. They represented a mild policy of not opposing the Abbasid Caliphs violently. It was for this reason that Mamun could find it convenient at one time to appoint as his successor the Imam Ali Raza, son of Musa a’-Kazim, as the next Caliph after him . The other son of Jafar Sadiq, Ismail, was supported by the more violent and revolutionary wing of t’?e Shia. They wanted to overthrow th^ Abbasid Caliphate and establish a Fatimid one. Ismail had the support of such important Deis of Jafar Sadiq as Political and Cultural History of Islam and Abdul Khattab. Ismail, or his son Muhammad being thp se’ssev-w©enth Imam in their line gave another name to the Ismaili il i w -J^ «-’ movertfsm--*>e3ent which was called the Sabiya, the Seveners. The movement of Ismail and his son Muhammad developed in the * t Jiiiime of the Abbasid Caliph, Harun al-Rashid. They had to go in hidiitdif-igg and three of their descendants remained hidden somewhere in SyrT*ri«. a.*, keeping in touch with their secret organization, preparing for thesne - e establishment of the rival Caliphate and avoiding arrest by the • dB authorities. The exact order of their succession is not No less than two hundred versions are given, leading Someti’=tir nnes even to a doubt about the Fatimid origin of the Fatimid Ca|jpl-|ohsss. . But from the Ismaili works of those times we have gathered a fairly ~ . good idea of this problem. The names of those Imams can now t»d be ftfixed as Abdullah, Ahmad and Hussain. It was Hussain’s son Ahmasad vwho became the first Fatimid Caliph, Mahdi. He is wrongly called bd L_U Ubaidullah al- Mahdi. It was he who established the Fatimid CalipHoh*»tce in North Africa in 909 A.D. during the time of the Abbasid CalipHoh «.aLl-Muqtadir.2 The B P^swiod of Concealment as-Safa HBy the end of the time of Imam Jafar Sadiq a society of inte!10 ecTriuLials arose who called themselves the Brothers of Purity, i.e., Ikhw^ an ^is-Safa. They began writing on all the known sciences of the time ii i’1 a i popi’lar way in the form of story-telling. They combined all their • es : ssays in a work called the Essays of Ikhwan as-Safa. All the ideas - off- the Greek and Indian philosophies were incorporated into a well & an amged system of thought by them. This work was almost like that cP°f tEhe Muatazilities. But, in fact, they belonged to an Ismaili were aiming at preparing an intellectual background to iing revolt. These authors wrote their work secretly and X)pies of it in many mosques of the empire, suddenly at one itthout announcing who they were. It is supposed that these essay’”’5 ”^vwere finally compiled under the guidance of Jafar Sadiq’s great--gr- aindson, Imam Ahmad. b) Inrnar-m i Ismail J; afar Sadiq died in 148 A.H. It is said that his son Ismail, for whorm nrnsany Dais .vere working had died in 145 A.H., during the, of his father. The Ithna Asharis drew the conclusion from The Fatvinds 753 (a) grouper the c- o place«scl time, 2 Ency- c’c> T pswdia of Brita-inica. Vol. IV. P 698 that the succession went to Imam Musa al-Kazim. Some Ismailis believed that Imam Ismail lived till 152 A.H. and died much after his father. All this controversy arises because of the secret conditions in which the Ismailis worked, concealing themselves from the Abbasids authority. One of the main supporters of Ismail was Abdul Khattab, who is supposed to have insisted on the theory of the infallibility of the Imam. The second supporter was Mubarak who was mainly a political figure and his followers divided themselves into various groups, one was the most well-known of the three was called Maymun al-Qaddah. He was a Persian born in Ahwaz, attached to an Arab tribe and lived in Makkah. He became a Rawi (relator of tradition) of the Imams, Muhammad al- Baqir Jafar Sadiq and Ismail. He exercised such a hold on the Ismaili movement that later on it was supposed that the Fatimid Caliphs were descended from Maymun al-Qaddah. All the anti-Fatimid books of later times have spread this scandal about the non-Alid origin of the Fatimids. c) Imam Muhammad bin Ismail He was born in 131 A.H. and lived during the time of the Abbasid Caliphs Mahdi. Had! and Harun al-Rashid. After the death of his father he adopted Syria as his home, and kept on travelling to Persia, Khurassan, all right up to the border of India, both in order to avoid arrest and also to spread his mission. In his later life he made friends with a Persian Dai, Hussain al-Ahwazi, and returned with him to a place called Salamiya in Syria which became the headquarters of the Fatimid under ground movement. His chief supporter was Abdullah bin-Maimun al- Qaddah. This great Dai lived a very long life and became the protector of the three descendants of Muhammad, who also remained in hiding in Salamiya. Shortly after Abdullah’s death the Fatimid Caliphate was established. Abdullah is the author of many works and exercised such an influence over the Fatimid movement that most of its principles and organization are attributed to him. MAHDI The First Fatimid Caliph (297-322 A.H.) At the end of the period of the hidden Imams we come to the life and times of Mahdi, the first Fatimid Caliph. His early life was Passed in hiding and only at a much later stage could be establish the Fatimid Caliphate in North Africa. He was born in 260 A.H. in Salamiya in Syrai. When his father Hussain died in 268 A.H. he 754 Political and Cultural History of Islam succeeded to the Imamat. But the entire control of the Fatimid organization was in the hands of his uncle Sa’id al-Khayr. By the time Mahdi became a young man, the sons of Sa’id had all died and Mahdi had married a daughter of Sa’id. Then he was able to take complete control in his own hands In Salamiya he lived in the guise of a rich merchant, where his followers from many parts of the Muslim v\orld used to come and meet him. The Dai Abdullah binHussain al-Ahwazi and Firuz. Things were so secure for Mahdi that he thought the time had come for the establishment of his Caliphate, but a dispute arose among his Dais about the place where the Caliphate should be located. One suggestion was about Iraq, which would mean the overthrow of the Abbasid Caliphate, another suggestion was about Yaman which was an Arab country and also safe because of its mountains. The third suggestion was to establish the Caliphate in the remote non- Arab land of the Maghrib. However, Mahdi felt that pending a final decision he should leave Salamyia. His decision was further supported b> the fact that the Qarmatians were now raiding Mahdi’s estate. Qarmatians The Qarmatians originated in the Ismaili movement and in their principles and doctrines they were more or less the same. But because of internal differences they separated in later history. They sometimes supported the Ismaili Fatimid Caliphate and at other times they opposed it. On the whole they were an extremist group. Their method was terroristic and their society was based on the principle of the community of land and property. Because they challenged many interests they were always represented in a hostile manner. It was in the time of Imam Ismail himself that a Dai of his called Mubarak and converted a native of the Bahrain coast called Qarmatuya. Because this person separated from the main mission. His movement was called after his name as the Qarmatian. Later on, when various Dais kept revolting against Mahdi, they found it convenient to keep on joining the party of the Qarmatians. On the question of, where the Caliphate must be established, another Dai called Hamdan Qarmat defeated in 286 A H. in southern Iraq. He insisted that, first, the Abbasid Caliphate must be overthrown and only then the Fatimid Caliphate could be established. When Mahdi refused this, he joined the Qarmatians. It is said that the name Qarmatian also comes from his name. The Fatinnds 755 The second group of Qarmatians separated from the Fatimid movement in 290 A.H. Under the leadership of Zakriya bin Mahduya, they made Kufa their centre. His successors began to raid Syria. They occupied Damascus ajid Hims. They also looted the treasures of Mahdi at Salamiya, just after Mahdi had left the town Mahdi was now determined never to return to Syria, nor to think of establishing himself in Iraq, which became the headquarters of the Qarmatians. The likely choice of Yaman was also abandoned because the Qarmatians had become active there. The farther away his destination the better, he thought, would it be. So he proceeded to the Maghrib. The Qarmatians had also established a small state of their own on the Bahrain coast where they were ruled by a Dai called Abu Zakairiya bin-Mahid. He was followed in the leadership by Abu Said al-Jainnabi, who became notorious later on in the eyes of both the Abbas.ids and the Fatimids. Mahdi’s Journey \Ve have seen before that Mahdi had started from Salamiya m 289 A. H. He had reached Hims in Syria where he received the news that the Qarmatians had invaded Salamiya, had killed his Dai, Hussain a !-Ahwazi; had tortured many of his family and followers’ left behind and had looted his treasury. So he now proceeded onward to Egypt. Me was equally distant from both Yaman and the Maghrib. In Yamam he had set his Dais Ibn Hawshab and Ibn Fazl, who established a state in the mountain lands, north of Sanaa. But the Qarmatian activities here made Mahdi give up the idea of going to Yaman. In Egypt Malidi had with him his Chief Dai. Firuz. It was he who had recruited tlie two biothers in the service of Mahdi, Abu Abbas and! Abu Abdullah. The latter was sent to Yaman but when it was decided that Yaman was not to be the place of the Fatimid Caliphate, Abu Abdu Hah was with drawn and sent to the Maghrib. In the ineantime the Chief Dai Firuz, who did not like going to the Maghrib, revolted against Mahdi became a Qarmatian and went to Yaman to stir up a revolt there. But he did not succeed and was killed.3 Abu Abdullah ash-Shii in the Maghrib Th e backward Berber land of the farther west of North Africa was the land of the lost causes of Islam. Many movements, Ivanovv W , Rise of the F’alimids, P 70 756 Political and Cultural History of Islam which had been persecuted and exiled, found refuge in this place The Khavvarij had also become active here. In the time of Jafar Sadiq two Dais, Hilwani and Abu Sufyan, had been sent there. There they had laid the foundation of the Ismaili movement, when Abu Abdullah was returning from Yaman he had met some Berbers of the Katama tribe who had come for the pilgrimage to Makkah. With them he travelled to their land in the Maghrib by the orders of Mahdi. The Maghrib was ruled by the Aghlabid Dynasty from Qayrawan. Abu Abdullah succeeded in occupying much of their land and defeating their last ruler Ziyadat Allah in the town of Raqqada In the meanwhile, Mahdi had travelled from Egypt to Tripoli and from their to Sijilmasa where he was arrested, the Dai Abu Abdullah captured this town, rescued Mahdi and brought him with great ceremony to Raqqada, where he was declared the Fatimid Caliph in 297 A.H. i,e, A.D. 909. Soon after, the town of Qayrawan was conquered and the traditional Muslim capital of the Maghrib became the first capital of the Fatimid Caliphate. Four Caliphs ruled in Maghrib until Egypt was conquered, when the town of Cairo was founded and the headquarters of the Fatimids shifted there. The Last Days of Abu Abdullah It was Abu Abdullah who had helped Imam Mahdi in the establishment of the Fatimid Caliphate. But in the last years of his life he and his brothers resented the taking over of all power as well as all the treasures of the previous government by Mahdi. Moreover, they were also disagreed now on the way of ruling the state. The> were influenced by the Qarmatian ideas of establishing a state in which the tribes could distribute and among themselves and have some type of self-rule. It must not be forgotten that Abu Abdullah had been converted by Firuz who had also now become a Qarmatian. Imam Mahdi had Abu Abdullah and his brothers killed in 298 A.H. and attended a public funeral for them in which he praised their past services but condemned their subsequent betrayal. Fatimid Influence in Other Centres We had noted before that Yaman became a Fatimid state even before the Maghrib wherein 268 A.H. Dai Ibn Hawshab and his supporter Ibn FazI, set up a separate state. But because of the activities of Firuz who had come to Yaman and spread the Qarmatian influence there, Mahdi had given up the idea of going to Yaman. The fatimuis 757 However, under Ibn Hawshab, Yaman remained loyal to Mahdi after he had established himself in North Africa. Ibn Hawshab had sent his nephew Ibn al-Haytham to Sind where the first Ismaili establishments in the Indo-Pakistan sub- Contincnt were made in 268 A.H. even before Mahdi had declared his Caliphate in North Africa. In Persia, the Fatimid mission was very influential. The greatest Fatimid writers of all times who built up a large system of Ismaili doctrine, flourished in Persia and worked on behalf of Mahdi. These writers were Nasafi, abu Hatim al-Razi and Abu Yaqub as-Sijistani. At the centre, after the death of Abu Abdullah another great Dai, Qazm Nuaman entered the services of Mahdi and remained the chief adviser of the three subsequent Fatimid Caliphs also, and died jn Ca iro when it had already become the capital of the Fatimid Empire. The early Ismaili law is the work of Qazi Nuaman. He is also tfie historian of the Fatimid movement and its established in north Africa. At first Mahdi had ruled from Raqqada, then from Qayraxvan and lastly from Mahdiya, a town he had founded near Qayrawan which still exists in Tunisia. He had also founded the town of Muhammadiya. These were not only fortified cities of the Fatimicds but also naval basis for the ultimate invasion of Egypt. Mahdi had to deal with the Berber tribes who were enraged by the .death of Abu Abdullah. He had also to face the Idrisid powei in Morcocco and the Umayyad in Spain. Soon he found peace from all these. EHe extended his empire throughout North Africa, excepting Morocco and Egypt and also conquered Sicily from the Aghlabid dynasty. This European country experienced a flourishing Fatimid rule for nearly a century. Mahdi died in 322 A.H. During his life two invasions of Egypt were undertaken under the command of his son, Qaim. Oaim succeeded Mahdi in the Caliphate. The invasions of kgypt lesd by Qaim in Mahdi’s lifetime are discussed in Qaim’s lifesketch, wwhich follows. QAIM The Sec.^ond Fatimid Caliph (322-334 A.H.) OQaim was born in 275 A.H. at Salamiya in Syria. During the Laliphate-e of his father he distinguished himself in military action Against artiie Berber tribes, who kept on revolting all over North Africa, hi n 299 A.H. he brought many of the Maghribi towns under jratimid i rule. In 350 A.H. he suppressed the dangerous revolt of Muhammmad bin-K.hizr whose Kharijite followers were active among 758 Political and Cultural History of Islam the Berber tribes. It was under his supervision that the town of Muhammadiya was constructed. In the Maghrib another Berber rebel Ibn- Taint was suppressed by Qaim. He carried out raids on the southern coast of France with the new fleet which was built under his supervision at Mahdiya. He temporarily occupied the island of Sardinia near the Italian coast. The town of Fas (Fez) in Moroccowas now conquered. Invasions of Egypt In 301 A.H. the first Fatimid invasion of Egypt was undertaken. From Mahdiya a fleet sailed towards the northern coast of Egypt and occupied Alexandria. Qaim himself led the army towards the Egyptian border. It was so arranged with the Qarmatians of Iraq that they would forget their past differences with the Fatimids and would march against Baghdad, thus helping in the Fatimid invasion of Egypt by diverting the Abbasid troops. But the Qarmatians went back on this arrangement and the Abbasids were able to prevent the Fatimid success in Egypt. In 306 A.H. a second invasion was undertaken. At this time also the same story was repeated, with this differences that the Fatimids had made an advance right up to the Egyptian capital before they were repulsed. These two invasions took place under the command of Qaim, but during the Caliphate of Mahdi. After his succession to the Caliphate, Qaim launched a third invasion of Egypt in 323 A.H. under the command of his General, Raydan, But he was defeated and repulsed. The fourth invasion took place during the time of the fourth Fatimid Caliph Muizz, and this was successful. In 322 A.H. Qaim succeeded his father at the quite advanced age of 47. Most of his achievements were already made during the lifetime of his father. About the time of his accession two important Dais visited him. Abu Hatim ai-Razi from Persia and Jafar bin-Mansur al-Yaman, the son of Ibn- Hawshab from Yaman. During the last years of his life Qaim had to deal with a most dangerous rebellion led by Abu Yazid. The Revolt of Abu Yazid The Fatimids had come to power w ith the help of a Berber tribe called Banu Katama but there were the Banu Zanata, who resented the influence of the former in the Fatimid service. They accepted the Kharijite doctrine and their leader Abu Yazid was successful for two years in holding the whole of North Africa and Sudan. In 334 A.H. Abu Yazid besieged the Fatimid capital of Mahdiya. Qaim defended the town well. But during the siege he The Fatimids 759 died. Before his death he appointed his son Mansur to succeed him however the news of Qaim’s death was not announced till the revolt of Abu Yazid was finally suppressed in the following year, i.e. 335 A.H. MANSUR The Third Fatimid Caliph (334-341 A.H.) Mansur was born at Qayrawan in 302 A.H. His entire upbringing was in an atmosphere of war in North Africa. He acceded to the Fatimid throne at Mahdiya in 334 A.H at the age of 32, while the revolt of Abu Yazid was in progress. We have seen that Qaim had successfully defended Mahdiya against Abu Yazid, now Mansur completed the success by breaking the latter’s siege of the capital. Abu Yazid withdrew to the port of Susa. Mansur sent his able General, Jawhar to Susa and it was finally subdued. Abu Yazid then escaped to Tangiers. There he was met by another General of Mansur, Ziri bin Manad, the leader of the Sanhaja Berber tribe. With Ziri’s help Abu Yazid was finally defeated in 341 A.H. when they were all subdued. Another revolt broke out at Tahert on behalf of the Umayyads of Spain. Again with Ziri’s help it was crushed. Sicily In this Mediterranean island some Muslim Arab tribes had established themselves with the help of Mahdi, the first Fatimid Caliph. Now Mansur sent, in 337 A.H. Amir Hassan bin Ali of the famous influential tribe of Banu Kalb. The Muslim rule of Amir Hassan bin Ali and his dynasty on behalf of the Fatimids is known for its arts and architecture and a glorious and prosperous period of Muslim civilization in that European island. During his lifetime Mansur had built a town known after him as al-Mansuria which served as his capital for sometime. After a rule of seven years, at the age of 39, Mansur died in 341 A.H. and was buried at Mahdiya. MUIZZ The Fourth Fatimid Caliph (341-365 A.H.) Muizz was born at Mahdiya in 319 A.H. His entire upbringing was in an atmosphere of war and he was trained to be a good soldier. He had also to acquired a knowledge of many languages like Arabic, Berber, Nubian, old Italian, Greek and the Slav languages. On the death of his father in 341 A.H. he was Farhad Daftary, P 159 760 Political and Cultural History of Islam appointed tnext Caliph at Mahdiya. His first problem was to subjugate th*e Maghrib which had revolted under the instigation of Abdur Rahf”811 HI °f Spain and the Idrisids of Morocco. Muizz utilized the ;able services of Ziri bin Manad of the Sanhaja tribe and Jawhar, a fr”eed Sicilian slave, in bringing the entire North African territory onc^e again under the rule of the Fatimids. Abdflur Rahman in of Spain had also declared himself Caliph in 317 A.H. (929 A.D.) and had entered into a bitter rivalry with the Fatimids. W^hen Jawhar took the district of Ceuta (Tangiers) on the African co^st* opposite Gibraltar, the last outpost of Umayyad influence in- the Maghrib was lost. The Umayyad began to withdraw into their Spanish affairs, and the Fatimids to devote their attention towards the conquest of Egypt. The Maghrib, therefore, was for the time being Left in peace. Create, this Mediterranean island was ruled by Muslims exiled fron”1 Spain since 204 A.H. It was now threatened by the Byzantines. The Abbasids of Baghdad, the Ikhshidis of Egypt and the Hamdar’ids of Syria were all aspiring for the occupation of Crete But Muizz was quick in sending help to the Cretans, isolating the Umayyad 5?pain from Byzantine help, spoiling the chances of the Abbasids a^d the Ikhshidids, and using Crete as a base for the future conquest of Egypt. Crete remained a district of the Fatimid Empire until 351 A--H. Th^ island of Sicily was ruled by the Arab dynasty of Amir Ahmad bu’1 Hassan since the time of and on behalf of the first Fatimid C#’’Pn Mahdi. Now it was attacked by the Byzantines. Muizz was successful in sending help so that Sicily was not only saved but The Con4uest of E8>Pt Sifice its occupation by Amr ibn al-A’s in the time of Hazrat Umar, this ancient Pharaonic land, which had seen glorious periods in her histtf 17 under the Greeks and then the Romans, was ruled from the flourishing town of Fustat, Egypt was the main source of revenue, first for the Umayyad dynasty of Damascus and later for the Abbasids of Baghdad. But it had become independent in the middle Abbasid period, first under the Tulunids and then under the Ikhshidids- In the time of Muizz Egypt was ruled by a Negro slave of The Fatimids 761 the Ikhshidids, the very able administrators, Kafur. After the peaceful rule of Kafur, Egypt faced considerable misrule, resulting in famine and plague. The entire administration had been corrupted. The three Fatimid invasions before had also created much confusion in Egypt. The Fatimid mission was very active and was able to win over secretary the support of the Chief Wazir and the Chief Qazi as well as that of the Treasurer of the kingdom. The stay was set for the ultimate conquest of the country. Egypt was the target of the Fatimids during the time of the first three Caliphs. Three unsuccessful attempts had already been made. Now the conditions were favourable. Caliph Muizz had under his contract all of North Africa, Sicily and Crete. He had built roads upto the borders of Egypt with various halting places where his troops could find provisions and water. Above all he had discovered in the North Africa campaign a general who was most suited for the final attack on Egypt. He was Jawhar, now entrusted with the new task. In 358 A.H. Muizz demanded the homage of all his troops, of all his governors and of his entire family, for the Qaid Jawhar who was given a most impressive farewell for his journey to Wazir of Egypt. Soon he reached Alexandria and the town of Fustat led by the Wazir the Qazi and the Treasurer, came over to welcome Jawhar and thus Egypt was finally annexed. Al-Mu’izz was an excellent planner, an efficient organizer and a statesman amply talented in diplomacy. It was due to these skills of the young Caliph and the outstanding military competence of his general Jawhar, that he soon succeeded in subduing the entire Maghrib as a prelude to implementing his own eastern policy. Immediately Jawhar introduced financial reforms in Egypt thus bringing peace and prosperity to the country. He also ordered the building of a new capital city outside Fustat which was known as al-Qahira al-Mahrusa (the Guarded City of Mars), what we now know as Cairo. He further ordered to construct a great mosque famous by the name of Azhar, where also a University was instituted, the oldest surviving University in the world today. Jawhar also arranged for the occupation of Syria. All this was achieved between 358 A.H. and 363 A.H., the year in which Muizz started from Mahdiya towards his new capital city, Cairo. The Journey of Muizz to Egypt While Qaid Jawhar was consolidating his success in Egypt, the Caliph Muizz was preparing his departure to that country. First 762 Political and Cultural History off Islam he had the problem of crushing the rebellion of Muhammad bin Khizr, the Kharijite Chief of the Berber tribee of Banu Zanata. This he did successfully by employing the able services of his general Bulkin, the son of the Sanhaja Chief, Ziri bin Manad. Bulkin was appointed the Governor of North Africa, when Muizz started his journey. First he visited the islands of Sardinia and Sicily in the Mediterranean, which were under Fatimidxl rule, then returned to Tripoli in Libya, and from there proceeded 8 to Alexandria in Egypt. With him were travelling the Qazi Nuamaitm, the poet Ibn Hani and Firnas, the brilliant poet whose verses in t honour of Muizz have survived to the present day. Jawhar in the rrmew capital of Cairo had constructed large palaces for the Caliph and I his retinue, where Muizz was welcomed and from here his new administration was instituted. THE ADMINISTRATION OF MUIZZ2 1. The Qaid or the C-in-C. Under Muizz, the chief authoority rested with the Commander-in-Chief because of the able serwvices of Jawhar. Jawhar was a Sicilian slave who had entered in thne service of the Caliph Qaim. After the military exploits of the Daiii Abu Abdullah ash-Shii who was responsible for the establishment oof the Fatimid Caliphate, there was no commander to fill his place except Jawhar. Jawhar rose to prominence by subduing the Berber and the Kharijite revolts in North Africa and by occupying Ceuta (irangiers), the Umayyad Spanish stronghold in Africa. Jawhar furthesr became prominent by his successful invasion of Egypt. His i name will always be remembered as the founder and builder of CCairo and the University and mosque of Azhar. Jawhar’s services wenre all the more valuable to the Fatimids because of his loyalty. For foour years he ruled Egypt single- handed, he restored prosperity where’e there was chaos and became so popular that he could have easily become independent of the Fatimids. But on the contrary he invite^d Muizz to Egypt and surrendered all his offices in the administration except that of the Commander-in-Chief of the Army. He died in the time of the next Fatimid Caliph Aziz in the year 381 A.H. Thesre were other leaders in the military services of the Fatimids: (i) Ziri bin Manad, a Berber Chief ” of the Sanhaja whose services in fighting the fellow Berber rebels ”• under Muhammad bin Khizr were very great, (ii) His son Bulkin wwas another commander of fame who later became the governor of Noorth Africa, Jawhar was accompanied (in) Jafar bin Falah in his conquuest of Egypt, and later The Fatumds 763 it was Jafar who brought Syria into the Fatimid State. Jafar was killed at Damascus by a Qarmatian invasion which succeeded coming upto the gates of Cairo, and was successfully repulsed by Jawhar. The navy was very important in the Fatimid administration, both for military as well as commercial purposes. The second Fatimid Capital of Mahdiya was primarily a naval base, which controlled the Mediterranean islands and which were launched all the invasions of Egypt. The Syrian Ports and Alexandria were soon built into strategic naval bases. Fatimids controlled the East-West trade route through the Mediterranean and the Red Sea which made them entirely independent of the Eastern Abbasids Caliphate. 2. The Qazi The early Fatimid Caliphs themselves administered law and justice with the help of their religious missionaries called the Dais, till they found an able lawyer, Abu Hanifa Muhammad bin Nuaman, otherwise known as Qazi Nuaman. All the first four Caliphs were advised on all matters of iaw, religion and administration by the Qazi Nuaman. He also accompanied Muizz to Egypt. According to the agreement with the previous Qazi of Egypt as-Zuhli who had helped in the Fatimid conquest, he was retained nominally as the Chief Qazi but the main power rested with Qazi Nuaman The Qazi was previously a Sunni of the Maliki School of Law, which was also the dominant school in North Africa and Egypt. Therefore, the law that was instituted as the official Fatimid law was mostly based on the Maliki Law, with all the variations of Islamism introduced in it. This law was embodied in the classic Fatimid lawbook Daaim al-Islam of Qazi Nuaman. Qazi Nuaman was also the official historian of the Fatimids. His book Iftitah ad-Daawa described the establishment of the Fatimid Caliphate and the rule of the first three Fatimid Caliphs. The main contribution of Qazi Nuaman lies in the fields of iaw and history although he wrote on almost all subjects, which the mainly religious, 800 lectures of the Qazi are collected in eight volumes called the Majalis, which picture the entire life of the Fatimids at the height of their power and culture The Qazi died in 363 A.H., the same year as the arrival of Muizz in Cairo. He was followed in the office by his son Ali bin Muhammad bin Nuaman. Besides the post of the Chief Qazi there was also the office of the Muhtasib, who was a Magistrate of the Capital, the keeper of weights and measures, the 764 Political and Cultural History of Islam protector of public morality, the coordinator of the departments of police and justice. In short he acted at the Prefect of the Fatimid State. There was further a Court of the Mazalim, i.e., the court to judge cases relating to complaints against the public officers. In this court the Fatimid Caliph personally looked into all the decisions, in order to see it that there is no justice or corruption in the state. 3. The Financial Administration The Sahib al-Kharaj: In the early days of the Caliphate, the rulers themselves looked into the finances till Muizz discovered the services of Yaqub bin Killis. Yaqub was previously a Jewish administrator of Egypt. Due to differences with the Ikhsidid Court of Egypt he had escaped to North Africa and entered into the service of Muizz. The entire North African financial administration was entrusted to him and was reformed by him. He accompanied Muizz to Egypt. But according to an agreement with the local treasurer. Ali bin Yahya who had welcomed the Fatimid invasion, the financial administration was retained by Ali bin Yahya formally while the real power rested with Yaqub bin Kills. The prosperity of the Fatimid State, the huge revenue from trade and commerce and the large expenditure on public works and religious monuments were all organized by Yaqub bin Killis. His reforms introducing a new currency hit very hard on the Abbasids because upto now the Abbasid coins were legal tender in the territory of the Fatimid Empire. Yaqub lived till the time of the next Fatimid Caliphs Aziz when he was appointed as vvazir. His later career will be summarized later. 4. The Wazir In early Fatimid period the institution of wazirate was not known because most of the duties of this office were fulfilled by the Dais. However when Jawhar entered in th. : of the Fatimids, besides his military duties, he was also made the Katib or the Secretary of the Government. When Muizz came to Egypt, he confirmed the previous local wazir of the Ikhsliidid court Ibn Furat as the Chief Wazir of Egypt because Ibn Furat had helped in the conquest of Egypt. Ibn Furat was a wise administrator and his services were essential. Although ’\e repeatedly wanted to resign, Caliph Muizz would not allow him to do so till the end of 363 A.H. After that the office was given over to the financial administrator The Fatimids 765 Yaqub bin Killis. Ibn Furat was re-appointed wazir during the time of the next Caliph Aziz, and he died in 391 A.H. 5. Sahib ash-Shurta (Police) Egypt used to have two types of Police, the Civilian and the Military. This was confirmed by the Fatimids, who appointed trusted Ismaili followers to these posts. In all the above offices, the Fatimid policy was to appoint a deputy from the Maghrib which showed that the interest of the previous Fatimid homeland were particularly safeguarded. 6. • The Da’awa The Central Da’awa: After the establishment of the Fatimid Caliphate the nature of the Da’awa was transformed. It was no longer an organization working only for the overthrow of the Abbasid Caliphate, but was in addition, an organization to help in the administration of the Fatimid State early Dais like Abu Abdullah ash-Shii were able administrators. Later the Qazi Nauman occupied a high position in the civil and judicial administration of the State as well’as in matters of religion. When Muizz came to Egypt the Da’awa affairs were jointly controlled by Qazi Nuaman and Jafar bin Mansur al Yainan. Gradually the Qazi concentrated on juidical mattes, but the purely religious and organizational affairs of the Da’awa were left in the hands of Jafar. Jafar was the son of Ibn Hawshab who had established dynasty in 268 A.H. the first Ismaili State in Yaman. After the death of his father Jafar had travelled to North Africa and entered the service of the Caliph Qaim. He also served Mansur and Muizz. He organized the mission activities in far away lands like Yaman, India and Persia. Just as Qazi Nuaman was a specialist on law and history, so Jafar devoted himself to the large body of religious doctrines contributed to Ismalism by the previous Dais. Jafar concentrated on the system of Tawil i.e., interpretation of religious and philosophical ideas but did not like to introduce any new idea himself. The time of speculation had passed. In the new circumstances of the Fatimid State, the codification of religious laws was now needed. This was done in the works of Dai Jafar e g. Kitab al-Kashf and Asrar-an- Nutaqa. Da’awa in Hijaz: Since the Fatimids were in rivalry with the Abbasids they wanted to enhance their religious prestige by controlling the holy cities of Makkah and Medina. These cities were ruled by Sharifs, descended from Hassan bin Ali. The Fatimid 766 Political and Cultural History of Islam Da’awa in Hijaz was successful in winning over the ioyalty of these Sharifs to the Fatimid cause. Da’awa in Yaman: Yaman was the traditional land of the Shusm. It was converted to Islam by Ha^rat Ali. Man> Shii movements have flourished in the mountains of Yaman. Even before the Fatimids were established in North Africa, an Ismaili State was already founded in Yaman in 268 A.M. by the Dai of Mahdi Ibn Hawshab, who conquered Yaman, was called by the title Mansur-al-Yaman. If the Qarmatians had not become active, Yaman would have been the seat of the Fatimids. In any case it remained an important province of the Fatimid Empire. Ibn Ha’wshab died in 302 A.H. After him gradually the political power slipped awa> from the Fatimids. Only the mission remained which was again revived in Yaman. A sovereign State for the Ismailis in later Fatimid history, Yaman was also the centre from which the Fatimid mission spread to India. Cultural Achievements Under Muizz The first three Fatimid Caliphs had built cities like Mahdiya, Muhammadiya and Mansuria. Muizz embellished these cities of the Maghrib, particularly the last one in which he built a large palace called ”The Palace of the Sea”. Within its precincts there was a large lake and in the middle of the lake there was another palace. A long canal of 73,000 leagues was built to bring water to the palace and also to irrigate the countryside near it. In Egypt, Muizz was responsible for to build of the beautiful town of Cairo. The plan of Cairo was already given in advance by Muizz to Jawhar. In Cairo, the famous Mosque of Azhar was built. According to a plan of Muizz, a Great Eastern Palace was built by Jawhar in 368 A.H. with fortifications around it. It housed a secretariat and a big store of arms and ammunitions. It abounded in secret passages and had 4,000 living rooms. It was known for its famous gates which opened to a!! parts of Cairo. Later in the’time of Caliph Aziz a small Western Palace was built and the large space between the two palaces was used for ceremonial parades of 10,000 horsemen at a time. Muizz knew many languages and was a learned man. He had endowed large libraries at Mansuria and Cairo, and used to hold learned controversies at his court between the great authors of the time. Two of them were his DaisTQazi Nuaman and Jafar bin Mans>ur al-Yaman. In the court of Muizz also flourished the well-known Spanish poet Ibn Hani, who had migrated from Spain in 347 A.H.. at The Fatiunds 767 the age of 27. His Diwan which is preserved to the present day contains most elegant devotional poems for Muizz. The younger son of Muizz, Prince Tamim was also an accomplished poet. The Fatimids on coming to Egypt did not make any changes in the administration and law of that ancient country. They added the new colour of their own religion to the already existing institutions of the place. Cairo was known for its festivals. Al! Fridays were festive days. The two Eids and the Shia festival of Id Ghadir alKhumm and the 10th of Muharram as well as the 1st of Rajab were celebrated with much ceremony. The ”Festival of the Flooding of the Nile: which had come down from the Pharaonic times and the Spring Day. ”Nauroz” were also celebrated. Muizz was very tolerant to the local minority. The Christians and Jews held high offices. The Chief Physician, Musa bin al Ghazal was a Jew and became a famous pharmacologist of the time. The Coptic priest of Alexandria, Said bin Batriq wrote many works of science which were translated in Latin and read throughout Europe. He too worked under the patronage of Muizz. Muizz died in 365 A.H. at the age of 45, having ruled in Maghrib fur 10 years and in Egypt for 4 years. He was succeeded by his second son Aziz. AZIZ The Fifth Fatimid Caliph (364-386 A.H.) Aziz was born in Mahdiya in 344 A.H. After the death of his elder brother, he was designated as successor by Muizz. On the latter’s death in 365 A.H. Aziz became the CaKph. Fiist he had to deal with the Maghrib. The luler of this province on behalf of the Fatimids was Bulkin. He tried his best to prevent other Berber tribes from joining an alliance with the Umayjads of Spain. Bulkin died in 373 A.H. and was followed by his son Mansur in the Governorship of the Maghrib. Upto now the finances of the province were directly administered by the Caliph at Cairo, but now Mansur became independent and refused to show any account to the Caliph. However, the Governor and the Caliph died about the same time in 386 A.H. The next Fatimid Caliph Hakim confirmed th£ 12 year old son of Mansur named Badis as the next Governor of Maghrib. The Qarmatians and Aftagia in Syria Aftagin was a Turkish Commander under the Buwayhids. He became independent of the Abbas id court, came to Syria, defeated the Fatimid Governor of Damascus, and began to rule independently in Syria. These were in the last days of Caliph Muizz’s reign. But now the Qarmatians led by Hassan a!-Aasam came to the help of 768 Political and Cultural History of Islam Aftagin. Jawhar was on the point of being defeated, when Aziz himself brought help. Aftagin was arrested and brought to Cairo. Aziz treated his enemy with great honour. He put all the Turkish prisoners under the command of Aftagin and created a new Turkish force in Egypt to balance the growing power of the Maghribi Berbers. The wazir of Egypt Yaqub bin Killis is supposed to have contrived the murder of Aftagin in 372 A.H. In Syria, other Turkish Amirs like Qassam and Bekjur kept on vacillating between the Fatimids and the Abbasids, thus making Syria a very insecure province of the Fatimid Empire. The Wazirate Yaqub bin Killis Yaqub was originally a Jew from Baghdad. He had entered the service of the Ikshidid ruler of Egypt, Kafur, and had become an expert in the agriculture and revenue administration. On accepting Islam, he was entrusted to many high offices, bringing on him the jealousy of the wazir Ibn Furat. To escape from the wazir’s enmity he left Egypt in 357 A.H. and went to the Fatimid Court in Maghrib. With Jawhar’s army he came back to Egypt in 358 A.H. Although Ibn Furat was nominally incharge of the office of wazir, the real power rested with Yaqufa and Jawhar. Yaqub exercised complete control of the administration in the last years of Muizz and during the reign of Aziz. Due to the murder of Aftagin, Aziz imprisoned him but soon had to release him as he was indispensable. He remained in the office, till his death in 380 A.H. The Fatimids did not have a regular wazirate till Yaqub bin Killis made the office permanent. After Yaqub’s death many wazirs were appointed mainly Christians and Jews and twice Ibn Furat was restored to the office. Religious Minorities Under Aziz Aziz was a very tolerant ruler. During his time members of religious minorities had a fair deal. Many of them enjoyed high position. The wife of Aziz was a Christian and she had considerable influence over the administration. Almost the entire revenue administration of the Fatimids was controlled by the members of Christian and Jewish communities. For most of the time during Aziz’s reign the wazir was the converted Jew, Yaqub bin Killis. After Yaqub’s death a Christian wazir Isa bin Nestorius and a Jewish wazir Isa bin Manissa were appointed. The Greek Orthodox Church was held in high favour. The two Patriarchs of the Church were the brothers of the Christian wife of Aziz. The head of the Coptic Church, Efraim, was asked to build a big Church at Fustat.5 Tlie Fntnnids 769 The Qazi The family of Qazi Nuaman, the great jurist and historian of the early Fatimids, controlled the Department of Justice and Daawa in the time of Aziz. In 363 A.H. Qazi Nuaman had died and was followed by his son AM bin Nuaman in the office of the Qazi, in the time of Muizz. He became more powerful in the time of Aziz. In his time the Department of Justice was given over entirely to the Ismaili officials. When he died in 374 A.H. he was succeeded in the office b> his brother Muhammad bin Nuaman who died in the time of the next Caliph Hakim in 389 A.H. Both the brothers have written important works on law and religion. Muhammad bin Nuaman encouraged the mission in Yaman which became quite active under the Dia called Abdullah bin Bishr. In India the Ismaili dynasty, which was founded in Multan by Jalam bin Shayban, was given all support by the Qazi of the Caliph. The Death of Aziz The Byzantines had started their aggression against the Syrian possessions of the Fatimids. Things became serious till Aziz’s time when the Fatimid Commander in Syria Manjutakin was defeated b> the Byzantines on the Raqqa- Aleppo front. The Byzantine Emperor himself led the army and in 386 A.H. occupied many towns of Syria. The Caliph Aziz therefore took a large force under his personal command and he marched towards Syria, but he died on the way in the town of Bilbays, in 386 A.H. Before his death, he appointed as the next Caliph his eleven year old son Hakim, and his treasurer Barjwan as the guardian of the next ruler. Two important personalities of the State, the Qazi Muhammad bin Nuarnan and a Maghribi Commander Hassan bin Ammar were taken into confidence. Aziz died at the age of 42 having ruled for 21 years. The reign of Aziz was mild and tolerant. The Fatimids had stopped their conquests, were giving their interest in North Africa, and were concentrating on their positions on the Red Sea trade-route to the East. A keen rivalry with the Abbasids, competing in the Eastern trade, now became evident. In Cairo, Aziz laid the foundation of a big mosque called Jamia al-Anwar which was completed in the time Hakim and ’has become famous as Jamia Hakim. He also built a beautiful mosque called Jamia al Qarafa. The Small Western Palace was built during his time and at the Jamia alAzhar, the University was completed. Scientific Development under Fatinnds 771 CHAPTER religio»»” SCIENTIFIC DEVELOPMENT UNDER FATIMIDS The great revolution which sixty years before had swept over North Africa, and now spread to Egypt, arose out of the old controversy over the legitimacy of the Caliphate. With the fourth Caliph, however, al-Mo’izz. the conqueror of Egypt (953-975), the Fatimids entered upon a new phase. He was a man of political temper, a born statesman, able to grasp the conditions of success, and to take advantage of every point in his favour. He has also highly educated, and not only wrote, Arabic poetry and delighted in its literature, but studied Greek, mastered Berber and Sudani dialects and is even said to have taught himself Slavanic, in order to converts with his slaves from Eastern Europe. His eloquence was such as to move his audience to tears. To prudent statesmanship he added a large generosity, and his love of justice was among his noblest qualities. So far as outward acts could show, he was a strict Muslim of the Shia sect, and statements of his adversaries that he was really at heart an atheist seems to rest merely upon the belief that all the Fatimids Ismalian adopted the esoteric doctrines of the Ismailian missionaries. Scientific Progress Politically the Fatimid period marks a new epoch in the history of the land, which for the first time since Pharaonic days had a completely sovereign powerful of vitality and founded on a to the condit - began time < Persia in 10 us bausis. The two preceding dynasties had neither national nor us footing in the country. Their rise and existence they owed mi litary ability of their soldier founders and to the dilapidated iorm o~f the Abbasid state. TThcDUgh the golden age in the history of Fatimid of Egypt with al-Mu’izz and culminated with al-Aziz, yet Egypt in the )f .,al- Mustansir was still the leading country of Islam. The I smnaili missionary Nasir-i-Khusro, who visited the country 6-<49-«, A.D., shortly before the economic and political crash, has let.1 I uus m. description in glowing colours. FaHmids were the great patrons of science and art. The court of al- JMHaLka’^m inspite of his mental aberrations was destined to beconmunie famous through the discoveries and researches. Ibn-Kills was tl le fir st outstanding patron of learning in Fatimid Egypt. He establii sh*ed an academy and spent o Thrxmgh some of early Fatimid Caliphs were men of learnii ig and culture, their period was one of unproductive of scientSiuuistss a»d writers of special merit like other Caliphs in Baghdad and SB;; vii n, al-Aziz was himself a poet and lover of learning. It was he wU o BTia-de the Azhar Mosque an academy. His reign saw many archit^^sctnural and engineering triumph at Cairo, such as the Golden Palace-=, the pear Pavilion, his mother’s mosque in the Kerafa The Fatimid period is one of the best documented period in Islami c iiisi.tory and is represented the ’golden age’ of Isma’ilism, during” -, vwhi«ch the Fatimids achieved a prosperous state of their own and Isi. ma’il i thought and literature reached their summit, as attested by nu TEflimesroTus treatises produced by the Fatimids Dais and authors and « -,hnla»-s of the period, notably, Numan bin Muhammad better knowi 1 at-s al-Qazi ai-Numan, Abu Yaqub al-Sijistani Hamid al-Din al-Kar. mani , al-Muayyad Din al-Shirazi and Nasir Khusro. At the same THHtirne, the Fatimids, after consolidating their position, began to CHAPTER 55 SCIENTIFIC DEVELOPMENT UNDER FATIMIDS The great revolution which sixty years before had swept over North Africa, and now spread to Egypt, arose out of the old controversy over the legitimacy of the Caliphate. With the fourth Caliph, however, al-Mo’izz, the conqueror of Egypt (953-975), the Fatimids entered upon a new phase. He was a man of political temper, a born statesman, able to grasp the conditions of success, and to take advantage of every point in his favour. He has also highly educated, and not only wrote, Arabic poetry and delighted in its literature, but studied Greek, mastered Berber and Sudani dialects and is even said to have taught himself Slavanic, in order to converts with his slaves from Eastern Europe. His eloquence was such as to move his audience to tears. To prudent statesmanship he added a large generosity, and his love of justice was among his noblest qualities. So far as