Running Head: Diffusion of Superbook

running head: Diffusion of Superbook

The Diffusion of Superbook: One of the World's Most Popular Entertainment-Education Television Series

William J. Brown and Benson P. Fraser

College of Communication and the Arts Regent University Virginia Beach, VA 23464-9800 Tel: 804-579-4215, Fax: 579-4291 e-mail: [email protected] e-mail: [email protected]

Paper presented to the International Communication Association, May 23-27, 1997, Montreal

citation below:

Brown, W. J., & Fraser, B. P. (1997, May). The diffusion of "Superbook": One of the world's most popular entertainment-education series. Competitive paper presented to the 47th annual conference of the International Communication Association, Montreal, May 23-27. The Diffusion of Superbook: One of the World's Most Popular

Entertainment-Education Television Series

Abstract

Very few entertainment-education television series have diffused to so many different countries during the 1980s and 1990s as did the animated series entitled Superbook. The series has been broadcast in over 50 different nations to date, including a number of communist countries that have not allowed many western-produced programs into the country. In this article we trace the diffusion of Superbook from its origin in Japan to its most recent audience in

Kampuchea. An analysis is provided of the reasons for the successful diffusion of Superbook across international and cultural boundaries. Lessons are drawn from this case study that can address the diffusion of future entertainment-education programs.

The Diffusion of Superbook: One of the World's Most Popular Entertainment-Education Television Series

During the past two decades there has been a steady increase in the diffusion of entertainment television programs with educational content. Some of the most influential series have been entertaining educational children's programs such as Sesame Street and educational family serial dramas such as Oshin. Many of the most popular television series that combine entertainment and education have crossed national boundaries and gained large international audiences. For example, the Peruvian telenovela "Simplemente Maria" attracted large audiences while promoting literacy and adult education, becoming the most popular television series of all time in Latin America (Singhal, Obregon, & Rogers, 1994). The international diffusion of

Sesame Street has made the U.S.-produced program one of the most popular children's television series (Cook, 1975; Lesser, 1975). Japan's Oshin, a prosocial dramatic serial that powerfully portrays a story of human endurance and success, was immensely popular in Iran, China, Poland,

Thailand, and Belgium (Mowlana & Rad, 1992; Lull, 1991; Svenkerud, Rahoi, and Singhal,

1995). The purpose of the present paper is examine one of the most successful entertainment- education animation programs, Superbook. Before providing a case study of the diffusion of

Superbook, we provide a general description of the television marketing environment and growth of entertainment-education television programs.

We then trace the development and diffusion of Superbook, focusing on Russia.

The Global Influence of Entertainment Media

The growth of entertainment media products throughout the world is unprecedented. There are more film and television consumers in the world today than at any point in human history.

The rapid dissemination of new communication technologies such as satellites, VCRs, cable television, etc. have multiple entertainment options manifold. Although most of the popular media is commercially-driven, the use of films and television programs to promote social change is steadily increasing (Brown, 1992a) Ethical concerns centering around the antisocial effects of graphic sex and excessive violence in entertainment media products are pressuring governments and private organizations to call for a more constructive and responsible use the media (Brown,

1992b). In countries that are decimated by the AIDS epidemic, uncontrolled substance abuse, ethnic hatred and strife, and civil disorder, the need to use the popular media to help solve social problems is especially acute.

The past fifty years of communication theory and research has demonstrated that entertainment media have a profound and measurable influence on the attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors of media users. The impact of popular films and television programs on individual and societal beliefs and behaviors will continue to increase as satellite technology, broadcast and cable television, and vcrs diffuse rapidly in developing countries.

Television audiences have expanded rapidly during the past few decades. About thirty years ago, only five percent of the world's television sets were found in developing countries; by 1993, the numbers had increased to 50 percent. In two of the world's most populous countries, China and India, television now reaches a combined one billion people. The distribution of video recorders is also increasing rapidly in developing countries. Wang Wei of the Beijing

Broadcasting Institute reported in 1993 that in many urban areas of China the diffusion of VCRs had reached 50 percent.