outward acts could show, he was a strict Muslim of the Shia sect, and statements of his adversaries that he was really at heart an atheist seems to rest merely upon the belief that all the Fatimids Ismalian adopted the esoteric doctrines of the Ismailian missionaries. Scientific Progress Politically the Fatimid period marks a new epoch in the history of the land, which for the first time since Pharaonic days had a completely sovereign powerful of vitality and founded on a Scientific Development under Fatimids 771 religious basis. The two preceding dynasties had neither national nor religious footing in the country. Their rise and existence they owed to the military ability of their soldier founders and to the dilapidated condition of the Abbasid state. Though the golden age in the history of Fatimid of Egypt began with al-Mu’izz and culminated with al-Aziz, yet Egypt in the time of al-Mustansir was still the leading country of Islam. The Persian Ismaili missionary Nasir-i-Khusro, who visited the country in 1046-49, A.D., shortly before the economic and political crash, has left us a description in glowing colours. Fatimids were the great patrons of science and art. The court of al-Haka’m inspite of his mental aberrations was destined to become famous through the discoveries and researches. Ibn-Kills was the first outstanding patron of learning in Fatimid Egypt. He established an academy and spent on it a thousand dinars per month. During his time flourished the Physician Muhammad al-Tamim, who was born in Jerusalem and moved to Egypt about 970 A.D. He was the great master of Tibb. He introduced many new medicines from the herbs. Through some of early Fatimid Caliphs were men of learning and culture, their period was one of unproductive of scientists and writers of special merit like other Caliphs in Baghdad and Spain, al-Aziz was himself a poet and lover of learning. It was he who made the Azhar Mosque an academy His reign saw many architectural and engineering triumph at Cairo, such as the Golden Palace, the pear Pavilion, his mother’s mosque in the Kerafa Cemetery. The Fatimid period is one of the best documented period in Islamic history and is represented the ’golden age’ of Isma’ilism, during which the Fatimids achieved a prosperous state of their own and Isma’ili thought and literature reached their summit, as attested by numerous treatises produced by the Fatimids Dais and authors and scholars of the period, notably, Numan bin Muhammad better known as al-Qazi al-Numan, Abu Yaqub al-Sijistani Hamid al-Din al-Karmani, al-Muayyad Din al-Shirazi and Nasir Kluisro. At the same time, the Fatimids, after consolidating their position, began to 772 Political and Cultiiml History of Islam considerable attention to cultural and economic activities as well as Islamic sciences in general.1 Scientific learning was revived and developed with the advent of Islam. The Muslim period in history left the world a legacy in science and knowledge that has been compared with that left by great Greek civilization. Islamic culture flourished and this led to a great flowering of intellectual activity of all kinds not seen in the Roman days or in European Dark ages. In this period all branches of science developed and cultivated under the Fatimids. These were two main centres of learning, besides Baghdad viz. Cairo and Cordova. Over in Egypt, the seat of another Muslim Caliphate, the Fatimids, the rise of Cairo into another Muslim city of international learning and repute under the Muizz, added a spirit of rivalry to the patronage of learning by the Abbasid Caliphate. Muizz was the Mamun of the West in Muslim Africa which then embraced the whole of the continent from the eastern confines of Egypt to the shores of the Atlantic and the borders of Sahara. During the reign of Muizz and his first three successors, the art and sciences flourished under the special and loving protection of the soveieigns and Cairo became a new intellectual and scientific centre. It \\fls Mui/z who established AI-Azhar, the oldest still functioning mmusity in the world. It was in Muslim Cairo that the richest libh i ics of Islam were established. The library at Cairo, directed by a mnihier of the Caliph Muizz, consisted of 40 store-rooms containing book, on all branches of science, 18,000 of which dealt with the sck ccs of the ancients. Rich libraries were also founded under the reign of Aziz and Hakim, but the library that surpassed all others was the Dar-alHikma (Hall of Wisdom) founded by the latter Caliph in 1005 A.D., which contained a reading-room, halls of courses of study and an observatory. Efficient service was secured by means of paid librarian and the scholars were given pensions to enable them to pursue their studies. All the sciences were represented there. This institution which lasted from 1005 to the end of Fatimid regime (1171 A.D.), Farhad Daftary, The Isma’ilis. P 144. Scientific Development under Fatimids 773 might be considered the second Muslim academy of science, the first being founded by Mamun at Baghdad almost two centuries earlier. Dar-al-Hikma (Hall of Wisdom) Hakam was the great literary figure in Fatimid of Egypt. His most original foundation, however was the Hall of Science, erected in 1005, chiefly for the propagation of Shia theology and every sort of heterodoxy, but also for the promotion of learning in general i) Astronomy ii) Lexicology in) Grammar iv) Poetry v) Criticism vi) Law vii) Medicine \in) Physics ix) Chemistry x) Mathematics It was a luxurious fitted establishment, with the magnificent library, largely supplied from the royal palaces, open to every one, and supplied with all necessaries of study. All the men of Cairo and many visitors from a far used to meet there, and once they were invited in a body to the palace and to their surprise returned clothed with the robes of honour instead of losing their heads. According to the History of the Arabs. ”One of the most remarkable foundations of the Fatimids was the Dar-al- Hikma for the propagation of Shia doctrines.” Astrology Astrology is the science of stars and the other heavenly bodies and their effects on the human destiny. Under the M-oizz, Kafur built an astrological laboratory. A square about 1200 yards each way, was pegged out with poles’ and the Maghrabi astrologers, in whom Moizz reposed extravagant faith, consulted together to determine the suspicious moment for the opening ceremony Bells were hung on ropes from pole to pole and at the signal of the sages their ringing was to announce the precise moment when the labourers were to turn the first sod.” Astronomy Astronomy was also developed under the Fatimids Caliphs AI-Hakam was personally interested in astrological and astronomical Vail \li Science and Civili/dlion m Islam. P 40 774 Political and Cultural History of Islam calculations. He built on al-Mugattam an observatory to which he often rode before dawn on his gray ass. Ibn Yanus commenced his astronomical observations at about 990 A.D., by the order of al-Aziz at his well equipped observatory at Cairo. These tables were completed in 1007 and published under the name of al-Zij al-Kabir al-Hakam in honour of al-Hakam. The Zij records of eclipses and conjunctions old and new, improved values of the inclination of Ecliptic (estimated at 230 35), of the longitude of he Sun’s apogee (860 10) of the solar parallax (reduced from 3 to 2) of the procession of the Equinoxes (50” a year), and makes no reference to the erroneous conception of the trepidation of the Ecliptic, first introduced by Thabit bin Qurra in Baghdad and blindly followed by a number of later astronomers even Copernicus, until finally discarded by Tycho Brahe. The astronomical tables of Ibn Yunus bearing the name of his patron, correct the tables current at his time by original observation made with the armillary sphere and the azimuth circle. Mathematics Al-Aziz was personally interested in the mathematics and geometrical calculations. Hakam was the great patron of science and learnings so he took interest in the mathematics for the accurate results of astronomical data. Abbasid’s Bait-al-Hikma was the cradle of learning in Medieval Islam. Same position had attained the Dar-alHikma of the Fatimids Caliphate in Cairo. Trigonometry Ibn Yunus work on trigonometry in the Cairo observatory bore the palm of his day. Abu al-Fida was the great mathematician of his day. He was an observer and recorder of astronomical phenomena, he was undoubtedly the greatest in Islam. The use of trigonometrical calculations was very common in the astronomy. Physics and Optics The Fatimids made a great progress in the field of physics and optics. Fatimids contribution to physics and optics is unforgettable and valuable. The greatest discoveries and studies were made in this field under the Fatimid. They made the wonderful discoveries about the physical laws and principles of optics. Al- Saentific Development under Fatimids 775 Hakam’s court was illuminated by Ali bin Yunus, the greatest astronomer of Egypt has ever produced and Abu Ali al-Hasan (AlHazen) Ibn-al-Haythem, the principle Muslim physicist and student of optics. No less than a hundred works on mathematics, astronomy, philosophy and medicine are ascribed to him. The chief work for which he is noted is that on optics, Kitab al- Manazir, of which original is lost but which was translated in the time of Gerar of Cremona or before and was published in Latin in 1572. It was influential in the development of optics in the Middle Ages. Almost all the medieval writers on this subject base their work on Al-Hazen’s optics thesaurus; Roger Bacon, Leonardo da Vinci and John Kepler show traces of its influence. In his work Ibn al- Haythem opposes the theory of Euclid and Ptolemy that the eye sends out visual rays to the object of vision and presents experiments for testing the angles of incidence and reflection. In certain experiments he approaches the theoretical discovery of magnifying lenzes which was actually made in Italy three centuries later. Ophthalmology The science of ophthalmology developed under the Fatimid Caliphs of Egypt. Al-Hazen worked about the eye diseases. An important work composed in Egypt in the days of al-Hakam is alMuntakhab fi al-Ayn by Ammar Ibn-Ali al-Mawsili. In this the author shows more originality than his contemporary Ibn Isa in his Tadhkirah, which, however, on account of its completeness became the standard work on ophthalmology. Ammar describes a radical operation for soft cataract by suction through a hollow tube of his own invention. Chemistry Like many other sciences, the Fatimid Caliphs also made scientific contribution in chemistry. Chemistry is generally supposed to be an accidental product of alchemy. Ibn Qasam was the great chemist of the Fatimid times. He classified the minerals and other organic and inorganic substances 1 Him P642 CHAPTER 56 ARCHITECTURE UNDER THE FATIMIDS The origins and early histor jf the Fatimids have already been treated in the previous chapter. It remains here to chronicle the apogee of their glory as rulers of Egypt and their swift decline. Like all Shi’ite Muslims, the Fatimids were strongly inclined to mysticism, which often led to a deep dependence on astrology. When al-Muizz began his preparations in 967 for the conquest of Egypt he was probably inspired by the propitious conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in the sign of the Ram that took place that year. In 969 his SicilianByzantine general Jawhar, having defeated the Ikshidids and taken al-Fustat, camped on unoccupied land to the north and immediately began an enclosure of very large unbaked bricks about 1,435 square yards to house a palace, barracks, and administrative buildings. Apparently its original name was to have been al-Mansuriya, ”the Victorious,” after the suburb outside Kayrawan founded for the same purpose in 945-49. A propitious moment chosen for the filling of the foundation trenches was to have been signaled by a string of bells, but a crow landed prematurely inside the enclosure before work began. This happened in the ascendancy of the planet Mars (Qahir al-Falak). When four years later al-Muiz/ arrived from Kayrawan he deemed this horoscope propitious and the site was renamed al-Qahira, ”the Triumphant”. This story of the founding of present-day Cairo, as Creswell points out, may well be legendary since twenty-six years before a similar account had been given of the foundation of Alexandria, a but it is worth recounting for what it reveals of the very real non- Arclutectiire under the Fntunids 777 practical basis of some Islamic city foundings. Essentially the first enclosure was not intended as a true city any more than the circular city of Baghdad. Rather it was a palatial residence and administrative quarter like Mahdiya or even the Forbidden City of Peking; the walled compounds of the city palaces of the present Moroccan dynasty in Marrakesh, Meknes, and Fez are its direct descendants. A major north-south street linked the old Bab al-Futuh are its direct descendants. Bab Zuwayla, both named for gates at alMansuriya. Part of this street survives in the modern Sharia al-Muizz li-din-Illah. On either side of this, north of the Mosque of al-Azhar, stood the eastern palace laid our by Jawhar and the western palace first built by al- Aziz (975-96). Between them was a very large open square, the Bayn al-Kasrayn (”between the two palaces”). No trace remains of the eastern palace, but literary sources summarized by Creswell inform us that it consisted of a walled enclosure with nine gates of stone and burnt brick. At least one of these, probably the Bab al-Dahab or Golden Gate, had a window from which on occasion the Caliph appeared to his people. Within the enclosure were ten or twelve square oavilions The most important of these was the Kasr al-Dahab within which was the Qa’at al-Dahab, one of the two principal throne rooms. The other was in a pavilion called the I wan al-Kabir or Great Iwan, built by al- Aziz. This was domed and occupied the center of the enclosure. Probably the arrangement as whole was complex and symmetrical, as at Medina al-Zahra. In this it must have differed notably from the more symmetrical Abbasid palaces or those at Mahdiya and Ashir. The Mosque of al-Azhar The modern Sharia al-Azhar may mark a former west- east axis of Jawhar’s enclosure. Directly south of this, near the Bab alBarqiya gate, Jawhar began the great Mosque of al- Azhar in April of 970. The Khutba (Friday prayer) was first read from its minbar in June of 972 and a university was founded in it in 988. Salvaged shafts and capitals support pointed four- centered arches of burnt bricks, which are also used for the othei ualls and much resemble those of the Mosque of Ibn Tulun. No idea at all is possible of the original appearance of the mosquc’v exterior, but Creswell has reconstructed the original plan Tli \^s a building which in its doubling and trebling of column- ^ i> of stress^resembles Ubayd Allah’s first mosque at Mahdiya 778 Political and Cultural History of Islam There is the same strong emphasis on the mihrab axis, but the corner domes of al-Azhar seem not to have been present at Mahdiya. Furthermore, the aisles of al-Azhar run parallel to the qibla wall. The ultimate origin of the fine overall pattern may be the spandrel of some of the arches of the sixth-century Hagia Sophia in Constantinople, but the more immediate influence is that of the stuccoes in Ibn Tulun’s mosque. The facade of the prayer hall results from a twelfth-century reconstruction of the sahn and is discussed later. Reigns of the Caliph-al-Aziz (972-96 and al-Hakim 996- 1021). The Friday mosque now known by the name of al-Hakim was begun by ai-Aziz outside the north wall of Jawhar’s enclosure between the old Bab al-Futuh and the old Bab al-Nasr late in the year 990. Al-Aziz held the first Friday prayer there in November of 991. His successor. al- Hakim, ordered the entrance facade finished in 1002/3, including the two minarets and the monumental entrance between them. In late 1010 al-Hakim, rather inexplicably, ordeied the minarets surrounded by two square slants, concealing them to a height equal to that of the walls of the mosque. In March of 1013, after gifts of curtains and rich furniture were made, the first Friday prayer was conducted in the refurnished building.’ The prototype for the structure begun under al-Aziz was clearly Ibn Tulun’s mosque, though here the brick piers are slenderer, while the transept or mihrab aisle with its (restored) destroy and the three domes of the qibla aisle recall the Mosque of al-Azhar. The latter may also have inspired al-Hakim’s facade, but this is less certain since the facade of al-Azhar no longer exists. We now, however, know much more about Ubayd Allah’s mosque at Mahdiya, and Hakim’s strange salients of 1010 appropriate the square cisterns with cylindrical interiors of that structure. Though it is not known if Mallows cisterns were even intended to support minarets, they now end at’*g»e height of the walls of the mosque as do Hakim’s salients. The’ cen’tral portal at Mahidya certainly provided Hakim’s architect with his model, and even the placement of the secondary portals close to the center than to the ends of the facade is similar. Hakim’s mosque originally had no less than thirteen entrances, all symmetrically arranged and three of them monumental. The two side portals provided a cross-axis at the center line of the lalbot Rice, Islamic Ait. P I Architecture under the Fatimids 779 sahn. The porch and the minarets of Hakim’s facade of 1003/3 are of superb masonry construction richly adorned with crisp and elegant ornament reminiscent of Medina al- Zahra’s of a half century earlier. The frequent occurrence of the pentagram or Solomon’s seal may attest to Hakim’s known interest in black magic, through it must be remembered he was only eighteen when this work was in progress. The rapid decline of the Fatimid Caliphate became accelerated under Mustansir, reaching a climax in 1073 when, after years of plagues and famines, an army revolt threatened to erupt into full-scale anarchy. The Caliph then ordered Badr al-Gamali, the Armenian governor of Acre, to restore order. Badr succeeded after may executions and was rewarded with the title of Amir al-Juyushi (”army commander’’), by which he is best known he was also made wazir and chief of the Shi’ite missionary organization. After he returned from a campaign in the Sudan in 1085, Badr ordered work begun on a mosque, in which he may have intended to be bunted, and new walls for Cairo. The Mosque of al-Juyshi The Mosque of al-Juyshi is a small mashad or oratory of rubble masonry and brick, situated on an exposed hill side dominating Cairo from the east and overlooking its southern approaches. It has recently been pointed out be Farid Shaf i that the prominent minaret would hardly have been necessary in a neighbourhood with very few residents to call to prayer. However, the minaret and four small domed structures on the roof, too small for knelling in prayer, would have provided excellent observation posts for those interested in preventing civil unrest or attack from the south, both real possibilities in view of the disturbances within the Caliphate. The elegant interior, reached through a small door at the base of the minaret on axis with the mihrab, seems to have been arranged for residential purposes as well as for worship, since the barrel-vaulted chambers flanking the minute sahn have no connection with the prayer hall. Symmetry is broken only by the tomb chamber, its dome supported on the usual squinches, opening from the first bay of the prayer hall through the northeast wall. The cornice terminating the square base of the minaret is formed of large-scale muqarnas, the earlier extant example in Egypt. The superb carved stucco mihrab so closely recalls Seljuke work in Iran, though admittedly the surviving examples there are somewhat later, that one wonders if these designs 780 Political and Cultural History of Islam and the muqarnas were not transmitted from Iran or even further east at the same time. The Mosque of al-Salih Tala’i Al-Salih built his mosque outside Badr’s walls just southwest of the Bab Zuwayla to house the relic, but that the Caliph wanted it in the palace itself, where he built a mashed for it. Accoiding 10 an inscription, however, the mosque was begun in 1160, when the head had already been in Cairo for some time. Even so the unique entrance facade, with a portico in anitis like a Persian talar. might have been designed for the building’s intended fucetion as a reliquary. Although the talar of the tomb of the seventh and ninth imams at al-Kazzamian dates only from 1519 and that of Fatima, daughter of the seventh and sister of the eighth Imam, at Qtim is probably even later, the tradition of adding talars to such shrines may \\ell have originated much earlier. Al-Salih’s mosque was free standing on at least three sides, unlike that of al-Aqmar. It was also designed as a mu’allaqa or suspended mosque with vaulted shops across the front and sides. The salients flanking liic keel-arched portico might have been intended for minarets, though there is no evidence for this. The northwest riwaqa of the sahn opposite the sanctuary vos later addition not provided for in the original plan, where the monumental side entrances would have occupied the center arches of the northeast and south west riwaqs as they do at the Mosque of Hakim. The salients and the exterior facades of the northeast and south west riwaqs introduce a new method of articulation that was to have along future in Egypt Shallow niches frame square windows in regular succession. FATIMID HOUSES The Houses of al-Fustat Information on residential architecture of Fatimid times is very limited, but excavation of the suburb of al-Fustat, begun in 1912 and recently resumed, show a house type similar to the Abbasid Kiyts at Ukhaidir and Samarra and probably introduced into Egypt under the Tulunids. The typical T-shaped organization behind a tripartite facade at al- Fustat usually occupies only one end of the squ.ue or rectangular court, but in at least one instance-as at Ukhaidir-two such facades confront each other. Out of a such a complex there seems to have e\ol\ccl the qa’a or reception hall of Architecture under the Fatimids 781 later times. The dating of these structure is very uncertain, but most originated in the eleventh or early twelfth century. The Qa’at al-Qadir The earliest qa’a preserved in Cairo is the twelfth- century, Oa’at al-Qadir. Here two very tall barrel-vaulted iwans face each other north and south of a sunken squar, the durka, whose south and east Wcills are articulated by wall arches in the shape of the barrel vaults ovei tall keel- arched niches. Above the wall arches are three windows, once part of a clear story of twelve which may have supported and wooden dome. The lower walls are of ashlar masonry, but the vaults of the iwans with their curious triangular squinches are of brick. The squinches recall the Fatimid restoration (1035) of the Mosque of al-Aqsa at Jerusalem, but the keel- arched niches suggest a date not before the first half of the twelfth century. Later qa’as are roofed in wood throughout. The form which begins here might be an adaptation of the al-Fustat house to more crowded conditions and higher land values requiring the sacrifice of the open courts and triple porticoes of the earlier houses. Despite its Shi’ite orientation, the Fatimid Caliphate at Cairo seems to have been open to architectural ideas from all over Islam, including those which were Sunni, similarly, the Fatimids’s Sunni successors borrowed freely from their Shi’ite predecessors: the monumental mosque portal, like a Roman triumphal arch, seems to have been one of these. Before Mahdiya it had been used in palaces for example, in the Umayyad bath portal at Khirbar al-Mafjar or the ninth- century palaces at Samarra.The Fatimids gave it the same bold projection for the Mosque of Hakim or used it in a low relief as at alAqmar. Their Ayyubid and Mamluk successors were to do the same. Badr al-Gamali’s masons probably brought the idea of the muqarnas from the East as early as 1085. In Egypt the motif in both stone and later in brick and wood was to have a long career. It was probably transmitted to Africa in the late eleventh century despite the religious separation that already existed between the two countries. In the twelfth century the articulation of exterior wall surfaces by means of shallow arched niches was developed this was to have a profound effect upon later Egyptian architecture. It was also under the Fatimids that the qa’a evolved as the principal reception hall of both the selamlik and the harem of Cairo’s richest houses.” Ahmad Hasan. Islamic Architecture. I’ 105 CHAPTER 57 MINOR ART UNDER THE FATIMIDS Fatimid Sculpture in Egypt The monuments of Cairo dating from the second half of the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries show a rich stucco and stone decoration with many features peculiar to the Fatimid period. The earliest Fatimid stucco ornament appears in the mosque of al-Azhar in Cairo, which was begun in 970 and completed in 972. The sanctuary (Maksura) and the qibla wall are decorated with a dense pattern r/palmette scrolls in which the background, like those in the Tulunid period, is reduced to the space essential for separating the motives. The decoration of al-Azhar is derived from ninth-century Abbasid and Tulunid ornament but shows a definite change of style. The most important innovation is the greatest prominence of the connecting scrolls, which frequently have two stripes. The development of new decorative forms, particularly the arabesque, is evident in the stucco and stone decoration of the mosque of al-Hakim (990-1012) in Cairo. Hefe, in both stucco and stone, we find perfect examples of foliated Kufic. In the windows, niches and bands of the mosque and the minarets appear arabesques of the developed type. The traditional patterns have been replaced by a graceful and rhythmic play of scrolls, which run in various direction and often cross each other. It is very probably that both the arabesque and the foliated Kufic patterns are of East Iranian origin.’ Dimand. M.S. Muhamniadan Art, P 101 Minor Art under the Fatimids 783 Fatimid Wood Carving in Egypt and Syria The new tendencies which changed the style of stone and stucco sculpture decoration also influenced the development of wood carving under the Fatimids. Traditional Tulunid ornament and slant carving survived longer. However, in wood carving, as may be seen on the wooden tie became of the mosque of al-Hakim and the door from the mosque of al-Azhar (970) now in the Arab Museum in Cairo; according to the inscription this door was made at the order of al-Hakim. who restored the mosque of al-Azhar in (1010). It is decorated with rectangular panels carved with Abbasid arabesque scrolls forming symmetrical patterns. In the rendering of traditional patterns, the Fatimid artist followed the artistic principles apparent in the stucco ornament of the mosque of al-Azhar. In al- Hakim’s door, however, the connecting stems of the ornament are given greater prominence than heretofore and the motives are separated from each other. Syrian wood carvers of the Fatimid era were not behind those of Egypt in craftsmanship and ability in design. Several important monuments have survived in Syria and Palestine, among them the intact pulpit in the Great Mosque at Hebron in Palestine, made for the mosque of al- Hussain at Ascalon in 1091/2 and magnificently carved with intricate arabesques. There are a number of fine Syrian wood carvings in Damascus including the maksura screen from the mosque of Bab-al-Musalla(l 103). Fatimid Ivory and Bone Carving in Egypt A number of bone plaques of various shapes, decorated with figure subjects, have been found in Fustat. The scenes and the style of carving recall the eleventh-century Fatimid wood carvings from the hospital of Kalam. A fragmentary plaque in the Metropolitan Museum depicts a hunter and a gazelle against a background of arabesque scrolls. Because of similarities to Fatimid wood carvings, a number of ivory plaques from boxes have been rightly regarded as Fatimid. The figures of musicians, dancers, hunters, and griffins, amid fine scrolls, are elaborately carved in open work, with a great deal of detail particularly in the costumes. These plaques, which represent the height of Fatimid ivory carving may be assigned to the period of the Caliph Mustansir (1036-94).2 2 Dirnand, P 125 784 Political and Cultural History of Islam Minor Art under tlie Fntinuds 785 Fatimid Metal Work of Egypt Egyptian metal work made during the Fatimid period consists of jewelry and a small group of bronze animals. Fatimid jewelry is relatively rare. Outstanding examples are in the Harari collection the Arab Museum, Cairo, and the Benaki Museum, Athens. Three fine pieces, a pair of earrings and a crescent-shaped pendant of about the middle of the eleventh century, are in the Metropolitan Museum. Their decoration is in filigree technique in which gold wires, straight and braided from a geometrical design in openwork. The pendant is enriched with a turquoise stone and polychrome decoration of two birds in cloisonne enamel, a technique popular in Egypt during the Fatimid era. Fatimid Pottery of Egypt and Syria Under the rule of the Fatimids, the ceramic art of Egypt reached an unusually high standard. It may be divided roughly into two groups, one with engraved decoration under monochrome glazer, the other with lustered decoration. The former pieces are covered with various colored glazes such as green, blue, red-brown, and purple. This is in imitation of Chinese ware of the Sung period, while the engraved decoration is characteristic of the Fatimid era and similar to that on the lustered ware. The Fatimid luster ware shows a body of varying fineness, covered with a white glaze upon which the decoration is painted in gold or brown luster of great brilliancy. The rich decoration of this ware consists of figure subjects, animals, and birds on a background of arabesque. Sometimes the decoration is a purely ornamental one of arabesques or palmette scrolls. Lustered pottery of the Fatimid period was made also in Syria, where a number of pieces of excellent quality were found. The lustered pottery of Syria, fragments of which were also found in Fustat, differs from the typical Egyptian ware. It is of creamy yellow or grayish white earthenware instead of the buff clay characteristic of Fustat pottery. Turanoise blue was the favourite colour for the background. Fatimid Glass and Crystal of Egypt and Syria Under the Fatimids the glass industry of Egypt, and to some extent that of Syria, reached a high standard. The main centres of the Egyptian industry were Fustat, Medinat al-Fayum, and Alexandria which had been the chief centre of the Roman industry. Fustat seems to have been the chief centre under the Fatimids, and there the various techniques used in the Tulunid period were perfected. Some of the finest and most luxurious glass \\as made for the use of the Fatimid court, known for its richness and splendour The decoration of the Fatimid glass is either based on earlier designs or shows the new style features developed by contemporary Egyptian artists. To this period may be assigned two graceful bottles with molded decoration one has a lozenge diaper in low relief, the other has a globular body and straight long neck and shows many interesting technical features. Fatimid Textiles of Egypt Magnificent textiles were produced in the Fatimid period, even surpassing those of the Abbasid period. The cloth made of linen and silk become extremely fine and was greatly admired by travellers, one source tells us that the texture of cairene fabrics was so fine that a whole robe could be passed through a finger ring. In the arrangement of inscriptions and ornament the Fatimid weavers followed the scheme developed under the Abbasids. A broad band with geometrical or animal decoration is flanked by inscriptions. The Kufic writing at first followed the Abbasid prototype, as may be seen on a linen in the museum inscribed with the name of the Fatimid Caliph al-Aziz bi’llah (976-96). The tall elegant letters of this inscription are in yellow silk outlined in blue. In another piece of the same period, the inscription is in yellow silk on a blue ground. The ripe Fatimid period developed new types of Kufic letters, so called Kufic fleury, in which some of the letters end palmette scrolls. A fine example of luxurious Fatimid weave is a portion of a linen cloth ; it is decorated with horizontal bands, the central one with pairs of falcons, v\hich with palmettes from an intermittent scroll an a green ground the pattern is tapestry-woven in still and gold threads of gilded gold beater’s skin. The style of the pattern is characteristic of the period of the Caliph al-Mustansir, who reigned from 1036 to 1094. Such fine fabrics decorated all over with gold tapestry may be identified with garments called badana made at Tuinis for the exclusive use of the Caliph.3 I albot Rice. P 92 CHAPTER SAFAVIDS The Safavids were perhaps Persia’s first truly national dynasty, yet they were probably of Kurdish origin and, at least in their early years. Turkish-speaking, the family descended from Shaykh Safi-al-Din (d.1334), who had established a Sufi order at Ardabil in Azerbaijan. Though later Safavid histories deny it, he was very probably Sunni. Only in the fifteenth century was the order firmly Shi’ite and the founder of the dynasty. Shah Ismail (1501-24), adopted a wholly fictitious genealogy claiming descent from the Hol> Prophet (PBUH) through an and line. The early rulers were principally engaged in the defense of Persia against the Ottomans from the northwest and the Shay ban id Uzbeks from the noitheast. Tabriz, the original capital, was abandoned for the safer Qazvin, while Baghdad was lost to the Ottomans and frontier towns such as Herat and Mashad frequently changed hands. SHAH ABBAS I Abbas I, styled the Great King of Persia of the Safavid dynasty, second son and successor of Muhammad Khudabanda, was born on 1 Ramzan 978/27 January 1571, and died in 1038/19 January 1629, after a reign of 42 years. He strengthened the Safavid dynasty by expelling Ottoman and Uzbek troops from Persian soil and by creating a standing army. He also made Isfahan the capital of Persia, artistic achievement reached a high point in his reign. Abbas improved communications by the construction of roads, bridges and caravanserais. He enriched Isfahan, which became his new capital in 1006/1597-8, with mosques, palaces and gardens ; but he also built Safavids 787 palaces at Kazwin, and at Ashraf and Farahabad on the Caspian, where he spent an increasing amount of time in his later years. He explored the possibility of diverting some of the head-waters of the Karun into the basin of the Zayanda-Rud. Although endowed with great qualities, Abbas could be ruthless, and his family fell victims to his desire for security. His father, Muhammad Khudabanda, and two brothers. Abu Talib and Tahmasp, were blinded and incarcerated at Alamut, a son. Muhammad Bak’ir Mirza, was executed on a charge of treason in 1022/1613, and another, Imam Kuli, was made heir-apparent in 1030/1620 during an illness of Abbas, but was blinded on the latter’s recovery. Throughout his reign, Abbas attached great importance to maintaining the pir-u-murshid relationship with his subjects hence he made frequent visits to the Shi’ite shrines at Ardabil, Mashhad, where he repaired the damage caused by the Uzbegs, and, after their capture from the Ottomans, to those at Karbala’ and Najaf. ’ As I have already discussed the origin of Safavids, the Safavid dynasty, founded by Shaykh Safi- al-Din (1252-1334), a Sunni sufi religious teacher descended from a Kurdis family in northwestern Iran, also represented a resurgence of popular Islam in opposition to chaotic and exploitative military nomination. The Safavid movement, however, unlike the others, led to the conquest of Iran and the establishment of a new dynasty which would reign from 1501 to 1722 A.D. The founder began by preaching a purified and restored Islam. His son, Sadr- a!-Din, who headed the order from 1334 until 1391, made it into a hierarchical, politically sensitive, and propertied organization. He was the first head of the order to claim descent from the Prophet (PBUH). He expanded the family compound in Ardabil, providing it with schools and residences, and broadened the movement’s missionary activities. He organized the hierarchy of the murshid who was the head of the order,’ and the Caliphs who were his direct agents, and supervised the missionaries, assistants, students, and novices. In the fifteenth century, the Safavid movement became a powerful political force in northwestern Iran and eastern Anatolia. The Safavids took advantage of the break up of the Timurid regime and of the bitter Turkish tribal conflicts to turn from preaching to mihant action. Shaykh Junayd (Sufi Master, 1447-60) was the first Encyclopedia of Britannica. vol, I, P.9 788 Political and Cultural History of Islam Safavids 789 murshid to emphasize the importance of jihad and together followers from eastern Anatolia whom he led against Christian populations in Georgia and Trebizon. The wars against the Christians, were soon turned against established Muslim states, which he denounced as infidel regimes, 1501 Isma’il occupied, Tabriz and proclaimed himself Shah of Iran over the remainder of the decade he conquered 1;he rest of Iran. While the rival Ottoman empire to the west seized eastern Anatolia and the Shaybanid empire to the east took control of Transoxania as far as the Oxus River, Isma’il established the borders that have defined Iran until the present day. These borders divided the Middle East into separate realms of Turkish Ottoman, Iranian, and Inner Asia Muslim Cultures. Political rivalries cut off the Ottoman empire from Islamic culture in Iran, and reinforced a growing cultural divide between Iran and Inner Asia. The struggle to centralize political power was set back b> several ineffectual reign in the late sixteenth century, but the state building program was resumed by Shah Abbas (1588-1629), Abbas attempted to transform the whole political system of Iran by reducing the power of the uymaqs through the consolidation of a slave army and a new centralized administration supported by a revived economy and by the reassertion of both religious and the royal bases of monarchical legitimacy. Abbas began with the reconstruction of the army. He rallied loyal Qazilbash supporters, usually by favoring middling and lesser lords against the great chieftains, and organized them into the forces called Shab-Seven or lovers of the Shah. He supplemented these troops with Georgian and Armenian slaves commanded by a Georgian convert named Allahberdi Khan. Musket and artillery units were organized to give the Shah’s armies modern fire power and to make them equal to the Ottoman janissaries. Shah Abbas’s military and administrative reforms were partly financed b> an elaborate mercantilist venture. He stimulated silk production and marketed the product through state- controlled merchants. By bringing Armenian merchants to Isfahan and making them intermediaries between the Shah and foreign customers, the royal court gained a strong position in Iranian trade. Abbas also established royal factories to produce luxury products for royal use and for international sale. Carpet-making, which began as a cottage industry, was centralized in great factories in Isfahan. Silk-making also became a toyal industry, producing velvets, damasks, satins, and taffetas to be sold in Europe. Safavid ceramicists produced their o\\n ”China” based on Chinese porcelains with the help of Chinese workmen imported to establish the new industry, throughout Iran, trade was stimulated by the construction of roads and caravarsaries.” Under Abbas I the Safavid monarchy reached the height of its political power. His reign was a glorified house hold state with the ruler surrounded by his personal servitors, soldiers, and administrators. The ruler closely controlled the bureaucracy and tax collection, monopolized the manufacture and sale of important cloth goods and other products, built great cities, and maintained shrines and roads as an expression of his fatherly concern for the welfare of his people though his reign marked the apogee of the Iranian state, his achievement was flawed. Abbas never succeeded in establishing a fully centralized regime. The military and administrative policies that reduced the power of Turkish hordes did not succeed in replacing them. His commercial policies had only a short-lived success, his religious and artistic efforts were eventually appropriated by others. Ultimately the rural elites proved too powerful, and urban merchant and rural landlords support took weak to sustain a centralized state. The Shahs were also hostile to nonMuslim communities. Decrees of Abbas I made it possible for a convert to Islam from Judaism or Christianity to claim the property of his relatives. In 1656, Shah Abbas II granted extensive powers to his wazirs to force Jews to become Muslims. AI-Majlisi, following on these precedents, persuaded Shah Hussain (1688-1726) to decree the forcible conversion of Zoroastrians. The Shi’i Ulama, however, were less harsh in their treatment of Armenians. The Armenians maintained good relations with the Iranian regime because of their shared hostility to the Greek Orthodox Church whose base was in the Ottoman empire. Also, Armenians and Georgians provided important recruits for the Shah’s military and commercial establishments. It has been commonly said that the Safavid dynasty reestablished, after nine hundred years of foreign interruption, the old Persian empire of the Achaemenids and Sasanids, or else, more recently, that the Safavid dynast> mere the emergence of Persia’ as a national state in the sense. Each nation is founded on a valid point. The Safavid empire was a more adequate heir to the Sassan’any empire, in its absolutist administrative and cultured i Ahmad Ayub. History of Persia, P.80. I 790 Political and Cultural History of Islam since the classical Abbasid empire. Again, it was the Safavid state that worked out the main lines along which the subsequent monarchy has continued to be defined, having its capital in the western Iranian and Azeri provinces, and above all establishing an official Shi’ism This has been the context which the most important of the modern Iranian nationalism grew up. Abbas had to reconquer his empire and in doing so he established the central administrative authority more strongly than ever. He had a, strong professional bureaucracy which upheld the absolute power of the throne at the expense of local autonomies. The financial administration, controlled by elaborate checks and balances, sums to have been backed up by a military strength honest and comprehensive. This bureaucracy was based increasingly on those outsiders who had already become an important element in Tahmasp’s time, especially converted Georgians and Armenians. Abbas still made use of the military resources that Isma’il had brought into play, including those of tariqah Shi’ism. But even the Qazilbash Turkish tribes, he reorganized, appealing to their devotion to himself as Badishah, so overriding even hereditary tribal ties. At the peak of the empire’s power, his reign displayed the empire’s splendour in all its aspects. To the gratification of all Shi’is his forces reconquered the Iraq from the Ottamans (it had been lost to them as early as 1534), restoring the sacred Shi’i cities to Shi’i control though he was unable to advance farther and seize control of Syria and of the Hijaz, yet an empire that included the Iraq, western Iran and Khurassan, where were the great majority of the cultural centers of classical Islamdom, challenged comparison with the Abbasid, empire to which it was the evident successor. Abbas thus perfected the Safavid absolutism. In some measure, this was in the tradition of the military patronage state. The division was maintained of the population into two sectors, the privileged recipients of taxes, regarded as members of the military establishment and as proteges of the Badishah, and the taxable subjects, at the Badishah’s disposal. The most important industrial investments at the capital were regarded as the personal property of the Badishah. Yet in its very success, the strongly military character the state had was being x£tcm”’ded away. Abbas’ reign meant, in effect, civilian supremacy in the !” ’inistration. Unlike the Renaissance, the persianate flowering provided ~>f classical institutions for those who came after. Sulayman an Snfavids 791 (1520-66) in the Ottoman empire, Akbar (1556-1605) in the Timuri empire of India, and ’Abbas (1587-!629)in the Safavid empire were regarded as model emperors whose example was to be followed and then whose times were to be restored, if possible, when the empires fell increasingly into difficulties. None were founders of their dynasties, rather, the}’ brought to culmination some of the institutions implicit in a military patronage state, they carried their states into effective bureaucratic absolutism, in doing so, incidentally confirmed the bureaucratic civilization which was to undermine the central power of these states by denaturing their military organization and discipline. All three were known for their definitive establishment of the dynastic law which in a military patronage state stood along side Shari’ah and local custom. Sulayman was known as Qanuni, the Law Giver, for it was under him that the in creased body of Qanun or dynastic law of the Ottoman empire was brought into what was regarded as perfected form. Akbar establishment not only the provincial administration but the most important precedents of his dynasty, observed largely even by those successor who disapproved his religious policy. It is said that the law code of Shah Abbas is still preserved, though it has not been studied. It is perhaps not accidental that the central empire, established in the mid-Arid Zone itself, should be the last to assume the full forms of agrarian absolutism (and prove politically the weakest of the three in their time of decline). Abbas, as Badishah (emperor) and representative of the Imam, had left free not only to insist on the application of customary law in criminal cases to the exclusion of the Shari’ah law of the Qazi’s court, but even to associate the Sader, as authority in the Shari’ah with the judgments of his ro\al customary, non-Shart’ahcourts. Assessment Shah ruled with a passionate zeal for justice and the welfare E of his subjects. He frequented tea houses and other meeting places of ” the ordinary people in order to learn of extortion aiyj -tbe-part-of hisofficials^ his punishment of corrupt officials He showed unusual religious tolerance, grantnm pfivibges to-many. Christian groups. The dark side of his character was reserved for his own sons and members of his own family. The experiences of his youth, when he was marked for execution by his uncle, Shah Isma’il 792 Political and Cultural History of Islam II, had left him with a morbid fear of conspiracy Originally, he followed the practice of his predecessors in appointing the princes of the blood royal as provincial governors, but after a series of revolts and intrigues in favour of his i,ons, the royal princes were confined to the harem, where their only companions were women and eunuchs. As his obsessi\e fear of assassination increased. Abbas began to put to death or to blind any member of the royal family who caused him anxiety in this regard. In this way, one son was executed and two were blinded and imprisoned. Abbas died without an heir capable of succeeding him. Though Abbas possessed great stature as a monarch even in an age notable for its outstanding rulers-his great achievement in first saving the Safavid Empire from collapse and then raising it to new heights of splendour is marred by his treatment of his own family and the fact that his reforms contained within them the seeds of the future decay of both dynasty and state.’ Abbas’s reign also marks a peak of Persian artistic achievement. Under his patronage, carpet weaving became a major industry, and fine Persian rugs began to appear in the homes of wealthy European burghers. Another profitable export was textiles, which included brocades and damasks of unparalleled richness. The production and sale of Silk was made a monopoly of the crown. In the illumination of manuscripts, book binding, and ceramics, the work of the period of Abbas’ is without equal; in painting it is among the most notable in Persian history. Abbas moved his capital to Isfahan, which he proceeded to embellish, drawing on all the resources that the artistic flowering of the preceding two or three centuries had produced. Magnificent parks and palaces, great open squares where troop maneouvres or vast polo games could proceed and, above all, impressive mosques, hospitals, schools, and caravanserais sprang up through his munificence and that of his family and his successors. The use of coloured tile to decorate buildings, especially great noble domes, was at its height, it has been complained that, typically of a Mate’ art, the work was over refined and over-resplendent, the solid lines of the structure almost disappear in the blaze of magnificent colour. This is surely a misjnHgm^n^ »* iv£ uave seen jn anv casg5 the brilliance of Isfahan even now does not cease to delight the imagination. 1 Muhammad Arshad. Islamic History. P.401. Snfavids 793 Science and Medicine Under Shah Abbas Safavid period was, the period of scientific development and new inventions of scientific instrument in many physiological changes and disease and their treatment was recovered the status of physicians during the Safavid period stood as high as ever. In Safavid time, the Hakim Bashi as chief physician was an important official at court. Ibn Sina’s text book of medicine was the complete encyclopedia of medicine. Physiology was still based on medieval and ancient principle of medicine. A wide variety of surgical procedure was performed but pre-operated care was unknown. So emphasis was laid on need for the s’-.rgeon, protect himself against the fiction of all the Islamic sciences of medicine, pharmacy, chemistry, physics, botany were survived. Ibn Tirmuz was a great physician. Hospitals were maintained and prior dispensaries existed for patient. Astrology was major sciences because King, consulted the astrologers for the major decisions. Maulana Muhammad Tahir Yazdi was a great astrologer of Shah Abbas. Calligraphy Calligraphy is the art of fine writing. The art of calligraphy was flourished under the ancient civilizations of the world. In the civilizations of Indus Gandhara, Hebrew, Egypt, Mesopotamia, Ancient Europe, this art was the major item of their cultural heritage. Arabs were proud on their oratory and fine writings. The calligraphic patterns of the early Arabs had found in the Museums. Kufic script was very common in Arab. Umayyad and Abbasid’s were the great patrons of this art. Abbasid’s were the great patrons of art and architecture and various artistic activities. Iran was the cradle of learning in the time of Safaxid. Painting, calligraphy were the major field of Iranian artists. Nastaliq script was developed under the Safavids. Safavids painters and calligraphist were famous of their master pieces of art. Sulus and Naskh were also developed under the Safavids. They used for the copying of the Holy Qur’an. Shah Abbas was the major contributor towards this art of fine writing. Caiiigraphists of Safavid time :- 1. Mir Muhammad Damad2. Shakyh Baha-ud-Din Amili 3. Hussain Tabrazi 4. Mir Muizz Kashi 5. Khalil Hirati 6. Bihzad 794 Political and Cultural History ofhlmn Bahrain Mirza Shaykh Muhammad 7. Mir AH 8. Bahrain Mirza 9. Sadur-ud-Din 10. Shaykh Muhammad Music The art of music was developed under the Abbasids Caliphate, Harun and Mamun were the great patrons of music. Ziryab and Ibrahim were the great musicians of that time. Abbasid revolution had changed the cultural history of Iran. The cross cultural changes developed a new type of artistic values. Safavids were the Shia origin except the Shah Safi. Music was the part of their social life. Under the Shah Abbas this art flourished. Secular and religious musics in full swing in that time. Musical theories of Mulla Sadra were very elaborative. The musicians of the Safavids time used various types of musical instrument, these were Tambora, Qatar, Naccora, Duf, Zalzal. In the court of Shah Abbas musical functions were performed by the musicians of the Safavids. They were the following:- 1 Hafiz Ahmad 2. HafizJalajil 3. Hafiz Muzaffar 4. Ustad Muin 5. Ustad Sultan Muhammad 6. Hussain Mirza Poetry Safa\id period is the golden ”period of Iranian cultural histor>.” E.G. Browne, the author of ”Literary History of Persia” and ”Cambridge History of Persia” has given the full description of literary and cultural history under the Safavids. Safavids encouraged the intellectual activities. Theology and other religious sciences grew under them. Persian poetry was at height of it climax under the Shah Abbas. The story of Karbala was described in poetry and prose. The poets of Mughul court came from Iran. There is list of the poets of the Safavids time :- 1. Dainiri 2. Muhtasham 3. Wali 4. Hussain Mirza 5. Washi v,6. Mir Havder I. Dainiri 3. Wali 5. Washi vL Hatim 9. Zuhri 11. Naziri ^ 10. 12.’ Muhtasham Hussain Mirza Mir Hayder Faizr Talib Nizami. liiSRlSBMTI 59 THE ARCHITECTURE OF THE SAP AVID EMPIRE The art of building revived under Shah Abbas had Timurid antecedents in about the same wa>, Ottoman architecture was based on Seljuk forms. Again as with the Ottomans, contemporary influences from outside Persia were wholly rejected until, as in Turkey, European forms were introduced in the later eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The Buildings of Shah Abbas I Shah Abbas I celebrated Nauruz, the Persian New Year, in Isfahan in 1598 and then decided to transform the areas of gardens and fields between the old walled town and the Zayandeh River into a new capital. The Isfahan of Shah Abbas, while certainly not the first planned city in Islam, is one of the very few of which enough remains or is recorded to make a nearly complete reconstruction of its general features possible. The design was not wholly new, as it adjusted itself to a number of pre-existing features. The great Median-i-Shah, today about 1,709 by 525 feet, was probably in existence as early as 1504-5 when Shah Ismail laid out to the west of it the garden called Naqsh-i-Jahan or Picture of the World, reproducing the name of one of Timur’s gardens at Samarkand, in 1509-10 the Meidan was widened. Shah Tahmasp is said to have resided frequently in a Timurid paiace, probably on the site of the Ali Kapu, which may still contain parts of it. Here he may well have entertained the exiled Mughul emperor, Humayun. Shah Abbas rebuilt the Meidan, providing it on all four sides with a covered bazar lined with stalls and with another row of stalls facing the square. Rows of trees and a water channel, since filled in. separated these from the central open space used for temporary markets, polo games, public executions. 796 Political and Cultural History of Islam and other spectacles. The orientation of the Meidan determined that of the palace area west of it in Ismail’s garden the south end of the Meidan arose the great Friday mosque, the Masjid Shah, who monumental entrance, finished in 1616, faces (on axis) another entrance leading to a great complex of bazars, baths, and caravanserais comprising the commercial quarter of the new suburb. For the central axis of his new city. Shah Abbas departed from the direction of the Meidan and placed his promenade, the Chahar Bagh. named for the four gardens purchased for the right of way, almost due north south. The Palace Complex at Ispahan The Meidan is shown with its plane trees and canal bordered to the west by two monumental gates. The surviving gate on the right is the Ali Kapu, with its talar draped in awnings. From the gates, walled alleys, in part open and in part covered by domes perhaps serving as bazars, both link and divide various enclosures. Just to the right of the Ali Kapu appears a small centrally planned Masjid for the use of the palace, then isolated in a court but now engulfed by later structures. In the upper right of the print appears the Chehel Situn with its garden and to the upper left the Hasht Behisht within the Garden of the Nightingales. Above, at a contrasting angle, is the beginning of the Chahar Bagh with its canal and fountains. The Ali Kapu The Kapu or High Gate was much more than the main entrance to the palace. A very tall structure of three principal and two intermediate stories, it served as the major reception pavilion, the selamlik of the palace, and is said to have been the favourite abode of Shah Abbas. The raised talar with its ivvan facing the Meidan served as a summer throne room, banqueting hall, and reviewing stand. Although the results of structural examination have not yet been fully published, the plan suggests that Shah Abbas enlarged an originally cruci form pavilion with iwans and square corner rooms. This nucleus, which may have been Timurid, probably stood in the middle of ti square Chahar Bagh since obliterated, in part by the widening of the Meidan in 1509-10.’ Chehel Situn West of the Ali Kapu, the Chehel Situn still stands within its original garden. Hoag suggest that Shah A )bas may have laid out the tdlbotRiL slamic Art P 237 The Architecture of the Savavid Empire 797 garden as early as 1590 but built only the western portion of the edifice, which consists of iwans, facing east and west flanked by small chambers in two stories and leading to the great triple-domed reception hall of about 79 by 36 feet. Rising the full height of the building, its vaulting, between heavy transverse arches, recalls the system adapted by the II Khanids and the Trimurids. There may already have been talars in antis north and south of this block. According to a recently found inscription. Shah Abbas II added the twostory blocks behind the great eastern talar and the porch itself in 1647 2 The decorative scheme of Shah Abbas’s structure survives in part within the north and south talar. There, in the shallow niches, are found paintings in a European style (they are framed in wholly Persian arabesque, however). The painting of the vaults of the great hall and its adjoining chambers is also early. In the latter, recently cleaned wall paintings show on a large scale the style of the court miniaturist, Raza Abbasi (1575-1634), who probably designed them if he did not actually pain them, although persons in Western dress appear, the European style of the exterior paintings is absent. Despite the fact that they record events of the reign of Shah Abbas, the enormous murals in the great hall, themselves restored more than once, probably date at the earliest from the restoration conducted under Shah Sultan Hussain, since several windows were filled in to provide space for them. What part ceramic played in the ornament of the Chehel Situn in uncertain, though, as at the Ali Kapu, the spandrels of the arches of the west facade are picked out in tile mosaic against the exposed buff birds. Their figural subjects are identical in style and contact to the paintings in the manner of the aforementioned Raza Abbasi, but they are much more mechanical, even repeating the same figure in various colors. The Mosques at Ispahan According to an inscription, the portal on the Meidan opposite the Ali Kapu received its tile mosaic in 1602-3, suggesting that the construction probably begun soon after 1598 was already well advanced. An inscription near the mihrab names the architect Muhammad Riza ibn Ustad Hussain of Isfahan and is dated 1618. The mosque was once called the Masjid-i-Sadr or the Masjid-i-Fath Allah, but is now known by the name of Shaykh Lutfullah, the father-in-law of Shah Abbas. It was reserved for the private worship Ibid 798 Political and Cultural History of Mam of the Shah, which may explain the absence of a minaret and the unusual plan. The Masjid-i-Shah In the spring of 161! Shah Abbas I began his new congregational mosque under the direction of the architect Ustad (Master) Abu’l Qasim. The latter is said to have absented himself for two years when the walls were about to receive the vaults to allow the building to settle into its foundations. This occurred during the lifetime of Shah Abbas, but the mosque seems not to have been entirely completed until 1638. The portal on the Meidan - completed, according to its inscription, in 1616 - faces north and is usually in shadow, but since it is entirely encrusted in brilliant tile mosaic it gleams with a predominantly blue light of remarkable intensity. It is deeply recessed to allow free passage beyond effect the necessary reorientation toward the southwest. The plan, as Arthur Upham Pope has said, culminates nearly a thousand years of evolution of the four iwan mosque, the immediate predecessor being that of Gawhar Shad at Mashad. In the refinement of the relationships of it truly enormous parts (the outer portal alone is 90 feet tall), the Masjid-i-Shah far surpasses its model. No doubt the congregation in the summer gathered more often in the spacious sahn, where the covered chambers are expressed by single high arches breaking the rhythm of the two-story riuaqs; the prayer hall facade thus repeats the tripartite motif Islam seems to have inherited from the Roman via the Sassanian. Left and right of the closed halls are open garden courts with pools and fountains surrounded by one-story arcades. They probably served for religious instruction, but could hardly have been true colleges since there is no provision for students quarters. The relatixely brief period in which Safavid architecture flourished contributed little what was new to Persian Islamic architecture, but it is of importance for two reasons. At this time the mosque and the four iwan mosque achieved their final refinement, after which no new ideas appeared and a decline in the execution of the old soon became apparent. Secondly, only from this period do palace pavilions such as the AM Kapu, the Chehel Situn, and the Hasht Behisht survive in fair condition. Used with circumspection, these afford a valuable insight into the vanished splendours of Timurid. II Khanid, and even perhaps Seljuke palaces and gardens, of \\hich only imperfect descriptions remain.3 ’ Ahmad Hnati. Persian Aicnnecture. P 50 CHAPTER 60 MINOR ART UNDER SAFAVIDS The Safavids School of Paintings In many respect, the Safavids were the heir of brilliant artistic traditional of Timurid of court-at Hirat in Khurasan, Safavid paintings were outstanding in period of Bihzad and many others courts painters of Shah Abbas. Hirat school of painting was very famous artistic and minor art activities. Bihzad and a group of Artist established the Tabriz school of painting under Shah Ismail. During the reign of Shah Tahmas, the various kinds of minor arts and miniature painting were brought to ultimate pitch of action especially art of book and miniature painting as tough the climax of art. In Shah • Abbas calligraphic pattern and minor arts displayed a great perfection. Abbas patronage of artists was on an extensive scale and he seems to have and had a worn human relationship with his Artist AM Raza was famous painters. Masjid-i-Shah in Isfahan, the Masjid-i-Sheikh Lutfullah and the dome after the tombs and the Shrine of the Imam Raza at Mashad were the great symbolic feature of painting, the School half of the tenth/sixteenth century saw the rise to eminence of another painter, Ustad Muhammad), son and pupil of Sultan Muhammad the miniatures painted by this great artist reveal an enchanting style and a sense of composition unprecedented in the history of Muslim painting. He topic his subjects from everyday life and imparted an inimitable rhythm to all the details of his figures. Trees, wild and tamed animals, men and women enter his paintings and become immortally and irrepressibly alive. On the other side many manuscripts were the hidden treasure of painting. The paintings in Safavid period was an essential part of 800 Political and Cultural History of Islam architecture and cloth industry the royal places and shrine, mosques, were fully decorated with various type of painting and account of hunting and war scene. Shah Abbas was a great patron of painting an artistic activities in Safavids Iran.’ Safavid Wood Carving in Iran Safavid wood carving of the sixteenth century is known to us mostly from doors preserved in mosques in Iran and western Turkestan and in various Museums, such as the Gulistan Museum in Teheran and the Islamic collection in the Berlin Museum. The decoration consists either of arabesque or of floral patterns, sometimes combined with animals. Fine specimens of Safavid work are a pair of doors in Teheran made by ’Ali ibn Sufi in 1509 an a door in Berlin doors in Habib Ullah in 1590. Metal Work The inlaying of brass objects with silver, which seclined considerably during the fifteenth century continued to be practiced under the Safavids. Copper vessels were often tinned to simulate silver, and iron and steel became popular. The decoration reflected the changing fashions of the time. A typical example of the sixteenth century is a copper bowl with relief decoration of arabesque in the Moore collection of the Metropolitan Museum. It is inscribed with the name of the maker, al Imami from Aleppo, the guilt muster, and the year A. H. 942 (1535/6). Another bowl in the Museum’s collection is decorated with a Safavid pattern of animals, floral, and arabesque and bears the date A.H. (1601/2) and the name of the owner, Mahmud Khan. The Safavid metal works achieved great skill in the handling of Iron and Steel, producing some excellent pieces which technically are not interior to earlier work. Steel plaques, belts, and other objects show an open work decoration with or without gold inlay. In each case the design of arabesque and floral scrolls is of high quality. One of the belts in the Museum bears the name of Shah Isma’il I and the date A. H. 913 (1507). Ceramic Art of the Safavid Period in Iran Semi Porcelains The ceramic art of the Safavid period may be divided into t\\o groups. One group has purely Safavid decoration, which is lal’iot Rice. p 248 Minor Art Under Safavids 801 known to us from manuscript illumination, rugs, and textiles. The other group imitates Mini porcelain, for the Iranian potters of the sixteenth century continued attempts to produce true porcelain in imitation of Chinese were, which was great admired by the Safavid rulers. Shah Abbas (1587-1628) imported great quantities of Chinese porcelains, and even Chinese potters. As in the Timurid period, in the first half of the sixteenth century only the decoration was Chinese, the body consisting of soft brown earthenware similar to other Iranian pottery of the ”Kubatcha” type. Two plates of this early variety, in which the Chinese design is adapted to Iranian style, are in the Museum toward the end of the sixteenth century, probably under Shah Abbas, the potters achieved a Semi porcelain, which, although not so hard as true porcelain, often closely approached the true porcelain. Sometimes the imitation was so well done that many Iranian pieces have been mistaken for Chinese, often even fake Chinese characters are placed on the bottom of the vessels. These Safavid semi porcelains vary in quality of design and style. The best pieces date from the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a gradual decline having begun in the eighteenth century. The Chinese design is often combined with Iranian motives, as in three splendid bottles in the Museum, two of which are decorated with carefully drawn storks and arabesque mediations in blue with the addition of brown. The usual decoration consists of Chinese landscapes with birds and animals, Chinese symbols, and cloud bands familiar from Ming porcelains.2 Pottery with Luster Decoration Among the Safavid ceramics, those with luster decoration occupy a distinguished place. The art of luster painting, which declined in the fifteenth century, was revived in the time of Shah Abbas by the pottery of Isfahan and other places pear-shaped bottles with slender necks, bowls, wares, and small drinking cups were richly decorated in luster of various colors, such as gold, brown, and coppered on a white, dark blue, light blue, or yellow ground. Sometimes the bottles are fluted, with alternation of colors and also of the decoration of flutings, as in figure 137, the decoration is purely Iranian and is characteristic of the Safavid style. The most common motives are naturalistic landscapes with birds, animals, and plants painted in a sketchy, almost impressionistic manner. In several Dimand, P.207. 802 Political and Cultural History of Islam pieces, as in a bottle and a disk in the Moore collection of the Museum, under glaze painting in grayish blue and luster painting are effectively combined. Ceramics with Painted Decoration As I have discussed above, the Iranian semi porcelains in bowls and while and the cedalons are often decorated with purely Iranian motives as well as Chinese ones. Among the monochromes, we find not only blue but other colors, including dark brown. Sometimes the blue- of the decoration is supplemented by other colors, such as olive green and red- brown, the latter applied as a slip. The design of this ware, attributed to Kirman, Shiraz, and Isfahan, is usually floral in character, as may be seen in two plates in the Moore collection. The Safavid style of Iranian ceramic art appears in all its splendour in large wall decorations composed of square tiles. Their use for wall decoration first became popular under Shah Abbas, although they must have been known earlier. Faience mosaics were not eliminated by glazed square tiles, for the two forms of decoration were often used together on the same building, as for instance on the mosque of shah Safi at Ardabil. Safavid Textiles With the Safavids begins the golden era of Iranian weaving. Safavid silks may be divided into three groups; plain weaves, silk brocades, and Silk velvets. Such fabrics were used for garments of the princes and nobles, hangings, and cravers, and often served as gifts from the Shahs to those whom they wished to honour. The decoration consists of figure subjects, animals, birds, and floral motives. The scenes are taken for the most part from the great Iranian epics, such as the Shah-nama, or from the romantic poems of Nizami, which some depict Iranian nobles hunting or enjoying the pleasures of life in their gardens. Other Safavid textiles of the sixteenth century are ornamented only with floral designs, either naturalistic or stylized. Under Shah Abbas the great, a noble patron of all the arts, the weaving of costly fabrics, brocades and velvets, continued to be practiced with great skill. In addition to the long-established looms of yard and Kashan, Shah Abbas founded other manufactories, especially in Isfahan, where luxurious fabrics and those for daily use were woven. A master piece from the Iranian looms of the Shah Abbas period is a large carpet of brocaded silk velvet now in the Minor Art Under Safavids 803 Museum collection of Iran. New floral motives, naturalistic in style, became popular in the beginning of the seventeenth century. An integral part of the Iranian costume of the Shah Abbas period and later was the Shahs, the use of which spread from Iran to Eastern Europe. Rugs of Iran The finest Iranian rugs known to us were woven in the sixteenth century under the Safavid dynasty. During this period, particularly in the reigns of Shah Isma’il (1502-1524) and Shah Tahmasp (1524-76), Tabriz became one of the greatest centers of Iranian arts and crafts, including rug weaving. Among the other centers of rug manufacture were made in court manufactories. Both rugs and textiles in this century were influenced by the Safavid style of miniature painting and illumination. The greatest achievement of the rug designers was the development of a plant ornament consisting of floral scrolls with blossoms and palmettes, frequently inter laced with arabesques and interivined with undulating cloud bands derived from Chinese designs, poets were frequently inspired by the beauty of royal carpet, comparing them with a ”wild white rose” or ”a garden full of tulips and roses.” Every Iranian rug shows a well balanced composition of intricate floral scrolls and arabesques forming a back ground for various other decorative elements.”1 Iranian rugs are generally classified into groups on the basis of their design rather than the localities in which they were woven, as our knowledge of the latter still remains more or less hypothetical. There are different kinds of Safavids Rugs A. Medallion and Animal Rugs of the XVI century. B. Woolen Rugs with Animal Decoration. C. Silk Rugs of the XVI century. D. Rugs with Floral Design. E. Vase Rugs. F. Polish Silk Rugs. G. Tree and Garden Rugs. H. Tapestry-woven silk Rugs. Hugh .I.Persian Art. P. 110. CHAPTER 61 Ottoman Empire 805 OTTOMAN EMPIRE Ottoman Empire, an empire created by Turkish tribes in Anatolia that lasted from the decline of the Byzantine Empire in the 14th century until the establishment of Turkey as Republic in 1922. It was named for Usman an amir in Bithynia who began the conquest of neighbouring regions and who founded the empire’s dynasty around 1300 A.D. Now we discuss in detail the following important topics i.e., (i) Muhammad II (ii) Sulayman the Magnificent (in) Administration (iv) Fall of the Ottoman Empire MUHAMMAD THE CONQUEROR (1451-1481 A.D.) Sultan Muhammad II was one of the most eminent of the Ottoman Sultans and one who, by his conquest of Constantinople, ushered in a new era. He was born in the years 1432 A.D./ 835 A.H. At an early age in 1440 he was appointed Governor in Manisa where he remained until he became the Sultan. The young prince came to Manisa with a very large entourage, including his teacher, his servants, members of his staff, and a large train to carry his necessities. There the young prince acquired an excellent education including the knowledge of several languages. He learnt Arabic and Persian as well as Greek from the Greek minority who inhabited Manisa. It is though that from this new desire for learning sprang the idea of building a library near his palace and that since he was especially interested in astronomy and geometry, this library was built in the style of an observatory. He was to leave Manisa at the age of nineteen, on the death of his father Lord Eversley says, ”He was undoubtedly the ablest man that the house of Usman had as yet produced, not only as a general, but as a statesman. He had also great intellectual capacity and literary attainments. He spoke the five languages fluently. He was the most proud and ambitious of his race and the most persistent in pursuing his aims.”’ The Apogee of Ottoman Power With the rise of Muhammad II, called ”the Conqueror” (Faith), the Ottomans began a new era of conquest that extended the empire’s rule across the Danube and into central Europe as well as over the lands of the Islamic Caliphates in the Middle East and through much of North Africa. Upon his accession on February 18, 1451, Muhammad inherited an empire in far better condition than that which his father had come to rule three decades before. He was free to take the initiative without having to satisfy either internal or external pressures. It appears, however, that soon after his accession Muhammad and his principal advisers, Sahabed din Sahin Pasha and Zaganos Pasha, decided that they needed a spectacular victory to fortify their political position against the Turkish nobility, new conquests to build their power. Nothing could be more spectacular than the conquest of Constantinople. Arguing with some justice that Byzantine had sheltered Muslim claimants to the Ottoman throne to foment discord in the empire, Muhammad felt that as long as Byzantine held out, there would always be the possibility of new Crusade efforts to rescue it and complete unification of the empire would be impossible. Beyond these practical considerations there was the dream of establishing a world empire, with Constantinople as its natural centre. For centuries Muslim hopes of world domination had been associated with the expressed this feeling in his prophecy that the Mahdi, or ”rightly-Guided one” would return to ”renew Islam and cause justice to triumph. He will conquer the Spanish Peninsula and reach Rome and conquer it. He will travel to the East and conquer it. ersel) I’ I urkish Empire. P 78 806 Political and Cultural History of Islam He will conquer Constantinople, and rule over the whole land will be his.”” The great Muslim historian Ibn Khaldun related a tradition of the Prophet (PBUH) himself stating that: ”He who will destroy the Byzantine emperor and will spend his treasures in God’s behalf will be the expected [Mahdi] when he conquers Constantinople.”3 Constantinople was, indeed, the ”Red Apple” (Kizul Elma) of Muslim tradition.4 Nourishing such dreams, Muhammad busied himself with plans for its conquest almost from the first moment of his accession. There were problems that had to be dealt with before the conquest could be undertaken. Even while acknowledging Muhammad’s suzerainty, his vassals in Constantinople and the Balkans began to take advantage of his presumed inexperience. Karaman did the same in Anatolia, instigating the rise of antiOttoman claimants to power in the vassal Turkoman principalities. Muhammad also knew quite well that the Turkish nobility, led by Candarh Halil, opposed his plans for Constantinople. Muhammad could not yet rid himself of the influential grand wazir, but he could and did remove the key to any deposition the opposition might plan by having his brother, the young prince Kucuk Ahmed, killed. The act, condoned for reasons of state that is, as a means of avoiding disputes that might rent the Islamic empire established a precedent followed by Muhammad II’s successors for over a century. Muhammad exiled his father’s wife Mara back to Serbia along with most of her advisers, replacing them mainly with his own and putting them into key positions as rivals of the Candarh family. Muhammad then moved to quite his neighbours so that he could concentrate on Constantinople. Murad’s peace treaties with Serbia and Wallachia were renewed. The situation with Karaman was more difficult, since it still ruled a large section of central and eastern Anatolia and most oi Ciiicia and used its influence to foment distrust of the Ottomans. Muhammad tried to eliminate the Karaman threat shortly after his accession, but when his army reached Aksehir, Ibrahim of Karaman agreed to restore the old boundaries, not to raid beyond them, and to give one of his daughters to Muhammad to cement the new relationship. Ishaq Pasha was left as Quoted in, Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah, Vol. II, P 191. ’ibid ’ibid Ottoman Empire 807 beylerbeyi of Anatolia, with the task of suppressing any revolts that might arise while the sultan was concentrating on Constantinople. As a final step to solidify his own power, soon after returning to Edirne Muhammad moved boldly to take control of the Janissary corps from Candarh Halil. Lsing as pretest a Janissary uprising and demand for new bonus payments while returning from Anatolia, Muhammad replaced HaliPs men as ’Aga’ (commander) of the corps and as infantry commanders with devsirme men, thus beginning the process by which the latter took over the corps. He then reorganized it to ensure that it would once again perform the function for which it had been originally created: to act as the personal guard and instruments of the sultan against all those who disputed his authority. The Conquest of Constantinople Candarh Halil continued to oppose the sultan’s plans for an attack on Constantinople, but Muhammad went ahead. On his return from Karaman he built the fort of Rumeli Hisar 10 miles north of the city on the European side of the Bosporus, to gain control of the waterway and sever Byzantiun’s communications with the Black sea as to assure the passage of Ottoman troops from Anatolia to Europe (January-August 1452). As soon as the new fort was completed, Muhammad demanded that Constantinople surrender, threatening a full-scale siege. Byzantine efforts to secure European help were blunted by Candarhi Halil. who renewed the old trade treaty with Venice, made a new agreement with Hungry (November 20, 1451), and generally signified Ottoman. In the Imperial Council Candarh Halil and his colleagues continued to oppose the plans to conquer Constantinople, but the sultan prevailed with arguments stressing the gazi tradfribn and the Byzantine threat to the safety of the Ottoman state (September 1452). The actual siege began in February 1453 when the first Ottoman forces sent from Edirne occupied the Byzantine seaports along the Sea of Marmara and huge cannons were dragged through Thrace to lead the attack on the city’s great walls. In march the Ottoman armies of Anatoila crossed the Bosqorus to the new Rumeli Hisari, while an armada built in Gallipofc went through the Dardanelles into the Sea of Marmara and began t© attack the city by ,sea. Within the city Muhammad’s preparations were met with /despair; religious and political division continued to undermine the 808 Political and Cultural History of Islam defense effort, and very little new assistance came from outside. Byzantium’s armed forces already had declined so much that there were hardly enough men left to man the vast wall defense system. Sections of the city were almost totally uninhabited. The Byzantines had little more to defend them than the walls, ”Greek Fire,” and a chain stretched across the mouth of the golden Horn to prevent the entry of the Turkish fleet. Despite this the siege lasted for 54 days, from April 6 to May 29, 1453. On April 18 the Ottomans occupied all the islands in the Sea of Marmara outside the capital, which had been left undefended. Two days later four Latin ships and one Greek ship managed to evade the Ottoman blockade and bring large amounts of supplies to the defenders, considerably buoying their spirits. During the night of April 21-22, however, the Ottoman fleet, tired of its passive role in the Golden Horn, putting them in position to fire on the sea walls from the other side, thereby spreading the Byzantine defenders even more thinly. The Ottoman effort itself was hindered by Candarh Halil’s continued opposition. The final assault began on the night of May 28. In the end the defenders were simply worn down, isolated as they were from significant outside help. After two hours the huge Ottoman cannon tore large gaps in the walls between the modern Topkap and the Yalikap, and the attackers flowed into the city. The Ottoman fleet broke the Byzantine chain and entered the Golden Horn, Supplementing the land forces. The emperor apparently was killed while fighting on the city walls. Once within the city the Ottomans advanced slowly and methodically, clearing the streets of the remaining defenders. While Islamic law would have justified a fullscale sack and massacre of the city in view of its resistance, Muhammad kept his troops under firm control, killing only those Byzantines who actively resisted and doing all he could to keep the city intact so that it could be the centre of his world empire. Many inhabitants and soldiers took refuge at the Genoese colony of Galata, across the Golden Horn, which has remained neutral during the siege. This violated its neutrality, but Zaganos made an agreement by which Galata was joined to the Ottoman Empire and its defenses toin down, in return for which its inhabitants were allowed to retain their holdings and gain freedom of religion and trade within the sultan’s dominions. The people of Galata were to retain their properties, but they were to have no tax or customs privileges other than the Ottoman Empire 809 exemption of their children from the devsirme tribute imposed in the Balkans. Muhammad’s conquest of Constantinople was not of major strategic importance, since the Ottomans had been able to bypass it as they advanced into Europe. Yet its capture deprived Europe of a base that, in the hands of an effective relief force, might have undermined the Ottoman defense system. Possession of the great commercial, administrative, and military centre facilitated the assimilation, control, and defense of the sultan’s conquests, while control of the waterways between the Black Sea and the Mediterranean established a stranglehold on European trade with the hinterlands to the north and east and provided considerable new revenue. The conquest made the Ottomans heirs to the imperial tradition as the conquered city once again became the capital of an extensive empire.5 Lane-Poole says, ”The conquest of Constantinople is the great event of Muhammad’s reign. Yet it was by no means his sole achievement. He overthrew the wallachain tyrant, vlad the Impaler and completed the final annexation of Serbia and Bosnia.” According to Hitti, ”The conquest in 1453 of Constantinople by Muhammad the conqueror formally ushered in a new era, that of the empire. The new giant installed himself astride the Bosphorus with one foot in Asia and the other in Europe. His expanding domain made him heir not only to Byzantine but also through the destruction of the Mamluk power, to the successor states of the Arab Caliphate.”7 Organization of the Empire With the prestige brought by the conquest of Constantinople, now called Istanbul by the Turks, Muhammad II moved ahead to become absolute ruler of a centralized empire, essentially the emperor of a restored Eastern Roman and caliphal empire, with worldwide implications. The first step was the Turkish nobility as a dominating political force and to wipe out all members of the Ottoman family who had any aspirations for the throne. In any case, a move against the Turkish nobility and particularly the Candarh family had long been desired by Muhammad, who blamed Candarh 5 Encyclopedia of Bntannica, Vol IX. P 6 6 Lane-Poole, Turkey. P. 88 7Hitti. PP 709-710 TTT 810 Political and Cultural History of Islam Halil (with some justice) for his deposition in 1446 and for the latter’s continued opposition to the conquest of Constantinople. On June 1, 1453, only two days after the conquest, Candhar Halil was dismissed as grand wazir on false charges of having received bribes from the Byzantines for opposing the attack. His property was confiscated, and he was imprisoned along with most members of his family. His replacement with Muhammad’s close adviser Zaganos Pasha, member of the devsirme class, began a new tradition whereby the most important positions of the central government were reserved for the slaves of the sultan. Large-scale confiscations of timars and private properties soon reduced the power of the major Turkish families; they were awarded to devsirme members, who then accelerated their rise to power. The grand wazir now became the sultan’s absolute representative in the processes of government, the only other member of the ruling class whose word had to be obeyed by all without question or appeal. He was entrusted with the imperial seal, which had to applied to all state decrees, not only those of the sultan himself but also lesser regulations issued by other principal officials. The principal provincial officials also were put under the direct control of the grand wazir, who at the same time was given fiefs and revenues that made the wealthiest Ottoman after the sultan.8 Zaganos’ power as grand wazir was further increased by his appointment as governor of Rumeli, which gave him control of the army in both the capital and Europe. Efforts were made to enlarge and strengthen the Kapikulu army, in particular the Janissary infantry and the Topcu artillery corps. They were given the most modern fire weapons of the time, muskets and cannon, making them the most potent of the sultan’s military forces. To assure Janissary loyalty Muhammad installed his own slaves as commanders and created new divisions of slaves not involved in the previous political conflicts, expanding the devsirme system of recruiting young Christians to provide the needed men. Thus with the support of the powerful and obedient grand wazir and the Janissary corps, Muhammad was able to gain autocratic authority over all his subjects. This is not say that the sultan left his supports unchecked. His aim was to create a balance of forces so that no group would Ottoman Empire g-jj have sufficient power to control him. Therefore, some important administrative functions were withheld from the grand wazir and given to three other major officials, the Kazasker (chief judge), Defterdar (chief treasurer), and Nisaci (chief scribe), who controlled the hierarchies of the religious, financial, and scribal administrations respectively. Nor did Muhammad wish to substitute devsirme domination for that of the Turkish nobility thus he did not eliminate the latter. Many Turkish notable families kept their properties and were retained in positions, leaving them about equal to the devsirme. By balancing the Turkish aristocracy and the devsirme, Muhammad could play them off and hence assure himself of the loyalty and support of both. He reduced the power of the individual frontier beys by increasing their numbers while reducing the soldiers each could command in war and by placing them more directly under the command of the beylerbeyi of Rumeli than previously.9 The sultan also sought the support of the Christian religious leaders. He assured the Greek Orthodox clergy that it would retain its religious freedom, both internally and against the possibility of union with Rome; he appointed the chief opponent of union, Gennadius Scolarious, as patriarch, and gave him civil as well as religious authority over Orthodox Christians in the empire to assure his support of the new regime. Thus was created the millet system of autonomous self-government under religious leaders, later extended to the Armenians, the Jews, and the other major non-Muslim minorities. In return the millet leaders found their self-interest cemented to that of the sultan, since it was by his order that they were given more extensive power over their followers than had been the case in the Christian states that had previously dominated the area. The complete Ottoman conquest of Southeastern Europe once again united most of the Christians in the area, Greek and Slave alike, under the authority of the Greek patriarchate, making the church a particular beneficiary of the Ottoman expansion and further uniting the interests of patriarch and sultan. Muhammad H’s Aims of World Domination and Policies of Conquest /, * With the conquest of Constantinople the Muslim world acknowledged-Muhammad as leader of the Holy War against 8 Standford J. Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey. Vol. I. P 58 1 S J Sha\v. P.59 812 Political and Cultural History of Islam Ottoman Empire 813 Christianity. He now claimed superiority over all other Muslim rulers, including the neighbouring Mamluk sultans, and demanded the right to replace the latter as leaders of the pilgrimage to the Holy Cities. He also emphasized Ottoman relationships with the old Turkish empires of Central \sia, encouraging the writing down of traditions showing that his family descended directly from Oguz Han, thus countering the ambitions of his other principal rival in the East, Uzun Hassan, ruler of the White Sheep Turkomans of Iran. Who as we shall see, soon began to challenge his ruler in eastern Anatolia. Muhammad also began to see himself as heir not merely to eastern Rome but to a worldwide empire. Byzantine and Italian scholars surrounding, him encouraged grandiose ideas of world dominion. After eMfninating possible contenders for the Byzantine throne, he moved to regain all the lands previously ruled by his Byzantine predecessors between the Euphrates and the Danube to further centralization he abandoned the vassal policies of the early Ottoman sultans and annexed most of the vassal territories, gaining the acquiescence of the Christian ruling families concerned by offering them the opportunity to rise high as Ottomans in the new empire. Only formal conversion, to Islam and acceptance of Ottoman ways were expected as the price for membership in the devsirme class. To the mass of the people he offered an end to the feudal oppression of their former Christian masters, security of life and property ties with the central administration through the timar system,-and opportunity to preserve their old traditions and ways as ; well as’their religion through the millet system. In developing his policies of conquest, Muhammad basically followed the rules of Islamic law. The conquered people were left in possession of their lives and property under law. The conquered people were left in possession of their lives and property under state protection in return for the payment of the special head tax (J.zya) plus the regular taxes imposed on all producers of wealth whether Muslims or Christians. When he did encounter resistance, Muhammad used terror to achieve conquests, not only to overcome the particular enemy in question but also to break down resistance elsewhere and convince the mass of the people that they could attain peace and safety and avoid war by accepting the sultan’s invitation to join the empire and recognizing his rule. 814 Political and Cultural History of Islam The Conquests of Muhammad II What of the conquest themselves? The primary thrust of military advance throughout Muhammad’s reign was against the infidel, in the gazi tradition, to prevent unified opposition from the Western world as well as to acquire new territories. Muhammad was able to detach the Italian commercial republics by gianting them new trade privileges in his empire. In 1454 Venice was given the special right of paying only 2 percent ad valorem customs duties on goods entering and leaving the empire as well as that of having a commercial representative (called baile/balyos) living in Istanbul, in return for the payment of an annual tribute of 200,000 gold ducats. Genoa, its main rival, was given similar rights only in the Crimea and some of the Aegean Islands, again in return for tribute. Contemplating future areas of expansion, Muhammad recognized the potential gains available in the north and the west. The northern hinterland of the Black Sea had become a political vacuum following the disintegration of the Golden Horde empire that for two centuries had controlled the lands from the steppes of the Ukraine to the valleys of the Don and the Volga. In the fourteenth century the Ukrine had been lost to the Polish-Lithuanian empire of the Jagellonians. By the mid- fifteenth century the Golden Horde had almost disappeared, with the steppes to the south falling under to Tatar Hans of Kazan after 1445, while the Crimea was controlled by a dynasty of Tatar Hans set up by the Jagellonians themselves in an effort to divide the Mongol remnants. Soon the Tatars became independent of the Poles and contacted Muhammad II. This led to an alliance between the Ottomans and the Crimean Tatars that proves advantageous to both. There were also increasing problems in the principalities. Moldavia was now ruled by the famous Stephen the Great (1457- 1504), who built a sizable state, took the Danubian port of Kilia, and was intervening in Wallachian politics as a first step towards conquering the Black sea coast and the Crimea. His conflict with the Ottomans at this time was limited to rivalry for control of the weak princes of Wallachia. Finally, Vlad IV Tepes (the ”Impaler”) acknowledged Ottoman as well as Hungarian suzerainty and was recognized as prince of Wallachia. Muhammad promised to keep Ottoman raiders out as long as Stephen made no effort to enlarge his dominion in the area (1460). Ottoman Empire 815 With Wallachia neutralized, Muhammad was able turn to Anatolia. The Black sea coast, with the exception of Byzantine Trabzon, had been brought under Ottoman control by the early part of Muhammad’s reign, but there were Muslim opponents in eastern and central Anatolia. After the collapse of the Timurid Empire, the Black Sheep had built a sizable empire in western Iran and northern Iraq, while the White Sheep, assistance, built their own dominion in western Iran and eastern Anatolia. Karaman again was extending its power in central Anatolia, fomenting revolts against the Ottomans. The Ottoman successes in the Balkans also frightened Venice and Genoa into encouraging these eastern ambitions in order to lessen the Ottoman threat against them. Muhammad, therefore, felt an urgency to complete his rule along the Black Sea coast to frustrate any advances that his enemies might navy to join in landsea attacks that successively overwhelmed the Geneses in Amasra, then Candar, the last Turkoman principality in the area, and, finally, Byzantine Trabzon itself. Uzun Hassan not strong enough to meet the Ottomans alone was forced to accept a separate peace at Erzincan (August 14, 1461). Karaman remained quite, fearing that any overt act might draw the sultan’s wrath against it. Muhammad established a new frontier province in the area under the command of the beylerbeyi of Anatolia, Gedik Ahmad Pasha, a Greek or Albanian Devsirme convert, who established strong frontier garrisons to guard against the White Sheep and Karaman. As a result, the latter turned its attention more towards the Mamluk territories in Cilicia, particularly Adana and Tarsus, which it occupied for a time before losing them to a Mamluk counterattack. A civil war instigated by the Ottomans further debilitated Karaman’s power after 1464. Muhammad was distracted from his Anatolian campaigns by the raids of Vlad IV Tepes into Ottoman territories in northern Bulgaria (1461-1462). He responded by invading and conquering Wallachia and annexing it to his empire (April-August 1462). Its autonomy soon was restored , however, under Vlad’s brother, Radu IV the pay tribute and accept the sultan’s suzerainty in return for the throne. Another expansion along the Adriatic, Venice got Scanderbeg to break his alliance with the sultan and to resume attacks on Ottoman garrisons in the north (February 1462). The new king of Bosina. Stephen Tomasevic (1461-1463), cooperated with Scanderbeg, throwing off Ottoman suzerainty and accepting Hungarian protection and occupation (1462). Muhammad responded 816 Political and Cultural History of Islam by invading Albania, forcing Scanderbeg to sign a new peace and to abandon his conquests (April 27, 1463). This left the sultan free to deal with Bosina, which he conquered during the remainder of the summer with the considerable help of the native Bogomils, who had been subjected to persecution during the recent Hungarian occupation. Only two northern Bosnian districts remained under Hungarian control at’ this time’^Lbeing organized as banats, or Hungarian frontier provinces, rulecrby a puppet king who claimed all Bosina in the name of his’Mnaster. Herzegovina, however, now accepted Ottoman suzerainty’ and eventual annexation, bringing the sultan even closer to th^jAdriatic. War with Venice was therefore inevitable. Pope Pius II used the situation to join Venice new Hungary in agreement-against the Ottomans (September 12, 1463). If this new Crusade was to succeed. Venice would get the Morea and the Greek territories along the Adriatic; Scanderbeg would expand his Albanian state into Macedonia; Hungary would rule Bulgaria, Serbia, Bosina, and Wallachia; and Constantinople and its environs would be returned to the surviving members of the Byzantine ruling house. Negotiations were also begun with Uzun Hasan, Karaman, and even the Crimean Tatars, who promised to attack the Ottomans in Anatolia at the same time that the Crusaders moved against Muhammad in Europe. Actual hostilities began in September 1463 when Venice seized a number of Aegean Island as well as much of the Morea. Thus began an Ottoman-Venetian war that was not fully settled until 1479. New Wars in Europe: Conclusion of the War with Venice Hungary’s insistence on remaining in Belgrade and Ottoman construction of new forts along the Danube while supporting Akinci raids into Hungarian territory presaged the approach of renewed conflict in Europe. Mathias Corvinus of Hungary got Stephen the Great of Moldavia to throw off Ottoman suzerainty and built a powerful military force to contest Ottoman rule in Wallachia. Hungarian ambitions in Moldavia led to a war with Stephen (1465- 1467), but the latter won easily, taking the Danubian forts of Kilia and Ibrail (1465) and emerging as the major leader in the area, able to concentrate his efforts against the Ottomans without having to worry about his rear. Stephen then invaded Wallachia and replaced the Ottoman puppet Radu with his own man (1471). Another threat to Ottoman rule came from the principality of Muscovy, whose Prince Ivan in the Great (1462-1505) had married Zoe (Sophia) Ottoman Empire 817 Paleologus, daughter of the last Byzantine despot of the Morea and niece of the last emperor. Accompanying the Byzantine princes were many Greek learned men and artists, who began the development of Muscovy as a centre of Greek Orthodox culture. Ivan himself was busy gathering together the various parts of what was to become Russia, but as the result of the marriage, he and his successors considered themselves the legal heirs to the Eastern Roman Empire and attempted make Moscow the new centre of the Orthodox Church as a demonstration of their aspirations. A third threat to Ottoman power came the Jagellonians of Lithuania and Poland, now ruled by Casimir IV (1447-1492), whose dominions extended as far east as the Ukraine, bordering Moldavia to the north and across the Dniester to the Black Sea in the east. They allied with the Golden Horde, which ruled to the north. The hans of the Crimean Tatars, Mengili Giray, while happy to accept the support of his Ottoman influence to the north shores of the Black Sea. In turn, then, he began to cooperate with Muscovy. Inspite of a conflict of interests, Stephen of Moldavia, the Jagellonians, Muscovy, the Golden Horde, and even the Crimean Tatars agreed on united action to prevent Ottoman domination of the Black Sea. In response Hadim Sulayman Pasha was sent from Albania through Serbia and Wallachia in the winter of 1475 to join the sultan in an attack on Moldavia. Because of illness, however, Muhammad was unable to bring his army from Istanbul, enabling Stephen to rout the Ottomans at Rakovitza (Racoca) January 17, 1475) with the help of Jagellonian and Hungarian troops. Muhammad was much more successful in the Crimea. He first used internal disputes in the Hanate family to replace Mengili Giray with his son Erminak Giray, who restored the tributary relationship and then cooperated with an Ottoman nava! expedition in capturing all the remaining Genoese colonies along the north shores of the Black Sea (June 1475). Muhammad then restored Mengili as a result of the intervention of the Crimean notables in Ottoman service, who said that Mengili would be better able to lead the Tatars against their enemies in the north. Mengili, in turn, accepted Ottoman suzerainty and agreed to provide military and financial support as needed. Thus Ottoman control of the Crimean Tatars was established. It was to continue for three centuries, providing the sultans with not only another base to control the Black Sea but also a regular supply of able fighting men. The power of the Crimean hans at this time was 818 Political and Cultural History of Islam not extensive, hardly extending beyond the Crimea itself, but with Ottoman help they were at least able to avoid being absorbed by Muscovy, as happened to the other Tatar Hanates at the time. They remained the principal Ottoman buffers to keep the Russians away from the Black Sea for another two centuries. In all these campaigns Muhammad personally led his armies in the field with the exception of those for the invasion of the Crimea, the attack on Rhodes, and the capture of Otranto, where he delegated the task to able generals, of whom he appears to have had an abundant supply. But there never was a great commander who more completely dominated the generals under him and maintained his supremacy in the State. He made no confidences as to his intended military operations or what were his immediate objects of attack. There were no councils of war. His armies were collected, year after year, on one side or other of the Bosphorus, without any one knowing their destination. When on one occasion, one of his generals asked him what was his next object, he replied that if a single hair of his beard knew what his intentions were he would pluck it out and cast it into the fire. He held secrecy and rapidity to be the first elements of success in war, and acted on this principle. Early in his reign Muhammad recognized the strategic value of Constantinople. It became the keystone of his Empire. He transferred the seat of his government to it from Adrianople. He fortified the Dardanelles by the erection of two castles on either side of it near Sestos and Abydos, each with thirty guns, which commanded the Straits. This secured his capital from attack. It prevented the entrance of a hostile fleet into the Sea of Marmora and the Black Sea. He added greatly to his navy and made it superior to that of any other single power in the Mediterranean. It gave him absolute supremacy in iho Black Sea and the Sea of Marmora. The piib-c-bsion.- ot the Genoese in the Black Sea were at his mercy. CHARACTER AND ACHIEVEMENTS Great as Muhammad was as a warrior and general, he was not less conspicuous as an administrator and statesman. The organization and provisioning of his armies in his numerous campaigns were especial!} worthy of notice. His soldiers were always well fed and amply equipped with guns and armaments. More than any one of his predecessors and successors, he founded mosques, hospitals, colleges, and schools in Constantinople and other cities of his Empire. He fully recognized the importance of T Ottoman Empire 819 science in education. He cultivated the society of learned men and loved to converse with them. He had some reputation as a poet. If one examines the various spheres of life during the age of the conqueror one notices developments, innovations and progress in all of them. There is no doubt that it was knowledge and cultural superiority that eventually vanquished the Byzantine Empire, culminating in the conquest of Constantinople. Again, after the conquest, the preservation of all the By/antine churches, and above all Hagia Sophia, with their mosaics, frescoes, and artistic ornaments, and even more remarkably, the toleration and help given to the Patriarchate, furnish outstanding proof of his superior and civilized culture The respect shown to works of art and to human rights won men’s hearts.’0 Economic Development Muhammad developed the economic life of his empire to provide a pool of wealth that could be taxed to finance his military and political activities. Encouragement was given to the expansion of native industry by Muslim Turks as well as the Greek and Armenian subjects of the sultan, with the cotton industry rising in western Anatolia, mohair cloth in Ankara and Kastamonu, silk in Bursa and Istanbul, woolen cioth in Salonica and Istanbul, and footwear in Edirne. Muhammad also worked to expand international trade to and through his dominions, ending the privileged economic position given Europeans under the B}zantines so that native Ottoman merchants would be able to gain a share in this trade. During Muhammad’s reign, Istanbul, Bursa, and Edirne resumed their former places as industrial and trade centers ail contributing to the general prosperity. Economic development alone, however was not sufficient to provide Muhammad with all the money needed to pay for the army, the building, and the new structure of government that he was creating. He resorted to increasing!} radical economic measures to secure the funds, achieving his immediate objectives but in the process disturbing the economic expansion that he had sought to stimulate. He debased the coinage, withdrawing all outstanding coined on five different occasions and reissuing them with increased alloys of base metals. Basic and essential commodities such as salt, soap, and candles were made into monopolies and fanned out at high prices to private merchants, who ’ Dr. Amir Hassan Siddiqui, Heroes of Islam. Part II, P. 63. 820 Political and Cultural History of Islam increased the retail prices to compensate their costs and secure high profits at the expense of the masses. Muhammad also enforced his right to ownership of all wealth-producing property in the empire as part of his attributes of sovereignty. Lands and other property that had originally belonged to the state and were later transferred to private ownership or to foundations were now confiscated; property titles were investigated to ensure that only the most valid ones were left out of state control. Most of the lands secured for the state in this way were divided into timar fiefs and assigned to members of the Sipahi cavalry later in Muhammad’s reign to restore at least partly some of the power of the Turkish aristocracy and thus counterbalance the growing power of the devsirme. Legislation and the Legal System One area of activity closely associated with the RomanByzantine heritage was codification. Muhammad II was the first Ottoman ruler to try to systematize and codify the different social and legal systems found in the conquered lands throughout the empire, incorporating specific practices into general patterns of government and society. In developing his centralized empire, Muhammad modified whatever contradicted his passion for control and then codified the results in a series of three codes of law (kanunname): The first, promulgated in 1453-1456, concerned the conditions and obligations of his subject; the second, in 1477-1478, concerned the organization of the Ottoman state and Ruling Class; and the third, introduced late in his reign, concerned economic organization, landholding, and taxes. Thus the laws, practices, and traditions developed during the previous centuries were brought together and institutionalized, marking the initial stages of a process that culminated a half-century later during the reign of Sulayman the magnificent (1520-1566). While the law codes of Byzantine emperors such as Theodosius II (408-450), and Justinian (527- 565) may have provided models for codification, Muhammad legislative activity also was based on the traditions of the great Turkish and Mongol empires of Central Asia, as introduced into the Middle East by the Seljuks. It was the Seljuks who fully developed the institution of the sultan as the secular ruler in Islam, standing beside the Caliph, who retained authority only in religious secular laws (kanun) in all those areas not covered in detail by the Islamic religious law. Muhammad II was the first Ottoman sultan to develop this right to legislate into full-fledged codes covering all aspects of government and society in a manner that previous Muslims rulers had never attempted or achieved. Ottoman Empire 821 Of the many unique military and administrative forms evolved by the Ottomans, the most notable included the devsirme system, whereby Christian youths from the Balkans were drafted and converted to Islam for a lifetime of service. The military arm supplied by the devsirme system was the janissary corps, an infantry group attached to the person of the sultan. Muhammad II developed the practice of requiring all members of the government and army, Turkish or Balkan, Muslim or non-Muslim, to sultan. But that means he hoped to ensure the indivisibility of power, with the entire ruling class sworn to absolute obedience.” According to Encyclopedia of Britannica, ”The conqueror reorganized the Ottoman government and, for he first time, codified the criminal law and the laws relating to his subjects in one code, whereas the constitution was elaborated in another, the two codes forming the nucleus of all subsequent legislation. In the utterly autocratic personality of the conqueror, the classical image of an Ottoman Badshah was born. He punished with the utmost severity those who resisted his decrees and laws, and even his Ottoman contemporaries considered him excessively hard.” Nevertheless, Muhammad may be considered the most broadminded and freethinking of the Ottoman sultans. After the fall of Constantinople, he gathered Italian Humanists and Greek scholars at his court; he caused their patriarch Gennadius II Scholarios to write a credo of the Christian faith and had it translated into Turkish; he collected in his palace a library of works in Greek and Latin. He called Gentile Bellini from Venice to decorate the walls of his palace with frescoes as well as to paint his palace with frescoes as well as to paint his portrait (now in the National Gallery, London). Around the grand mosque that he constructed, he erected eight colleges, which for nearly a century, kept their rank as the highest teaching institutions of the Islamic sciences in the empire. At times, he assembled the ’ulama’, or learned Muslim teachers, and caused them to discuss theological problems in his presence. In his reign, mathematics, astronomy, and Muslim theology reached their highest level among the Ottomans. And Muhammad himself left a Divan (a collection of poems in the traditional style of classical Ottoman literature).12 ” Encyclopedia of Britannica. Vol. IX. P 6 12 Encyclopedia of Britannica. Vol. VII. P 1014 822 Political and Cultural History of Islam Lane-Poole says, ”As a general he was superior even to his father; and his famous reply to one who asked him on a campaign what were his plans ”If a hair of my beard knew them I would pluck it out ” gives the keynote of his success: absolute secrecy and heightening rapidity of action.11 Sultan Muhammad also invited to his capital many scholars and artists from the west and thus Istanbul became a cultural centre for learning and arts indeed the most prominent one in the contemporary world. As a result of the great merging here of East and West, the age of conqueror displays a characteristic originality of its own. Within a very short space of time Istanbul became a fine city with many mosques, inns, baths, palaces, market places and similar buildings. The rapidity with which not only the capital of the Byzantine Empire but other towns as well changed their character is another proof of the tremendous achievements of the conqueror. The organization and provisioning of his armies in his numerous campaigns were specially worthy of notice. His soldiers were always well fed and were amply equipped with guns and armaments. He \uu> also the sole source of legislation for his Empire. He had supreme power over life and property of all his subjects. More than any of his predecessors and successors, he founded mosques, hospitals, colleges and schools in Constantinople and other cities of his Empire. He fully recognized the importance of science in education. He cultivates the society of learned men and loved to converse with them. He had some reputation as a poet. With all this he was notorious foe evil and sensual life in a direction which is held .< be infamous and degrading by all peoples. He was not only himself guilty of fratricide, but he prescribed it as a family law for his successors. He died at the age of fifty-one, after thirty years of reign. He had collected a great army for another campaign, but no one knew what his aims and intentions were, whether for another attack on Rhodes, or for the invasion of Candia, or to follow up his success in Calabria. His secret died with him. He was. the first Sultan to be buried at Constantinople, in the famous mosque which he built there. In spite of his cruelties and perfidies and of his evil life, he has been held in honour by successive generations of his countrymen, and has been rightly designated as ’the Conqueror.’14 Lane-Poole, P 70 Lord Eversely P HH CHAPTER 62 SULAYMAN THE MAGNIFICENT (1520-1566 A.D) It looks almost like a miracle that a small band of Central Asian Turks, having transplanted themselves in Asia Minor around the 13th Century A.D.. should have dominated the course of history and politics in Europe, Africa and Western Asia for centuries together. This band was a fragment of Oghouz Turks who followed thither their chieftain Ertughril (1250-1288 A.D) and got firmly established in Anatolia under his son and successor Usman (1288- 1326 AD) and hence came to be known as Ottoman Turks. The’ Ottomans established one of the longest-lived dynasties in history which lasted for nearly seven hundred years. They also produced an unusually large number of great monarchs and world conquerors, and our hero Sulayman the Magnificent waS tllC £’eaie::t of them all. According to Lane Poole. ”The long reign of Sulayman the Magnificent, who ascended the throne at the age of twenty-six, in 1520, and ruled in unequalled glory for nearly half a century is fraught with significance to Europe, and teems with so many events of the first importance that it deserves a volume to itself. We can only give a bare outline of the great wars and sieges that signalized this remarkable epoch: such scenes as the terrible battle of Mohacs, the conquest of Rhodes, the siege of Vienna, and of Szigeth, and the repulse at Malta, might well engage each a chapter to itself, but here the> must be depicted in outline, and the best will have been attained if the student is incited to read the fuller records which have been written of them in large works.” Sulayman lived at a wonderful epoch. All Europe, as well as the East, seemed to have conspired together to produce its greatest nilcrs in the sixteenth century, and to make its most astonishing 824 Political and Cultural History of Islam advances in all fields of civilization. The age which boasted of Charles V, the equal of Charlemagne in empire; of France; of our notable Henry VIII, and Elizabeth, queen of queens of Pope Leo X of Vasili Ivanovich, the founder of the Russian power of Sigismund of Poland; Shah Ismail of Persia; and of the Moghul Emperor Akbar, could yet point to no greater sovereign than Sulayman of Turkey. The century of Columbus, of Cortes, of Drake and Raleigh of Spenser and Shakespeare, the epoch that saw the revival of learning in Italy by the impulse of the refugees from Constantinople and which greeted at once the triumph of Christianity over Islam in Spain and the opening of a new world by Spanish enterprise, was hardly more brilliant in the West than in the East, where the unceasing victories of Sulayman, and the successes of Turghud and Barbarossa, formed a worthy counterpart to the achievements of the great soldiers and admirals of the Atlantic. Even the pirates of this age were unique they founded dynasties.’ But the most remarkable feat that the Turks achieved during this glorious century was - that they survived it. With such forces as were arrayed against them, with a Europe roused from its long sleep, and ready to seize arms and avenge its long disgrace upon the infidels, it was to be expected that the fall of the Ottoman power must ensue. Instead, we shall see that this power was not only able to meet the whole array of rejuvenated Europe on equal terms, but emerged from the conflict stronger and more triumphant than ever. Sulayman ascended the throne surrounded by the glamour which belonged to his youth and charm of manner, and to the affection which his gracious rule in more than one provincial government had inspired; but he owed something to the detestation which Saleem’s cruel character had evoked from all classes. The son differed by the whole heaven from his father. He was already renowned for his justice and clemency, and his first acts were calculated to strengthen the good opinion which had early been formed of his character. He began by punishing evil-doers, and especially such of the officers and Pashas who were proved to have been guilty of corruption and partiality. His greatest object was the same as that of the founder of the Ottoman Empire; he desired to see even- handed justice administered throughout the length and breadth of his vast dominions. The people rejoiced to see once more a Sultan Sulayman the Magnificent 825 they could love as well as fear, and welcomed Sulayman as another Murad. Alternating Campaigns and Internal Problems Much of Sulayman’s life, however, was devoted to a series of campaigns, partly forced on him and partly because of his desire to resume his father’s work of building a world empire. One of Sulayman’s greatest accomplishments in these campaigns was his success in avoiding conflict on different fronts in the same year. The army had feudal contingents that had to return to their fiefs in the winter to secure their revenues and replenish their men and equipment. Each campaign had to begin a new each spring from Istanbul, with the rare exception of those years when the sultan remained in the field during the winter so that he could begm the next year’s march without having to undergo the long preliminary march from the capital to the frontier. In view of the need for beginning in Istanbul it would have been almost impossible for the sultan to fight in the east and the west during the same year. But because he held the initiative and since his enemies held him in such awe that they rarely chose to initiate conflict with the Ottomans on their own, this problem was avoided. This station did mean, however, that he had to alternate his campaigns ,n the east and the west so that he could keep all his enemies off balance and not allow any of them to forget the brunt of his military might. Sulayman’s primary ambitions early ,n his reign were in Europe. But first he had to deal with several problems that arose soon after his accession-One was a revolt of the former Mamluks who had entered Saleem’s service in Syria, led by Canberd, alGazzali, the governor of Damascus, who hoped to take Egypt and establish a restored Marnluk Empire while the new sultan was busy in the West. But while Damascus fell eas.iy to the rebels, the r\~. f A i/=nnn was ab e to organize the feudal forces Ottoman governor of Aiepp0 vvd:> a, & of the areas and suppress the rebels by the end of 1527. To stabilize Ottoman rule in the area the old Marnluk administrative organization , , , i-;^.atpH and rep aced by the regular Ottoman and leaders were eliminated anu i<^H j & f , i . ... M,a or,if» exception or Mount Lebanon, which was feudal system, with the sole ext^u^ . 2 • i x .~~ .c status under its feudal leaders, given special autonomous siaius unu^i The second problem to occupy Sulayman’s attention was the island of Rhodes, a dangerous outpost of Christianity in an otherw.se 1 Lane-Poole. Pill Stand r ord P 88 826 Political and Cultural History of Islam T Ottoman sea. The pirates of Rhodes were capturing large numbers of ships bringing grain and gold from the new Arab provinces and carrying pilgrims to and from the Holy Cities, thus threatening the sultan’s prestige as well as his pockets. Strategic as well as political reasons impelled Sulayman to neutralize Rhodes before moving into Central Europe. Conquests He had not been long seated on the throne when the occasion arrived for him to vindicate that title of ”Lord of the Age” which his courtiers bestowed on him, and which was recorded on his official documents. The Hungarians had insulted and tortured his envoy, and vengeance must follow. All the materials for a campaign were ready; Saleem had left him a ripe fruit, and he had only to pluck it. In 1521 he took the old familiar road of Turkish generals and marched upon Hungary. Belgrade, which had repelled Muhammad the Conqueror, yielded to his even greater successor. The church was turned into a mosque, the fortifications strengthened, and, to the days of Prince Eugene, ”deredle Ritter,” the key of the Danube formed a jewel in the Ottoman crown. The effect of the victory was immediateVenice, in consternation, humbled herself as the Sultan’s vassal, and paid him twofold tribute for Zante and Cyprus. It was only the first rumble of the storm, however. In the following year, 1522, an even more renowned place fell before Sulayman’s assault. Rhodes, where Muhammad II had received a second repulse, was now besieged by Sulayman with all the strength of his empire. A hundred thousand troops by land, and ten thousand by sea, encompassed the devoted island; and all the efforts of the heroic Grand Master, Villiers de L’Isle Adam, could not avail to prevent the fall of the stronghold of the Knights of St. John. For close upon five months they met mine with countermine, and repelled four tremendous assaults with heavy loss; but no garrison, without any prospect of a relieving force, could withstand for ever the skilful engineering of the Turks, who were the masters of Europe in the art of making regular approaches against a fortified position, and possessed the best artillery in the world. They were allowed twelve days to leave the island with their property and arms; the people of Rhodes were to have full privilege of the exercise of their religion, and to be free from tribute for five years. So deeply were the Turks impressed by the valour of the Knights, that even Sulayman the Magnificent 827 their armorial escutcheons, which stood over their houses, were left undisturbed, and may be seen there to this day.3 The first year’s campaign had ended in the capture of Belgrade, the second had brought surrender of Rhodes; the one had opened Hungary, the other had delivered up the Levantine waters to the Ottoman fleets. Now for two years the Sultan busied himself in the internal administration of his empire and in putting down a revolt in Egypt. He soon found out his mistake in intermitting the annual expeditions which had kept his large standing army in goods temper. The Janissaries began to mutiny, and though the Sultan at first tried the effect of boldness, and with his own hands slew two of the leaders of the insurrection, he found himself forced at last to pacify them by a large bribe, like Sultans before and since, to the great damage of the imperial authority and impoverishment of the treasury. It became necessary to gratify the soldier’s love of war and booty, and Sulayman resolved on a campaign in Hungary, being the more encouraged to it by the advice of the ambassador sent to the Porte by Francis I of France, who was anxious to divert his great rival Charles V from further designs in the west.4 The decision was due, however, as much to another vice as to the machinations of the French king. Sulayman, great as he was, shared his greatness with a second mind, to which his reign owed much of its brilliance. The Grand Wazir Ibrahim was the counterpart of the Grand Monarch Sulayman. He was the son of a sailor at Parga, and had been captured by Corsairs, by whom he was sold to be the slave of a widow at Magnesia. Here he passed into the hands of the young prince Sulayman, then governor of Magnesia, and soon his extraordinary talents and address brought him promotion. The Tuiks have a proverb: ”When God gives office he gives also the ability to fill it”: and it was so with the young man who, form being Grand Falconer on the accession of Sulayman, rose to be first minister and almost co-Sultan in 1523. He was the object of the Sultan’s tender regard; an emperor knows better than most men solitary is life without friendship and love, and Sula>man loved this man more than a brother. Ibrahim was not only a friend, he was as entertaining and instructive companion. He read Persian, Greek, and Italian; he knew how to open unknown 1 Lane-Poole, P 114 4 Lane-Poole. P 115 826 Political and Cultural History of Islam Sulayman the Magnificent 827 Ottoman sea. The pirates of Rhodes were capturing large numbers of ships bringing grain and gold from the new Arab provinces and carrying pilgrims to and from the Holy Cities, thus threatening the sultan’s prestige as well as his pockets. Strategic as well as political reasons impelled Sulayman to neutralize Rhodes before moving into Central Europe. Conquests He had not been long seated on the throne when the occasion arrived for him to vindicate that title of ”Lord of the Age” which his courtiers bestowed on him, and which was recorded on his official documents. The Hungarians had insulted and tortured his envoy, and vengeance must follow. All the materials for a campaign were ready; Saleem had left him a ripe fruit, and he had only to pluck it. In 1521 he took the old familiar road of Turkish generals and marched upon Hungary. Belgrade, which had repelled Muhammad the Conqueror, yielded to his even greater successor. The church was turned into a mosque, the fortifications strengthened, and, to the days of Prince Eugene, ”deredle Ritter,” the key of the Danube formed a jewel in the Ottoman crown. The effect of the victory was immediate’ Venice, in consternation, humbled herself as the Sultan’s vassal, and paid him twofold tribute for Zante and Cyprus. It was only the first rumble of the storm, however. In the following year, 1522, an even more renowned place fell before Sulayman’s assault. Rhodes, where Muhammad II had received a second repulse, was now besieged by Sulayman with all the strength of his empire. A hundred thousand troops by land, and ten thousand by sea, encompassed the devoted island; and all the efforts of the heroic Grand Master, Villiers de L’Isle Adam, could not avail to prevent the fall of the stronghold of the Knights of St. John. For close upon five months they met mine with countermine, and repelled four tremendous assaults with heavy loss; but no garrison, without any prospect of a relieving force, could withstand for ever the skilful engineering of the Turks, who were the masters of Europe in the art of making regular approaches against a fortified position, and possessed the best artillery in the world. They were allowed twelve days to leave the island with their property and arms; the people of Rhodes were to have full privilege of the exercise of their religion, and to be free from tribute for five years. So deeply were the Turks impressed by the valour of the Knights, that even their armorial escutcheons, which stood over their houses, were left undisturbed, and may be seen there to this day.3 The first year’s campaign had ended in the capture of Belgrade, the second had brought surrender of Rhodes; the one had opened Hungary, the other had delivered up the Levantine waters to the Ottoman fleets. Now for two years the Sultan busied himself in the internal administration of his empire and in putting down a revolt in Egypt. He soon found out his mistake in intermitting the annual expeditions which had kept his large standing army in goods temper. The Janissaries began to mutiny, and though the Sultan at first tried the effect of boldness, and with his own hands slew two of the leaders of the insurrection, he found himself forced at last to pacify them by a large bribe, like Sultans before and since, to the great damage of the imperial authority and impoverishment of the treasury. It became necessary to gratify the soldier’s love of war and booty, and Sulayman resolved on a campaign in Hungary, being the more encouraged to it by the advice of the ambassador sent to the Porte by Francis I of France, who was anxious to divert his great rival Charles V from further designs in the west.4 The decision was due, however, as much to another vice as to the machinations of the French king. Sulayman, great as he was, shared his greatness with a second mind, to which his reign owed much of its brilliance. The Grand Wazir Ibrahim was the counterpart of the Grand Monarch Sulayman. He was the son of a sailor at Parga, and had been captured by Corsairs, by whom he was sold to be the slave of a widow at Magnesia. Here he passed into the hands of the young prince Sulayman, then governor of Magnesia, and soon his extraordinary talents and address brought him promotion. The Turks have a proverb: ”When God gives office he gives also the ability to fill it”: and it was so with the young man who, form being Grand Falconer on the accession of Sulayman, rose to be first minister and almost co-Sultan in 1523. He was the object of the Sultan’s tender regard; an emperor knows better than most men solitary is life without friendship and love, and Sula>man loved this man more than a brother. Ibrahim was not only a friend, he was as entertaining and instructive companion. He read Persian, Greek, and Italian; he knew how to open unknown ’ Lane-Poole, P 114 4 Lane-Poole. P 115 828 Political and Cultural History of Islam worlds to the Sultan’s mind, and Sulayman drank in his Wazir’s wisdom with assiduity. They lived together: their meals were shared in common; even their beds were in the same room. The Sultan gave his sister in marriage to the sailor’s son, and Ibrahim was at the summit of power. Ibrahim deserved his success. He was great in war and in peace. He alone knew how to appease the Janissaries and he counselled and led the expedition against Vienna. Accordingly in 1526 the Ottoman army, mustering at least 100,000 men and three hundred guns, marched north headed by the Sultan in person. Louis II of Hungary met him on August 29th on the fatal field of Mohacs with a far inferior force, and the result was disastrous to the Christians. The king, and many of his nobles and bishops, and over 200,000 Hungarians fell on the fatal post, where the encounter is known as ”The Destruction of Mohacs.” Buda and Pesth were occupied, the whole country roundabout ravaged, and 100,000 captives were driven back to be sold as slaves. The spoils of the palace of Matthias Corvinus and its famous library were added to those of the Palaeologi in the Seraglio at the Golden Horn. For over a century Hungary had been the rampart of Europe against the Turks. The campaign of Mohacs made Hungary an Ottoman province for a hundred and forty years.5 The ruling influence which the Sultan exercised over the appointment of his deputy, the nominal king of Hungary took him northward again in 1529 to his place own candidate upon the throne- Zapolya, formerly Voyvode of Transylvania, who had withheld his help from Hungary at the battle of Mohacs. The Archduke Ferdinand of Austria, brother of Charles V, however, claimed the throne, and Sulayman had to interfere in the civil war. Ferdinand in vain sent ambassadors to arrange a truce, and make terms with the indignant Sultan. The messengers were dismissed, and Ferdinand was told that the Sultan was coming, and would expect to meet him at Mohacs or at Pesth, or should he fail to appear, he would breakfast with him at Vienna itself. And he came with a vengeance, bringing a quarter of a million of men at his heels. In September 1529, the army retook often (Buda) from Ferdinand’s garrison, not without treason from within. Zapolya was restored, and the Sultan proceeded to execute his threat of advancing upon Vienna. It is worth recording that Sulayman released the commander of Buda on parole that he would not fight against the Turks during 1 Lanc-Poole. P 116 Sulayman the Magnificent 829 the campaign, and this generous act was done inspite of the murmurs Of the Janissaries, who were enraged at not being allowed to plunder the Hungarian capital, and even against the urgent representations of the Hungarians of Zapolya’s party, who were now ranged with the Sultan ready to attack their countrymen and besiege Vienna. For a century and a half the capital of Hungary remained a Turkish outpost. On September 21st Sulayman crossed the Raab at Altenburg, and let loose his terrible troops of irregular cavalry or ”Sackmen, ” as they are called in contemporary German records, upon the stricken land. Far and wide these fierce riders forayed, under savage leader Mikhal Oglu, who was a descendant of Scant Beard Mikhal, a close ally of the first Usman. They carried devastation and misery among the villages, destroying and burning everything, and bearing off into captivity men, women, and children. Place after place surrendered, in terror of the Ottoman army and the scourge of the Sackmen. Pesth fell without a blow. The Archbishop of Gran surrendered his city, and sought refuge in the Sultan’s camp. Comorn was abandoned: Raab was burned: Altenburg betrayed, Burck, however, made a stout defence, and the Sultan, always pleased with a show of courage, accorded the garrison the lenient condition that they should only do him homage after the fall of Vienna. Meanwhile Austria was striving to collect some adequate force wherewith to meet the overwhelming hosts of the Turks. Every tenth man was called out for service and the neighbouring states sent contributions to the army but it was still miserably unequal to the demand which was to be made upon its valour. Ferdinand implored aid of the empire and the Diet of Spires, moved by the rumour that Sulayman had sworn not to stop short of the Rhine, voted a puny force of 12,000 foot and 4,000 horse. Even this was not granted without interminable discussion, and the choice of a commander still remained a hotly debated question, when the Turks were already over the Save and had won their way into Pesth. ”There were not wanting men hard of belief, pedants of the true German stamp, who maintained that mere apprehension had exaggerated the danger; and finally it was agreed at Ratisbon, to which city the assembly had transferred itself, to send a deputation of two persons to Hungary to investigate the state of affairs on the spot. They went, and having the good fortune to escape the hands of he Turks, returned with evidence sufficient to satisfy the doubts of their sagacious employers. 830 Political and Cultural History of Islam It soon became evident that Austria could not muster an army of any service in time to check the Turkish advance; and the efforts of the Christians were now devoted to the defence of the capital. ”In Vienna, the necessary preparations had been made with almost superhuman exertion, but in such haste and with so little material, that they could only be considered as very inadequate to the emergency. The city itself occupied the same ground as at present the defences were old and in great part ruinous, the walls scarcely six feet thick and the outer palisade so frail and insufficient that the name Stadtzaun, or city hedge, which it bears in the municipal records of the time, was literally as well as figuratively appropriate. The citadel was merely the old building which now exists under the name of Schweitzer Hof. All the houses which lay too near the wall were levelled to the ground; where the wall was specially weak or out of repair a new entrenched line of earthen defence was constructed and well palisaded; within the city itself, from the Stuben to the Karnthner or Carinthian gate, an entirely new wall twenty feet high was constructed with a ditch interior to the old. The bank of the Danube was also entrenched and palisaded, and from the drawbirdge to the Salz gate protected with a rampart capable of resisting artillery. As a precaution against fire, the shingles with which the houses were generally roofed were throughout the city removed. The pavement of the streets was taken up to deaden the effect of the enemy’s shot, and watch posts established to guard against conflagration. Parties were detached to scour the neighbouring country in search of provisions, and to being in cattle and forage. Finally, to provide against the possibility of a protracted siege, useless consumers, women, children, old men, and ecclesiastics, were as far as possible forced to withdraw from the city,” too often only to fall into the ruthless hands of the Sackmen. Behind these hastily improvised defences, the veteran Count of Salm, who had seen half a century of service in the field, posted his garrison of 20,000 foot, 2,000 horse, and 1,000 volunteer burghers, and manned the seventy guns which formed the artillery of the city. At the last moment, when the Turks, having taken Bruck and Altenburg, were almost upon the capital, the order was given to destroy the suburbs, lest they should afford cover to the besiegers The unfortunate inhabitants deprived of their homes thus late, had no time to escape from the harries bf the Sackmen, who now spread over the whole country 40,000 strong, burning and slaying wherever Sulayman the Magnificent 831 they went, murdering ..iborn children, and brutally destroying helpless girls, whose insulted bodies lay unheeded upon the roads: ”God rest their souls, and grant vengeance upon the bloodhounds who did this wrong!” as a writer of the day indignantly exclaims. It was stated at the time that scarcely a third of the inhabitants of Upper Austria survived this calamitous invasion. On the 27th of September, the Sultan and his Grand Wazir Ibrahim brought the main army before the city. ”The country within sight of the walls as far as Schwechat and Trautmannsdorf was covered with tents, the number of which was calculated at 30,000, nor could the sharpest vision from St. Stephen’s tower overlook the limit of the circle so occupied. The flower of the Trukish force the Janissaries took possession of the ruins of the suburbs, which afforded them an excellent cover from the fire of the besieged. They also cut loopholes in the walls still standing from which they directed a fire of small ordnance had musketry on the walls of the city. The tent of Sulayman rose in superior splendour over all others at Simmering. Hangings of the richest tissue separated its numerous compartments from each other, costly carpets and cushions and divans studded with jewels formed the furniture. Its numerous pinnacles were terminated by knobs of massive gold. Five hundred archers of the royal guard though inferior splendour the tents of ministers and favourites; and 12,000 Janissaries, the terror of their enemies, and not unfrequently of their masters, were encamped in a circle round this central sanctuary.” While this immense army of a quarter of a million of which, however, probably not more than a third was fully armed, invested the city, the circuit was completed by means of the four hundred vessels which constituted the marine part of the siege, on the Lobau. The work of approaching the walls now began. The Turks had been compelled by heavy rains to leave their siege guns behind them, and they had only field pieces and musketry. Accordingly mines were the chief weapon in which they trusted. For a fortnight they exerted all their noted skill in burrowing under the walls and tower and laying mines in the most propitious positions; but all to no purpose. The besieged kept a watchful eye upon every approach and no sooner was a mine carefully laid, than it was destroyed by a countermine or its powder was extracted by an exploring party working from the cellars within the city. The Viennese were in good spirits and even ventured to indulge in jokes at the Sultan’s expense. Sulayman had 832 Political and Cultural History of Islam vowed to take his breakfast in Vienna on the 29th of September, and when the morning arrived, and the city was unsubdued, the inhabitants sent out prisoners to his tent, to tell him that his breakfast was getting cold, and they were afraid they had no better cheer to offer him but the produce of the guns on the battlements. Such pleasantries relieved the tedium of mines and countermines, varied by the occasional sallies which the besieged made from time to time without much result. On October 9th the Turks effected a broad breach by the side of Karnthner gate, but three successive storming parties were repulsed, and the breach was repaired. On the llth another and greater breach was made, and for three hours the assailants fought hand to hand with the defenders, till at midday they were forced to abandon the assault. All thee next day the walls were the scene of protracted conflicts between the storming parties and the besieged, who still manfully resisted every effort of the Turks to gain a footing inside the defences. The Sultan was enraged, and his troops afflicted by the severe weather and bad food, and weary of daily defeat, became more and more discouraged, so that they had to be driven to the assault by their officer’s swords and whips. At last, on the 14th a final attempt was made. Every preparation had been made by both sides, and at nine o’clock the Janissaries and the flower of the Ottoman army came on to the attack. The soldiers however were dispirited, and when the Wazir and his officers urged them on with stick and sabre, they cried that they would rather die by the hands of their own officers than face the long muskets of the Spaniards and the German spits, as they called the Lanzkechts’ long swords. Still when a breach had been made twenty-four fathoms wide the Turks were forced to the assault. The efforts of such unwilling men were of no avail against the resolute defence of the Spaniards and Germans of the garrison. As an instance of the courage of the besieged a story is told of a Portuguese and a German, of whom one had lost his right arm and the other his left in repelling the assault: the two then stood together side close to side, and thus made up a whole man between them. When even the halves of soldiers can fight, such exhausted energies as were left to the Turks might well succumb. The last assault had failed, and Sulayman ordered a retreat. The Janissaries set fire to their camp, and flung into the flames-it is to be hoped without the Sultan’s knowledge-the old people and children who were prisoners, and cut to pieces the remainder. After this disgusting and useless revenge, Sulayman the Magnificent 833 they set out on their retreat, to the music of the salvo of artillery which the delighted garrison now discharged from the ramparts of Vienna, and the ringing of all the bells which during the siege had been silenced. Had they been nearer they would have heard the solemn strains of the Te Deum which was being celebrated in St. Stephen’s where the defenders were rendering their glad thanks for the victory. Sulayman pursued his way, harassed by skirmishing bodies of Austrian cavalry, till he reached Pesth, and thence departed for Constantinople, where he made a triumphant entry, and proclaimed that he had pardoned the infidel, and that, as the city of Vienna was so far from his frontiers, he had not deemed it necessary to ”clear out the fortress, or purify, improve, and put it into repair”. Such was the view sedulously inculcated into the minds of his subjects, when the disastrous siege of Vienna was spoken of. Of the 20,000 or 30,000 men who fell in the siege, Sulayman would probably not be expected to say much. The 14th of October which saw the abandonment of the siege of Vienna, and the limit set to the rush of Turkish advance, is a famous day in German history: it is the anniversary of the peace of Westphalia and of Vienna, the battles of Hochkirchen, Jena, and Leipzig, and of the capture of Ulm. Three years later Sulayman returned to the attack, followed by an even larger army; but the Emperor Charles V had now taken up the gauntlet, and his forces were too considerable for a rash engagement. Sulayman did not care to risk his kong tide of success, already once broken by his failure at Vienna, upon so hazardous a chance as an open battle with Charles; and after again ravaging the country with the lawless bands of Akinji, made peace at Constantinople in 1533; Hungary was divided between the two claimants, Ferdinand and Zapolya, and the Sultan retained his advantages. The peace was, however, very transitory, for in 1541 the Sultan led his ninth campaign, and after gaining many advantages over the Austrians compelled Charles V and Ferdinand to sue for peace, so in 1547 a truce was signed for five years. The Archduke Ferdinand was to pay a tribute of 30,000 ducats a year to his master the Sultan, and was proud to be addressed as the brother of his master’s wazir. Sulayman retained all Hungary and Transylvania, and had certainly corrfe out for the long struggle with the honours of war. Many of the Hungarian cities, however, stoutly resisted his domination, and their defenders performed prodigies of valour. When the five years were over, hostilities were punctually resumed, 834 Political and Cultural History of Mam and continued un- ceasingly and unproductively until Sulayman’s death in 1566. Internal Reforms Sulayman began his reign with a campaign to secure justice and virtue in order to gain for himself the loyalty of those subjects alienated by his father’s forceful policies No more unpopular measure had been pursued by Saleem than the one prohibiting trade with Iran - the Ottoman merchants suffered as much as their Persian counterparts. Now these prohibitions were ended, the goods that had been confiscated returned and compensation paid. Artisans and intellectuals brought to Istanbul from Azerbaijan and Egypt were allowed to return to their homes if they wished, although liberal incentives ultimately induced most to remain Sulayman attempted to build a system of justice to end the possibility of violent and arbitrary actions such as those of Saleem and Muhammad II, and he substituted a new emphasis on protection for the lives, property, and honour of individuals regardless of religion A day after taking the throne he decreed that soldiers should pay for all provisions taken along the paths of their campaigns in Ottoman or enemy territory. Taxes were levied only according to the ability to pay, with the extra taxes and confiscations of his predecessors prohibited. The system of courts previously established was enlarged, and additional police and inspectors were charged with seeing that the court decrees and the laws were obeyed The administration was reorganized with officials admonished that violations of the rights of the subjects would be treated with severity. Dismissals came only for good reason, not because of the whims of the sultan and the higher officials of state Only merit was to be considered in the appointment, assignment, and promotion of officials, and palace intervention in administrative affairs was to end. Hundreds of legal scholars and jurists were brought into the sultan’s service. As the years went on, whether Sulayman was campaigning or in Istanbul, laws and law codes were issued that institutionalized and defined the structure of government as well as the rights and responsibilities of all members of the Ruling Class as well as the subjects of the sultan.’ CHARACTER AND ACHIEVEMENTS Sulayman is perhaps the greatest figure in Turkish history. His personal qualities were superb: his wisdom, justice, generosity, ’ Stand Ford, P 87 Sulayman the Magnificent 835 kindness, and courtesy were a proverb, and his intellectual gifts were the counterpart of his fine moral nature. His reign had not passed without its blots; he had done more than one cruel deed: he had sacrificed his dear friend and peerless minister Ibrahim in a fit of jealousy in 1536, and never cease to regret his fault; and spurred on by a clever and unscrupulous Russian wife, who rejoiced in the name of Khurrem or Joyous, and whom all the nations of Europe have adopted under the name of Roxelana, he had killed the most hopeful of his sons, his firstborn, Mustafa, who showed such promise of rivalling his father that Khurrem deemed the chances of her own son Saleem unsafe while the splendid young prince survived; and other executions had stained his career. But these were the rare exceptions. The rule was justice, prudence, and magnanimity, and Sulayman deserves all the praised that have been lavished upon him by historians of every nationality. He left his century the better for his generous example. He left the Turkish arms respected by land and sea While the horsetails had waved before Vienna, the Sultan’s galleys had swept the seas to the coasts of Spain. It was the age of great admirals, and Charles V’s splendid Doria found a rival in Kheyr Uddin Barbarossa, the corsair of Tunis, and victor over Pope, Emperor, and Doge at the battle of Prevesa (1538);-in Dragut (Torghud), who finished his daring career at the fatal siege of Malta when, despite the corsai’s valour, the Knights wrought golden deeds of heroism, and dealt as deadly a blow at Turkish prestige as even the Count of Salm had struck from the walls of Vienna; -and in Piali the conqueror of Oran and Worster of Doria himself. Most of the Turkish naval successes were the work of semi-independent adventurers, pirates, or buccaneers, whose venturesome exploits belong rather to the ”Story of the Corsairs” than to the legitimate history of Turkey. ”Sultan Sulayman left to his successors an empire to the extent of which few permanent additions were ever made, except the islands of Cyprus and Candia, and which under no subsequent Sultan maintained or recovered the wealth, power, and prosperity which it enjoyed under the great lawgiver of the house of Usman. The Turkish dominions in his time comprised all the most celebrated cities of biblical and classical history, except Rome, Syracuse, and Persepolis. The sites of Carthage, Memphis, Tyre, Nineveh, Babylon, and Palmyra were Ottoman ground, and the cities of Alexandria, Jerusalem, Smyrna, Damascus, Nice, Brusa, Athens, Philippi, and Adrianople, besides many of later but scarce inferior celebrity, such as Algiers, Cairo, Makkah, Medina, Basra, Baghdad, and Belgrade, obeyed the Sultan of Constantinople. 836 Political and Cultural History of Islam The Nile, the Jordan, the Orontes, the Euphrates, the Tigris the Tanais, the Borysthenes, the Danube, the Hebrus, and the Ilyssus’ rolled their waters ’within the shadow of the Horsetails.’ The eastern recess of the Mediterranean, the Propontis, the Palus Maeotis, the Euxine, and the Red Sea, were Turkish lakes. The Ottoman crescent touched the Atlas and the Causcasus; it was supreme over Athos, Sinai, Ararat, Mount Carmel, Mount Taurus, Ida, Olympus, Pelion, Haemus, the Carpathian and the Acroceraunian heights. An empire of more than forty thousand square miles, embracing many of the richest and most beautiful regions of the world, had been acquired by the descendants of Ertoghrul, in three centuries from the time when their forefather wandered a homeless adventurer at the head of less than five hundred fighting men.7 Like so many of his predecessors, Sulayman had a strong bent towards literary studies and poetry. His poems have a reputation among his countrymen for dignity. He compiled a daily journal of his campaigns which is of historical value. He was liberal patron of science and art. His reign was the Augustan age of Turkey. He was generous in his expenditure on mosques, colleges, hospitals, aqueducts and bridges, not only in Constantinople but in all the principal cities of his Empire. As a man, he was warm-hearted and sincere, and honourably pure from the depraved sensuality so common among the royalty. He is noted for his princely courage, his military genius, his high and enterprising spirit, his strict observance of the laws of his religion without any taint of bigoted persecution, the order and economy which he combined with so much grandeur and munificence, his liberal encouragement of art and literature, his zeal for the diffusion fo education, the conquests by which he extended his empire, and the wise and comprehensive legislation with which he provided for the good government of all his subjects. It must be admitted on an impartial review of Sulayman’s reign that he was the greatest ruler of his age in a generation of famous rulers in Europe including Charles V, Francis I, Leo X, Henry VIII Sigmund of Poland and others. He excelled them all in the deeds and qualities which constitute the greatness and fame of a ruler. He is thus entitled to all the three titles viz, the Qanuni (Legislator), Sahib-i-Qiran (Lord of the Age), and above all, the Magnificent bestowed upon him by the historians of the East and West. 1 ane-Poole, P 127. Or Amir Hassan Siddiqi, P 74 Sulayman the Magnificent 837 Whatever the political economists of the present time may think of the legislation of Sulayman as to wages, manufactures and retail trade, their highest praises are due to the enlightened liberality with which the foreign merchant was welcomed in his empire. The earliesrt of the contracts, called capitulations, which guarantee to the foreigm merchant in Turkey full protection for person and property, the free exercise of his religion and the safeguard of his own laws admini stered by functionaries of his own nation, was granted by Sulayman to France in 1535. An extremely moderate custom duty was the onl’y impost on foreign merchandise; and the costly and vexatious system of prohibitive and protective duties has been utterly unknown among the Ottomans. No stipulation for reciprocity ever clogged the wise lifcerality of Turkey in her treatment of the foreign merchant who became her resident, or in her admission of his ships and his goods. The finance of the Empire under Sulayman was most careful ly husbanded. He fully recognised the strenght given to his country by a well filled treasury. Taxation was comparatively light. Janissa-ries and Sipahis numbering together about fifty thousand, formedl the standing army and were well paid. The holders of fiefs throughout the Empire were bound to military service in time of war, and to fcring horses and arms. They numbered about eighty thousand, and received no pay. Neither did the hordes of irregular cavalry, Tratars and others who accompanied armies, receive pay. They were given d3ue share in the booty captured during the wars. Under these conditions, the wars of Sulayman were not burdensome to the State.9 Thus ended the reign of the man considered by some to be the greatest of the sultans. Coming to the throne with a base of wealth and power unequaled by any predecessor of successor, he added rto the empire Hungary, Transylvania, Tripoli, Algiers, Iraq, Rhodess, eastern Anatolia from Van to Ardahan, part of Georgia, the mosi ’.mpoiiani AegCS” halnds. Belgrade, and Cerbs. Hs successsfully fought the Habsburgs in the Mediterranean and the Protegees in the eastern seas, making the empire a major naval power. Ottoman institutions reached their peak during his reign, and, as we s hall see, there was considerable cultural accomplishment. But signs o’f trouble were also discernible. His reign saw the triumph of the dev sirme, the retirement of the sultan from active direction of the government the rise to power of the harem, a failure to deal with the GConorraic and social problems that were causing major discontent, and consequent mass uprisings in Rumeli and Anatolia. AH these were Sulayman’s heritage to his successors in the century that followed.10 \mrir Hassan Siddiqi. P 75 md Ford, Pill CHAPTER 63 OTTOMAN STATE SYSTEM AND THEIR DECLINE According to Halide Edib, ”The formula which would explain in ingredients that went to the making of the Ottomans as state-builders would be this: Ottoman Turkish strength and nomadic virtues plus Islamic principles of social justice and nondiscrimination of race plus Greek ideas of bodily training plus Byzantine organisation plus Roman realism and strength plus Plato’s Republic’. In this formula the inclusion of Plato’s ’Republic’ may perhaps appear as a far-fetched idea to some. But I am not the only student of Ottoman history and system who is struck by its influence. Professor Lyber, the author of ’Sulayman the Magnificent,’ a work which I believe to be the most classical and masterly study of the Ottoman system by a modern writer, comes to the same conclusion: ’Perhaps, no more daring experiment has been tried on a large scale upon the face of the earth than that embodied in the Ottoman ruling institution its nearest idea is found in the ”Republic” of Plato. Plato would have been delighted with the training of the Sultan’s family. He would have approved of the lifelong education, the equally careful training of body and mind, the separation into soldiers and rulers, the relative freedom from family ties, the system’s rigid control of the individual and, above all, of the government of the wise. Whether the founders of the Ottoman system were acquainted with Plato will pianably never be known, but they seem to have come as near to his plan as it is possible to come to a remarkable scheme. In some practical ways they improved upon Halide 1 dib, Conflict of East and West in Tuikey, PP 17-18. Ottoman State System and their Decline 839 Plato - by avoiding the uncertainties of heredity, by ensuring a balance of power, and making their system capable of a vast imperial rule.2 The Ottoman State was a military state par excellence. We have seen that it was the Ghazi movement which built up the Ottoman State and forced it to expand westward. Hence its military character remained the most dominant characteristic of the Ottoman State. Thus Gibb says: Owing to the direction that this expansion took, not only was a certain Byzantinism impressed from its beginnings on the growing Ottoman State, but, even more important, its military character was preserved for good for though the frontier of Islam was thereby advanced simultaneously, and it thus remained, as it were, a frontier organization with all the obligations of military preparedness that this necessitated. Moreover, the expansion was so rapid as to forbid an assimilation of the infidel populations included within the new frontiers. A military government was necessary on this account as well, therefore to keep the peace between them and hold them down. The head of the civil as well as the military government was, of course, the Sultan. He was the only individual in the State whose hereditary rights were recognized, but he had no Divine lights. He was trained from his early youth and made to serve as a private soldier in his own army and work in the civil administration, in order to get experience before he became a Sultan. ”Except in so far, then, as the obligation to maintain Seria [Shari ah] was concerned (an obligation for the rest, more loyally accepted by the Ottoman Sultans than by any other previous universal Islamic dynasty), it may be concluded that the general conception of the powers and functions of the monarchy in the Ottoman Empire was but little affected by Islamic ideas. The Seleukids [Saljuqids] had been thoroughly impregnated with Persian doctrines which fitted in but too well with Turkish views based upon the military organization of the Turkish tribe and these they had passed on to their Ottoman successor. The main function of the World-creator-hunkar, one of the favourite titles of the Ottoman Sultans - was to keep the world on its axis by seeing that his army was paid and that no class of his subjects trespassed upon the rights and duties of any other class. The weaker the ’ H A R. Gibb. and Bowen, Islamic Society and the West, Vol. I, Part I, P.41. 840 Political and Cultural History of Islam personal authority and influence of a Sultan, the more rigidly was he held to the strict observance of traditional customs and usages.”3 The Sultan had the power of make laws on his own authority if they were not repugnant to the Shari’ah. These laws were called Qanuns. The Ulema who were the guardians of Shari’ah recognized the personal initiative of the Sultan in legislation on matters concerning TJrf or Customs. The Ottoman State system may be divided into two parts: the Ruling Institution. The Ruling Institution, apart from the Sultan himself, included the officers of his household, the executive officers of his government, the whole body of the army, ”standing” and feudal, and the navy. In the best days of the Ottoman rule all posts in the Ruling Institution, except most of those in the feudal army and the navy, were as a rule filled by the personal slaves of the Sultan, either conscripted from the Christian population or acquired in some other manner. The Muslim institution consisted of the ulema with the Shaikh al-Islam at its head. This was another strong and very definitely trained caste, an independent body whose primary duty was to supervise the religious and judicial affairs of the Muslim. The ulema always had existed in Muslim States. But the Turks were the only people who converted them into a regular institution and incorporated them as part of the state structure. This regimentation of the religious class had nothing to do with Islam. It was the product of the Turkish national genius, and, therefore, Islam ought not to be blamed for some of the glaring evils which resulted in later times from bureaucratising the upholders of Islamic Law and turning them into cogs of the state machinery. In the beginning, however, the ulema played a most commendable and progressive role in the state structure of the Ottoman. They acted as a moral control over the rigid despotism of the state, because they could depose the Sultan, and no new law could be passed without their approval. They were also the only defenders of the rights of non-Muslims. In more than one instance they stood up against forcible conversion of the Christians. But for the ulema and the Shari’ah of Islam, the Ottoman rule would have been purely despotic without the least measure of democracy. This is a fact which should not be forgotten by the opponents of Islam and its Ottoman State System and their Decline 841 Gibb, Vol I, Pan I PI’35-36 Shari’ah. Thus, when Saleem returned from the Eastern campaign, he proposed to have all the Christians converted by force or persuasion but Shaikh ^l-lslam, Jamal Effendi, objected and refused to sanction the proposal on grounds of Islamic teachings in regard to freedom of religion and conscience. Early in Ottoman history, the Turkish forces had come to fall into two groups: those paid in cash from the Sultan’s treasury and those given land with the right to collect taxes and dues from its inhabitants. And though both of them seem originally to have been composed of free-born Muslims, these gradually ceased to take paid service in the army, as the employment of slaves had become more common. Thus the paid army, as distinct from feudal cavalry (which formed the majority of the landholding soldiery), came to be almost exclusively a siave corps, the personal property of the Sultans. The purchase and employment of slaves as soldiers was not peculiar to the Ottomans. The system had come into existence during the days of the later Abbasids. The Saljuqids from whom the Ottomans had derived many of their traditions had a large feudal army and a small slave bodyguard but the Ottomans transformed this institution by introducing characteristic features of their own. As the supply of Ghazi volunteers diminished and large scale fighting in Europe ceased with the consequent fall in the number of captured slaves from the conquered, the Sultans decided to make periodical levies of the unmarried male children of their Christian subjects, taking them from their parents at the age of ten to twenty reducing them to the status of slaves and training them for the service of the state. Whereas in the earlier days the administration of the growing Empire had been conducted by free Muslims, now they were replaced almost without exception by the slaves of the Sultans, so that the Muslims of the empire found themselves excluded from the state administration. ”The selection of Christians,” says Halide Edib, ”may have been due to missionary motives, but it is equally obvious that the intention was to detach the child entirely from his environment. Each region had to provide a certain number of children. The recruiting officer went to the village or the town inscribed on his list, studied the registers, asked for the children, and made his choice according to the appearance, nflanners, physique and intelligence of the candidates. This system is called ’Devshirme’ in Turkish and ’Blood Tribute’ by the Western historians 1 hcic was no force used. On the 842 Political and Cultural History of Islam contrary parents were over-anxious to give their children. The Muslims, who were barred from this privilege, often bribed their Christian neighbours to pass theirs as Christian boys. The boy who was selected could become a commander, a governor, a Grand wazir.4 These children came to the Palace School and underwent a very severe education. The bodily part of it was very much on the Greek or Spartan lines. The mental consisted of a training in the classics, music, Arabic, Persian and Turkish, and other subjects considered an unessential part of learning at the time. Every youth, including royal children, had to acquire proficiency in some handicraft as well”. The use of the word ”slave” in this connection must not be misunderstood. As Gibb points out, ”their servitude carried with in scarcely any social inferiority. No distinction was made between the sons of slave women born to a free master and those whose mothers were always free. Indeed most of the Abbasid Caliphs of Baghdad, to say nothing of minor dynasts, were born of slave mothers.”5 The Christian boys thus drafted into state service nearly all accepted Islam, not because they were forced to do so, but because they could not otherwise obtain any influential position. Gibb adds”The employment of slaves in the administration as well as in the army were nothing new in Islamic history either. But never before had free Muslims been all but entirely excluded from it. No doubt the fact that they were so excluded in this case may be connected with another : namely, that the proportion of non-Muslims in the Ottoman population (particularly before the Asiatic conquests of the sixteenth century) was unprecedentedly high. For the loyalty of these infidels could be expected to be at best but grudging; so that, unloved as they were, at the same time, by so many of the Muslims under their rule, the Sultans were perhaps possessed of relatively fewer dependable subjects than any of the dynasts their predecessor. The institution of the Kapi Kullari (personal slaves of the Sultan), therefore, may be held to have corresponded to a special need. It at once served to protect the Sultans from overthrow by a subject population exceptionally liable to disaffection, and to secure to the ncr,~Muslim section of the population-though by a method well calculated to TIP Ottoman State System and their Decline 843 4 Halide Edib, op cit., P 20 s Gibb and Bowen, op cit, Vol I, Part I, PP 43-44 obscure the advantage of this privilege to its beneficiaries-a place in the state machine commensurate with its preponderant numbers. The Muslims, to be sure, had another institution as their equally exclusive field-that of the ’Ulema, the students of the Sheria. But the Ottoman empire was a Muslim state in which it was paradoxical that any institution should be reserved for the infidel born. How the Muslims contrived to rebel we shall describe later. Suffice it here to say that by the eighteenth century the whole institution of a slave-manned Ruling Institution had been swept away. For Muslims had captured nearly all the posts it formerly included and with disastrous results. The Kapi Kullars (personal slaves of the Sultan) were not allowed to marry until the age when they retired. Their sons were disqualified for membership in the Institution so that the whole system was non-hereditary. Those who gave promise of mental capacity were trained for administration. Others who showed no intellectual vigour but only physical fitness were drafted into the personal army of the Sultan. These were the famous janissaries. The Janissaries They were called ’Ajam Oghlans (literally, Foreign Boys). Those unable to speak Turkish were first placed under the service of the feudal sipahis in Anatolia, but all were brought sooner or later to Istambul. There they were scrutinised again and appointed to various duties according to their capacities. There are indications that the Janissary organization was modeled or at feast influenced by that of a religious movement to which the Ottoman enterprise owed much of its vigour. This was the Akhi movement. In so far as the first Ottoman conquests were undertaken from religious motives, many of the townsmen who entertained such motive, including persons closely connected with ’Usman were members of this movement. Hence it would seem that the Janissaries were first established at a time when there was complete accord between the interests of the Sultan and those of his subjects. They were founded as a bodyguard of the Sultan and consequently followed him wherever he went. But as the corps increased in size, though a considerable number of troops continued to be stationed at the Sultan’s place of residence, most of them were posted to provincial garrisons, where they were placed under the command of the local governors. The Sultans always tried to confine the attention of the Janissaries to their proper duties, fighting and the preservation of order. Political and Cultural History of Islam The regulation permitting persons only of slave status into the Janissary troops, after a training, begun when such recruits were still of a tender age, ensured to keep them ignorant of money-making crafts; it was reinforced by another regulation that forbade them later to engage in such crafts and in any form of trade. The government procured all the commodities required for the rationing of the Janissaries direct from the producers, without resorting to civilian middlemen and engaged for those that were sent on a campaign, a number of men from those guilds whose members produced such manufactured articles as the Janissaries might need. The artisans so engaged ceased to belong to their original guilds. They were not regarded, however, as forming part of the Janissary establishment, but they enjoyed some of the privileges attaching-to Janissary status, such as immunity from arrest and punishment by the civil authorities. Ottoman Feudalism Outside the towns of the greater part of the European dominions and a large part of Asia Minor, fiefs were granted to Muslims who were not slaves of the Sultan. The smaller fiefs were hereditary and gaps were filled from volunteers with the army. The fief-holders collected the revenues and exercised seigniorial jurisdiction in their estates, but they were officered by the kullars (slaves) of ife Sultan. The estates were of different size and were reckoned in three cteses: timars, when the yearly revenue was under 20,000 aspers; zi’amats, when it was 20,000 to 100,000 aspers; khasses, when it was over i .r’0,000 aspers. Timars might be divided into zi’amats, but zi’amats couiJ* not be divided. Every fief-holder was obliged to appear in persons ,vhen summoned to war. If the annual income of timarji (fief-holder) re« ”hed 600° asPers> he had lo bring with him an armed horseman, and ano *her for each additional 3000 aspers of his revenue. The holder of a Iarfe ”r ^ had to brin§ with him an armed horseman if his income amounted ^®® aspers of income. In the sixteenth century this service was strictly exacu • T principle of the heredity entered into the distribution of these Sta/es but under limitations. One son of the holder of a small fief had a right to the fief; not more than three sons of the holder of a large fief were entitled to small fiefs. The sons of a kullar (Personal slaves of the Sultan) in high position might receive fiefs large in proportion to their father’s rank. This was one of the ways in which they were honourably conveyed from the Ruling Institution into the Muslim Ottoman State System and their Decline 845 population. The za’ims and timariots, as holders of the corresponding fiefs were called, were a class of country gentlemen, honest, sober, true to the Islamic faith a;,j to the Sultan, better in morals than the kullars, if not so able of intellect. They were the substantial middle class of the empire. It was these who gave the first training to the ’Ajam Oghlans (slave boys selected for the Janissary corps), starting them well on the road from Christianity to Islam and preparing them to become members of the Ottoman nation. There was a special category of fiefs called the khass. These were closely connected with the administration of the provinces. Some times the holders of the khass are even confused with provincial governors. But the idea of khass is in some sense distinct from that of the military fiefs. Some Ottoman writers have distinguised between provinces ruled as salayane, a word which means ”annual” and the khass provinces. The former were held by governors either in full ownership or for a year at a time. With this system the emoluments of the governors were deducted from the revenue of the State collected by fiscal officers. But the distinction cannot be taken too literally. Some salayance governors actually had khass and the khass were not all military fiefs. The Khan of Crimea levied 1,200,000 aspers on the customs of Caffa, under the name of khass. On the other hand, sanjaqs (provincial subdivisions) of different character are found in the same provinces, some salayane, some khass. The khass thus seems to be something larger than a military fief and differs from it in so far as the khass was attached, not to the person, but to the position of the governor. The Sultan had also regular private khass, which were called khass-i Humayuni. The khass-holders were represented by two kinds of high officials, the beylerbey and the sanjaqbey (viceroys and provincial governors), both of them holders of khass. The beylerbeys held khass the value of the annual revenue of which varied from 50,000 aspers to 1,200,000 and were proportionate to their rank and precedence. Some of the portions of their revenue were exempt from military obligations. The beylerbeys were themselves allowed to issue berat conferring the small timar. When a viceroy died, the State gave timar to eleven of his servants. The sanjaqbey (provincial governor) in theory held khass of at least 200,000 aspers of annual revenue. When the holder was an officer of the palace, the minimum was higher and proportionate to the dignity. The Agha of the Janissaries had the highest 500,000 aspers. 846 Political and Cultural History of Islam The augmentation or Teraqqi of the fiefs of the sanjaqbey was made by a sum of 100 aspers on each 10,000 revenue. When a vacant fief was allotted to a sanjaqbey, who had not yet a right to the whole revenue of it, the surplus went to the State. The high command of the feudatories was exercised by the provincial governors. In the time of Sulayman, the system of fiefs had become greatly disarranged. The distribution of them had been left to the local governors and corruption had crept in ; the frequent wars also had led to rapid changes and consequent confusion. Moreover, the army always contained a large number of gonulu or volunteers who came at their own expense and fought with the hope of receiving the fiefs of the slain men. It is said that during the course of single day one fief changed owners several times. If fiefs were thus granted in the midst of battle, it is not easy to see how a condition of reasonable order could have been preserved in the feudal system. Sulayman, therefore, by a Qanun of the year 1530, attached the granting of all fiefs above a certain size once more to the central government. Each holder of such a fief must obtain a tezkerah or document from Constantinople in order to have good title. The central treasury administered such estates during vacancies. Only those fief-holders who held a tezkerah were entitled to be called sipahis. Others were known as timarjis. The feudal sipahis of Anatolia were more under the authority of the governor than were the sipahis of Europe; they were not so well paid, did not have much practice in fighting and were not so highly esteemed as soldiers. Local government and the command of feudal sipahis was cared for by officials who belonged to the Sultan’s great slave family and who brought with them to their posts a number proportionate to their rank, of the sipahis of the Sultan, pages. ’Ajam Oghlans and slaves of their own. The lowest of these officials were the subashis or captains, who were in time of peace governors of towns, with enough Janissaries and Azabs (irregular infantry) to police the locality. Next above them were the Alai Beys or colonels, who in time of peace were ready with a company of 200-500 to pass from place to place as required. Above these, again, were the sanjaqbeys who governed important cities and held superior rules over a number of towns and the districts in \much they lay. Finally, in the Balkan peninsula and in the western Asia Minor, there was from old a beylerbey, who had authority over a-\\ the beys of this region. Incomes were provided by Ottoman State System and their Decline 847 the assignment of fiefs proportionate in size to each officer’s importance. All of these officers of the local government had a sufficient staff of lieutenants, treasurers, book- keepers and clerks. The beylerbey of Rumeli (Balkans) resided at Constantinople. The beylerbey of Anatolia seems to have spent most of his time in the dominions, although undoubtedly he was often at the capital since he had his regular place in the diwan or parliament. In time of war this official scheme, detached from its function of local government, drew together the feudal sipahis, section by section, into a perfectly organised territorial army for each of these two regions. The enrolled feudal troops of Europe numbered about 50,000 and those of Asia, including Anatolia, 30,000. In each case the number should be doubled or tripled to allow for the additional horsemen which all the sipahis were required to bring. A considerable number of the feudal troops, sometimes estimated at one-half, remained on duty at home in time of war to protect the provinces. Decline of the Ottomans The keynote of Ottoman administration,” writes Gibb, ”was conservatism and all the institutions of government were directed to the maintenance of the status quo. Since the Kanuns of Saleem and Sulayman were regarded as the embodiment of the highest political wisdom, amelioration could have no meaning except the removal of subsequent abuses. The exercise of public spirit and initiative on the part of governors of lesser officials was thus not so much discounted as maimed and circumscribed, and a vast network of vested interests created by the conquests placed an all but insurmountable obstacle in the way of the would be reformer. The Ottoman society was based on Medieval conceptions of status. It was neither harsh nor unjust and in many ways it was more progressive than contemporary feudal societies. So far from overburdening their subjects the Sultans realised that light taxation and simple forms of direct administration were in the interests both of the treasury and the population. Yet, the society lacked mobility and the individual as individual had no place in it. The Sultans accepted the traditional and recognized division of mankind into a variety of social orders: ”men of the sword,” ”men of pen,” merchants, artisans, cultivators, dhimmis and slaves. To each order were assigned its functions, and regulations were drawn up to ensure 848 Political and Cultural History of Islam the proper carrying out of those functions, and that none should interfere with or infringe the functions and rights of others.6 The ruling idea in the administration was distrust-fear of treachery or of unregulated ambition on the part of the officers of the empire - and its methods were directed to centralization and the balance of forces. The provinces were divided into vilayets, theoretically self-governing under its Pasha. Though the latter united in himself both the supreme civil and military authority and was responsible for public order and security, for the collection of taxes and remittance of stipulated annual tribute, his tenure of office was precarious and by the eighteenth century was renewable from year to year. Even within his province, his capacity for effective control was weakened by a variety of contrivances designed to prevent him from exercising any form of direct administration. The accounts of the pashalik were kept by the dafterdar who held his office independently by firman from Istambul. His judicial powers were again limited by the appointment of Qazis and other religious officers who had the right of sending protests and memorials direct to Istambul. The armed forces were also not fully under his control. At each headquarters a body of Janissaries and other troops was established as a permanent resident garrison. His authority over them was restricted in various ways : by Qanuns which attached specific duties and rights to particular officers and above all by the provision that the garrison of citadels should be formed of imperial troops under the command of the special officers nominated by the Sultan. In Egypt a further restriction was imposed by the institution of a diwan or council of officers, the principal military officers and religious dignitaries which met four times a week to decide matters relating to public administration. Although the final power rested with the Pasha, he was not allowed to attend the diwan in person. A radical weakness of the Ottoman system was that it lacked any real consideration for the welfare of the subjects. The officers of the administration were led insensibly to adopt a cynical view of their functions and responsibilities. Their world was divided into hukkam (governors) and ri’ayah (subjects), the latter of whom existed to supply the needs of the former. The practical outcome of this view was the universal substitution of monetary standards for the ’ Gibb, Vol I, Part I, P.200 Ottoman State System and their Decline 849 old standards of efficiency. The good Pasha was one who remitted promptly and in full the sums and deliveries in kind required by the Imperial Treasury. It was but a step towards general corruption. By the beginning of the eighteenth century, it had become the established practice to give promotion by favouritism and birbery, and to put to auction offices, lands and concessions of all kinds. The impotence of the Pashas to prevent abuses, and the probability that they would be condoned at a price, encouraged lawlessness and rebellion. The decline of the Ottomans begins with the reign of Sulayman the Magnificent. Although the empire reached its greatest height in his days, he was too much under the influence of his Russian wife In order to secure the throne for her degenerate son, she peisuaded Sulayman to adopt the ”Cage” system. The experimental and bodily part of the training of the princes was abandoned. Though they were still taught some classics and given some education, they were obliged to spend their lives in the harem till the moment of their enthronement. Thus they were deprived of the practical experience of the art of government. The consequence was a series of hot-house princes, soft and ignorant of the conditions of the empire. The seventeenth century saw a long succession of evil Sultans. Their favourite ladies began to sell important offices. The civil service took itb cue from the Sultan. Merit, which so far had been the sole consideration in promotions and appointments, no longer counted for anything Very few Sultans died on their beds, for there were chronic military risings and dethronements, often accompanied by assassinations. The decline in the army proved to be far more fatal ”I he old recruiting system which had been based on careful selection was abandoned. Instead of the army being recruited from all races, it was now confined only to the Muslims. In the recruitment of forces and promotion of the lower ranks of the soldiers to higher ranks, favouritism played a great part. The army contained not only those who had some function in it, but a vast number of people who remained outside, but whose names were inscribed in the registers that they might receive pay or obtain the privileges of Janissaries. Among them here even a French Consul and an Armenian patriarch. The monastic simplicity of the military order was also disappearing. The Janissaries were now getting married and 850 Political and Cultural History of Islam interested themselves in outside matters. The fanatical and mystical belief in the unique importance of the State was losing hold on men’s minds. Risings became a habit with the army, and, as the political moves of the palace and parties outside always had to be carried out with the help of the military, the army became the sole arbiter in politics. Again the ulema who were an independent religious body and could even depose the Sultan, if he became too tyrannical, were persuaded to take advantage of their position and began to co-operate with the army and meddle in politics. They were no longer a neutral religious and judicial body. Religion had now become a power in the political game. As regards their role in the educational field, it is undeniable that as long as Medieval scholasticism dominated man’s outlook, the uiema did yeoman’s service in the cause of education. The madrassahs controlled by them were active centres of learning. But when the West broke the chain of scholasticism and created new learning and science, the ulema failed badly in catching up with Modern knowledge. They took it for granted that human knowledge had not grown beyond what was in the thirteenth century, and this attitude persisted in their educational system and method down to the middle of the last century. Unlike the Christian Church in the West, the ulema did not persecute the new learning. But they also did not allow the new knowledge to enter ’!ie precincts of their madrassahs. During the age of decline they v,ere so occupied with politics that it seemed easier for them to stick to their Medieval scholastic methods. Therefore the madrasshas remained up to the end of the last century what they were in the thirteenth century. No educational reform was ever attempted and the produce of the madrassahs never came into contact with modern science and knowledge. ”The difference between the economic position of the Muslins and Christian nations as well as the general economic decline of the Muslims,” says Halide Edib, ”Is one of the important features of this period.... As long as agriculture, commerce and industry and transport depended on manual labour, organisation and a realistic grasp of facts rather than on machinery and science, the Ottoman Empire preserved its economic prosperity and there was a balance between its heterogeneous elements, a division of labour. The bulk of tne Ottoman Turks were peasants and animal breeders, they supplied the Empire .v/ith all the necessary wheat, vegetable, fruit and animals for meat, for transport and domestic use. The Ottoman State System and their Decline 851 exported grains and stock on a large scale. Again, by tradition, Ottoman Muslims, especially the Turks, trained every male child in some profession or craft, be he a prince or an ordinary child. Women were also trained to embroider and to weave, beside attending to the land in the rural districts. The household goods, furniture, clothing, cotton, silk and woollen lextiles, leather for bookbinding or trunks, pottery, silverware, carpet and embroidery were mostly made by Muslims. Except silver, all the raw material for these industries existed in the empire. Trade and hand industry were under highly organised guilds which classified the producers and protected them, controlling at the same time all the commerce within the empire. All the means of transport, mules and camel caravans as well as sailing vessels were also in the hands of Muslims and Turks ”The non-Muslims, though to some degree producers and workers, were in the main intermediaries of exports Naturally they reaped the greatest benefit from the introduction of machinery while the Muslim Turks lost their hold over the sea transport, and their hand-made products, though infinitely more beautiful, were unable to comete with the machine-made goods that folded their markets. In addition to this economic advantage, exemption from military service enabled the Christians to increase and prosper, while Muslim elements, especially the Turks, became impoverished, decreased in number and remained in ignorance. The empire, in its decline, just like the Byzantine Empire in its decline, was drawing all its manpower mainly from Anatolia.’’ The economic deterioration of the Empire was accelerated by the system of Capitulations The Capitulations \\ere commercial treaties made with foreign commercial interests residing in the empire and granting them exemption from certain taxes and other special rights in judicial matters The system existed during the period of the Byzantine rule. The Ottomans ratified all such existing rights. Muhammad, the Conqueror, confirmed the Genoese rights in 1453 and Sula\man the Magnificent signed a treaty of ”Friendship and Commerce” \\ith France in 1535 and similar commercial treaties were made with other powers. ”But when the Ottoman Empire weakened, the Capitulations, which had been mere treaties of commercial adjustment, took a different complexion. After each Turkish defeat the victorious Power Hdhdel dib. op en . PP 41-42 852 Political and Cultural History of Islam imposed a new clause in the Capitulations in its own favour. These newly-acquired privileges were not only commercial ; some of them were jurisdictional and legal. The subjects of foreign Powers resident in Turkey began to demand special and separate judicial treatment. Some of the Christian subjects of the empire acquired foreign protection. Any of them assaulting an Ottoman subject was judged by the Consul of the Power sitting as a court. When an Ottoman subject happened to assault a foreigner, quite after the Powers sent their fleets to bully the Sublime Porte. Further, the Sublime Porte could not adopt any economic policy without the Capitualary Powers interfering. No tariffs could be raised or abolished without their consent, railways could not be built where they were a necessity, economically or from a strategic point of view. The worst of it \\as that the Powers never agreed among themselves.”8 Another source of weakness of the Ottoman Empire was the presence of large Christian majorities in the Balkan countries. As soon as the countries of Western Europe became strong, prosperous nation-States, these Christian groups began to aspire for national independence. They were encouraged by the European Powers and thus became pawns in the international game for the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire. The two trump cards of the Powers were religion and nationalism. Attempts at Reforms ’Abdul Hamid I was the first to perceive the weakness of the Ottoman Empire. In 1774, he managed to engage European experts and artisans to train the Turkish army. The next sovereign to make an attempt at reforming the empire was Saleem in (1787 - 1807). He was an ardent admirer of the principles of the French Revolution and he sent one of his friends, Ishaq Bey, to study Western institutions. He also created the nucleus of a new army called ”Nazm-i Jadid” which was formed on Western lines and trained by European experts He also founded several schools, the first institutions of higher learning and technical education outside the domain of religious colleges. The school of engineering was one of them. Saleem further attempted to rebuild the civil administration on the principle of local responsibility, the people in the province electing their provincial representatives and having a voice in the management of their own affairs. This brought him into conflict with the pro\incial governors I Ottoman State System and their Decline 853 Thus Saleem earned the enmity both of the old army authorities and of the established civil service. When his new army marched to the Balkans to put down a rising, the old army at Constantinople rose and killed him. The new Sultan Mahmud 11(1807 - 1839) was no less a zealous reformer. He managed to recreate Saleem’s new army under another name and to persuade the ulema to proclaim his reforms to be in accordance with the spirit of Islam. Having thus gathered support for his reforms, he exterminated the Janissary Corps. This made a formidable impression and the Reform Party considered it as the beginning of a new era. but the first consequences were disastrous. The strength of the empire was weakened to a degree which made itself felt in the development between Russia, Great Britain, France and Prussia about the Greek question (1827) which prevented the Turks from suppressing the Greek insurrection. One of the consequences of the agreement between the Powers was the destruction of the Turko-Egyptian fleet in the Gulf of Navarino (October 1827) without previous declaration of war by the English, French and Russian naval forces.’War with Russia followed in 1828. The Russians occupied Rumania, took Kars and occupied Adrianople. By the treaty of Adrianople, Turkey had to accept complete independence of Greece. Mahmud continued the consolidation of his authority in the interior. The principal agent of his policy was the Grand wazir, Rashid Pasha. After his death in 1836, he was replaced by Hafiz Pasha. The latter, unlike Rashid. was in favour of the introduction of modern tactics into the Turkish army. In his successful expedition north of Mesopotamia, he was accompanied by the Prussian lieutenant, Von Moltke, one of the army instructors sent by the king of Prussia. These military measures of Mahmud had also in view the strengthening of the frontier on the Syrian side, in order to be prepared for a new conflict with Muhammad ’Ali, the Pasha of Egypt, who had become independent. In 1839, Hafiz was again appointed as Seri-Askar in Kurdistan. He crossed the Euphrate to fight the Egyptian forces but was completely beaten by the Egyptians under Ibrahim Pasha son of Muhammad ’Ali. The task which Mahmud had set himself of reforming the empire after European model was beset by enormous difficulties, owing to the traditional views and institutions of the Turkish people. But he succeeded in reforming the army and exterminating the 854 Political and Cultural History of Islam Janisiaries who had become the greatest source of trouble. The ni0sf useful work was done by the Persian military instructors. By sendm young officers to the military schools of Western Europe, Mahrnud prepared a more efficient military organization. In the government there developed a cabinet of ministers after the Western fashion. BV a firman of October 1826 Mahmud abolished the Sultan’s right of confiscating the properties of the State functionaries after their death The Tanzimat were the continuation of the work of Sultans Saleem in and Mahmud II, undertaken to save the Ottoman State which had become enfeebled internally. Mahmud II had succeeded by getting rid of the feudal system at home and the reactionary « element of the Janissaries, in centralising and consolidating his power in home affairs, but he had been unable to avoid the loss of Greece and Egypt. In the period from 1839 to the end of the Crimean War, the soul of the reforms was Mustafa Rashid Pasha. In the second period from 1836 the activities of the reformers were directed by ’Ali Pasha and Fuwad Pasha ; the great figure in the third period (from 187i) was Midhat Pasha. The Tanzimat began with the royal proclamation known as the Khatti Sharif of Gulhane. In it the Sultan announced that he wished the honour and property of all his subjects to be secure ; that the farming out of taxes (iltizam) would be abolished and that recruitment for the army would be done in a more regular fashion ; all criminals would be tried in public and all subject of whatever religion would be considered equal before the law. These measures, it was said, meant a complete break with the ancient principles. By changing the old structure, the Tanzimat created a host of new problems. Four groups of interests had to be dealt with : (I) civilian officials and military officers who in the old order had been the slaves of the Sultan ; (2) the free Muslim subjects of whom the ulema were the most notable section ; (3) non-Muslim subjects ; (4) foreign interests. The consolation of the first two groups proved more easy ; religion united them and Mahmud II and ’Abdul Majid had renounced their rights as sovereigns over the lives and property of the officials ; the ending of the feudal system by Mahmd II had also been favourable to the combination of the Muslim elements. But to give the Christian and Jewish subjects equal rights threatened Ottoman State System and their Decline 855 these elements to deprive them of the considerable autonomy which they had enjoyed since Muhammad the Conqeror. The problems raised by the enrolment of non-Muslims in the army showed that the Jews and Christians themselves did not regard the granting of equal rights as an unmitigated boon. Again, the realization of the reforms was bound to be in great partillusory so long as the privileged position of the foreigners known as extra-territoriality continued to exist in striking opposition to the centralization of power which was the in aim of the reforms. The Tanzimat were thus carried on in a troubled atmosphere. A Grand wazir could hardly carry through the programme peacefully. There were sudden falls from power followed by unexpected returns. There were also periods when foreign intervention called for new efforts. This was the case with the deliberations which preceded the Peace Conference in Paris. Turkey’s allies then wanted the Sultan to bind himself by an international agreement to carry out the reforms, which were still in abeyance. The result was Khatti Humayuni of February 1856 which was only nominally a spontaneous act of the Sultan. The Khatti Humayuni was simply a more detailed confirmation of the promises made in 1839 regarding the equality of the treatment of the nonMuslims ; it was particularly laid down that mixed tribunals shall be instituted for law suit between Muslims and non-Muslims and that the laws relating to them shall be codfiTf-J a”- soon as possible. One further important point in the Tanzimat was the right conceded to ioreign powers to acquire landed property in Turkey. The work of the Tanzimatists was based on the ideas of the, ”French Revolution”, which had given birth to the ideais of -Nationalism and Democracy. ”The Tanzimatists,” says Halide Edib: ”took up Democracy. Their hearts rang in passionate response to the declaration of the Rights of Man. And because within their remembrance and their past history Islam only had made as grand a declaration, the ideal they offered to t?>c empire had its roots in Islamic and Turkish consciousness. The Christian part of the ” Ottomans, on the other hand, took to Nationalism. The Tanzimatists never realized or admitted that any such explosive and separatist sentiment could be genuine, regarding it as entirely a reaction against 856 Political and Cultural History of Islam bad government. They were convinced that reform, good government and the preaching and practising of democratic principles would cure the non-Muslim subjects of the empire of their nationalism. Throughout the Tanzimat period there were no terrorist measures ; the new policy of the ’Union of Elements was to be carried out entirely by persuasion and appeal to interests and loyalties . Therefore, all the efforts and reforms of the Tanzimatists were mostly for the benefit of the prodigal Son of the Ottoman State, that is, for the Christian who was no longer content to remain in the Ottoman fold.9 In addition to the ideal of democracy, the Tanzimat introduced the idea of individual freedom and created a desire among the educated people to have a voice in the government. The result was that a movement for constitutional government developed with a nucleus of writers and statesmen known as the Young Turks. It was felt that administrative, legal and religious reforms were not sufficient to remedy the evils. The real root of the evil was the autocratic system of government in which the people at large had no voice. TSfc CHAPTER 64 ’.51 EMINENT SCHOLARS OF MEDIEVAL ISLAM AI-Kindi (Philosopher of the Arab) ’Abdullah al-Ma’mun, the Caliph of Baghdad, lay restless in his royal chambers, brooding on his deep desire to have his reign remembered as a period of enlightenment, an era of unsurpassed scholars and great philosophers. He had almost completed plans for a magnificent House of Wisdom, a center of learning that would include a library, a translation bureau, and a school. It would be his monument, and all was finally in readiness for its construction. What was it, then, that disturbed him, now that his dream was about to become a reality? A nagging doubt kept him awake at night, an unanswered question prevented sleep. Was his purpose truly worthy in the eyes of God? W*s it right to spread ideas, to stimulate new thoughts, to revive the wisdom of the ancients, the Greek philosophies? Should he encourage the use of reason and logic to examine a world created by God? God’s truth had been given to man by the revelations of the Holy Prophet (PBUH). But suppose reason and logic led elsewhere. If man could not_ prove the validity of supernatural mysteries, did that mean he disproved God? The caliph slipped into a troubled doze. As he slept, he relaxed, the tenseness of his recent nights eased by a curious dream. Aristotle, smiling reassurance, appeared to him and touched his forehead with enlightenment. ”There is no conflict,” the Greek sage murmured gently. ”Reason and rJigion are allies, not enemies.” Ma’mun awoke abruptly. His night visitor had disappeared, but the caliph felt a renewed confidence in his project 858 Political and Cultural History of Islam and its value. He ordered construction of the learning center to begin immediately. For such a caliph, at such a time, and in such a place there could probably have been no more congenial a philosopher than Abu Yusuf Ya’qub al-Kindi. Baghdad during the reign of al-Ma’mun was perhaps the foremost cultural center in the world.1 Each week in the palace the caliph held scholarly session for the intellectuals of Islam. There, they sat around a table, listening to one another’s views, discussing the issues of the day, and sometimes reconciling their differences. One evening, the self assured young philosopher al-Kindi strode into the meeting room, looked around him, then took a seat fairly close to the caliph. At that time, a man’s place at the table indicated his status, and al-Kindi had placed himself in a position above a prominent theologian. ”How dare you sit above me?” complained the deeply affronted man, al-Kindi shrugged. ”Because,” he replied simply.” { know what you know, and you don’t know what I know.” Al-Kindi was the first formal philosopher of Islam and the foremost philosopher of pure Arab ancestry. A devout Muslim, he felt it was his personal mission in life to try to reconcile the bitter disputes between theologians and philosophers that recurrently plagued the Arab-Islamic world. During a lifetime devoted to this cause, he learned that the role of arbiter or peacemaker can be a thankless one. Al-Kindi defined Falsafah, an Arabic word derived from the Greek word for philosophy, as ”knowledge of things as they are in reality, according to human capacity.” Truth, he claimed, is universal and supreme, and the truths of religion and philosophy are in accord. In an effort to placate L-iOi>e theologians who viewed the aims of philosophy as essentially opposed to the dictates of faith and revelation, al-Kindi proposed that the holy scriptures be looked upon as allegories that can guide the thoughts oi mcr- of reason. He argued that revelation was intended for all men and that it offers afiipie truth to all men in accordance with their abilities to perceive and understand. The masses, he insisted, were given the gift offs’th. The elite, the educated, were given the intellect to expand upon the words of revelation by applying logic and reason. For example, al-Kindi pointed out, the Qur’an tells the Muslims that the sun, moon, stars, mountains, trees, and beasts ”offer worship” to God. This is a true Ziauddin Ahmad, Influence of Islam on World Civilization. P 4 Eminent Scholars of Medieval Islam 859 statement and an inspiration to all the faithful. For the unsophisticated, however, the words evoke simply a poetic image of all creation bending in prayer, and for them that is enough. But, alKindi suggested, the scholar can view the universal phenomenon of worship as an obedience to the will of God. The behavior of all entities, both animate and inanimate, follows laws established by the Supreme Power.2 Al-Kindi’s tireless effort to make philosophy acceptable to the theologians eventually revitalized Islamic thought. But the difficulties he encountered along the way are reflected in the advice he offered to his students: ”For a seeker of learning aspiring to be a philosopher,” he said, ”six prerequisites are essential: a superior mind, uninterrupted passion, gracious patience, a free-from-worry heart, a comintroducer, and a long, long time. Should one of prerequisites be lacking, the student is bound to fail.” This role as court physician, al- Kindi was apparently prudent and less free of worry than he was in his true philosophical career. He advi? *d his colleagues medical profession: ”Take no risks, bearing in mind or health there is no substitute. To the extent to which physician likes to be mentioned as the restorer of a patient’s should guard against being cited as its destroyer because of his death. The realm of science, al-Kindi did not produced much work, but he did present an embryonic concept of physics and wrote a series of astrological works. An astrologer to the caliphs, he believed science genuine, although he distinguished between true astrologers. Alchemists, however, he criticized, them with deceptive claims and vain get- rich-schemes. He was the first Arab writer to form a comprehensive and systematic classification of the sciences. His ingenuity and inventiveness as a man of letters done his ability to coin phrases. Otherwise, his style was long-winded, sprinkled with far fetched terms. He was a scholar, not a writer. The intelligent man who helps God and practices good works attains the highest position for himself, he said, since those caught up by bodily pleasures could not achieve the perfect state. In his personal affairs, he is remembered as having been ”thrifty.” A contemporary, al-Jahiz, recorded his name in a Book of Misers, written shortly before his death. M Saeed Sheikh, Studies in Muslim Philosophy, P 70. 860 Political and Cultural History of Islam In his later life, al-Kindi fell victim to an unkind fate and to the machinations of jealous rivals. Three of the caliphs, al-Kindi had served had supported philosophical thought, and he had flourished under their patronage. The unsympathetic attitude of a fourth caliph, however, brought about loss of popular prestige and personal fortune. The sixty-year-old al- Kindi suffered more when two competitors convinced the caliph that the philosopher was dangerous and untrustworthy. The ruler ordered the conspirators to confiscate the scholar’s personal library, known to all of Baghdad as alKindiyah, and al-Kindi received fifty lashes. Although a friend managed to retrieve the library by means of subtle extortion, the public beating left a permanent mark on al-Kindi’s spirit. He retired to his home, sad and sulky. If pride bordering on arrogance and thrift bordering on avarice can be counted against al-Kindi, they were more than offset by his brilliance of mind and his many other virtues, intellectual courage, a love of truth, an open mind, abstinence, and patience. He viewed suffering and death as an inescapable part of human life, and he succumbed in silence and dignity. He died about 873 at the age of seventy-two. Abu Bakr Razi Abu Bakr Muhammad b. Zakariya Razi, better known as Galen of the Arabs, is regarded as the greatest clinician ever born among the Muslims. He was born, most probably, in 261/865 at Rayy near modern Tehran. The name of the teacher under whose supervision Razi received education is obscure, but he is said to be a pupil of the great physician, Hunain b. Ishaq. He had studied a great mass of medical literature and had full command over Greek, Syria, Arabic, Persian and Ayurvedic systems of medicine. Razi had the unique privilege of having studied under a physician who had expert in knowledge of Ayurvedic and other systems then prevalent in the Middle East. Razi made full use of all the systems according to the need of the time and did not stick to just one medical system. It is for this reason that he is considered to be less conservative than his predecessors. Razi commenced his career as a physician in a hospital in his native town, but later he moved to Baghdad, where he was appointed as Ra’is al-Atibba’ (Chief Medical Officer) in Bimaristani-Adadi. Baghdad was then the capital of the Abbasid Empire and was famous for its well-equipped hospitals, which attracted pupils Eminent Scholars of Medieval Islam 861 and patients from all parts of the Empire. His stay at Baghdad afforded Razi an, opportunity to treat patients of different temperaments suffering from various diseases, at Bimaristan-i Adadi, Razi gained first-hand knowledge of some rare and complicated diseases which were uncommon in Iraq and Iran. He recorded his experiences and produced more than two hundred books and pamphlets, mostly on medicine. Razi stands aloof among the great Muslim physicians like Ibn Jazzer, Ala-ud-din Abu al-Hasan Ali b. Hazim, Abu’l Mansur Sa’id, Abu Al-Tannukhi, Sinan b. Thabit, Muhad’hdhab-ud-din, Qazi Abdul-Latif Baghdadi, Abu’l- Qasim Zuhravi. Sharif Khan and Ajmal the Great. Razi has left a great impression of his knowledge and experience on his contemporaries as well as on posterity. He had, undoubtedly, more knowledge of his profession than any of his predecessors. Born in Galen and in Socrate’s time, Razi would have made them admit their mistakes. By nature he was inclined towards research. He solved many problem left unsolved by his predecessors. He also wrote a number of tracts criticizing and contradicting some hypotheses then prevailing. It is said that Razi could diagnose the disease of a person without feeling his pulse. He had perfect knowledge of complicated diseases and could cure them by simple methods. Here are a few examples of Razi’s ijtihad in the treatment of patients. Nizami Arudi Samarqandi informs us that Amir Mansur b. Nuh. b. Nasr developed a chronic disease and could not move about. He invited Razi to his court and asked him to cure his disease. Razi recommended a number of prescriptions one after the other but all in vain One day Razi took him to a bath, where he poured hike-warm water on his body and gave him a cup of sherbet to drink. After some time Razi started abusing the Amir on his face instigating him to rise on his feet and jump upon him. The Amir was infuriated and Razi had to slip away from the bath and fled to Merv, from where he wrote a letter to the Amir apologizing for his misbehaviour Razi did not merely rel> on his knowledge of medicine in certain cases he even exercised ijtihad. The way he cured the Amir is the finest example of his psychological approach to complicated cases. Razi was the first among the Muslim physicians to give accurate picture of a patient suffering from smallpox or measles. Razi has discussed the symptoms of smallpox very elaborately, saying : ”The outbreak of smallpox is preceded by continuous fever. 862 Political and Cultural Histon/ of Islam ache in the back, itch in the nose and shivering during sleep. The main symptoms of its presence are : back-ache with fever, stinging pain in the whole body, congestion of the face, sometimes shrinkage, violent redness of cheeks and eyes, a sense of pressure in the body, creeping of flesh, pain in the throat and breast accompanied by difficulty of respiration and coughing, dryness of the mouth, thick salivation, hoarseness of the voice, headache and pressure in the head, excitement, anxi-ety, nausea and unrest. Excitement, nausea and unrest are more pronounced in measles than in smallpox, whilst aching in the back is more server in smallpox than in measles.” Even to day there is no smallpox, whilst aching in the back is more server in smallpox than in measles.” Even to day there is no remedy for the pustules left by smallpox except plastic surgery, but Razi has given sound and detailed advice to physicians for the treatment of the pustules. This was indeed his great achievement. His treatise on smallpox and measles was translated into Latin and later into various other languages, including English. This has been published in Europe some forty times between 1498 and 1866. This is clearly an indication of its popularity in the West during the Middle Ages. Al-Havi is, no doubt, not only the greatest work of Razi, but it is also the greatest book ever written on medicine in the Orient. This book is spread over more than twent\ volumes. It was translated into Latin b> a Sicilian Jew physician, Faraj b Salim under the patronage of Charles I of Anjou in 1279 A.D. Al-Havi has been published a number of times in Europe during the Middle Ages. This book has left a great impression on European medicine. Even the Qanun of Abu Ali Sina could not eclipse it1? popularity in Medieval Europe. It seems that its ophthalmic section was very much popular among Muslim and non-Muslim physicians during the eleventh and twelfth centuries.3 In his, al-Havi, Razi first quotes all the Greek, Syrian, Arabic, Persian and Indian authorities on each disease and at the end gives his own opinion as well as his experience. The author of the Chahar Maqalah tells us that, unless one had studied al-Havi, one could not be regarded a.s a skillful physician. Razi has discussed diabetes in one of his books called the Kitab-i-Sukar. He has also written a treatise in which he has given the method of extraction of M Saieem’, Muslim Science and Civili/ation, P. 15 Eminent Scholars of Medieval Islam 863 stone from kidney and bladder. It was indeed a great achievement of Razi, especially in da’~ when the science of surgery was yet underdeveloped. Razi has also written a book in which he has given details of various bones of human body. In this book he has given guidelines for bone- setters. He has also written a treatise in which he has discussed leprosy in detail giving important instructions to the lepers. Jabir b. Hayyan is known as ”Father of Alchemy,” but it has been unanimously accepted that Razi has surpassed him in this field. Max Meyerhof writes that Jabir and other Arab alchemists divide mineral substances into bodies (gold, silver, etc.), souls (sulphur, arsenic, etc.). and spirits (mercury and sal-ammoniac). Razi classifies alchemical substances as vegetables, animals, minerals, a conception which comes from him into modern speech. In this way Razi excels Jabir in his exact classification of substances, and in his clear description of chemical processes and apparatus, which is always devoid of mystical elements. Ali b. Sahl Rabban al-Tabari an b. Sahl Rabban al-Tabari is regarded as one of the greatest physicians ever born in Persia. According to Manfred Ullmann, he was born about the year 810 A.D. in Merv to Rabban, a Christian scholar. As he himself explains at the beginning of the Firdaws al-Hikmah, Rabban was the title, not the name, of his father. Professor Browne says that Rabban means ’”Our master” or ”Our teacher”. Ali belonged to a noble family of Tabaristan, reputed for learning. The members of his family served the rulers of Tabaristan and held high offices. His uncle, Yahya b. Nu’man, was well known for his knowledge of military science and scholarship throughout Khurasan and Iraq. His father Sahl had full command over mathematics. He was also known for his knowledge of literature, medicine and philosophy. He had solved some of the difficult problems of al-Majisti. Ali received his primary education from his father and showed his interest in Arabic, Synac. philosophy and medicine. He also acquired the basic knowledge of Hebrew. Greek and mathematics. After completing his studies, an went to Iraq whete he started practicing medicine. It was during his stay in Iraq that he studied the works of S\rian, Greek and Indian physicians on medicine. 864 Political and Cultural History of Islam While he was engaged in his research in Iraq, al- Ma’inun (813-833 A.D.) appointed Mazyar b. Qaren as the governor of Tabaristan. Mazyar had great regard for ’Ali and his family. . Therefore, he gave up his practice in Iraq and went back to Tabaristan, where he was appointed as secretary to the governor. It is related that Mazyar made him responsible for maintaining law and order in Tabaristan. Ali enjoyed great respect among the people of Tabaristan. He was also a favourite of the Abbasid Caliph, and once he interceded between the caliph and the governor. Mazyar was a professional rebel. When he rebelled for the third time against the caliph, he was arrested and executed at Baghdad. After the unsuccessful revolt and crucifixion of Mazyar, Ali went to Rayy, where he opened a clinic. It was during his stay in Ra>y that the famous physician Abu Bakr Zakariya Razi became his pupil. It was in fact a matter of pride for him that he was a teacher of Razi. The Abbasid Caliph al-Mu’tasim (833-842 A.D.) had great regard for physicians and a number of them enjoyed his patronage. When he came to know about the skill of Ali b. Sahl, he invited him to his court. On his arrival at Baghdad, he was appointed as secretary by the Caliph. Al-Mutawakkil came to power in 847 A.D. He also had great regard for ph>sicians. It was through his efforts that Ali b. Sahl embraced Islam. The caliph honoured him by making him as one of his close companions. In the third year of al-Mutawakkil’s reign. Ali, after man> interruptions, succeeded in completing his work on ”Medicine and Natural Philosophy” on which he had long been engaged, and which he entitled Firdaws al-Hikmah. ”The Paradise of Wisdom”. He dedicated his work to al-Mutawwakkil. Of his works, besides Firdaws al-Hakmah, the following are well known: 1. Kitab Arfaq al-Hayat 2. Kitab Hifzai-Sihat 3. A Book on Amulets 4. Kilab Tartib al-Aghdhiyah 5. Kitab Kinash al-Hazrat 6. Tuhfat al-Muluk 7. A Book on Cupping 8. Kitab Munafa’ al-Ata’ma’t wal. Ashribah wal Aqaqir 9. Kitab Fi’1-Riqqi pF Eminent Scholars of Medieval Islam 865 AI-Qifti had great regard for the Firdaws al-Hikmah and paid great tribute to this work in his Tarikh al-Hukaina. Yaqut alHamawi informs us that the illustrious historian al- Tabari used to read the Firdaws al-Hikmah during his last days. Al-Farabi (870 - 950 A.D.) Farabi belonged to a Turkish family of a town in Turkestan called Farab--”Beyond the River” (Oxus). He went to Baghdad and. achieving mastery of the Arabic language, took courses in philosophy and medicine. His philosophical research and work became so famous that he was called Aristotle II. He was invited by Sayfud-Dawla, the prince of Aleppo, to join his court, and lived in Aleppo as a scholar, teaching many students in a beautiful garden which became his Academia. He died in 950 in Damascus. Farabi’s work consists of books on logic, ethics, politics, mathematics, chemistry, and music. His celebrated work on politics, entitled, The Ideal City, was inspired by The Republic of Plato, and is as Utopian as the work of the Greek master, but it is original in its. consideration of the unique qualities of the Islamic world. Farabi conceived a perfect monarchic state, encompassing the entire world. In his conception, the public would have saintly qualities, and the rulers would be philosophers. He also postulated a body of governors in consideration of the improbability of an individual’s possessing all the required qualities of sovereign. Ibn Miskawayh Ibn Miskawayh was of Persian and Zoroastrian origin, but either he or his father was converted to Islam. Living during the tenth century, he joined the court of the Daylamite princes of Persia,. He studied philosophy, medicine, and chemistry, and wrote a book-on these subjects as well as on ethics and history. His philosophy had a moral basis. Ibn Sina (980 -1030 A.D.) Abu Ali Ibn Sina. known in the West as Avicenna, was descended from inhabitants of Balkh, in northern Afghanistan. His father went to Bukhara, the capital of the Samanid Empire, and Avicenna was born (980) in a suburb of the city. He was educated there under the guidance of his father, a distinguished scholar. Heshowed genius from his youth and at sixteen had already assimilated much of the knowledge of his time, proving particularly brilliant in medicine and philosophy. 866 Political and Cultural History of Islam He practiced medicine from an early age, and while treatim, the emperor Nouh, he was admitted to the court. During that time he studied logic and philosophy intensely, having at his disposal the famous library of the Kings of Bukhara. Unfortunately that librarv caught fire, and he was among the few who remembered what he studied there. Events which were to bring about the collapse of the Samanid Empire forced Ibn Sina to leave Bukhara. He was twentvtwo when he went to Khwarizm. When the emperor Mahmud of Ghazna imposed his suzerainty on the sovereign of Khwarizm, Ibn Sina was there with the celebrated mathematician, historian, and philosopher, al-Beiruni. They were _ invited by Mahmud to join his court in Afghanistan. Al Beiruni went, but Ibn Sina, unwilling to accept the orthodoxy of the sultan, changed his itinerary and went to Gorgan, where he composed his masterpiece on medicine, The Canon. Form Gorgan he travelled to Ray and Qazwin and reached Hamadan where the prince of Hamadan appointed him his first minister. When the prince died and his son succeeded him, a military clique accused. Ibn Sina of high treason and he was imprisoned in a fortress. He escaped and went to Ispahan, where he joined the court of its prince. When the ruler of Ispahan undertook a campaign against Hamadan. Avicenna accompanied him and died there as a result of exhaustion, in 1030. His works embrace the entire domain of science and all the knowledge of his time. He wrote minor works on theological matters and a famous treatise on logic, physics, mathematics and astronomy called Shifa, or ”Recovery”. Other distinguished works on logic are The Book of Theorems and Warnings and The Sources of Philosophy, which also deals with physics and theology. Avicenna’s works on the physical and natural sciences are numerous and he also wrote several poetical works in Arabic and Persian. About one hundred of his books have been translated by Europeans since the twelfth century. His works were used in European universities until the eighteenth century. The philosophy of Avicenna was influenced by the Peripatetics and the Neoplatonists, but the originality of his concepts in pronounced. He presumes to discuss Aristotle, he believed in the dynamism of force and not in its static condition. He made original studies on questions of time_ and movement, the divisibility of matter, the conduction of light and heat, etc. Eminent Scholars of Medieval Islam 867 His theories of vacuum were utilized by Galileo and Toricelli, and Roemer adapted his ideas on the propagation of light for the measurement of the speed. In the Avicenna’s system, as in other medieval philosophies, physics is closely linked with psychology and metaphysics, thereby weakening its scientific authority. The philosophical system of Avicenna ascends form physics to metaphysics. In other words, he believed that humanity had its root in inanimate matter and ascended toward the divine. In psychology, Avicenna studied the soul as an entity distinct from the intellect. For him, the soul represents the totality of the faculties which have been added to matter, making it active. He divides the soul into three species the vegetal soul, the animal soul, and the reasonable or intelligent soul. The vegetal soul possesses three faculties generation, growth, and nutrition. In addition to the faculties of the vegetal soul, the animal soul has the faculty of voluntary movement, and is able to grasp particulars. The reasonable soul is the property of man it has the power to seize the universals and to act on man’s free choice. This faculty in the reasonable soul is added to the faculties of the vegetal and animal souls. In metaphysics, Avicenna was greatly influenced by Farabi, reflecting the Aristotlism and Neoplatonist tendencies of his predecessor. His ideas on the production of beings and causality were influenced by Plotinus, who taught the evolution of one to multiple, and of eternal to temporal. Avicenna’s conception of divinity is one of a pure and emanating intellect, whereby all spiritual and material elements have pre-determined place in the universe. The philosophical system of Avicenna is colored by his unique mysticism. Unlike that of Ghazzali, which proceeds from asceticism and a heart overflowing with the love of God, it originates with the intellect and ascends in majesty and serenity of spirit toward the height of contemplation. For Avicenna, the dissolution of the human intellect in the intelligence of God is the triumphant goal of supreme felicity. The rationalism of Avicenna engendered much opposition from the theologians of Islamic scholasticism, but his monumental works survived every adversity. The Brethren of Sincerity (Ikhwan-us-Safa) After 945 A.D., the Persian Shi’ite element was in power at the court of Baghdad and the philosophers and rationalists found it ’ M Saeed Sheikh. Muslim Philosophy. P 116. Political and Cultural Histon/ of Islam advisable to organize secret philosophical societies for the propagation of their ideas. The most famous of these societies, sheltering itself under the heterodoxy of the Shi’ite prime ministers of the caliphs was called the Brethren of Sincerity. They anonymously published several treatises on the knowledge of their time. Many members of that society belonged to the schools of Mu’tazela or were philosophers of the Greek schools. The works published by this group embraced logic, mathematics, physics, metaphysics, as well as psychology and theology. Fifty-two of them exist today, and some scholars believe that they originally numbered fifty-four. The activities of this society, like those of the followers of the Mu’tazela and the philosophers of Greek style, encountered increasing opposition from the scholastic theologians and the traditionalists. Imam Ghazzali (1058 -1111 A.D.) Abu Hamid Ghazzali was born at Tus in Khurasan (1058). His family gave many jurists of renown to the Muslim world, although his father was not a scholar. Ghazzali was tutored by a mystic, a friend of his father, and in school he showed early signs of , genius. After his theological and juridical studies, he went to Nishapur, where he followed the lectures of the great scholar alJuwayni. As long as his teacher lived, Ghazzali remained in that city, intensively studying philosophy, law, and theology. In his book about those years, Freedom from Error, he wrote., there was no philosopher whose system, I did not study, no Mutakallim whose Kalam I did not follow, not a mystic whose mysteries I did not plunge into, because the glory of knowing the truth of things was the occupation and habit of my life.” M. Oberman, a German Orientalist who wrote a book on Ghazzali, said: ”There has hardly ever been found in the history of civilization of personality who has mastered in such a high degree the totality of the knowledge of a generation. Ghazzali assimilated all that can be attained by study.” This classical formation and the mystical environment in which he spent his childhood did not affect Ghazzali’s sense of judgment. From his youth he showed a spirit of criticism, and intellectual skepticism, and a thirst for truth. Ghazzali published many works and became famous before his thirtieth year. As an Imam, or leading scholar, he was invited in 1085 to the court of the Saljukid emperor Malik Shah, by his great and scholarly prime minister, Nizam ul-Mulk. This statesman, recognizing Ghazzali’s Eminent Scholars of Medieval Islam 869 qualities, appointed him professor of law in the Nizamiya University of Baghdad, where he taught for four years, continuing to publish his works. Hundreds of foreign scholars came to attend his lectures and he was consulted on many public affairs by eminent Islamic jurists and by the government. The caliph of Baghdad, al-Mustazhir, had a high regard for Ghazzali and asked him to write a book condemning the disruptive Assassin sect who had killed several important statesmen and who were trying to destroy the peace and unity of the Muslim world through their anarchistic and heretical propaganda. These years of glory for Ghazzali were accompanied by an inner spiritual struggle. He felt that his own philosophic and scientific assertions did not answer all of his questions satisfactorily, nor did they remove his doubts. He wrote: ”I estimated previously that two things in the world can resist the most rigorous criticism: knowledge obtained by our senses, and the principles of logic. But that was a mere illusion, because the apparently incontestable perceptions obtained by our senses are subject to a different interpretation by our reason.” Ghazzali was tortured by doubts concerning the value of scientific knowledge and even that of religion. He was constantly telling himself that he preached to others that true religion was manifested not in the observance of rituals, but in purity of soul, detachment from worldly vanities, and the struggle against evil desires. Yet, he himself enjoyed worldly things and perhaps his best actions, even his devotion to knowledge, were dictated by vanity and the desire for public recognition and popularity. Ghazzali said that these thoughts distressed him, and on many occasions he resolved to leave his chair and retire in seclusion to find the peace of his soul and the certainty of his spirit. However, he added that two factors were struggling within him his resolute intention of seeking the truth and his desire for worldly amusements. In 1095 he reached the crucial stage of his spiritual crisis, which affected his physical health. In his distress, finding no other remedy, Ghazzali turned tp God. He relinquished his brilliant career, his esteemed position, and even his family. Distributing his belongings, he left the imperial city of Baghdad and retired to the Umayyad mosque at Damascus, where he spent tv\o years in ascetic and nnstical practices. At the end of this time he left Syria as pilgrim to Medina and Makk.ih and for nine years he continued to lead a quiet life devoted 870 Political and Cultural History of Islam to theological and philosophical studies, interrupted by periods of meditation. During that period he also travelled to Jerusalem and Egypt. Finally he reached the conclusion that the certainty of truth cannot be obtained through theological speculation of philosophical reasoning. Truth is revealed only by the ”Divine Light” which God places in the heart of His believers. Ghazzali concluded that faith and reason are both natural to man. Each of them is a means to knowledge. They complement each other by virtue of their diversity. Thus, reaching beyond philosophy and theology, and having achieved mystical experience, Ghazzali found a balance between intellect and the senses which renewed his confidence in the value of man. Therefore, his philosophy was humane and well balanced, contrary to the extreme views of some mystics. It was through this approach that he arrived at a synthesis of science and religion. After this long intellectual and spiritual journey, and equipped with the rewards of his struggle, Ghazzali wrote his masterpiece, ”The Revival of the Sciences of Religions.” Then he returned to Baghdad, where he gave public lectures on philosophy. The Saljukid sultan reappointed him professor at the Nizamiya University in Nishapur, in Ghazzali’s home country of Khurasan. He taught and defended his system against the attacks of the dogmatic philosophers and theologians. And again caravans of students came to hear his lectures and to rediscover the master, full of humility and preaching, not only on the intricate problems of life, society and man, but also advocating the creed of goodness and love. After a short period, he returned to his home, Tus, where he founded a school, and where he lived the last years of his life among his friends and disciples. He died at Tus in 1111 A.D. and as buried near the tomb of the great epic poet Firdousi. In addition to, ”The Revival of the Sciences of Religions”, he wrote sixty-eight other books. Among them are: The Jewels of Qur’an, On systematic theology: The Faith, and exposition of the Muslim articles of faith; The Precious Pearl, On eschatology; Balance of Action, and ethical treatise based on mysticism; and Elixir of Happiness, written in Persian, his mother tongue. The latter was a concise form of his Arabic masterpiece The Revival of the Sciences of Religions. Other works were: O! Child!, On ethics. The Detailed, the Middle, and the abridged, three books on the Islamic law of the Shafe’ite sect; The Vanity of Philosophers, a criticism of (’•reek philosophy; and the aims of philosophers, and introduction to Eminent Scholars of Medieval Islam 871 the critical study of Hellenistic philosophy. Guide for the Errants, and exposition of the development of his philosophical thought and one of his earliest works, in the form of speeches addressed to the ernperor Malik Shah, dealing with the duties and responsibilities of kings and rulers. Thus the genius of Ghazzali made possible the domination of Kalam over the philosophical schools and the circles of Mu’tazela. Unfortunately, after the death of this master, Islamic theology followed the path of dogmatism and liberalism, and this course, strengthened by the fanaticism of the traditionalists, killed the spirit of rationalism and scientific research in the Islamic world, bringing to Muslim intellectual life stagnation and complete inertia. Abu al-Walid Muhammad bin Rushd (Averroes) I believe the soul is immortal, ” declared Abu al-Walid Muhammad bin Rushd, the famed scholar, jurist, physician, and philosopher, ^’but I cannot prove it.” This must have been a painful admission for him, for he was above all a supreme logician. Whereas other thinkers fell back on personal experiences and emotions to fill the gaps in their understanding, he relied on reason. Man’s purpose is to discover truth, Ibn Rushd insisted, and the serious study of God and his works constitute the noblest form of worship. Scripture, properly understood, is in harmony with philosophy, properly understood. Almost all mysteries could be explained in Ibn Rushd’s philosophy, and he specialized in making all things clear. His mind forged a vital link between the ancient Greek philosophies and the European Renaissance. But he could find no logic with which to prove or disprove the eternal existence of the soul. In an age when philosophers tended to be arrogant, Ibn Rushd was humble and generous. When his friends criticized him for being charitable to his enemies, he countered easily: ”there is no virtue is being generous to a friend. But he is virtuous who gives to an enemy.’’ He did stand by his friends, however, and supported them and their reputations far more vigorously than he did his own interests. An insult to himself might pass unnoticed, but an uiifaii criticism of one of his friends elicited rage. Once, he soundly trounced a poet who had satirized a member of Ibn Rushd’s circle. A scholar and a perfectionist- the kind of man who would destroy the love poems he had composed in his youth because the) struck him as frivolous in later years-he desired neither power nor possessions. The one strength he esteemed was learning. ”In all his 11 8/2 Political and Cultural Htston/ of Isl Eminent Scholars of Medieval Islam 873 life he never missed an evening with reading or writing except the da\ he married and the day his father died.” observed his biographer Born in Cordova. Spain, in 1 126, he came from a long line of distinguished scholar and jurists He grew up during a golden era of Muslim culture and studied law and medicine. As an adult, he led a staid, scholarly life in Cordova until the day his friend and mentor. Abu Bakr bin Tufayl, recommended him to the caliph at Marrakesh Although he was a mature man of thirty-eight, Ibh Rushd was ner\ous in the presence of the exalted ruler. Why had he been summoned? What had Ibn Tufyl said about him? When the caliph began questioning him about philosophy, his nervousness turned to fear. Philosophy was a politically dangerous occupation. Was this a trap0 Suppose he gave an improper answor? Ibn Rushd was well versed in matters of philosophy, and as a doctor of medicine he had taken the position that scientific scholarship was not incompatible with theology and faith. ”He who studies anatomy increases his belief in God.” he had said frequent!). But, terrified by the Caliph’s prodding, he denied all knowledge of philosophy. At last the caliph recognized his subject’s discomfort and put him at ease This was not an inquisition. Rather, the caliph wanted Ibn Rushd to undertake a project to simplify philosophy and to provide a clear and accurate explanation of true Aristotelian thought. To held induce his compliance, the caliph appointed him religious judge of Seville. Ibn Rushd composed his greatest works with the backing of this patron, He is best known for his commentaries on Aristotle, which approach the works of the master on three levels-for beginning, intermediate, and advanced students. The works ranged from simple paraphrases to line- by-line, in-depth treatments that were far longer than the Greek originals. These monumental studies by Ibn Rushd earned him the singular title ”The Commentator.” Translated into Latin a century later, his writings gave the Western world its first truly substantive introduction to Hellenistic philosophy In the great philosophical-theological disputes that regard in both the East and the West throughout the medieval period, the works of Ibn Rushd. along with those of Ibn Sina, were often condemned and banned from circulation. Nevertheless, these two giants of Arab scholarship provided the foundation on which later scholars were to build. In the West, their writings were the basic inspiration for such men as Duns Scotus. Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, and Roger Bacon. At the age of sixty-eight, Ibn Rushd became the victim of political intrigues that resulted in the burning of his philosophical works and his banishment from court. Two years later, however, the decree against him was lifted, and he was called back to Marrakesh. He died in 1198 at the age of seventy-two. He was the greatest Muslim philosopher of Spain. Abu Ali al-Hasan bin al-Hassan bin al-Haytham (Alhazen) The renowned Arab mathematician and scientist Abu ’Ali alHassan bin al-Hassan al-Haytham was born at Basra, Iraq, in 965. Some time after he had achieved fame as a scholar he was induced to move to Cairo by the Fatimid Caliph al-Hakim, who died in 1021. Possibly the caliph, who is known to have patronized the great astronomer Ibn Yunus (died 1009), simply wished to add a luminary to his^court. According to one report, however, al-Hakim heard that Ibn al- Haytham had a plan for regulating the waters of the Nile and summoned the scholar to Cairo for the specific purpose of putting this plan into effect. On his wa) to Aswan at the head of a group of workers, Ibn al-Haytham began to have doubts about his scheme. The ancient Egyptian buildings he observed on the banks of the Nile were so impressive that he realized that his plan, if it were at all feasible, would have been carried out by the capable engineers who had designed and built them. His fears were confirmed when he inspected the place to the south of Aswan called al-janadil. Here he had expected to see the water descend from a high ground, and he found that he had been mistaken. He now had to break the bad news to the caliph. His apology was accepted without penalty, and he was even put incharge of a government office.6 Ibn al-Haytham, however, did not feel safe in his new position, being as close to the eccentric and unpredictable al- Hakim, to be relived from his duties without appearing to be disloyal, he feigned madness until al-Hakim’s death. He then left the house to which he had been confined and moved to the Azhar Mosque, where he resumed his activities as an author and teacher of mathematics. According to one story, he earned his living by copying a number of Arthur. Muslim Ci\i!’.cation. P 110 874 Political and Cultural History of Islam basic mathematical works (including Euclid’s Elements and Ptolemy’s Almagest) once a year. He died in Cairo about 1040. The preceding account, derived from a thirteenth century source, suggests that Ibn al-Haytham spent much of his later life in loneliness, either as a pretended madman or as a recluse leading an ascetic life in a qubbah (a small domed structure) at the gate of the Azhar Mosque. This impression is counterbalanced, however, by other scattered bits of information that indicate that he travelled a great deal and had contact with other well-known scholars of his time. He tutored the young prince al-Mubushir bin Fatik (died about 1060) in mathematics and astronomy and exchanged ”questions on the Milky Way and on place” with the Egyptian physician Ibn Ridwan(died 1061). Two lists of Ibn al-Haytham’s works that were compiled by the author himself have been preserved by Ibn Abu Usaybi’ah (died 1270). The first list, written when Ibn al-Haytham was sixty-three, contains twenty-five title on mathematics and forty-five titles on physical and metaphysical questions. These works include discussions of Euclid, Apollonius, and Archimedes, as well as commentaries on the philosophical works of Aristotle and on the medical works of Galen. Some are devoted to questions of Islamic theology. The second list, written seventeen months after the first, contains twenty one titles covering roughly the same range of subjects as the first. More than sixty works of Ibn al- Haytham are now known to be extant, and most of them are included in a third list, which also was preserved by Ibn Abi Usaybi’ah. Ibn al-Haytham’s most important contributions were in the fields of optics, astronomy, and mathematics. His most important single work is the comprehensive book, Kitab ai-Manazir (On Optics). Until the revival of optical research in Persia towards the end of the thirteenth century, Ibn al-Haytham was mainly known to the Islamic world as a mathematician and as an astronomer, but his best-known and most influential work in Europe was the Optics. It was largely on the basis of this book that George Sarton described Ibn ai- Haytham as ”the greatest Muslim physicist and one of the greatest students of optics of all times. Other extant works by Ibn al-Haytham on optical subjects include ”On the Light of the Moon,” which argues that the moon shines like a self-luminous object though its light is borrowed from the sun. On the Halo and the Rainbow; ”On Spherical Burning Eminent Scholars of Medieval Islam 875 Mirrors;” ”On Paraboloidal Burning Mirrors;” ”On the Burning Sphere;” and On the Shape of the Eclipse, which examines the camera obscura phenomena. Although Ibn al-Haytham’s achievements in astronomy do not equal those of the best astronomers in Islam, his extant works show that he had mastered the techniques of Ptolemaic astronomy. Some of these works also reveal his ability to deal in a more than ordinary way with the standard problems that received attention from Arabic astronomers (such as the problem of determining the qibla, the direction to be faced in prayers) A critique of Ptolemaic Planetary models as presented in Ptolemy’s Almagest and planetary hypothes is appears to have inspired research that led to their replacement by non-Ptolemaic arrangement in the thirteenth century Maragha and fourteenth-century Damascus. The only one of his astronomical treatises known to the medieval West was On the Configuration of the World, in which the Ptolemaic planetary theory is described in terms of transparent physical bodies whose combined motions produce the apparent motions of the planets. The treatise was translated several times into Hebrew and Latin and has been shown to have influenced Renaissance astronomers. Ibn al-Haytham secured a ttotable place in the history of mathematics by his treatment of the problem now bearing is Latinized name, Alhazen. This problem is discussed in the mathematical sections of his Optics. More than twenty other mathematical treatises of his, have also survived. Some of these deal with Euclidian problems-- for example, solution of the difficulties in Euclid’s elements and commentary on the premises of Euclid’s elements. Others deal with quadrature problems--for example, ”On the Quadrature of the Circle” and ”On Limes.” (figures contained between the arcs of two circles). Still others are on properties of conic sections. There is also a long treatise on the methods of analysis and synthesis, with illustrative applications to geometry, astronomy, and music. In a short and not very informative autobiographical note appended to his first bibliography, Ibn al-Haytham wrote that at an early age he was perplexed by the plurality of sects and beliefs. Convinced that the truth was one, he doubted them all. Later on. when he was more capable of rational thought, he made it his aim to seek the essence of truth.” After much stud> he came to the conclusion that ”truth could only be reached thiough opinions whose 876 Political and Cultural History of Islam matter was sensible and whose form was rational.” Though this does not tell us a great deal, it is in keeping with what we know of Ibn alHaytham’s strikingly empirical approach, and it is consistent with his abiding interest in the mathematical sciences. IBN TUMART The Mahdi of the Almohads and founder of Almohad movement. The biographies of so celebrated a figure inevitably contain much legendary matter besides evident contradictions. He was born between 471/1078 and 474/1081 in the Anti-Atlas of Morocco. His father belonged to the Hargha and his mother to the Masakkaia, both of which are divisions of the Masmuda tribal group and there can be no doubt that he was a pure Berber despite the various Sharifian genealogies attributed to him. Of his first 30 or 50 years we have no real knowledge. In 500/1106 he left his native mountains and went first to Cordova, where he spent a year. Only Ibn Kunfudh gives any information as to what he did there, saying merely that he studied with the Qazi Ibn Hamdin. Ibn Tumart next embarked at Almeria for the East. At Alexandria he met Abu Bakr al- Turtushi and then went via Makkah to Baghdad, where he met Abu Bakr al-Shashi and Mubarak b. ’Abd al-Jabbar. Ibn Tumart reached Baghdad al-Ghazali had already left the city for good and had been for over ten years in Khurasan, where it is never hinted that Ibn Tumart ever went. He return towards the Maghrib began in 510/1116 or 511/1117. It was a turbulent journey. Ibn Tumart caused public disturbances and put himself in danger of his life by his uncompromising insistence on the punctilious observance of religious obligations. At the same time his learning and piety made an impression, and during the many long halts in his journey he found ready audience. En route, probably at Tunis, he was joined by Abu Bakr b. AM al-Sanbadi, surnamed al-Baydhak, who became his devoted follower and whose memories are a prime source of information for the remainder of Ibn Tumart’s career and that of his successor Abd al-Mu’min. At Mallala, near Bougie (Bidiaya), the momentous meeting between Ibn Tumart and ’Abd al-Mu’min took place. Love of the supernatural has embellished the circumstances of this meeting with a \\ealth of picturesque detail but subsequent events confirmed the power of tfiis combination of Ibn Tumart’s personal magnetism and Abd al- Mu’min’s administrative and militarv sjenius. Eminent Scholars of Medieval Islam 877 This peculiar force of personality must be invoked to explain why Ibn Tumart, despite the continual riots which he provoked, ran the gauntlet of lesser authorities unscathed and finally confronted the Al-Moravid sultan himself at Marrakush. This was in 514/1120. ’Ali b. Yusuf b. Tashfin arranged a debate between Ibn Tumart and a group of fukaha, who were as nonplussed as Ali himself. One party, represented by the wazir Malik b. Wuhayb, saw in Ibn Tumart’s preaching a serious threat to the regime and so advocated his destruction. Others, among whom Yintan b. ’Umar is mentioned, could not stomach the punishment of one who could not be convicted of any crime against the Shari’a. While the pacific Ali vacillated, Yintan took Ibn Tumart under his protection. But Yintan succeeded in convincing the stubborn and now perhaps over-confident Ibn Tumart of his mortal danger, so he prudently withdrew to Aghmat. There the usual disturbances took place and a new stage in his career began, Until now Ibn Tumart had apparently not viewed himself as the actual or potential leader of a movement or as a rebel against established authority; he was merely an individual fulfilling his religious obligations as he conceived them. But now the situation had changed. Ali b. Yusuf had finally overcome his scruples at the news of the latest troubles in Aghmat and despatched a messenger to order the return of the trouble-maker to Marrakush. Ibn Tumart refused to go and so was now in open rebellion. At the same time he had now won a powerful supporter in the person of Isma’il Igig, chief of the Hazarjia, who was soon after joined by ’Umar Inti and Yusuf b. Wanudin of the Hintata. He found himself apparently by accident the spiritual leader of substantial forces united, no doubt, more by tribal anti-Almoravid sentiments than by concern for the purity of the faith. The idea of proclaiming himself Mahdi began to grow in his mind and from the time he finally reached his birthplace at Igilliz in 515/1121 and installed himself in a cave (al-Ghar al-mukaddas-not now identifiable with certainty) he devoted himself to spreading the belief that the appearance of the Mahdi in the Maghrib was imminent. At the end of one harangue in which he listed the attributes of the Mahdi he was finally acclaimed. ”When the Imam al-Mahdi finished his speech’’, says ’Abd al-Mu’min, ”ten men, of whom I was one, rushed up to him and I said: ”These signs are found only in you! You are the Mahdi!’ And so we swore fealty to him as the Mahdi.” 878 Political and Cultural History of Islam Within two years, marked by numerous skirmishes between Almohads and Almoravids, most of the Anti-Atlas and Sus were actively backing Ibn Tumart and all the Masmuda tribes were ready to support him. The Almoravid government, now seriously alarmed, increased its efforts. Ibn Tumart, judging it prudent to move to a more easily defended position, ”emigrated” in 517/1123 to Tinmalal (var. Tinmal) in the upper Nfis valley, about 75 kms. south-southwest of Marrakush. The manner in which he and his followers took possession of Tinmallal and its territory is not entirely clear, but it led to a protest by one of the ten which cost him his life. The Ahl Tinmallal of the Almohad hierarchy are significantly a heterogeneous group. This fact and other evidence indicates that the original inhabitants of Tinmallal were liquidated and replaced by a mixed group of the Mahdi’s close followers. The next few years were passed in the consolidation and steady extension of Almohad power. This was made easier by the preoccupation of the Almoravids with troubles in Spain but also made more difficult by discord among the Almohads themselves. Though the Almohad movement was certainly helped by the antipathy for the Almoravids shared by all the mountain tribes, it was at the same time hindered by the fragmentation of the Masmuda into very small and jealously independent groups who resisted incorporation into any larger federation. Perhaps impatience with the speed of the movement’s development was the main motive behind the next important event in the IVlahdi’s career, the tamyiz. The Mahdi died a few months after the battle of al-Buhayra, in Ramzan 524/August 1130. His close companions concealed his death, presumably because they feared the effect on the morale of the Almohads of his death at this inauspicious moment without moreover his having justified any of his Mahdi-pretensions. His ”retreat” lasted for three years until the proclamation of ’Abd alMu’min in 527/1132. He was buried at Tinmallal. His tomb was still venerated, according to Leo Africanus, some five centuries later, but he and his movement no longer survive in local tradition . Ibn Tumart regarded himself primarily as a religious reformer. It is not certain that even \vhen in later life he had adopted the mantle of the Mahdi and become the head of an embryonic state in declared rebellion against the Almoravids he had developed any secular ambitions beyond those necessary to back his religious ones. As a Muslim he naturally did not draw a sharp distinction between Eminent Scholars of Medieval Islam 879 the religious and the secular. He was a fundamentalist who wished to re-establish what he conceived to be the original purity of the faith by reference to the Qur’an and the Sunnah and so rejected the takid which in his day dominated theology in the West. He placed especial stress on the doctrine of tawhid, which to him meant a complete abstraction or spiritualization of the concept of God, as opposed to tadisim, the literal acceptance of the anthropomorphic phrases of the Qur’an of which he so often accused the Almoravids. But there is nothing original in his religious ideas. He adopted those which suited him wherever he found them, including the ShiM notion of the impeccable (ma’sum) Imam who he claimed to be. His theology is not important. His career followed a pattern, familiar in the Maghrib, of a charismatic personality being able briefly to unite groups who live normally in anarchical fragmentation. It is a question primarily of personalities, that of the Berber race and that of the leader, and doctrine is of minor importance. The role of Abd al-Mu’min in founding the Almohad state was as important as that of the Mahdi, though probably neither would have achieved anything without the other. The writings attributed to the Mahdi consist of a collection of short pieces without organic unity or title gathered in if unique manuscript, and one or two letters of doubtful authenticity. IBN AMMAR Ibn Ammar, Abu Bakr Muhammad b. Ammar b. Hussain b. Ammar, was a famous poet and wazir of Muslim Spain. He was born in a village near Silves, he belonged to a poor family and his claim to be of Yemeni origin is doubtful. After beginning his studies at Silves, he received at Cordova an advanced literary education and then tried to make his literary talent pay, travelling throughout Spain in search of patrons. Nothing appears to have survived f his first panegyrics, addressed, it seems without much success, to various Andalusian petty kings, especially as he is said to have himself destroyed the works of his youth. In 445/1053, he arrived at Seville and decided to present himself to the local ruler, al-Mu’tadid, who had just gained some military successes and was eager to have his exploits praised in writing. Seizing this opportunity, Ibn Ammar addressed to him a panegyric in which he praised his valour and bravery, attacked his Berber enemies and expressed the desire that his own talent should be rewarded. Al-Mu’tadid, beguiled by these praises, appointed Ibn 880 Political and Cultural History of Islam Amman a court poet and adopted him as a companion in his pleasures; this was for him the beginning of an eventful career, which was, however, always linked with the Abbadids. At the court he became the friend of the prince Muhammad, accompanying him to Silves when the prince was made governor there; but as he pandered to the desires of his friend, disagreeable rumours began to circulate about the two young men and al-Mu’tadid, mistrusting their friendship, recalled his son to Seville in 450/1058 and commanded the poet to leave the kingdom. Ibn Ammar then sought refuge in Saragossa, whence he addressed poems to the ruler of Seville and to his wazir, Ibn Zaydun in a vain attempt to make them relent. He had to wait until the death of al-Mu’tadid and the succession of his friend Muhammad (who took the title al-Mu’tamid) in 461/1069 before being recalled to Seville. From then on Ibn Ammar gave up poetry to some extent in order to devote himself to politics, in an effort to play a prominent part in Muslim Spain. Soon after his return he was appointed governor of Silves and later became al-Mu’tamid’s chief minister. In 462/1070, he took part in the annexing to the kingdom of Seville of the town of Cordova, which became the seat of the court; the following year he got rid of Ibn Zaydun, whom he considered as his rival, by sending him back to Seville; he struggled successfully against the favourite I’timad, who was hostile to him; and succeeded in dominating the ruler completely and practically directing the state. He then advocated a policy of expansion based on the support of the Christians, i.e., of Alfonso VI, with whom he strengthened the relations of Seville to such an extent that he was even considered a traitor. His manoeuvres to take Granada with the help of Alfonso VI failed however, and his first action against Murcia (Tudmir) had no greater success. This attempt was part of a plan which he had conceived in order to gain possession of the town for himself personally; he therefore set himself up as independent governor of Murcia as soon as he had succeeded in taking possession of it, with the help of Ibn Rashik, in 471/1078. Taking advantage of this victory, he turned to Toledo, leaving behind in Murcia Ibn Rashik, who in turn betrayed him and declared himself independent. Dispossessed of his short-lived conquest, Ibn ’Ammar took refuge once again at Saragossa with Mu’tamin Ibn Hud, in whose name he took part in a number of successful expeditions; he was, however, captured at Segura in Eminent Scliolars of Medieval Islam 881 Rabi’l 477/August 1084. and. forced to abandon all political activity returned to poetry. While in captivity, he wrote some moving poems in which he implores the help of al-Mu’tamid, but the latter had a score to settle and, instead of simply ransoming him, decided to make sure of his person by buying him. Ibn ’Ammar was brought back to Cordova in chains and paraded on a donkey, then taken to Seville, where1 he suffered the most degrading humiliations. In spite of interventions on his behalf, al-Mu’tamid stood firm and did not allow himself to be swayed again by the pleas which Ibn ’Ammar addressed to him from prison; nevertheless, the poems with which he tried to soften the heart of his former friend are marked by strong emotion and certainly such as to touch al-Mu’tamid’s feelings, to the extent that he seemed at one time to be on the point of yielding and granting pardon, but his prisoner made a blunder which was skillfully exploited by his enemies, in particular by the son of Ibn Zaydun, who had taken his father’s place, and al-Mu’tamid in a passion of anger cut off Ibn ’ Ammar’s head with one blow of an axe (479/1086). As regards his character, Ibn ’Ammar is accorded in Spain the fame which he deserves; his intelligence and especially his unbounded ambition made him a dangerous and much-feared person, who knew too well how to attract people by charm of manner and conversation. His behaviour towards al-Mu’tamid as judged with severity but does not prevent the cities from recognizing his poetic talent. His poetry, very personal in inspiration and composed with remarkable technical skill, is indisputabK gifted and original, but his satires are bitter and his panegyrics often lacking in dignity. HUNAIN B. ISHAQ Hunain b. Ishaq, the most important mediator of ancient Greek science to the Afabs. It was mainly due to his reliable and clearly written translations of the Hippocrates and Galen, that the Arab physician of the Middle Ages became worthy successors of the Greek. Hunain was born in 192 A.H./808 A.D.,’in al-Hira, where his father was a pharmacist. The iiasbs indicates that he was a descendant of the Ibad, i.e. Arab tribesmen who had once embraced Christianity and who after the rise of Islam remained faithful to the Syrian Nestorian Church, refusing to adopt the new religion. Hunain may be assumed to have been bilingual from his jouth, for Arabic was the vernacular of his native town and Syriac was the language of ihe liturgy and of higher Christian education. Later in life when 882 Political and Cultural History of Islam settled in Baghdad, lie translated far more books into Syriac than into Arabic, in accordance with the wishes of his clients. He himself showed a certain predilection for the Syriac language at the expense of Arabic, which he blamed for its lack of an adequate nomenclature as compared with either Syriac or Greek or Persian. But in their Arabic translations he and his school avoided mere transcriptions as far as possible and thus helped to forge the Arabic scientific terminology. He was also at pains to acquire a sound knowledge of Arabic grammar; he is even said to have studied it at Basra and to have brought from there al-Khalil’s Kitab al-Ayn. That he had the advantage of meeting the famous grammarian personally, as Ibn Juijul and others point out, is impossible for chronological reasons. Hunain began his study of medicine at Baghdad under Yuhanna b. Masawayh, the famous court-physician and director of the Bayt al-Hikma. Under the caliph Mutawakkal he was appointed chief physician to the court, but he had to suffer great hardships through the capricious behaviour of the Commander of the Faithful. Hunain is credited with an immense number of translations, ranging from medicine, philosophy, astronomy, mathematics, physics, chemistry to magic and oneiromancy. Besides his translations he composed numerous original works, mainly on medical, but also on philosophical, geophysical, meteorological, zoological, linguistic and religious subjects. He is even credited with a history of the World from Hazrat Adam down to Mutawakkil. His medical treatises are mainly epitomes and rearrangements of classical materials. NIZAM-UL-MULK TUSI (1017-1091 A.D.) Khawajah Abu AH Hasan b. AM Ishaq, better known in history as Nizam-ul-Mulk Tusi (408 - 486 A.H./1017 - 1092 A.D.), has enjoyed an unrivalled reputation as a statesman, a thinker on public administration and a builder of great empire. He offers a complete contrast to Niccolo Machiavelli who is recognized to have influenced Western politics ever since his Prince was written and who is not merely amoral, his thought is definitely immoral. Tusi’s main concern, on the other hand, was the consolidation of Sultanate’s power for the welfare of the people and the strengthening and glorification of Islam.6 Syed Ameer AM says, ”Malik Shah retained 6 encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. VII. P 69 Eminent Scholars of Medieval Islam 883 Khwaja Hassan, Nizam-ul-Mulk, in the office of wiziat and invested him with absolute authority under the title of Atabek (”Prince Governor”). Nizam-ul-Mulk was probably, after Yahya Barmeki, the ablest wazir and administrator Asia has ever produced. His work on administration and government forms an enduring monument of his genius and capacity.”7 The guiding genius behind Malik Shah’s administration was Nizam-ul-Mulk Tusi, his Persian wazir Nizam-ul-Mulk was himself a cultured man. He wrote one of the most remarkable Muslim treatises on the art of government, the Siyasat Nama. Nizam-ul-Mulk was the first to establish well organized academies for higher learning. Particularly renowned was his Nizamiyah founded in 1065 - 1067 A.D., at Baghdad,8 The real acadenn in Islam which became the model for later schools of higher learning was the Nizamiyah established by Nizam-ul-Mulk. He organized a system of education and started regular Madrasah and founded several important colleges and universities and endowed them adequately with munificent grants from the Government.9 The Siyasat Nama is full of historical anecdotes, ft embodied the author’s views regarding the merits and demerits of the extant administration of the Empire. He gives detailed information regarding how to keep the Sultan fully informed of all matters within his Empire, including the doings of the governors of the provinces through ’Barid’. According to I H. Qureshi, ”his Siyasta Nama was the bible of Muslim administration.” Nizam ul-Mulk’s energies were completely absorbed in the business of the slate. He obtained a wide experience of political affairs and administrative procedures. He had outstanding experience in practical politics. His entire life was spent as a man of affairs.10 The assassination in 1092 A.D., of the illustrious wazir of the Saljuq sultanate. Nizam-ul-Mulk by a fidai disguised as a Sufi, was the first of a series of mysterious murders which plunged the Muslim World into terror.” IBN KHALDUN (1332-1406 A.D.) The fourteenth century may be called the century of Neo- s S)ed Ameer Ah. Histon, of the Saracens. P 315 } Hitti. Histon of the Arabs. P 477 |(Hanfi. Surve\ of Muslim Institutions and Culture. P 179 ( Ri/wan. Ni/am-ui-Mulk Tusi. P 106 Hilti. Histon of the Arabs. P 447 884 Political and Cultural Histon/ of Islam Hanbalism. Ibn Taymiyah and his disciples insured the victory of Neo-Hanbalism over scholastic theology and philosophy, and although the intellecutal momentum of Islam had wanted by this time, exceptions continued to arise here and there. Of these exceptions Ibn Khaldun of Tunis is the most remarkable in the West. Mulla Sadra the most remarkable in the Last, both for the vastness of his learning and the originality of his sociological thought, Ibn Khaldun occupies a place apart in the annals of Islamic philosophical thought. Born in 1332 into a noble Arab-Spanish family of scholars and civil servants, Abdu’l-Rahman b. Khaldun receive the customary education of his class. He studied the Quranic and linguistic sciences, the traditions, and jurisprudence with a series of teachers whom he praises in a lengthy autobiography. He travelled west in 1352 driven by the political squabbles of the times and the plague of 1348-1349, which took the lives of his parents and most of his teachers. After a short stay in Bougie he settled down in Fez at the court of the sultan Abu Inan, who was recruiting scholars for his new scientific council. One of the scholars Ibn Khaldun met at Fez was al-Sharif al-Tilmisani al-’AIwi (d. 1370), to whom he gives unqualified praise. In addition to jurisprudence, theology, and linguistics, this scholar reportedly introduced one of Ibn Khaldun’s teachers, Ibn Abd al- Salam, to the suspect study of the philosophical writings of Ibn Sina and Ibn Rushd. From Fez. where he attained at one time a high administrative position under Abu Salim, the successor to Abu Inan, he moved on to Granada, which he reached in 1362. Later he was a lured back to Fez and Bougie, where he also occupied positions of eminence at court. But throughout those troubled years and despite the allurements of Public office, which he often struggled with. Ibn Khaldun yearned for a quiet life of stud) and meditation. During a short period of solitude in 1377 he was able to complete his most important work, al- Muqaddiinah, which was the introduction to his world history. Kitab al-lbar. Tired of public life and the ha/ardous service of fickle rulers in North Africa, he sailed to Alexandria in 1382. In Cairo, the Mamluk sultan, al-Malik alZahir Barquq, recognized his great achievement as a scholar and a jurist. In 1384 he was appointed professor of Maliki Law and subsequently Chief Maliki Judge of Egypt. With intermittent interruptions he retained the position of Professor of law at various Eminent Scholars of Medieval Islam 885 Mamluk institutions and the judgeship until his death. One final memorable episode in his life should be mentioned: in 1406 he encountered Timur Lane outside the walls of Damascus. Timur Lane apparentl> showed great regard for this scholar and may have wished to attach him to his court. Ibn Khaldun, however, returned to Egvpt shortly after to resume his activities as jurist and scholar until his death in 1406. Abu Zaid ’Abd al-Rahman ibn Khaldun was a Muslim historian, philosopher economist, politician and pedagogue. Above all he was the father of the science of history, and one of the founders of sociology. His position as a philosopher in the professional sense of the term has almost been completely eclipsed by his fame as a sociologist and theorician of history. He was indeed, in a sense, hostile towards philosophy and, like Kant, deemed metaplnsics an impossibility. Yet this pronouncements against philosophy are philosophically so significant that no student of philosophy can afford to ignore them. Ibn Khaldun struck quite an independent and original note in Muslim philosophy by going away with all the Aristotelian and !\eoplatonic borrowings. He was one of the first to make a really critical study of the nature, limitations, and validity of human knowledge. Of the whole array of Muslim philosophers going before him he \\as impressed by none; of the speculative systems of Farabi, Ibn Sina, Ibn Rushd and others he speaks rather lightly. We can, however, compare him with al-Ghazali:12 both had a highly critical attitude towards philosophy, and both strongly maintained that it is not through reason alone but through religious experience that we apprehend the nature of ultimate reality. It is quite interesting to note that the philosophical views of Ibn Khaldun are available to us not through any regular and independent work on philosophy11 but in an introductory volume on the methods of history, called Muqaddimah, i.e. ’Prolegomena’, which he wrote before he launched upon his voluminous history of the world. It is prolegomena not to all future metaphysics like that so Kant’s but to all future history, yet, significantly enough, it serves the ” Ibn Khaldun. in fact. \\as cleeph influenced b\ al Ghazali. Sarton calls c\cn the follower of al-Ciha/li. cl his Introduction to the llistor\ ot Science. Baltimore 1947. Vol in. Part 11. P 1775. Maud al-Fakhr\ llisioi\ ol Muslim Plhi.^ophx I ondon. P 223 886 Political and Cultural History of [slam former purpose as well as the latter; a student of philosophy would benefit from its study no less than a student of history.14 As a preliminary it would be necessary to determine his position with regard to the science or philosophy of history and sociology, and mention some of his views about these and other cognate branches of study before we give an exposition of his stand points in epistemology or ontology, that he is the father of the philosophy of history and the founder of sociology, is now an established fact. We would do well to note in this connection the following observations made by Arnold Toynbee, a great British historian; Robert Flint, a British Philosopher, and George Sarton, and American historian of science, respectively15 These indeed are just a few of the many commendatory remarks sincerely bestowed upon Ibn Khaldun by the great thinkers of the world.16 Neither the classical nor the medieval Christian world can show one of nearly the same brightness as Ibn Khaldun.... As a theorist in history he had no equal in any age or country... Plato, Aristotle, Augustine were not his peers and all others were unworthy of being even mentioned along with him... He was admirable alike b> his originality and sagacity, his profundity and his comprehensiveness.17 Ibn Khaldun was a historian; politician, sociologist, economist, a deep student of human affairs, anxious to analyze the past of mankind in order to understand its present and future... One of the first philosophers of history, a forerunner of Machiavelli18 Bodin, Vico, Comet and Cournot.19 We would appreciate the genius of Ibn Khaldun better by recalling to our mind that all these praises have been lavished on him in respect of that part of his opus magnum which he wrote by way of an introduction. His major work Kitab al-’Ibar is a universal astronom>. meteorology geography, climatology, history, politics, economics, ethnology, anthropology, pedagogy, literature, philology 16 Ibid M Saeed Sheikh Studies in Muslim Philosophy Lahore. P 210 Ibid 17 Robert Hint Histon of the Philosoph) of Histon, P 86 18 For the comparison of Ibn Khaldun \vith Machiaxelli See Mohammad Abdullah Enan Ibn khaldun. His Lite and Work. Lahore. 1941 Book II Chapter V F I Rosenthal. Political!bought in Mcdie\al Isldm.CamhiidgL I9>8 PP 106-’) 19 George Sarton. An Introduction to the lliston of Science \ ol in. P IT’-1 Eminent Scholars of Medieval Islam 887 (clairvoyance, telepathy, divination, dreams),20 medicine, midwifery, music, agriculture, alchemy, astrology, magic,2’etc. Method of History Ibn Khaldun opens his ’Prolegomena’ by discussing the purpose or value of history, its kinds, and the errors into which historians fall while recording and reporting events. The purpose of history for him is not to arouse the curiosity of the reader, much less to feed his imagination; it is to analyse the past of man in order to understand his present and future. The aim of history for him is not merely to narrate the stories of kings and dynasties or prepare the chronicles of wars and pacts, but to describe the story of human civilization. It is essentially the record of human society, its growth and decay, under different geographical, economic, history written in seven volumes; the introduction to this work entitled Muqaddimah, extensive enough to take the whole of the first volume, was written to explain the author’s views with regard to the nature and methods of history. Almost accidentally, as if the Muqaddimah gave rise to new subjects, viz science or philosophy of history and sociology, and in way that it almost overshadowed the rest of his work. It seems as if Ibn Khaldun had aspired to become a great historian and instead became a great theorician of history. The Muqaddimah is really a treasure-house of information a sort of encyclopedia in a handy form. We get interesting and often quite instruct!’, e informatics about all subjects in this work, viz. Political, religious and other cultural conditions.22 While discussing the scientific method of historical research, ibn Khaldun calls attention tc a number of pitfalk ir.io v;hich the historians are liable to stumble: partisanship towards a creed or an opinion, mal-observation, poetic exaggeration, inability to place an event in its proper context, temptation to win the favour of royal or high-ranked personages, drawing analogies on superficial resemblances, etc. An historian is expected by Ibn Khaldun to have developed an insight into the laws governing the structure of human society and its transformations. He should have a scientific approach towards the understanding of historical changes. These should not be 20 Sheikh Saeed, P 210 ’ Ibid. Buddah Parkash, ’Ibn Khaldun’s Philosophy of History; Islamic Culture 1 I 492-S08, 1955, pp 104-90, 225-36. 1956. 22 888 Political and Cultural History of Islam explained away as had been done in the past merely by alluding to the accidents of nature such as earthquakes, floods, sandstorms, epidenics, etc., important though they may be. Nor should the great changes in history be explained away with reference to divine interventions. Ibn Khaldun seems to have no faith in deus ex machina. The historian should be biased by no speculative or theological pre-possessions. He is required to base his explanations strictly on some empirical evidence, i.e. his own observations and experiences and those of others. While searching for the causes of historical changes he should carefully look into the climatic, territorial, occupational, economic, social, religious and other cultural conditions oLthe people under study. History and sociology are considered by Ibn Khaldun to be cognate sciences; the study of sociology is necessary prelude to the study of history. He has a keen realization of sociological laws governing the course of history. Indeed it may be safely maintained that Ibn Khaldun was the first to state these laws clearly and show their concrete application.2” Laws of Sociology Social phenomena seem to obey laws which, though not so absolute as those governing natural phenomena, are sufficiently regular to cause social changes and follow well-developed patterns and rythms. Hence a grasp of these laws would enable the sociologist to understand and predict the direction of social processes around him. Secondly, these laws operate with regard to masses only and would not be significantly determined with reference to single individuals, for the individuals’ own attitudes and beliefs are considerably conditioned by the social environment in which they are placed. The ’leaders’ by themselves, without the social forces already immanent in the structure of a society, cannot bring about any substantial social changes. Thirdly, these laws can be determined only by gathering social data on a very large scale and by working out their concomitants and patterns. The social data may be gathered from either of the two sources, viz. faithful records of the past events and careful observations of the present ones. ~’’ Ibn Khaldun \vas undoubted!} a sociologically -minded historian He \vas conscious ol the ongmaliu of his uork and claimed himself to be the discoverer for the fiist time ol the laws of national pi ogress and deca>. see Ihe Muqaddimah. I nuhsh ti.uislation I oieuord. 1’P 10 et sq Eminent Scholars of Medieval Islam 889 Fourthly, much the same set of laws operate in societies with similar structures and antecedents, howsoever widely separated they may be in place or time. Fifthly, societies are essentially dynamic like the living organisms.” The social forms change and evolve. The factor which, more than any other, determines this change, Ibn Khaldun holds almost in the McDougallean fashion, to be the contact between different peoples or groups and the consequent mutual imitation and assimilation of cultural traditions and institutions. Finally, the above laws, he adds emphatically, have their own unique nature, i.e. they are specifically sociological laws and not merely reflections of biological impulses or physical forces. Ibn Khaldun sees this point clearly and. although he makes allowance for environmental factors such as climate and food, he gives much greater importance to such social factors as cohesion of interests, occupation, religion, education, etc. A careful study of the Muqaddimah reveals many more points where Ibn Khaldun anticipates modern sociologists: for example, in his use of mechanistic concepts such as the balance offerees or the radiation of energy; his understanding of social morphology and its growth and decay almost in biological terms; his keen realization of the economic factors influencing the structure and growth of society, etc. Philosophy, Its Dangers and Limitations Ibn Khaldun’s philosophical views and his attitude towards philosophy may be gathered from the few sections scattered in his ’Prolegomena entitled, ”Science of Logic.” ’Dialectics,’ ”The Dangers and Fallacies of Philosophy.’’ Metaphysics,’ etc. Logic Ibn Rushd gave logic the highest place in the domain of knowledge and felt sorry that Socrates and Plato could not be aware of Aristotle’s logic. Ibn Khaldun pulls logic down from this high place, calls it merely an auxiliary or instrumental science and feels sorry that so much time in the educational institutions should be given to the study of this subject. Logic at its best sharpens the mind of a student,25 but more often than not it makes him only clever and pedantic and not a genuine seeker after truth. Its function is essentially a negative one: it helps us only in knowing v\hat is not ’M Saeed Sheikh. P 213 ’ The Muqaddimah. 