Paralleling the rapid diffusion of television sets and VCRs has been the growth of the worldwide entertainment industry. A large percentage of the United States' GNP comes through its entertainment industry, which in 1992 recorded a $4 billion trade surplus. U.S. revenues from films and ancillary entertainment activities are growing at a faster rate for foreign product sales than for domestic consumption. The socio-cultural impacts of films and other entertainment products will rise in the future as VCRs rapidly diffuse in developing countries and as video-on- demand technology becomes available in Japan, the U.S., and Europe.

The influence of entertainment television will also continue to increase as broadcasting systems in developing countries allow more entertainment programming. In every country where television has been introduced, entertainment television programs and movies eventually dominate the broadcasting time because of their great popularity and success in attracting commercial funding. The present trend indicates that the entertainment orientation of the international film and television industry will increase, even in developing countries that are committed to using the media for educational purposes.

The use of the entertainment media to promote prosocial change is also a growing trend.

Advertisers have used marketing communication strategies to influence attitudes and behavior through film and television. More recently, a social marketing approach has been employed to promote prosocial beliefs and behaviors through media. During the past two decades or so, classical product marketing strategies have been used to market good citizenship, fire safety, exercise, seat belt use, smoking cessation, responsible drinking, condom use, sexual responsibility, political beliefs, environmental awareness, women's equality, and dozens of other important social beliefs and behaviors. Thus it is no surprise that the producers of Superbook had specific marketing objectives before the program was developed.

The Entertainment-Education Strategy in Television

Entertainment-education is a communication strategy in which producers combine entertainment and education in order to promote prosocial values, beliefs, and practices and achieve educational goals (Singhal, Rogers, & Brown, 1993a, 1993b). Entertainment-education television programs seem to be attracting large audiences throughout the world, especially in developing nations. One common characteristic of television programming in developing nations is the growing popularity of entertainment programs such as television soap operas (Katz, 1979;

Brown, 1992b). By the mid-1980s soap operas were the most watched type of television program in Latin America (Rogers & Antola, 1985) and are rapidly becoming the most popular genre of television in Asia (Brown, 1990). Popular soap operas have attracted audiences of over 600 million in China, over 300 million in India, and over 60 million in Brazil and Mexico (Singhal &

Rogers, 1994).

Television soap operas have promoted a wide range of educational-development goals.

Miguel Sabido, a creative writer-producer-director at Televisa, the Mexican national television network, produced eleven series of telenovelas (television novels or Latin American soap operas) from 1967 to 1982 to educate the public about important values, beliefs, and practices intended to advance development in Mexico. These programs promoted the cultural history of Mexico, adult education and literacy, family planning, sex education, nationalism, women's status, and better treatment of children (Brown, Singhal, & Rogers, 1988; Nariman, 1993).

Sabido's prosocial telenovelas were inspired by the prosocial impact of the highly popular

Peruvian telenovela "Simplemente Maria" ("Simply Mary"), which motivated hundreds of thousands of Latin American women to enroll in adult literacy and sewing classes (Singhal,

Obregon, and Rogers, 1994). The success of Mexico's telenovelas inspired other countries to produce entertainment-education television dramas. Nigeria broadcast a 30-minute weekly dramatic television serial called "Cock Crow at Dawn" in 1980 and 1981 to promote the adoption of modern agricultural practices among middle and upper class farmers. A study of the impact of the program indicated that its entertainment and educational content influenced regular viewers to increase their use of better farming practices (De-Goshie, 1986; Ume-Nwagbo, 1986).

During 1984-1985 "Hum Log" ("We People"), a prosocial television soap opera in India, earned audience ratings of up to 90 percent (Singhal & Rogers, 1988). The educational messages in "Hum Log" included fair and equitable treatment of women, family harmony, appreciation of cultural diversity, family planning, and national unity (Singhal & Rogers, 1989a). Extensive research indicated that despite certain limitations, "Hum Log" met most of its prosocial objectives (Brown, 1990; Brown & Cody, 1991).

In 1987, Kenya broadcast "Tushauriane" ("Let's Discuss"), the country's first indigenously- produced television soap opera. The development objective of the program was to promote family planning. "Tushauriane" quickly became the most popular television program in the history of Kenyan television, meeting many of its prosocial objectives (Muchiri, 1989; Muroki,

1989). Audience ratings of the program remained high until the series ended in late 1988 (Brown

& Singhal, 1990).

Turkey produced an entertainment-education television mini-series, "Sparrows Don't

Migrate," during the same time period. This television program, which was part of a massive family planning campaign, portrayed the plight of families migrating from rural to urban areas.

The series carried family planning messages to some 20 million television viewers, about 60 percent of all television viewers in Turkey (Singhal & Rogers, 1989b). Pre-test post-test survey research revealed that about 250,000 Turkish women began using modern contraception methods after exposure to this television campaign (Kincaid, Yun, Piotrow, & Yaser, 1993).

Other important television series with educational-development messages include Mexico's

"Polite Society," which promoted sexual responsibility; Egypt's "And the Nile Flows On" and

"Ana Zanana" ("I'm a Nag"), which promoted family planning; Brazil's "High Stakes," which encouraged viewers to overcome drinking problems and to help alcoholics; Pakistan's "Hawwa

Ki Beti" ("Daughter of Eve"), which promoted self-reliance, dignity, and adult literacy among the underprivileged in Pakistan (Zuberi, 1991), and "Aahat" ("Approaching Sound"), which promoted family planning in Pakistan; Japan's "Oshin," a story of human endurance and success, which was also immensely popular in Iran, China, Poland, Thailand, and Belgium (Mowlana &

Rad, 1992; Lull, 1991; Svenkerud, Rahoi, and Singhal, 1995); China's "Ke Wang"

("Aspirations"), which promoted family harmony, women's status, volunteerism, and respect for elders (Wang & Singhal, 1992); and India's "Hum Raahi" ("We Travellers"), which promoted gender equality and smaller families (Ram, 1993).

The Origin and Development of Superbook

Superbook is a popular children's animation television series produced in Japan that is based on stories of the Old Testament. The series can be described as an entertainment-education television program. The conceptual idea behind Superbook was developed by the marketing firm

Young & Rubicon who were hired by the Christian Broadcasting Network (CBN) to promote sales of the Bible in Japan. During a two-year period from 1979-1981, Young & Rubicon conducted research to determine the best way to promote interest in the Bible. They concluded that Japanese children would be most open to Bible stories and that the popular genres of animation and comic books (called Mangas) would be effective media sources for achieving this goal (Warnacky, 1989, p. 5). Comic books and animated television programs were also popular with many adults in Japan.

The Tatsunoko animation firm was contracted by CBN through the help of the Yomiko

Advertising Agency, a prominent ad agency also hired to work on the Bible promotion project.

In conjunction with these Japanese companies, CBN employed Tatsunoko to develop an animation series based on Old Testament Bibles stories. At that time Tatsunoko had produced the three most highly-rated animation television series broadcast on prime-time in Japan

(Warnacky, 1989, p. 6). By 1981 Tatsunoko had produced 26 thirty-minute animated television programs and packaged them into a series called Superbook, a name chosen to signify the source of the animated stories. The resulting series was broadcast on Fridays at 7:30 p.m. in six major

Japanese cities, achieving fairly high audience ratings (personal communication, Dick Thomas,

Warren Marcus). In 1983 CBN decided to produce another 26 episodes of Superbook. The total cost of the 52-episode series was slightly over one million dollars (Warnacky, 1989, p. 9). The

Superbook series was broadcast twice in Japan from 1981-1984.

The Diffusion of Superbook to other Countries

Initially, Superbook was only contemplated as a television series for Japan. The animation characters were characteristically Japanese and CBN had no plans of using the series elsewhere. Internal discussions among those responsible for the production and distribution of

Superbook in Japan questioned the marketability of the series outside of Japan. For example, one internal memo obtained from CBN states that "Japanese animation is Japanese animation and it doesn't sell well outside of Japan." However, the success of Superbook in Japan in terms of high audience ratings and increased Bible sales, convinced David Clark, CBN's Marketing Director, to have the series dubbed into English. Clark had tested audience responses to the series at the

MIP TV trade expo in France and believed the series could be marketed outside of Japan (D.

Clark, personal communication, October 24, 1993). After the series was dubbed into English,

CBN decided to broadcast Superbook in 1983 over the CBN Cable Network (precursor to The

Family Channel) in the U.S., which accessed 10 million households at the time, and simultaneously pursued international markets. Thus the United States became the first nation outside of Japan to see the Superbook television series. However, the series did not achieve the popularity it did in Japan. Clark believes the series was not marketed appropriately in the U.S. and instead pursued other international markets (D. Clark, personal communication, October 24,

1993).

In October of 1985 CBN signed an agreement with the Spanish International Network

(SIN) to dub and broadcast a Spanish version of Superbook in the U.S. During this time Spanish television stations began broadcasting the series. Thus Japanese, English, and Spanish were the first three languages used in the series. In August of 1984, CBN signed a seven-year agreement with a video production company, Peak, Ltd. (later called Starlight), to produce the Superbook series on videotape and distribute the series internationally. From 1985 through 1990 CBN pursued many different broadcast and video companies in many different countries to diffuse

Superbook. Table 1 provides a summary of these nations. Although the series did gain widespread audiences in many of these countries, we will focus our analysis of the diffusion of

Superbook in Russia.

Diffusing Superbook Across International and Organizational Boundaries

One of the primary activities of international media organizations is the distribution of media products across international and organizational boundaries. Media organizations must facilitate effective communication flows to other media organizations in other nations.

Individuals who engage in this type of activity have been referred to as boundary spanners in the organizational communication literature. Scott (1984) notes that many members of organizations work informally as boundary spanners. However, some members of organizations as given the specific role of a boundary spanner. They are likely to travel widely, read international publications and attend international conferences, join professional groups, and live in countries outside the place of their birth (Rogers & Agarwala-Rogers, 1976).

Formal boundary spanning positions are diverse, often including titles such as CEO,

COO, Director of Marketing, acquisition's manager, marketing representatives, research and development staff, legal staff, and client service representatives. Boundary spanning activities in each of these roles involve the development of international and interorganizational communication networks. Informational boundary spanning is more than a function of formal status (Tushman & Scanlan, 1981) both within organizations and to links outside of the organization (Katz & Tushman, 1979). Oftentimes there is not a complete overlap between formal positions in organizations and informational boundary spanning activities (Blau, 1963;

Tushman & Scanlan, 1981).

Two broad categories of boundary spanning activity are information processing and external organizational representation. These activities encompass: (1) transacting inputs and outputs, (2) filtering inputs and outputs, (3) information search and collection, (4) representing the organization to external audiences, and (5) obtaining information to help buffer the organization from external threats (Adams, 1980; Finet, 1986). Aldrich and Herker (1977) note that boundary spanners serve a dual information processing function by acting as both information facilitators and information filters.

Unless a media organization is connected with the external environment across national boundaries it will be ineffective in its diffusion of media products across those boundaries.

Boundary spanners who cross international boundaries must contextualize the information they manage by being familiar with the conceptual frameworks and social constructions of reality formed within the nations and organizations they interact with as they seek to diffuse media products.

In the present study of Superbook, a boundary spanner is examined in an international diffusion setting. Most boundary spanning research has taken place within specific nations or within single corporate entities and have not spanned international boundaries. Traditionally the boundary spanner has been defined as a member of an organization who links his or her organization with its external environment (Adams, 1980). However, in the context of the international diffusion of television programming, a boundary spanner may be a third-party who links two media organizations together but who is not a member of either organization. In this case the boundary spanner works much like a professional agent who brings together creative talent and media producers. As the media industry continues to expand globally, interest in independent international media boundary spanners will increase.

Diffusing Superbook to Russia

As mentioned earlier, Superbook has been diffused to over 50 different nations, most recently, Kampuchea. Each nation represents a different story. We focus our attention here on perhaps the most interesting diffusion story from which we can glean some important lessons about diffusion entertainment-education programs across national boundaries. Therefore we will focus our attention on the diffusion of Superbook in Russia.

During a visit to the United States, Hannu Haukka, President of CR/TV in Finland, visited the Christian Broadcasting Network to conduct interviews and find out more information about Superbook. Haukka had first learned about the series by watching a videotape episode brought back to Finland by a Finnish tourist who had visited the United States. CBN granted permission to Haukka to dub the first 26 episodes of Superbook into Russian and distribute it by videotape. At that time David Clark, CBN's marketing director, questioned the value of dubbing the series into Russian since he doubted the series could be successfully distributed in a communist nation. Haukka notes that very few western organizations were aware of the monumental changes taking place within Russia during that time period (H. Haukka, personal communication, October 11, 1996). Through his media organization, Haukka began distributing videotapes of Superbook in Russia in 1988.

In 1989 a Leningrad TV camera team was visiting a Russian home during their work on a television documentary about religious life in Russia when they observed an episode of

Superbook. The children in the Russian family happen to be watching one of the Superbook videotapes obtained from CR/TV when the television crew arrived. The Leningrad TV crew was so impressed with the Superbook episode they decided to show a 2-3 minute excerpt of the episode as a part of their television documentary.

The documentary was aired to some 70 million television viewers on Leningrad TV in

February of 1990. This was probably the first time in the history of Russian television that a

Bible story had been portrayed on television (H. Haukka, personal communication, October 11,

1996). Audience response to the documentary was tremendous, prompting Leningrad TV to ask

CR/TV how they could obtain the broadcast rights for the entire Superbook series. Haukka was able to broker an agreement between CBN in the United States and Leningrad TV for the broadcast rights in Russia for the first 26 episodes of Superbook.

However, Leningrad TV was not prepared for the overwhelming audience response to

Superbook, which was scene in 600 cities in the Soviet Union in prime-time. Many thousands of television viewers began writing letters to Leningrad TV and calling the station in response to the series. Viewing the great audience appeal of Superbook, Soviet Central TV in Moscow arranged for Superbook's broadcast rights through CR/TV for the entire Soviet Union via their satellite network. In late May of 1991 Soviet Central Television, with a viewing audience of 200 million people, began broadcasting the series. Again, audience response to the program was unprecedented. High-ranking communist officials, annoyed by the biblical stories, asked Soviet

Central Committee Chairman M. Nenashev to take the series off the air. The Children's

Television Department at Soviet Central TV, over 300 employees in all who strongly supported the series, threatened to resign from the Party if the series was canceled (IR/TV Newsletter, June

1990). Learning of the overwhelming support for the series, the Communist authorities backed down and Superbook continued to be aired. By March of 1991 over 400,000 television viewers had written letters in response to Superbook, including a single day when the Moscow post office that collected mail for the series received about 30,000 letters.

To assess effects of the program, the program sponsors decided to have a national Bible quiz for Soviet children. Within the a three-month period 1.2 million Superbook viewers had mailed written responses to the Bible quiz. The central post office in Moscow contacted the program sponsors and told them, "you don't need a post office box, you need a post office. Now we separate the mail into two categories, Superbook and other" (H. Haukka, personal communication, October 11, 1996).

Boundary Spanning Characteristics

To analyze the diffusion of Superbook in Russia, in-depth personal interviews were conducted with the major boundary spanners involved in the international diffusion of the program. Hannu Haukka was of particular interest because of his instrumental role in the diffusion of Superbook.

Haukka cited several specific characteristics which enabled him to be an effective boundary spanner. First, he has a great degree of international experience and a multicultural perspective. Born in Finland, Haukka moved to Canada with his family as a young child and attended College in the United States. Second, Haukka learned the Russian language and married a Russian-born woman, thus adopting many Russian cultural practices and a basic knowledge of

Russian culture. Haukka believes his understanding of many aspects of Russian and American culture was critical to his boundary spanning activities with CBN and Russian television authorities. Third, Haukka was able to find risk-takers within Russia and CBN who would be willing to try innovative programming ideas. Two of the key Russian nationals at Leningrad TV and Soviet Central TV were innovators willing to take risks by promoting broadcast of a television program with Biblical themes and content.

What Lessons can be Learned from Superbook

There are a number of important lessons that can be learned from this initial study of

Superbook. Entertainment-education programs demonstrate both the promises and problems associated with their use. The rapid expansion of mass media channels and the accompanying proliferation of entertainment options provides educators with an unusual opportunity to reach millions of people with educational messages. The ubiquitous nature of entertainment can be used to educate people groups in every social, political, economic, and geographical environment

(Piotrow, 1994).

Yet the problems associated with entertainment-education are formidable (Brown & Singhal,

1994). We highlight some of the important lessons derived from our study of Superbook. First, the potential of using entertainment-education media strategies to benefit societies presents several ethical dilemmas (Brown & Singhal, 1990, 1994). The various dilemmas emanate from the central ethical question: Who will determine what is right for whom? In multicultural societies where ethnic, religious, and political tensions are great, it is difficult to determine what values, beliefs, and practices are considered to be prosocial and which ones are controversial, creating social conflict (Brown, 1992a). Fortunately audience responses to Superbook across the

Soviet Union were favorable. Given the religious tensions that exist in many countries this may not always be the case. Audiences may express ethical concerns when educational messages are contrary to their personal values or beliefs. The problem that occurred when Communist Party leaders threatened to cancel the series could have escalated into non-peaceful reactions. This problem can be reduced if intended beneficiaries of entertainment-education messages are given input into the entertainment-education program development process.

A second lesson addresses the economic dimensions of entertainment-education as a commercially profitable media strategy. A key concern about incorporating educational messages in entertainment programs has centered on the low audience ratings traditionally associated with educational programs. The experiences of television series in Latin America,

Asia, Africa, and Russia indicate entertainment-education programs can receive very high audience ratings, can attract commercial sponsorship, and can yield a profit (Brown & Singhal,

1993; Hazzard & Cambridge, 1988; Kincaid, et al., 1992). Even a single program can gain enormous support. Superbook has attracted commercial and government sponsorship in over 50 different nations in the past five years. There is substantial evidence in both the U.S. and abroad that high quality entertainment-education programs can consistently attract large audiences, can be commercially successful, and at the same time can be socially responsible.

A third lesson relates to the unanticipated social influence of entertainment-education programs which can produce measurable knowledge, attitudinal and behavioral changes in audiences (Brown, 1990; Ball-Rokeach, Grube, & Rokeach, 1981; Ball-Rokeach, Rokeach, & Grube, 1984; Rogers et al., 1989; Singhal & Rogers, 1994; Sabido, 1989; Wang & Singhal,

1992; Winnard, Rimon, & Convisser, 1987). The overwhelming audience response of Superbook viewers completely caught the Russian television authorities, CBN, and CR/TV by surprise.

Fortunately no serious problems occurred except with postal authorities.

A fourth lesson learned from Superbook is that political conditions within a country play an important role in the diffusion process. Changes in the political climate of a country can dramatically affect the use of entertainment-education messages. From the 1950s through the

1980s, the Soviet Union and most of Eastern Europe were closed to public media programs with religious educational content. The decline of communism's cultural influence opened the opportunity for entertainment-education programs with religious content to be broadcast throughout the communist world. Hannu Haukka responded to political changes in Russia by introducing Superbook at an appropriate time. Seth Bernard introduced Superbook to Viet Nam in 1995 during a visit in which he discovered television authorities pulling down episodes of

Superbook from the Soviet satellite network and dubbing them into Vietnamese. Bernard's timing was critical to Vietnam's willingness to broadcast a Biblically-oriented television series.

What has been learned through these experiences is that the political system and the political climate of public opinion in a country are both important conditions to analyze when considering the production and use of entertainment-education programs. Entertainment- education messages that may be resisted at one time may be received with openness another time.

The last lesson learned from Superbook is that an international boundary spanner is critical to the effective diffusion of entertainment-education media products across national boundaries. Without the boundary spanning efforts of Hannu Haukka it would be very unlikely for CBN to have made an arrangement with Soviet television authorities for the broadcasting rights of Superbook. In addition to Haukka, both Russian and CBN representatives had to be willing to take risks in making innovative programming agreements.

Conclusion

These important lessons provide practical guidelines that should be considered in future international media projects that utilize the entertainment-education communication strategy.

During the remainder of this decade countries will be spending millions of dollars to sponsor, design, and implement educational programs throughout the world. By applying the important lessons learned from past experiences with the diffusion of entertainment-education programs, policy planners can more effectively use media and resources for education and development.

The entertainment-education strategy is one option that should be given more consideration in meeting educational needs and addressing moral and social issues. The ethical questions associated with entertainment-education should be thoroughly considered by media planners. As social and moral problems become more acute, national governments and private social and political organizations will be motivated to make greater use of the power of the entertainment media to meet societal needs. References

Adams, J. S. (1980). Interorganizational processes and organizational

boundary activities. Research in Organizational Behavior, 2, 321-355.

Aldrich, H., Herker, D. (1977). Boundary spanning roles and organizational

structure. Academy of Management Review, 2, 217-230.

Ball-Rokeach, S. J., Grube, J. W., & Rokeach, M. (1981). "Roots: The Next

Generation" - Who watched and with what effect? Public Opinion Quarterly,

45, 58-68.

Ball-Rokeach, S. J., Rokeach, M., & Grube, J. W. (1984). The great American

values test: Influencing behavior and belief through television. New York:

The Free Press.

Blau, P. (1963). Dynamics of bureaucracy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Brown, W. J. (1992a). Sociocultural influences of prodevelopment soap operas in the

Third World. Journal of Popular Film & Television, 19(4), 157-164.

Brown, W. J. (1992b). The use of entertainment television programs for

promoting prosocial messages. Howard Journal of Communications, 3(3,4),

68-80. Brown, W. J. (1990). Prosocial effects of entertainment television in India.

Asian Journal of Communication, 1(1), 113-135.

Brown, W. J., & Singhal, A. (1993). Entertainment-education media: An

opportunity for enhancing Japan's leadership role in Third World

development. Keio Communication Review, 15, 81-101.

Brown, W. J., & Cody, M. J. (1991). Effects of a prosocial television soap opera in

promoting women's status. Human Communication Research, 17(4), 114-142.

Brown, W. J., & Singhal, A. (1990). Ethical dilemmas of prosocial television.

Communication Quarterly, 38(3), 206-219.

Brown, W. J., Singhal, A., & Rogers, E. M. (1988). Pro-development soap operas:

A novel approach to development communication. Media Development, 4, 43-47.

Cook, T. D. (1975). Sesame Street revisited. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.

De-Goshie, J. (1986). Mass media and national development: A content analysis of a

Nigerian developmental television drama series -- "Cock Crow at Dawn". Ph.D.

Thesis. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University, College of Communication.

Finet, D. (1986). Boundary spanning trust and influence. Paper presented to the

annual meeting of the Academy of Management.

Hazzard, M., & Cambridge, V. (1988). Socio - Drama as an Applied Technique for

Development Communication in the Caribbean: Specialized Content and

Narrative Structure in the Radio Drama of Elaine Perkins in Jamaica. Paper

presented to the Caribbean and Latin American Studies Conference,

Guadelope, French West Indies.

Lesser, G. S. (1975). Children and television: Lessons from Sesame Street. New York: Vintage Books.

Katz, E. (1979). Cultural continuity and change: Role of the media. In K.

Nordenstreng & H. I. Schiller (Eds.), National Sovereignty and

International Communication (pp. 70-82). Norwood, NJ: Ablex Publishing Co.

Katz, R., & Tushman, L. M. (1979). Effectiveness of communication patterns in

R & D organizations: A focus on problem solving and administrative

communication. Organizational Behavior and Human Performance, 23, 139-162.

Lull, J. (1991). China turned on: Television, reform, and resistance.

London: Routledge.

Mowlana, H., & Rad, M. H. (1992). International flow of Japanese television

programs: The "Oshin" phenomenon. Keio Communication Review, 14, 51-68.

Muchiri, F. (1989, May 18). They must return 'Tushauriane' to us.

Kenya Times, p. 3A.

Muroki, F. (1989, May 25). 'Tushauriane': Now actor speaks out. Standard

(Nairobi, Kenya), p. 3E.

Nariman, H. (1993). Soap operas for social change. Westport, CT: Praegar.

Piotrow, P. T. (1990). Introduction. In P. L. Coleman and R. C. Meyer (Eds.),

Proceedings from the entertainment - educate conference: Entertainment for

social change. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University, Center for

Communication Programs.

Ram, A. (1993). Women as sign: A semiotic analysis of gender portrayal in "Hum

Raahi." Unpublished MA Thesis. Athens, OH: Ohio University, School of

Interpersonal Communication. Rogers, E. M., & Antola, L. (1985). Telenovelas in Latin America: A success

story. Journal of Communication, 35(4), 24-35.

Rogers, E. M., & Agarwala-Rogers, R. (1976). Communication in organizations.

New York: Free Press.

Rogers, E. M., Aikat, S., Soonbum, C., Poppe, P., & Sopory, P. (1989, April 1).

Proceedings from the conference on entertainment-education for social change. Los

Angeles, CA: Annenberg School of Communications, University of Southern

California.

Sabido, M. (1989, March-April). Soap operas in Mexico. Paper presented to the

Entertainment for Social Change Conference. Los Angeles, CA: University of

Southern California, Annenberg School for Communication.

Singhal, A., Obregon, R., & Rogers, E. M. (1994). Reconstructing the story of

"Simplemente Maria", the most popular telenovela in Latin America of all time.

Gazette, 54(1): 1-16.

Singhal, A., & Rogers, E. M. (1994). Persuasion and planned social change. In E. P.

Bettinghaus & M. J. Cody (Eds.), Persuasive Communications (5th ed.)

(pp. 379-397). New York: Holt, Winston and Rinehart.

Singhal, A., & Rogers, E. M. (1989a). Prosocial television for development in India. In

R. E. Rice & C. Atkin (Eds.), Public communication campaigns. Beverly Hills, CA:

Singhal, A., & Rogers, E. M. (1989b). Educating through television. Populi, 16(2):

39-47. Singhal, A., & Rogers, E. M. (1988). Television soap operas for development in

India. Gazette, 41, 109-126.

Singhal, A., Rogers, E. M., & Brown, W. J. (1993a). Entertainment telenovelas for

development: Lessons learned about creation and implementation. In A. Fadul (Ed.),

Serial fiction in TV: The Latine American telenovelas (pp. 149-165). Sao Paulo,

Brazil: ECA-USP.

Singhal, A., Rogers, E. M., & Brown, W. J. (1993b). Harnessing the potential

of entertainment-education telenovelas. Gazette, 51, 1-18.

Scott, R. (1981). Organizations: Rationale, natural, and open systems. Englewood Cliffs:

Prentice-Hall.

Svenkerud, P., Rahoi, R., & Singhal, A. (1995). Incorporating ambiguity and

archetypes in entertainment-education programming: Lessons learned from

"Oshin". Gazette, 55(3), pp. in press.

Tushman, M. L., & Scanlon, T. J. (1981). Boundary spanning individuals: Their role

in information transfer and their antecedents. Academy of Management Journal,

24, 289-305.

Ume-Nwagbo, Ebele N.E. (1986). "Cock Crow at Dawn". A Nigerian experiment

with television drama in development-communication, Gazette, 37, 155-167.

Wang, M., & Singhal, A. (1992). "Ke Wang", a Chinese soap opera with a message.

Gazette, 49(3), 177-192.

Warnacky, S. (1989). A report of the international distribution of CBN's animated

series, Superbook and The Flying House. Unpublished Masters Thesis: Regent

University. Winnard, K., Rimon, J. G., & Convisser, J. (1987, October). The impact of

television on the family planning attitudes of an urban Nigerian audience:

The NTA/Enugu experience. Paper presented to the American Public Health

Association, New Orleans.

Zuberi, N. A. (1991). Development and anti-development messages in Pakistan

TV, entertainment, advertising, and films. Media Asia, 18(2), 78-83.