1 nghsh tianslation. \ o t T 890 Political and Cultural History of Islam true, but not what is true. Logic does not give us any positive knowledge with regard to a particular branch of study; for this we have to resort to observations and experiences, our own and those of others. A genius or a man endowed with scientific talent would generally think logically enough without any formal training in logic. On the other hand, a scholar, in spite of his discipline in logic, may commit many logical fallacies in his actual thinking. Even a professional logician may not be immune from them, and here the modern reader may be easily reminded of the example of J.S. Mill. Dialectics Dialectics is the use of reason and rhetoric to establish the truth of the dogmas of religion and thus amounts to a sort of scholastic philosophy. Dialectics too. like logic, according to Ibn Khaldun, is only an instrumental science and performs merely a negative function. Tracing the history of ’Ilm al-Kalam in Muslim thought, Ibn Khaldun observes that it originated only as a weapon of defence against the atheists and the non-Muslims who attacked the doctrines of Islam.26 Ibn Khaldun does not doubt its serviceability as ’a weapon of defence’. But he adds that though dialectics can very well disprove the arguments against the doctrines of religion, it can hardly offers any conclusive arguments to establish the truth of these doctrines. With dialectics we may silence the sceptic and yet fail to convince him and make him religious-minded. Dialectics should not be supposed to prove truths of religion, for that is beyond the scope of logical argumentation. Besides, dialectics is often reduced to mere rhetoric of the worst kind. A dialectician is often lost in the subtleties and sophistries of words and thus tracks off the path of truth. He is generally tempted to show off his own mastery of, and skill in, words rather than seek the truth; truth thus becomes concealed under the over dressings of the verbal foliage with him. Dangers and Fallacies of Philosophy Right in the beginning of this section in the ’Prolegomena’ Ibn Khaldun declares philosophy to be dangerous to religion. The dangers of Philosophy, according to him, are mainly due to the various presumptions and prepossessions of the philosophers; these indeed are false or at least unfounded, yet they do much harm. Some of them he mentions as follows: Eminent Scholars of Medieval Islam 891 (i) Philosophy is competent enough to understand and interpret the truths of religion and is thus capable of being reconciled with it. (ii) The salvation of human soul is possible merely through philosophical cogitation. (in) In the graded series of emanations from God to the world God is directly related only to the first item of that series, namely, the First Intelligence. Metaphysics Like Kant, Ibn Khaldun believes metaphysics to be an impossibility. The force of his arguments against the possibility of metaphysics lies in bringing the possibility of human knowledge, and this he does in a number of ways. The knowledge, of the phenomenal world in the last analysis is based on the perceptual world in the last analysis is based on the perceptual experiences, but the knowledge of a percipient is limited by the number and capacity of his senseorgans. The blind man has no idea of the visual experiences nor the deaf of the auditory ones. Should they deny the reality f these experiences, we would simply feel pity for them. But we should learn to feel humble regarding our own knowledge of the phenomenal world, for after all the number and the range of our own perceptual experiences are also much limited.27 There may be beings in the universe better equipped for the knowledge of things, both in range and quality than we are. The possibility for the existence of such beings Ibn Khaldun suggests by alluding to the process of biological evolution of which he gives a clear and detailed account. There is a gradual but continuous evolution from minerals to plants, from plants of lower grade to those of a higher grade, from the latter to the lower animals, from the lower animals to higher animals, and from the lower animals to higher animals, and from the higher animals, the highest of which is the ape, to man. But this is only what we know of the process of evolution as it works on this planet. There may be beings of an order higher than we are. And as there are grades of beings, may be analogous to the knowledge of the animals, as compared to ours. Would that the philosophers recognized the limitations of their knowledge and had the realization that human reason is incapable of comprehending all the deep-lying mysteries of the universe. ’ Muqaddimah. PP 15-M Muiiaildimah. PP 1738. see also p 154 892 Political mid Cultural History of Islam Ibn Khal’dun describes reasoning as a faculty through which \ve form concept out of a number of percepts and consequently move from the less gen eral concepts to the more general ones. It is through the processes off analysis and synthesis that we form a general concept from the particular percepts; through the same process we move from the I ess general concepts to the more the idea of the species to that off the genus. But the more general a concept, is the simpler it is for a s the denotation of a term increases, its connotation decreases. Finality, we reach the most general and simplest of the concepts, viz, beimg, essence or substance. Here human reason comes to its limits; it cannot go beyond these ultimate concepts nor can it explain their mysitery. At another place Ibn Khaldun remarks that reasoning is a faculty through wvhich v\e find the causal connection between things and trace a chaim of the causes and effects. The more intelligent a person is, the greater the number of things or events that he connects through a causal nexus. The whole universe is an architectonic whole and the things ar«e bound together through the chain of causes and effects. As we ru n through this entire gamut of causal connections, we come ultimately to the notion of the first cause, for the series of causes cannot go «on regressing infinitely. But one fails to understand the nature of the first cause; here reason comes to its limited once again. Philosophers identify the first cause with God and so far so good; but their incompetence becomes apparent when they try to explain the nature and attributes of God. To do this through reason is an impossible task; it is like trying to weight a whole mountain with the help of a gold smith’s pair of scales. Would that the philosophers knew that they could not know everything through reason. Although the cycle is represented by Ibn Khaldun as endless, the age of the state and the stages through which it passes are carefully worked out. The ”natural” age of the state is equivalent to three generations of forty years each. The first generation is marked by the frugality of the nomadic life and the ardor of the spirit of solidarity of the monarch. The second is marked by the weakening of that spirit, in consequence of the transition to a civilized mode of life, and the unw illingncss to share in monarchical authority. The third is marked b^ the complete loss of the spirit of solidarity and with it the loss of” the militant spirit which was the rampart of the state. When this happens, the death of the state is imminent and is finalK sealed by a timely decree of God. Eminent Scliolnrs of Medieval Islnin 893 More specifically, we may distinguish five stages in the process of the growth and decay of the state: 1. The stage of consolidation, during which monarchical authority is established on a solid democratic base of popular support. 2. The stage of tyranny, during which the monarch resorts to the gradual monopoly of political power. The tribal bonds between him and his subjects are weakened and his dependence on foreign elements is intensified. 3. The stage of exploitation of the privileges of authority by accumulating wealth, levying taxes, and engaging in the construction of public buildings or monuments in an attempt to vie with other monarchs. 4. The stage of pacification, attended by the endeavour to continue the traditions and institutions of the ancestors. 5. The stage of dissolution and decay. During this stage the monarch squanders the public treasure in the gratification of his pleasures and those of his retainers. As a result decay sets in throughout the state, and the ground is prepared for a new wave of nomadic invasion. This analysis of the ecological and historical laws that govern the growth, development, and decay of human institutions has an obvious natural or positive basis which is partly geographic, partly economic, and partly sociological. It is a mistake to assume however that the historical or ecological determinism is complete. Ibn Khaldun’s philosophy of his story and the state has an important extra-natural, extrarational component, bound up’with what we may call his concept of the divine plan for the world. The two distinct lines of determinism work in conjunction. The will of God is always for him the decisive factor in bringing about the cyclical changes in the process of history. Even the age of the state, computed in multiples of forty years, is not arrived at through abstract analysis or deduction. It is derived instead from a Quranic passage that equates the prime ofrthe individual with this figure and is also related to the forty-year Israelite sojourn in the Sinai desert, according to the traditions of Islam. What this dual determinism involved for this partly modern, partly traditionist philosopher of history is essentially the recognition of the fact that the historical process serves at best as the stage upon which the grand designs of the Almighty are realized in the world. 894 571 A.D 577 A.D 579 A.D 586 A.D. 596 A.D. 606 A.D. 610 AD. 620 A.D. 621 A.D. 622 A.D. 623 A.D. 624 A.D. 625 A.D. 626 A.D. 627 A D. 628 A.D. 629 A.D. 630 A.D. 631 A.D. 632 A.D. Hazrat 632 A.D. 633 A.D. Political and Cultural History ofhlnm APPENDIX I MAJOR EVENTS IN ISLAMIC HISTORY HOLY PROPHET (571-632 A.D.) Birth of the Hoh Prophet Death of Hazrat Aminah Death of Abdul Muttalib Herb-i-Fajjar Marriage of the Ilol> Prophet with Hazrat Khadija Reconstruction of Ka’ba Prophethood at the age of forty Acceptance of Dauat (Imitation) of six Yasribs First Oath of Uqabah Second Oath of Uqabah, Migration Charter of Medina signed between Muslims and Jews Battle of Badar Battle of Uhad Battle of Raj ih Battle of Khandaq (Ahzab) Treaty of Hudaibya. Acceptance of Islam of Hazrat Khalid bin Wai id and Amar bin A’as, Conquest of Khayber Battle of Mu’tah, Preaching of Islam to various Kings Conquest of Makkah. Battle of Htmain Battle of Tabuk Hujjat-ul-Wida, Usama’s expedition, Death of the Holy Prophet THE ORTHODOX CALIPHATE (632 - 661 A.D.) Abu Bakr Siddique (Rad. A) (632-634 A.D./11-13 A.H.) (Capital at Medina) Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad. A) elected Caliph. Bedouin attack on Medina, Battle of Zhul’ Qassa, Battle of Rabadha Battle of Yamama, Collection of the Quran, Conquest of Chaldaea and Hira Appendix 895 634 A.D. Invasion or Syria, Nomination of Hazrat Umar (Rad. A) as his successor. Death of Hazrat Abu Bakr (Rad. A) Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) (634-644 A.D./13-23 A.H.) • (Capital at Medina) 634 A.D. Accession of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) 635 A.D. Battle of Qadisiva, Conquest of Iraq 636 A.D. Battle of Yarmuk. Dismissal of Khalid bin Walid 637 A.D. Conquest of Syria (some areas) 639 A.D Conquest of Jeruselum 640 A.D. Conquest of Syria (complete). Conquest of Palestine 642 A.D. Conquest of Egypt 643 A.D Subjugation of Persia and Other areas 644 A.D. Martyrdom of Hazrat Umar (Rad.A) Ha/.rat Usman (Rad.A) (644-656 A.D./23-35 A.H.) (Capital at Medina) 644 A.D. Accession of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) 647 A.D. Enlargement of Ka’ba 651 A.D. ’ Standardisation of the Hol> Oman 655 A.D. Battle of Alexandria and Conquest of Central Asia 656 A.D. Martyrdom of Hazrat Usman (Rad.A) Hazrat AH (Rad.A) (656-661 A.D./35-40 A.H.) (Capital at Kufa) 656.A.D. Accession of Ha/rat All (Rad.A), Battle of Camel (Between Hazrat Aysha and Hazrat Ali) 657 A.D. Battle of Siffm (Between Hazrat Ali and Hazrat Mu’awiya) 658 A.D. Arbitration between Hazrat Ali and Hazrat Mu’awiya, Battle of N ah raw an (Between Hazrat Ali and Kharijites) 660 A.D. Truce signed with Mu’awKa 661 AD. Martyrdom of Hazrat Ali The Umayyads (The First Dynasty in Islam) (661-750 A.R.) Ameer Mu’awiya (Rad.A) {661-680 A.D.) (Capital at Damascus) 661 A.D. Accession of Ameer Mu’awiv a 670 A.D. Foundation of Qajrawan (city) 676 A.D. Nomination of Yazid I 680 A.D. Attack on Constantinople 896 Political and Cultural Hilton/ of Yazid bin Mu’awiya (680-683 A.D.) 680 A.D. Accession of Yazid bin Mu’avviya, Tragedy of Karbalali 683 A.D. Death of Yazid I Mu’avviya II 683 A.D. Mu’avviya II abdicated throne after three months of his succession. Marvvan bin Hakam (683-685 A.D.) 683 A.D. Marv\an proclaimed caliph in Syria 684 A.D. Civil War bet\\een Maruan and Ibn Zubayr ’ 685 A.D. Death of Maruan Abdul Malik bin Mai^van (685-705 A.D.) 685 A D. Accession of Abdul Malik bin Marwan 686 A.D. Rise of Mukhtar and of the Ma\\ali 687 A.D. Fall of Mukhtar 691 A.D. Construction of Dome of Rock (A master piece of Umayyad architecture) 692 A.D. War vvith Ibn Zubaxr. End of Civil War II 693 A.D. War with Byzantine (Roman Empire) 695 A.D. Hajjaj bin Yousuf appointed governor of Iraq 698 A.D. Re-conquest of North Africa 699 A.D. Rebellion of Ibn al-Ashath 702 A.D. Foundation of Wasit (city). Introducing many reforms 705 A.D. Death of Abdul Malik bin Maruan Walid bin Abdul Malik (705-715 A.D.) 705 A.D. Accession of Walid bin Abdul Malik 706 A.D. Conquest of Balkh 707 A.D. Conquest of Bukhara 711 A.D. Conquest of Spain 712 A.D. Conquest of Sind 714 A.D. Death of Hajjaj bin Yousuf 715 A.D. Death of Walid bin Abdul Malik Sulayman bin Abdul Malik (715-717 A.D.) 715 A.D. Accession of Sulayman 716 A.D. Attack on Constantinople (Failed) 717 A.D. Death of Sulayman Hazrat Llmar bin Abdul Aziz (717-720 A.D.) 717 A.D. Accession of Haziat Umar bin Abdul Aziz 720 A.D. Death of Umar bin Abdul Aziz r Appendix 897 Yazid II (720-724 A.D.) 720 A.D. Accession of Yazid II 722 A.D. Expedition to Azerbaijan and Asia Minor 723 A.D. Risings of Yazid bin Muhallab 724 A.D. Death of Yazid II Hisham (724-743 A.D.) 724 A.D. Accession of Hisham 732 A.D. Battle of Tours 735 A.D. Conquest of Khurasan 738 A.D. Nasr bin Sayyar appointed governor of Khurasan 739 A.D. Removal of Khalid al-Qasri 740 A.D. Revolt of Zayd in Iraq 743 A.D. Death of Hisham 744 A.D. Accession of Walid II 744 A.D. Accession of Yazid in Marwan II (744-750 A.D.) 744 A.D. Accession of Marwan II, Transfer of capital from Damascus to Harran 750 A.D. Battle of Zab (Between Umayyads and Abbasids, and it proved the destruction of Umayyads) Abbasid Caliphs (749-1258 A.D.) 754-775 Mansur Beginning of the decline of the caliphate in 755 Foundation of Baghdad, the new capital of the Abbasid caliphs, in 762 786-809 Harun al Rashid Foundation of Rakka, a second residence, in 795 833-841 Mu’tasim The Abbasid capital removed from Baghdad to Samarra, a newly founded city, in 836. 847-861 Mutawakkil In 838 the residence transferred for a short time to Damascus 870-892 Mu’tamid Samarra abandoned in 892 The residence transferred to Baghdad again in 892 892-902 Mu’tadid 1242-1258 Musta’sim Conquest of Baghdad by Hulagu, the II-Khan of Iran, in 1258, and the end of the eastern caliphate of the Abbasids. 898 Political and Cultural History of Islam SPAIN (710 - 1492) 756-1031 Umayyads in Spain 710-713 Arab conquest of Spain 713-756 Governors appointed by the Umayyad caliphs 912-961 Abd-ar-Rahman in The title of caliph adopted by this ruler in 929 961-976 Hakamll 976-1009 Hishamll 1010-1091 Minor dynasties of Malaga, Algeciras, Seville, Granada. Cordova, Toledo, Valencia, and Saragossa 1036-1148 Almohades of North Africa 123 2-1492 Nasrids of Jaen and Granada Granada captured by Ferdinand and Isabell of Castile in 1492 APPENDIX II IMPORTANT BOOKS AND THEIR AUTHORS Name of Book 1. Hayy ibn Yaqzan (Novel) 2. AI-Iqd-al-Farid 3. Kitab-al-Aghani 4. Al-Fihrist 5. Tawaq al-Hamamah 6. Al-Fasl-fi al Milal 7. Tarikh-i-Iftah-al-Indulus 8. Al-Mattin 9. Al-Muqtabis fi-Tarikh Rijal -al-Andulus 10. Tarikh-i-Ulma Andulus 11. Al-Salih fi Tarikh A’immat al-Andulus 12. Byghyat-al Multamis fi Tarikh Rajal Andulus. 13. Tabqat al-Uman 14. Muqaddamah, 15. Al-Masalik wal-Mamaliky 16. Al-Hishabm 17. Kitab al-Hayah 18. Kitab al-Hayah 19. Al-Adwiyah al-Mufradah Name of Author Ibn Tufayal Ibn Rabbih Abu-al-Isphani Ibn Nadeem Ibn Hazam Ibn Hazam Ibn Qutiyah Ibn Hayyan Ibn Hayyan Ibn Farid Abdul Malik Al-Dabbi Said ibn Ahmad Ibn Khaldun Al-Bakri Majriti Al-Battani Al-Bituriji Ibn Ghafqi Appendix 20. Al-Filahah 21. Al-Mughani fial Adwiyah al-Mufradah 22. Jami fi Adwiyah al-Muf- 23. Al-Tasrif 24. Taysir 25. Kulliyat 26. Mualajah 27. Kitab-al-Malki 28. AI-Hawi 29. Taqwim al-Abdan 30. Yanbu al-Hayah 31. Tadbir al-Mutawahhid 32. AI-Kulliyat fi-Tibb 33. Tahafut al-Tahafut 34. Tahfaut al-Falasifah 35. Al-Fusul fi al-Tibb 36. Dalalat al-Harin 37. Hikmat al-Ishaq 38. al-Futuh al-Makkiyah 39. Fusus-al-Hikmah 40. al-Isra ila Maqom-Asar 41. Al-Ajwab al-Asilah 42. Asar-al-Hikmah al-Mashriqah 43. Kitab al-Anwa 44. Tabqat al Uttaba-wal Hikma 45. Kitab-al-Mughis 46. Amal-Min Tibb 47. Qubba-tul-Falikt 48. Risal-ul-Amal 49. Kitab a!-Aufaq 50. Kitab al-Hayah fi Aslah 51. Kitab al-Jamia 52. Kitab al-Najum 53. AI-Minhaj 54. AI-Mashat-al Majhuba 55. Kitab al Jam’i Saffat 56. Kitab a! Falah 57- Surat al-Arad 58- Kitab al-Buldan 899 Ibn Awwam Ibn Baytar Ibn Baytar Al-Zahrawi Ibn Zuhr Ibn Rushd Ahmad al-Tabari Ali bin Abbas Razi Ibn Jazlah Ben Gabirol Ibn Bajjah Ibn Rushd Ibn Rushd Ghazzali Ibn Maymun Ibn Maymun Ibn Arabi Ibn Arabi Ibn Arabi Ihn Arabi Ibn Sabin Ibn Sabin Arib bin Sa’d Ibn Juljul Ibn Wafid Ibn Khatib Majriti Zarqali Zarqali Jabir bin Aflah Abul Hassan Moihaddin al Maghrabi Ibn Bana Ahmad bin Nasar Al-Idrisi Abui Khair Shabali Khwarzimi Yaqubi 1 Political and Cultural History of Islam 900 59. Kitab al-Masalik wal Mamalik 60. Kitab al Surat a! Arad 61. Marwaj-al-Zahab 62. Rasam al-Aumur Min Arad 63. Ahsan Taqsim fi Aqlim 64. Mujam al-BuIdan 65. Taqwaim ai-Buldan 66. Tufah t’u! Bab 67. Aijab al Buldan-or Aijab al-Mughrab 68. Kitab al-Oughrifia 69. Rihiut al-Mashraq 70. Al-Riahla(Rihla) 71. Tabqat ul-Uttaba 72. Aun ai-Anba 73. Aijab al-Asfar 74. Kitab al-Rahmah 75. Kitab al-Tajmi 76. Al Kheil 77. Anabiel 78. Al-Wahoosh 79. As-Saha! 80. Khalaq al-lnsan 81. Firdaus-al-Hikma 82. AI-Mansoori 83. Al-Hawi 84. Raus in Animals 85. Al-Qanoon fi Tibb 86. Al-Philosopha 87. Fusus-al-Hikma 88. Kitab al Shafa 89. Tarikh-i-Jalali 90. Kitab-ul-Israr 91. Kitab ul-Malki 92. Taqwiir. 93. Tarkih-i-Tun-Kahhal-il 94. al-Hiwan 95. Seerat-i-Rasaul-ull-allah 96. Kitab-ul-Akhlaq 97 Hisab al-Jabar al-Muqbala 98. Kitab al-Hind Ahmad Surkhi Ibn Huqal Masudi Kindi Bairuni Yaqut Abul Fida Abu Hamid Abu Hamid Al-Zahri Ibn Jubyer Abu Umar Ibn Asbiah Ibn Asbiah Ibn Batuta Jabir bin Hayyan Jabir bin Hayyan Abdul Malik Isma Abdul Malik Isma Abdul Malik Isma Abdul Malik Isma A jdul Malik Isma Ibnul Tibri Razi Razi Majreeti Abul Hasan Ibn Sina Kindi Farabi Ibn-i-Sina Umar Khayyam Razi Majusi Ibn Jazla Ali bin Isa Al-Jahiz Muhammad bin Ishaq Ibn Hayyan Khwarzami Bairuni Appendix 901 Jabar bin Hayyan Ibn Asir Badi-u-Zamman Khalil bin Ahmad Farabi Kindi Kindi Ibn Maskewiah Ibn Sina Ibn Khalliqan Ibn Khalliqan Ibn Khalliqan Al-Dammri 99. Kitab al-Noor 100. Al-Kamil 101. Muqammat 102. Kitab-al-Naghma 103. Kitab al-Mausqi wal Kabir 104. Rislat fi Mausqi 105. Kitab fi Illhiat 106. Fouz al Akbar 107. Kitab al-Nijat 108. Wafatal-Ayan ft)9. Tabqat al-Umamm 110. Risala fi Maudood 111. Hayat-al-Haywan APPENDIX in PERSONALITIES 1. Abu Abdullah was a propagandist and the founder of Fatimid rule in North Africa. He was a native of Yemen. 2. Abu al Fida was a Syrian prince of the Ayyubid dynasty; (1273 - 1331 AD). He is mainly known as a historian and geographer. 3. Abu al Khayr was the founder of Shaybanid dynasty. 4. Abu Kamil Shuja was one of the greatest mathematician of Islamic Middle Ages. Next to Khawarzmi, he is the oldest Islamic algebraist of whose writings some remains have survived. 5. Abu Mahalli was a jurist and mystic of Morocco. He played a part in the final years of the Sadin dynasty. 6. Abu Muslim Khurasani was a great leader of Abbasids revolution in Persia. 7. Abu Nuwas was a poet, whose real name was Hasan Ibn Hani. He was Persian who became a protege of Harun Rashid. 8. Abu Tammam was a famous Arabic poet of the Abbasids time. 9. Abu Ubaydal Bakri was the famous geographer of the Muslim Spain, theologian, philogist and botanist. 10. Abu ul Faraj Isfahan! is the author of the well-known ”Book of Songs” Kitabl-al- Agani which is famous for its style. 11. Abu Yaha al-Batriq was also translator. He translated the major works of Galen, Aristotle and Hippocrates. 902 Political and Cultural History of Islam 12. Abul Atahiya was an Arabic poet of Abbasid time. He is known for the freshness and unconventionality of his style. 13. Ibn ul Khatib was a famous historern of Muslim Spain. His famous book ”Al-Ihatah fi Tarikh Gharnata”. 14. Akhwan-u-Safa a group of philosopher. 15. Al-Bairuni was a great historian and mathematician of his time. Kitab al-Hind is his famous work. 16. Al-Bakri was also geographer of Muslim Spain. 17. Al-Jahiz was the great name in Arabian medicine. 18. Al-Kindi was the great philosopher and musician and commonly called ”the Philosopher of the Arab” 19. Al-Qazwani was the famous geographer. 20. Alp Arslan was a great Saljuk ruler. He conducted campaigns against the Armenians and the Georgians and defeated the Byzantines in the battle of Malazgird. 21. Bakhtu Yashu was the physician of Mansoor. He translated the master pieces of Hippocrates. 22. Banu Musa, Muhammad, Ahmad and Hassan were the great men in science under the Abbasid of Baghdad. 23. Ben Gebroil was a philosopher of the Muslim Spain. 24. Farabi was a philosopher of the Medieval Arab.. 25. Ghazzali was a Muslim theologian and philosopher. 26. Hunain bin Ishaq was a translator in Bait-a! Hikma. 27. Hurmuz was a great astronomer and author of Mifta alNujuni. 28. Ibn al Baytar was a famous botanist and pharmacologist of (Malaga) Spain. 29. Ibn al-Arabi, Muhuyiddin y/a-j one of the greatest and certainly the most prolific, sufis of Islam in Muslim Spain. 30. Ibn AJhal was a great poet of Umayyad’s time. 31. Ibn Bajjah, Abu Bakr Muhammad was a famous Muslim philosopher and vizir of Saragossa, Spain, known in the West as Avempace. 32. Ibn Firnas was a famous scientist of Muslim Spain. 33. Ibn Ghalib was a famous historian and geographer of Spam. 34. Ibn Hani was a famo;-« Court poet ol the Banu Hamdun, rulers of Masila and of the last Fatimid caiiph Muizz. He is considered the first great poet of the Muslim West. Ibn Haythem (Al-Hazen) was a great Muslim physicist of Egypt. He wrote Kitab al-Manazar. Ibn Hazm was a great literary figure of Muslim Spain. Appendix 903 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. Ibn Ishaq was the biographer of the Holy Prophet. He was a great historian of his time. He was the author of Sirat Rasul UHah. Ibn Nadeem was a biographer. Al-Fihrist is his famous book. Ibn Rushd was also philosopher and Hakim of Spain. Ibn Sina was famous for his books like Qanoon and Kitab al Shifa. He was a great physician and philosopher of medieval time. Ibn Tufayl was a great Muslim Spainsh philosopher. Ibn Usbiayh was the Tabib and author of the Tabqat al- Uttaba. Ibn Yanus was the astronomer of Fatimid time. Ibn Zuhur was also the famous physician of Muslim Spain. Ibn-Muqaffa was a translator of Kalilah wa Dimmah from Pehlawi. Ibnal Asir was a famous historian. Idrisi was a geographer of Muslim Spain. Jaber bin Hayyan was the first chemist in Islam. His famous books, Al-Noor, Al-Hayya. Jahur was the great general of Fatimid of Egypt. Khalid bin Yazid was the great chemist of Umayyad’s time, author of the Kitab al-Hirart. Khalil bin Ahmad was the great literary man of early Islam. Khwarzami was the great name in philosophy and mathematics. Muhammad bin Ibrahim was a translator in Bait al-Hikma. He translated Sidhanta a work on astronomy. Muttanbi was a great literary figure in Abbasids. Razi was philosopher and chemist. Tabari was famous historian of the Arab. Thabit bin Qarra was a translator under the Abbasids. Ubqa bin Nafi was conqueror of North Africa. Umar Khayyam was a great mathematician and astronomer. Yaqub bin Tariq was astronomer under Mansoor. Yaqubi was historian and geographer. Zaharwi was the famous physician of Muslim Spain. Zarqali was the great astronomer of Muslim Spain. Ziryab was a great musician. He served in Baghdad and then served in Spain. 904 Political and Cultural History of Islam SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY A.M. A. Shushtery, Outline of Islamic Culture, Lahore, 1995. Abdul Hameed Siddiqui, The Life of Muhammad (PBUH), Lahore, 1990. Abdul Razaq Muhammad Kanpuri, Nizam-ul-Mulk Tusi, Karachi, 1968 Afzal Iqbal, Islamic Culture, Lahore, 1994. Ahmad Ilyas, The Social Contract and the Islamic State, India, 1944. Ahmad, Muhammad Aziz, The Nature of Islamic Political Theory. Karachi, 1975. Al-Mawardi, Al-Akham-al-Sultaniyah, Translation (Urdu): Syed Muhammad Ibrahim, Karachi, 1965. Albert Haourm, History of the Arab Peoples, London, 1990. Alun Yale, The Future of Caliphate, London. 1975. Ameer Ali Syed, The Life and Teachings of Muhammad (PBUH), Lahore, 1990. Ameer Ali Syed,The Spirit of Islam, Lahore, 1994. Ameer Ah, Syed, A Short History of the Saracens, Lahore, 1994. Amir Hassan Siddiqi, Caliphate and Sultanate in Medieval Persia, Karachi, 1980. Arberry A.J., Classical Persian Literature, London, 1958. Arberry A.J., The legacy of Persia, London, 1953. Arnold Thomas W., Legacy of Islam, London, 1985. Arnold Thomas W., Preaching of Islam, Lahore, 1995. Arnold Thomas W., The Caliphate, Karachi, 1994. Arnold Thomas, Painting in Islam, London, 1960. Asad Gilani Syed, Prophet Muhammad’s Revolution, Lahore, 1989. A sad Muhammad, Road to Makkah, Karachi, 1994. Ata Mohy-ud-Din, Abu Bakar, Lahore, 1990. Ata Mohy-ud-Din, Ali the Superman, Lahore, 1995. Aziz A.A., Abu Bakar, The Caliph, Karachi, 1980. Aziz Ahmad, A History of Islamic Sicily, London, 1990. Barthold, Caliph and Sultan, London, 1980. Bernard Lewis, The Arabs in History, London, 1978. Bertrand Lewis, The History of Spain, London, 1956. Boer De, The History of Philosophy in Islam, London, 1965. Bosworth C.E, The Islamic Dynasties, London, 1985. Bosworth Smith, Muhammad and Muhammadanism, London, 1975. Brocklemann, History of The Islamic Peoples, London, 1980. Bronwne E.G., A Literary History of Persia, London, 1990. Bury, J.B., A History of The Eastern Roman Empire, London, 1912. Butler Howard, Architecture and other Arts, London, 1967. Castro, The Structure of Spainish History, Madrid, 1954. Select Bibliography 905 Chapman, A History of Spain, New York, 1960. Charles Lea H., A History of Inquisition of Spain, New York, 1906. Conde J.A., History of the Domination of the Arabs in Spain, London, 1917. Creswell K.A.C.A., Early Muslim Architecture, London, 1980. Dixon, The Umayyad Caliphate: A Political Study, London, 1985. Dozy R., Spanish Islam, London, 1994. Dr. Majid Ali Khan, Muhammad (PBUH) The Final Messenger, Islamabad, 1983. Draper, John, History of the Intellectual Development of Europe, London, 1910. Edward, Atiyah, The Arabs, London, 1961. Elias Shoafani, Al-Riddah and the Muslim Conquest of Arabia, London. 1960 Fazal Kareem, The Ideal Prophet, Dacca, 1955. Flenley and Welch, World History, London, 1965. Francesco, lebrieli. Muhammad and the Conquest of Islam, London, 1968. Franz Rosenthal, The Classical Heritage in Islam, London, 1976. Gauba K.L, Prophet of the Desert, India, 1960. Gibb H.A.R., Arabic Literature, Lahore, 1980. Gibb H.A.R., Studies of the Civilization of Islam, Lahore, 1988. Goitein S., Studies in Islamic History and Instituions, London, 1970. Grunebaum, Medieval Islam, London, 1960. Guillamme, Life of Muhammad (PBUH), Karachi, 1990. Hafiz Ghulam Sarwar, Muhammad The Holy Prophet (PBUH), Lahore, 1994. Hamid Ullah Dr., Introduction to Islam, Karachi, 1985. Hamid Ullah Dr., Muslim Conduct of State, Karachi, 1985. Hamid Ullah Dr., Muhammad Rasulallah, Lahore, 1994. Hawting, First Dynasty in Islam. London, 1988. Hines C.R., Christianty and Islam in Spain, London, 1915. Hitti P.K., History of Syria London, 1960. Hitti P.K., History of The Arabs, London, 1985. Hitti P.K., Makers of Arab History, London, 1970. Hobson, The Ceramic Art in Islamic Times, London, 1986. Hole, Edwyn, Andalus: Spain Under The Muslims, London, 1958. Hurat C., A History of Arabic Literature, London, 1913. Imamuddin S.M, Sources of Muslim History of Spain, Karachi, 1953. Imamuddin S.M , Cultural History of Muslim Spain, Lahore, 1988. Imamuddin S M , Economic History of Muslim Spain, Karachi, 1968. 906 Political and Cultural History of Islam Imamuddin S.M., Political History of Muslim Spain, Karachi, 1982. John Bagot Glubb, History of the Arab Peoples, London, 1980. John Bagot Glubb, The Empire of the Arabs, London, 1980. Joseph Hell, Arab Civilization, Lahore, 1994. Jurji Zaydan, History of Islamic Civilization, Lahore, 1980. Khalifa Abdul Hakim, Islam and Communism, Lahore, 1970. Khalifa Abdul Hakim, Islamic Ideology, Lahore, 1994. Khalifa Abdul Hakim, The Ideal Prophet, Lahore, 1980. Khud Buksh, Islamic Study, Lahore, 1972. Landu R., Islam and the Arabs, London, 1960. Lane - Poole, Muhammadan Dynasties, Karachi, 1980. Lane - Poole, Saladin, London, 1960. Lane - Poole, The Prophet of Islam, London, 1960. Lane - Poole, Turkey, Lahore, 1975. Lassner, Jacob, The Shaping of the Abbasid Rule, London, 1985. Leory, The Fatimids, London, 1960. Levy, The Social Structure of Islam, London, 1990. Mahmood S.F., A Short History of Islam, Karachi, 1990. Margoliouth, Umayyads and Abbasids, London, 1990. Margoliuth D.S., Muhammad and Rise of Islam, London, 1980. Masud-ul-Hasan, Hazrat Abu Bakar Siddique, Lahore, 1992. Masud-ul-Hasan, Hazrat Ali, Lahore, 1992. Masud-ul-Hasan, Hazrat Umar-i-Farooq, Lahore, 1992. Masud-ul-Hasan, Hazrat Usman, Lahore, 1992. Masud-ul-Hasan, History of Islam, Lahore, 1990. Maxime Rodinson, The Arabs, London, 1960. Mez A., Islamic Civilization, Lahore, 1990. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, Karachi, 1994. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, Karachi, 1994. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad, Prophet, Statesman, London, 1961. Montgomery Watt, Survey of Islam (Muslim Spain), London, 1970. Muhammad Ali, The Prophet Muhammad, London, 1947. Muhammad Hussain Haykal, Abu Bakar, Siddiq-i-Akbar, Lahore, 1990. Muhammad Hussain Haykal, The Life of Muhammad (PBUH), Karachi, 1989. Muhammad Iqbal Dr., Reconstruction of Religious Thoughts in Islam, Lahore, 1990. Muhammad Saud, Islam and Evolution of Science, Islamabad, 1988. Muhammad Ullah, The Administration of Justice in Islam, Lahore, 1980. Nicholson R., A Literary History of the Arabs, London, 1992. Ockely S., History of the Saracens, London, 1960. Select Bibliography 907 Rafi Ahmad Fidai, Concise History of Muslim World, India, 1994. Raza Ali Musa, Muhammad as Depicted in the Quran, India, 1970. Roger, Peter, Islam in History, London, 1990. Rosenthal E.J., Political Thought in Medieval Islam, London, 1970. Salik G.A., Early Heroes of Islam, Lahore, 1960. Savory, Roger, Iran Under the Safavids, London, 1980. Shaw Standfor, The Rise and Decline of the Ottoman Empire, London,1988. Shaw, Standford, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, London, 1988. Shibli Numani, Sirattun Nabi, Karachi, 1970. Shibli Numani, Al-Farooq, Lahore, 1985. Shibli Numani, Al-Mamun, Lahore, 1990. Spuler, Bertold, Muslim World: Part I - The Age of Caliphs, London, 1960. Strange, Baghdad During the Abbasids Caliphate, London, 1960. Syed Asad Gilani, Methodology of Prophet Muhammad’s (PBUH) Islamic Revolution, Lahore, 1989. Syed Athar Hussain, The Benifactor of Mankind, India, 1975. Syed Moinul Haq, Hazrat Abu bakar, Lahore, 1980. Syed Muhammad Unnasir, Islam: Its Concepts and History, London, 1989. Syed Sulayman Nadvi, The Blessed Prophet, India, 1968. Syed Sulayman Nadvi, The Living Prophet, Karachi, 1968. Talbot Rice, Islamic Art, London, 1985. Washingting Irving, Life of Muhammad, New Yark, 1920. Weil, Life of Muhammad, London, 1960. Well H.G, Outline of History, London, 1980. Welihausen, The Arab Kingdom and its Fall, Karachi, 1980. vViiliam Muir, The Life of Muhammad, London, 1861. Journals and encyclopaedias A!-Mu:arif, Lahore. Iqbal Review, Lahore. Islamic Culture, Hydrabad (India). Islamic Education, London. Islamic Literature, Lahore. / Islamic Science, London. Islamic Study, Islamabad. Islamic World, London. Pakistan Historical Society, Karachi. Voice of Islam, London, Encyclopaedia of Islam Encyclopaedia of Muhammad (PBUH) Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences Encylopeadia of Britannica 908 Political and Cultural History of Islam INDEX Abbas, 41, 42, 77, 119, 129. Averroes, see, Ibn Rushd, Abbas, Shah, 674, 675, 676. Abbasid, 56, 417, 419, 422. Abdul Aziz, 340, 341,342, 347. Abdul Malik, 312,313, 314, 316,317,318. Abdul Muttalib, 23, 24, 27, 32,35,41. Abd Rabbih, 577, 579, 580, 581,585. Abdur Rahman I, 547, 558. Abdur Rahman II, 551. Abdur Rahman in, 555, 567. Abdullah, Father of the Holy Prophet, 24. Abdullah ibn Maymun, 555, 556. Abdullah bin Zubayr, 304, 312. Abyssinia, 6,8, 143,209,216. A’d, 3,4. Affan, 209, 235. Aflah, ibn Jabir, 565. Africa, 1,2, 6, 22. Aghani,413,457, 526. Ahsan al-Taqasim, 515. Ahzab, 85, 88, 89. Arab, 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,9, 11, 13, 19. Arabia, 1,2,4,5,6,7, 12, 13, 14, 15,22. Arabia Deserta, 1. Arabia Felix, 1. Arabia Petraea, 1. Arabian, 1,2,6,7,8,9. Aristotelianism, 536, 556, 575. Arnold, T.W, 276. Asia, 1, 2. Asia Minor, 6. Avempace, see Gabirol, ben, 574. Avenzoar, see ibn Zuhur, 552. 511,530. Avicenna, see also Sina, 503. Ayyam al-Arab, 9, 19. Aziz, Fatimid Caliph, 322, 327,331. Bab al-Futuh, 664, 665. Babal-Nasr, 665. Babylonians, 387. Badr, 33, 61,63, 66. Baghdad, 306, 386. Bajjah, ibn, 574, 575, 581, 630. Bakhtishu, ibn, 502. Bakr al-Siddique, abu, 7, 29, 32, 52, 79. Bakri, al, 382. Baladhuri, al, 394. Barmak, ibn Khalid, 328, 329, 385,435. Barmak, ibn Yahya, 450. Barmaki, Jafar, 452, 454. Barmakid, 453, 454, 456. Bashkuwal, 568. Basra, 186, 195,202. Basus, war, 9, Battani, 512, 516, 521. Bedouin, 422, 425, 500. Berber, 417,418, 419. Byzantine, 5, 6, 7, 8, 419, 421. Cairo, 191,334. Central Asia, 327, 328. Chaldaean, 4. Charles Mattel, 362, 363. Christian, 2. 5, 8, Constantinople, 22. Damascus, 6. Dar al-Hikma, 530. Dhimmis, 163,201. Dome of the Rock, 313, 323, 324. Dozy, 10. Egypt, 2, 4, 14. Index Europe, 1,22. European, 21. Falasifah, 575. Faqih, 551. Farghani, 638. Fatimah, 80, 178,238,340, 343. Fatimid, 586, 609, 614, 639, 640. Fihrist,409, 521. Gerard of Cremona, 514, 530. Ghalib, 448. Ghazzali, 574, 575, 638. Greek, 552, 553, 556, 557. Hadi, al-Musa, 446, 448, 643. Hajj, 435, 485. Hajjaj ibn Yousaf, 289, 317, 318,319,320. Hakam, 313,314. Hakim, Fatimid, 218. Hamra, al-Hamra, 553, 593, 596. Harun, 217,413,442, 445. Hassan, son of Ali, 244, 260, 288, 304. Hazm, ibn, 574, 581,582. Hebrew, 1,405,526,555, 556, 623. Hijaz, 1,4, 9, 14, 15. Hijrah, 22, 39, 44, 46. Hisham, 80, 120, 178,289. Hitti, P.K. (Historian), 1, 2, 14, Hunain bin Ishaq, 404, 500. Hussain, son of Ali, 239, 262, 300, 302. Ikhvvan al-Safa, 564. Iqd al-Farid, 585. Iran, 2, 195,206,214,230. Iranian, 54, 181. Iraq, 5, 14,89, 152, 155. Islamic art, 414, 415, 542, 600. Islamic Literature, 471. Isphan, 186. 909 Jabir bin Hayyan, 409, 501, 509, 520. Jafar, abu Mansur, 307, 384, 430,431. Jahwar, 616. Janissaries, 676, 710, 711, 712,714. Janissary, 693, 696, 705, 725, 726. Jew, 8. Jews, 15, 16,25,37,50,52. Jizya, 101, 125, 156, 157, 164, 168, 182. Kahinah, 322. Karbalah, 227, 304, 306, 307. Khaldun, 303, 352, 376, 409, 484, 526. Khalid, Umayyad prince, 248, 289. Khalid bin Wai id, 79, 81,88, 96, 107, 111, 115. Khalifah, 145, 146, 147, 166. Kharijites. 253, 254, 256, 284. Khattab, ibn-al-Umar, 52, 171, 178. Khayber, 86, 97. Khazraj,41,42,50, 52. Khurasan, 186,214,216. Kufah, 6, 284, 293, 294. Mahdi, Ibn Tumart, 315, 386. Mahdi, Abbasid Caliph, 445. Majriti, 561, 564. Makkah, 1,4,8. Makkan, 14,25,27,29,30, 38. Mamun, 413,450, 463, 464. Mansur, 424, 427, 428, 432, 433. Marwan, 421,423,424, 431, 436. Mawali,417,418, 419, 422, 424. Mawardi, 489, 539. Medina, 1,4, 16,23,24,37, 41. 910 Political and Cultural History of Islam ’ Moorish, 553, 598. Mu’awiya, 195, 196, 212, 213, 214,218. Mu’awiya II, 311, 312, 313, 314. Muhammad, the Holy Prophet, 1, 10,22. Muhammad II, Ottoman, 691, 692. Muslim al-Khurasani, 425, 641. Nazir, banu,54, 60, 85, 86. Nafs al-Zakiyah, 439. Nasr ibn Sayyar, 455. Ottoman, 674, 675, 677, 678, 691. Oxus River, 675. Palestine, 14, 152, 159, 162, 191. Persia, 6, 7, 8. Persian, 1, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 14. Poetry, 16,20,21. Prophet, Muhammad (PBUH) 1,8,9,22,23,24,25,26,27, 28, Qazi, 10, 135, 137, 157, 163, 165. Qadisiyah, 315. Qaim, 647, 648. Quran, 23, 34, 55. Qurrah, ibn Thabit, 504, 515. Qusta bin Luqa, 472, 473. Qutaybah ibn Muslim, 320, 328, 329, 334, 337. Razi, 183,502,503,504,506.. Renaissance, 474, 501, 511, 517,546. Roman, 6, 7, 9, 14, 15, Rushdibn, 303, 506, 511, 530. Saba, ibn Abdullah, 217, 218, 220. Safavid, 414, 674, 676. Saffah, 372, 386, 427, 430, 431,432. Spain. 22, 100,216,322,327, 328,331. Spanish, 331,332, 420, 501, 516,521. Sufyan, abu, 27, 66, 67, 76, 77, 78, 80. Sulayman, Umayyad, 328, 329,331,334,335,337,338, 339. Sulayman the Magnificient, 691,704,707. Syria, 1,2,6,7, 14,24,25, 67. Tabari, 80, 187,208,248. Tabuk, 121, 123. Talib abu, uncle of the Holy Prophet, 24, 25, 27, 31,39, 52. Tigris, 185, 202. Transoxiana, 353, 358, 365, 446, 480,483. Tufayl, ibn, 566, 574, 575, 591. Turk, 215, 321, 354, 358. Ukaz, 26. Umarl, 52, 177. Umarll, 342, 343, 344, 345. Umayyad, 35, 56, 76, 78, 209, 219,227,233,245,261,285. Walladah, 606. Yahya ibn Yahya, 615. Yaman, 1, 6, 7, 8. Yazid, 159, 167, 168, 190, 206,259,267,291,294,296, 298. Zab, battle, 316, 369, 372, 374. Zahrawi, 506, 555, 560. Zuhr, ibn, abu Marwan, 511, 552, 553, 556, 628. Paper 911 APPENDIX IV MCQ’S OBJECTIVE TYPE QUESTIONS CSS 1986 ISLAMIC HISTORY & CULTURE PAPER-I 1. Write down the Correct Answers (a) Manat is a name of Mountain / Cave / Idol (b) Yathrab was the name of the Capital Town of Egypt / old name of Mecca / Previous name of Medina. (c) Hazrat Ibrahim / Hazrat Isaa / Hazrat Ismail was sacrificed by his father. (d) After the death of his mother, the Holy Prophet (SAW) was taken under the guardianship of Abu Talib / Abbas / Abdul-Muttalib. (e) The Holy Quran was revealed first on the Mount of Safa / in Kaba / in the Cave of Hira. (f) The Battle of Yarmuk took place during the days of Hazrat Abu Bakr / Hazrat Ali / Hazrat Umar / Hazrat Usman. (g) Harun al-Rashid / Abu Jafar Mansur / Abul Abbas al Saffah / Marwan was the founder of the Caliphate of the Abbasids. (h) Hazrat Ali shifted the headquarters of Caliphate to Basra / Damascus / Kufa / Medina, (i) Khawarij came into existence during the days of Hazrat Ali / Hazrat Usman / Hazrat Umar. (j) Hazrat Khalid b. Walid was removed from commandership during the days of Hazrat Usman / Hazrat Umar / Hazrat Ali. ANSWERS (a) Idol (b) Previous name of (c) Hazrat Ismail was Medina . sacrificed by his father (d) Abdul Muttalib (e) In the Cave of Hira (f) Hazrat Umar (g) Abul-Abbas al-Saffah (h) Kufa (i) Hazrat Ali (j) Hazrat Umar. Note: MCQ’s were not asked in CSS 1986 Paper-II. 912 Political and Cultural History of Islam CSS 1987 ISLAMIC HISTORY & CULTURE PAPER I Q.I. Read the following statements and write down the correct answers: (a) During his stay at Makkah the Holy Prophet (SAS) travelled to Ethiopia/Egypt/Syria: (b) The first revelation was sent down to the Holy Prophet (SAS) in Kaaba/Ghar- e-/Hira/Thour: (c) The Holy Prophet (SAS) was injured in the battle of Hunain/Khandaq / Uhad: (d) Hazrat Abu Bakr sent the first Muslim army under Khalid bin Waleed/Usma bin Zaid/Amr bin Aas. (e) The Holy Quran was collected in the form of book by Abdullah bin Abbas/Abdullah bin Oamr/Zaid bin Thabit. (f) Iran was conquered during the time of Hazrat Abu Bakr/Hazrat Umar/Hazrat Ali. (g) Historians consider the golden period of Islamic history the period of the Ummayads/the Abbasids/the Ottomans: (h) Baitul Hikmah was established by Omar bin Abdul Aziz/Mamun/Mutasim. (i) The Pact of Medina was signed between Christians and Muslims/Jews and Muslims/Aus and Khazraj. (j) Khilafat Rashidah was ended with the assassination of Hazrat Usman/Hazrat Ali / Imam Hussain. ANSWER (a) Syria (b) Ghar-e-Hira (c) Uhad (d) Usama bin Zaid (e) Zaid bin Thabit (f) Hazrat Umar (g) Abbasids (h) Mamun (i) Jews and Muslims (j) Hazrat Ali. CSS 1987 ISLAMIC HISTORY & CULTURE, PAPER-II I) Read the following sentences carefully and write the correct answers in your answer book:- (a) Damascus/Egypt/Baghdad was the Headquarters of the Fatimid Rulers. (b) Zaryab was a famous physician/Musician / Engineer. (c) Ibn-i-Kha!dun belonged to Baghdad/Spain/Egypt. Paper 913 (d) Nazimuddin/Liaqat Ali Khan/Quaid-i-Azam was the (II) First Governor General of Pakistan. (e) Taj Mahal is situated in Delhi/Lahore/Agra. II) Answer the following questions: (a) What was the previous name of Medina? (b) Where is the Headquarters of present Spain? (c) Who is the Head of the State of Iraq? (d) Where Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar was buried? (e) Who was the founder of Modern Turkey? ANSWER I) (a) Egypt (b) Musician (c) Egypt (d) Quaid-i-Azam (e) Agra II) (a) Yasrab (b) Madrid (c) Saddam Hussain (d) Al-Qudas Mosque (e) Mustafa Kamal Pasha. CSS 1988 ISLAMIC HISTORY & CULTURE, PAPER-I Q.I. Read the following statements carefully and write the correct answers in your answer book:- (a) Gabrial came to Prophet Muhammad (SAW) in the Cave of Mount Hira/Mount Safa/Mount Marwah. (b) Surah al-Ikhlas is the first/last/last but two surah of the Holy Quran. (c) Drastic measures of Al-Hajjaj did/did not fail to restore peace and order in the empire. (d) Prophet’s first wife was Hazrat Aisha/Hazrat Khadeeja / Hazrat Zaynab. (e) Iran was conquered in the time of Hazrat Abu Bakr / Hazrat Umar / Hazrat Ali. (0 There are 112/130/114 surahs in the Holy Quran. (g) The battle of Yarmuk took place during the days of Hazrat Abu Bakr / Hazrat Ali / Hazrat Umar / Hazrat Usman. (h) The Holy Quran is divided into 27/30/32 Paras (parts), (i) The Holy Prophet had once ordered Hazrat Ali / Hazrat Usman / Hazrat Abu Bakr to lead the prayers while he was sick, (j) The rate of Zakat is 10/40 2« per cent. 914 . ANSWER (a) Hira (c) Didi (d) Hazr (f) 114 (h) 30 P 0) 2« p< Political and Cultural History of Islam (a) Hira (b) Last but two Surah of (c) Did not fail for peace the Quran (d) Hazrat Khadeeja (e) Hazrat Umar (f) 114 (g) Hazrat Umar (h) 30 Paras (i) Hazrat Abu Bakr (j) 2« per cent. CSS 1988 ISLAMIC HISTORY & CULTURE, PAPER-II I. Read the following sentences carefully and write the correct answer in your answer book. (a) Baghdad / Medina / Damascus was the Headquarters of Umayyads Rulers. (b) Muhammad AH / Sikander Mirza / Ayub Khan was the first President of Pakistan. (c) Baghdad was sacked by Changhaiz Khan /Tuli Khan / Hilaku Khan. (d) Sind was invaded in 710/690/712 A.D. (e) The Battle of Ditch was fought in 627 A.D./625 A.D./ 630 A.D. II. Answer the following questions: (a) When Abdul Malik came into power? (b) Who built the ”Dome of the Rock” (c) Who was successor of Abu Jafar al-Mansd&r? (d) When Baghdad was destructed by Mongols? (e) Who is the Head of the State of Syria? in. Please answer in Yes or No. (a) Abu-Muslim Khurasani was killed during the reign of Al-Mansoor. (b) Zaryab was a famous Physician. (c) The battle of Badr was a struggle between force and faith. (d) Malik Ghulam Muhammad was the first Prime Minister of Pakistan. (e) The Treaty of Hudaibiya was drawn up in 628 A.D. IV. Arrange in chronological order. (a) Abu Jafar Al-Mansoor. (b) Umai bin Abdul Aziz. (c) Muhammad bin Qasim. (d) Harun Rashid. Paper 9] (e) ANSWER I. (a) (c) (e) II. (a) (c) (e) in. (a) (c) (e) IV. (0 Hisham. Q.I. (b) Sikander Mirza (d) 712 A.D. (b) Abdul Malik (d) 1258 (b) No (d) No (i) ANSWER (a) (a) Damascus (b) Sikander Mirza (c) Hilaku Khan (d) 712 A.D. (e) 627 A.D. (a) 685 A.D. (b) Abdul Malik (c) Mehdi (d) 1258 (e) Hafiz al-Asad (a) Yes (b) No (c) Yes (d) No (e) Yes (i) Muhammad bin Qasim (ii) Umar bin Abdul Aziz (in) Hisham (iv)Mansoor (v) Harun Rashid CSS 1989 ISLAMIC HISTORY & CULTURE PAPER I Read the following statements and write down th correct answer in your answer book:- (a) The Prophet (SAW) received first wahy when he wa 60/28/40 years old. (b) The Makkans made a social boycott of the Muslims i the year 5/7/9 of prophethood. (c) After the death of Syeda Khadija in Makkah the Prophe (PBUH) took Syeda Umm-e-Salma / Ayisha / Sauda Zainab as his second wife. (d) First Hijrah to Ethopia was made in the year 9th / 7th 5th of prophethood. (e) The longest surah in the Qur’an is al-Imran/al-Fil / al Baqrah. (f) The pact of Najran was signed between the Muslim; and Jews / Muslims and Sabians / Muslims anc Christians. (g) The largest number of ahadith were reported by Syedc Ayesha / Hazrat Anas bin Malik / Hazrat Abu Hurairah, (h) First Masjid ever built on earth was al-Aqsa / Masj id al- Nabwi / Masjid al-Haram Makkah. (i) Bait-e-Radwan was made to take revenge for the blooc of Hazrat Hamzah / Hazrat Usman / Hazrat Ali. (j) The last ayah revealed to the Prophet was ”> (b) (c) (d) (e) (0 (g) (h) 40 years 916 Political and Cultural History of Islam (b) 7th year of Prophethood (c) Hazrat Sauda as a second wife (d) 5th year of Prophethood (e) al-Baqrah (f) Muslim and Christians (g) Hazrat Abu Hurairah (h) al-Aqsa (i) Hazrat Usman (j) Yam’a Akmultaqum Denaqum CSS 1989 ISLAMIC HISTORY & CULTURE PAPER II 1. Attempt according to particular instructions for each Section: Section-I: Write the correct answer in your script: (a) SIJILMASA/CORDOVA/GRANADA was the capital of the UMAYYADS of Spain. (b) To Arab geographers and historians SPAIN / the area between EGYPT and the ATLANTIC was known as AL-MAGHRIB. (c) The BERBER Tribes were the resmuits of NORTH AFRICA/AL-ANDALUS. (d) ’UQBAH, bin NAFI’ reached the Atlantic during the Caliphate of AL-WALID I / YAZIP I. Section-II: Answer the following: (e) For how many years did ”ABDUR RAHMAN in” rule? (f) What is the name of the author of the book ’FIRDAWS AL-HIKMA’? (g) Who was the author of the Book AL-HA WI? (h) Which ruler was the founder of the GRANADA University? Section-Ill: Exercise the choice of’YES’ or ’NO’: (i) AL-KAHINA (a rebel from the Algerian region) was a Christian priestess. 0) IBN SINA was the author of the Book ”Al-QANUN FI AL-TIB”. (k) IBN HAYYAN (of CORDOVA) was the author of the Book TARIKH IFTITAH AL-ANDALUS”. (1) AL-ADWIYAH AL-MUFRADAH was a Book on BOTANY. Section-TV: Arrange the following Dynasties in a chronological order: Paper (m) TheSA’DIANS (n) (o) TheNASIRIDS (p) (q) TheAGHLABIDS 917 The IDRISIDS The HAFSIDS ANSWER I. (a) Cordova (b) Area between Egypt and Atlantic (c) North Africa (d) Yazid I II. (e) 49« years 912-961 A.D. (f) al-Tabari (g) Abu Bakr Muhammad Razi (h) Yusuf Abul Hajjaj - Nasrids (1333-1354) in. (i) Yes (j) Yes (k) No(I) Yes IV. (m) Idrisids (788 A.D.) (n)Aghlabids (800 A.D.) (o) Sa’dian (1127 A.D.) (p) Hafsids(I228 A.D.) (q) Nasrids (1232 A.D.) CSS 1990 ISLAMIC HISTORY & CULTURE PAPER-I Q. Read the following statements carefully and write the correct answer in your answer book:- (a) Safa and Marwa are the names of two Angels / Mounts / Idols; (b) The city of Baghdad was founded by Harun / Walid / Mansur; (c) Harun-al-Rashid was the son of Kadi / Mahdi / Mansur; (d) The Hofy Quran was collected firstly m the days of Hazrat Usman / Hazrat Abu Bakr / Hazrat Umar; (e) Hijri calendar was introduced by Hazrat Usman / Hazrat Umar / Hazrat AH; (f) Muhammad bin Qasim conquered Sind during the days of Marwan / Walid / Abdul Malik; (g) The Accession (Miraj) of the Holy Prophet (SAW) took place when he was in Makkah / Medina / Taif; (h) Baitul Hikmat was founded by Mansur / Mamun / Harun; (i) Hazrat AH shifted the capital to Basra / Kufa / Damascus; (j) The first wife of the Holy Prophet (SAW) was Hazrat Aisha / Hazrat Zainab / Hazrat Khadija. ANSWER (a) Mounts (b) Mansur 918 Political and Cultural History of Islam Paper 919 (c) Mahdi (e) Hazrat Umar (g) Makkah (i) Kufa (d) Hazrat Abu Bakr (f) Walid (h) Mamun (j) Hazrat Khadija. CSS 1990 ISLAMIC HISTORY & CULTURE PAPER-II Section-I: Write the correct answer in your script: (a) Hakam / Muhammad / Abdur Rahman was the first caliph of Umayyads of Spain: (b) Liaqat AH Khan / Sardar Abdul Rabb Nishtar / Khawaja Nazimuddin was the first prime minister of Pakistan. (c) The downfall of the Umayyads in Damascus happened in!25A.H./132A.H./150A.H. (d) Muslims reached North Africa in the period of Amir Muawiya / Abdul Malik / Walid. Section-II: Answer the following questions: (a) For how many years did Abdur Rahman II rule? (b) When did Muhammad b. Abdur Rahman come into power? (c) How many years did Abbasids rule in Baghdad? (d) Who is the head of the state of Brunei? Section-Ill: Answer in Yes or No: (a) The battle of Qadislyya was fought in the period of Caliph Umar. (b) The author of the book ”Ihya Ulum ad-din” is Shah Wali Ullah. (c) AI-Afid was the iasi Caliph of the Fatimids. (d) Baital - Hikmat was founded by Haroon ar-Rashid. Section-FV: Arrange the following in Chronological order; (a) Abdul Malik b. Marwan; (b) al-Mamoon (c) Yazid b. Abdul Malik; (d) Muawiya b. Abi Sufyan. ANSWERS I. (a) Abdur Rahman (b) Liaqat AH Khan (c) 132 A.H. (d) Walid II. (a) 30 years - 822-852 A.D. (b) 825 A.D. (c) 508 Years (d) Bujumbura in. (a) Yes (b) No (c) Yes (d) No IV. (a) Muawiya bin Abi Sufyan (b) Abdul Malik bin Marwan (c) Yazid bin Abdul Malik (d) AI-Mamun CSS 1991 ISLAMIC HISTORY AND CULTURE PAPER-I Q.I. Read the following statements and write down the correct answers:- (a) The Quran was marked diacritically by Umar bin Abd al-Aziz / Hajjaj bin Yusuf / Mu’awiya / Usman the Third Caliph. (b) Abu Hanifa died during the reign of Hisham / Harun alRashid / al Mansur / al-Saffah; (c) Creation of the Quran was proclaimed by the Kharajit / The Qadarit / The Mu’tazilit / The Marjit. (d) Samara was founded by al-Mutawakkil / al-Mamun / alMu’tasim / al-Mahdi. (e) Hunain bin Ishaq was a Singer / Vizir / Translator / Historian. (f) The earliest sect of Islam is the Qadarit / The Kharaj it / The Murjit / The Hanbalit. (g) Musa bin Nusair was the governor of Sind / Basra / North Africa / Makkah; (h) Author of al-Akham al-Sultania is al-Ghazzali / Ibn Khuldun / al - Mawardi / al- Farabi; (i) Tigris is a river in Spain / Baghdad / Africa / Egypt: (j) Arrange the following in chronological order: Battle of Khaiber, Battle of Tabuk, Battle of Uhad, Battle of Hunain. ANSWER (a) Hajjaj bin Yusuf (b) al-Mansur (c) Mu’tazilit (d) Mu’tasim (e) Translator (f) Kharajit (g) North Africa (h) Al-Mawardi (i) Baghdad 0) (i) Uhad (ii) Khyber (in) Hunain (iv) Tabuk. CSS 1991 ISLAMIC HISTORY AND CULTURE PAPER-II Q.I. Follow the Instructions given for each Section Section-I: Write the Correct answer in your script: