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***POLICY VERSION***...... 3 Inherency FL [1/1]...... 4 South Korea Good Now...... 5 North Korea FL [1/3]...... 6 North Korea FL [2/3]...... 7 North Korea FL [3/3]...... 8 North Korea FL Ext. 1...... 10 North Korea FL Ext. 2...... 11 North Korea FL Ext. 2...... 12 North Korea FL Ext. 3...... 13 North Korea FL Ext. 4...... 14 North Korea FL Ext. 5...... 16 North Korea Econ Turn...... 17 Impact D – Terrorism...... 18 China FL [1/2]...... 19 No War...... 21 US Should Stay – Stability...... 22 1NC CP – Peace Talks...... 26 Peace Talks CP – Solvency – Disarm...... 27 Peace Talks CP – Solvency...... 28 Peace Talks CP – Solvency...... 29 Peace Talks CP – Solvency...... 30 Peace Talks CP – Solvency...... 31 Peace Talks CP – Solvency...... 32 Hardline approach bad...... 33 Soft stance better...... 35

***PROSTITUTION VERSION***...... 36 1NC CP – Prostitution...... 37 Prostitute CP - Solvency...... 38 Inherency FL...... 39 Patriarchy FL [1/3]...... 41 Patriarchy FL [2/3]...... 42 Patriarchy FL [3/3]...... 43 Patriarchy FL Ext. 1...... 44 Patriarchy FL Ext. 2...... 45 Patriarchy FL Ext. 3...... 46 Patriarchy FL Ext. 4...... 47 Patriarchy FL Ext. 5...... 48 Patriarchy FL Ext. 5...... 49 Alt Cause to Sex Trafficking...... 51 Camptowns Good...... 52 Econ Turn...... 53 Disease FL...... 54

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2 Disease FL Ext. 1...... 55 Disease FL Ext. 3...... 56 Solvency FL...... 57

***AFF ANSWERS***...... 58 A2 Prostitute CP...... 59

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4 Inherency FL [1/1] Inter Korean Tensions have recently become more relaxed Doug Bandow, Senior Fellow, Cato Institute, 3/26/10 “South Korea Needs Better Defense” Forbes, http://www.cato.org/pub_display.php?pub_id=11628 Nevertheless Pyongyang has generally eschewed violence in recent years. Tensions on the peninsula thankfully have receded substantially. Two South Korean presidents have ventured north for summits with Kim Jong Il. The Republic of Korea spent roughly 10 years subsidizing the so-called Democratic People's Republic of Korea as part of the "Sunshine Policy."

5 South Korea Good Now ROK becoming global military player, US supports them Doug Bandow, Senior Fellow, Cato Institute, 3/26/10 “South Korea Needs Better Defense” Forbes, http://www.cato.org/pub_display.php?pub_id=11628 Instead of focusing on national defense, Seoul has been expanding its ambitions. President Lee now talks about "Global Korea." His government's latest Defense White Paper spoke of "enhancing competence and status internationally." Seoul has begun regularly contributing to international peace-keeping missions. Washington has promoted this perspective, enlisting the ROK military in Afghanistan and Iraq, for instance. A new study from the Center for a New American Security argues that "the value of the alliance goes far beyond security in the Korean peninsula." Participants urged the South to create a capability "to provide assistance in more global contingencies."

6 North Korea FL [1/3] 1. North and South Korea Want US to Stay-Helps Keep Stability in Region Jane Perlez; 9/11/00; New York Times; South Korean Says North Agrees U.S. Troops Should Stay; Accessed Online; 6/30/10; http://www.nytimes.com/2000/09/11/world/south-korean-says-north-agrees-us-troops-should-stay.html?pagewanted=2 The most important outcome of his summit conference with North Korea in June, President Kim Dae Jung of South Korea says, was a common understanding that American troops must stay in South Korea to prevent a vacuum on the Korean peninsula that would be inviting to its neighbors. ''We are surrounded by big powers -- Russia, Japan and China -- so the United States must continue to stay for stability and peace in East Asia,'' he said. Mr. Kim said he was recounting almost the exact words of his counterpart, Kim Jong Il, in North Korea during their meetings in Pyongyang. The Communist government in North Korea, whose hostility has been cited by the Clinton administration as a major reason for pursuing a missile defense system, wants normal relations with United States, Kim Dae Jung said. ''I believe that North Korea wants improved relations with the United States,'' Mr. Kim said on Saturday in an interview at his Manhattan hotel at the end of the gathering of world leaders at the United Nations. ''That is their basic goal. If it is not their basic goal, there is no reason why they should change their position on American forces.'' The mantra of Communist propaganda since the end of Korean War has been that American troops must leave South Korea. So the North Korean leader's support of their staying is a reversal of position -- albeit one that Pyongyang has not yet acknowledged in public. After a peace treaty replaces the armistice now in place between the two Koreas, the presence of American troops in South Korea and on the Japanese island of Okinawa would operate ''under the same logic'' that governed the continuing presence of American troops in Europe as part of NATO after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the South Korean president suggested. Mr. Kim, a human rights dissident who was put on death row by the South Korean military junta and then survived to become the democratically elected president, spoke eloquently of what he saw as the steady but long journey to bring the two Koreas together.

2. Experts agree no possibility of Korean War even if tensions are rising Kim Yong Hun, Reporter, 6-02-10, “Consistent Strength is Key, Say Experts”, http://www.dailynk.com/english/read.php? cataId=nk00400&num=6449 In political circles the notion of it being a choice between war and peace is being promoted by pro-North Korea and left- wing forces with the Democratic Party at their center, leading the office of the President to reiterate, "We do not want war," and the ruling Grand National Party to add, "Even though tensions are rising, there is no possibility of a full frontal clash between North and South Korea."Some domestic and foreign media are also publishing concerns about the possibility of war and hypothetical war scenarios. Indeed, the South Korean government has backtracked on one of its countermeasures already; to restart psychological warfare activities like loudspeaker broadcasts and the distribution of leaflets. North Korea strongly rejected this, stating a readiness to attack any such activities, and for this reason the Ministry of National Defense postponed the resumption of leafleting. They appear to be trying to avoid a worst case scenario. Yet, while the “Northerly Wind” and war crisis claims spread and spread, experts of all hues agree that war is highly unlikely. In order to back this assertion, experts mostly point to the nature of the Kim Jong Il dictatorial government, the existing deterrent against North Korean attack, primarily delivered through the ROK-US military alliance North Korea’s relationship with China, which seeks stability in the region, and the domestic condition of North Korea itself. Hwang Jang Yop, the president of Committee for Democratization of North Korea and a former secretary of the ruling Chosun Workers’ Party, has said on innumerable occasions things like, "Maintaining the system is the most important thing to Kim Jong Il. He would never do anything like start a war or reform the economy, things which could destroy the system."Kim Hee Sang, chairman of the Korea Institute for National Security Affairs and a former Ministry of National Defense aide has said, "Kim Jong Il is a cowardly dictator who values his own life above everything else, so he will unite the country via building tensions instead of via a full-scale war which would destroy the system." Kim Yeon Soo, a professor at Korea National Defense University, agrees with these sentiments. "Kim Jong Il’s strategy for South Korea does not include war,” Kim says. “Escalation, which will bring a deadly crisis, is wanted by neither North nor South Korea, and, especially to maintain Kim Jong Il’s system, a war cannot be risked. They are just threatening by pretending to be tough."

7 North Korea FL [2/3] 3. No risk of escalation – South Korea has developed into new world power – no one would support DPRK Doug Bandow, Senior Fellow, Cato Institute, 3/26/10 “South Korea Needs Better Defense” Forbes, http://www.cato.org/pub_display.php?pub_id=11628 Yet the South is capable of defending itself. Over the last 60 years it has been transformed from an authoritarian wreck into a prosperous democratic leader internationally. The ROK's economy ranks 13th in the world. South Korea's GDP is roughly 40 times that of the North. Should it desire to do so, Seoul could spend more than the entire North Korean GDP on defense alone. The international environment also has changed. Both China and Russia recognize South Korea; neither would back aggression by Pyongyang. The ROK could count on support from throughout East Asia and around the world. Rather than accept a military position of quantitative inferiority, Seoul could use the threat of an arms build-up to encourage a more accommodating attitude in the North. Pyongyang can only squeeze its people so much to wring out more resources for the military. In any case, the ROK should spend as much as it takes to defend itself without subsidy from Washington.

4. TURN: US military presence stabilizes Korean Peninsula Jacquelyn S. Porth, USINFO, Staff Writer, U.S. Pacific Command’s Directorate for Strategic Planning and Policy, ’07, “U.S. Military Bases Provide Stability, Training, Quick Reaction”, http://www.america.gov/st/washfile- english/2007/February/20070227132836sjhtrop0.6571466.html Washington -- The United States long has pursued its national security interests in cooperative efforts with friends and allies around the world, sometimes through military bases and smaller defense installations.U.S. military facilities are established only after a country invites the United States to do so and the host nation signs a status of forces or access rights agreement. Such agreements have a broad range of tangible benefits, the most obvious being valuable military-to-military contacts and a presence that offers regional stability or deterrence. The U.S. military presence in South Korea, for example, authorized as part of the 1954 U.S.-Republic of Korea Mutual Defense Treaty, is a deterrent to neighboring North Korea and has had a stabilizing effect on the Korean Peninsula.

8 North Korea FL [3/3] 5. North Korea will keep performing stunts even if US gives concessions WSJ, ’09, “The Song of Kim Jong Il”, http://online.wsj.com/article/SB123897539942591099.html A few hours after the launch Sunday of a long-range multistage rocket, North Korea's state media proclaimed that a communications satellite was in orbit and transmitting "immortal revolutionary paeans" back to Earth. The U.S. military, which apparently had trouble tuning in the "Song of General Kim Il Sung," announced that the satellite had fallen into the Pacific somewhere between Japan and Hawaii. The technology may have failed to put a satellite into space, but North Korea's launch has succeeded in getting the world's attention. Most of the civilized world spent yesterday denouncing dictator Kim Jong Il's latest provocation, which violated a United Nations Security Council resolution barring the North from testing ballistic missile technology. However, if the international response keeps with past practice, the condemnations will soon give way to concessions. No wonder Kim keeps launching missiles. The launch was a success, too, as a global advertisement to those in the market for vehicles to deliver weapons of mass destruction. That includes the North's No. 1 customer, Iran, which in February launched a small satellite thanks in part to North Korean missile technology. Iranian observers were reportedly on hand over the weekend at the launch site. Sunday's fizzle doesn't mean the North didn't learn anything useful for the future of its long-range ballistic missile program. As learning tools, failures can be more instructive than successes, and the Taepodong-2 missile under development has the potential to reach the U.S. West Coast.Pyongyang's action ought to prompt the Obama Administration to advance the fledgling missile defense system started by President Bush. Instead, the White House reportedly has told the Pentagon to cut spending on missile defense by $2 billion, or about 20%. Defense Secretary Robert Gates is expected to announce these and other budget cuts today. Programs in jeopardy include the Airborne Laser, a modified 747 designed to take out ballistic missiles seconds after liftoff; expansion of the ground-based interceptor program in Alaska and California; and space-based missile surveillance and tracking. All three are part of the vision for a layered defense, in which the U.S. has several chances to destroy incoming missiles. The Obama Administration has already indicated it wants to go slow in building the "third site," the Europe-based radar and interceptors that would provide another layer of defense from Iranian missiles for the U.S. East Coast. In 2006, Mr. Bush and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice squandered the moment after the North's nuclear test when China was ready to apply serious pressure. Instead, they bought Kim's promise to give up his weapons, then let him delay and renegotiate the terms as he went, including agreeing to Kim's demand to take North Korea off the U.S. list of terror-sponsoring nations. Now he's playing the same brinksmanship with the Obama Administration. This is Mr. Obama's chance to do better. But based on his comments during the campaign, as well as his statement yesterday urging renewed efforts through the Six Party Talks, the President seems unlikely to change course. Kim has every reason to expect that he will eventually get what he wants -- more recognition, more money and energy supplies from the U.S., China and South Korea, and a high likelihood that he'll get to keep his nukes and missiles too.

10 North Korea FL Ext. 1 Asia Wants US There-Provides Reassurance of Safety East West Center; 7/22/; U.S. MILITARY PRESENCE IN ASIA APPRECIATED, SAYS PACIFIC COMMANDER; Accessed Online; 7/1/10; http://www.eastwestcenter.org/news-center/east-west-wire/us-military-presence-in-asia-appreciated-says-pacific- commander/ HONOLULU (July 22) – Asia wants the United States to maintain a strong and visible long term presence throughout the Asia Pacific region, the top U.S. military commander for the Pacific told an East-West Center audience recently. “It is certainly in the minds of all our friends, partners and colleagues that the U.S. (should) maintain military superiority in the theater,” Adm. Timothy J. Keating told a lunchtime meeting of the Center’s annual Senior Policy Seminar on July 8. “It’s a limitless theme,” Keating said: “Don’t go anywhere. Stick around.” Public attitudes toward the American military presence differ from country to country, Keating admitted. Some treaty partners are openly enthusiastic, while other nations are more subdued and perhaps not always in perfect alignment with U.S. interests. But in just about every case, he said, “they like the fact that we are nearby.” At times, this is because the massive air and sea capabilities of U.S. forces are invaluable in times of natural disaster or other emergencies, Keating said. This is true even in the face of reluctance on the part of authorities in Burma to accept offered U.S. military aid. But it is also true because the American presence creates a level of security that allows Asian governments to focus their efforts and energy on the remarkable economic and social transformations that have occurred in the region. In a quick tour of the horizon for the Senior Policy Seminar, Keating made these points about the vast and diverse Asia Pacific region: The sailors, airman, Marines and other military personnel who were standing by to assist after the cyclone that swept through Burma were deeply disappointed they were unable to help. Satellite pictures indicated “incomprehensible agony and tragedy,” Keating said, but the eager relief forces were stopped cold while ships loaded with supplies waited just offshore. “Nobody was able to go ‘feet dry,’” he said. The situation between North and South Korea has taken a small but measurable turn for the better, but American troops remain on high alert. There is a good chance that the situation could go from an armistice to a peace treaty situation within the next ten years or so, Keating said. “That’s more likely now that it was even a year ago,” he added. Relations with India are improving rapidly, Keating said, noting he received a far warmer reception there during a recent trip than the greeting he witnessed during his first visit in 1985 as an aide to the then-Pacific commander. A key policy challenge will be developing an Indian Ocean strategy, which does not exist today in any substantial form. “We’re working on it,” he said. Military-to-military relationships with China are improving rapidly, with increasing numbers of high-level visits between the two countries. China’s openness in accepting assistance following the disastrous earthquake was another positive step in relationships between the two countries. “We’re making great progress with the People’s Army and Air Force, but we still have a ways to go,” Keating said. “We’d like a little more transparency on their long-range intentions.” The EAST-WEST CENTER is an education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen relations and understanding among the peoples and nations of Asia, the Pacific, and the United States. The Center contributes to a peaceful, prosperous and just Asia Pacific community by serving as a vigorous hub for cooperative research, education and dialogue on critical issues of common concern to the Asia Pacific region and the United States. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government, with additional support provided by private agencies, individuals, foundations, corporations and the governments of the region.

11 North Korea FL Ext. 2 North Korea not looking to war- no war scenarios Shin Joo Hyun, Chief Reporter, 5-31-2010, “North Koreans Say Nation Is Not on War Footing”, http://www.dailynk.com/english/read.php?cataId=nk01500&num=6440 Since tensions between North and South Korea started mounting, war scenarios have been easy to find in the domestic South Korean media so, of course, apprehensions of war are easy to find among the South Korean people. However, the North has been peaceful even though state radio broadcaster Chosun Central Broadcast and Rodong Shinmun have both released harsh criticisms of South Korea related to the Cheonan incident. That being said, on Sunday afternoon the North Korean authorities summoned a rally of around 100,000 Pyongyang citizens in Kim Il Sung Square entitled “Pyongyang Citizens’ Rally to Criticize the Anti-Republic Confrontational Maneuvers of the American Imperialists and Betrayer Factions.” The event was subsequently reported by Chosun Central Broadcast, radio stations. However, sources whom The Daily NK interviewed on Sunday said that they have not heard anything about war scenarios whatsoever. A source from Hoiryeong said, “Why do you ask? We don’t have any educational materials such as military decrees handed down to even the municipal or provincial committees or Local People's Committee. I wonder where you are getting those war scenario ideas from.” [Continued]…Nevertheless, based on this firsthand evidence, the crisis of an impending war, which has been suggested by those parts of the South Korean media inclined to the North Korean regime and in the international media, appears groundless. A source from Shinuju concluded cynically, “In lectures, the authorities have asserted that the gunstock should be strong in order to develop the strong and prosperous state, and that we should bring about reunification with that gunstock. But it is what they always claim. There have not been any decrees about a war posture or other military measures handed down to us.”

Threat perception different for US and ROK Moon 97, Katharine H.S., Department of Political Science and Chair of Asian Studies @ Wellesley College, “Sex Among Allies: Military Prostitution in U.S./Korea Relations”, 1997, Columbia University Press Although foreign policy "shocks," bad timing, and conflicting words and actions emanating from U.S. officials, along with Seoul's traditional hypersensitivity to Washington's every word and deed regarding East Asian security, were greatly responsible for the above-mentioned problems, a difference in threat perception between the United States and ROK was the fundamental cause of the tensions in the early 1970s. The U.S. Ambassador to Korea from 1974 to 1978, Richard Sneider, admitted that the U.S.-ROK relationship suffered from a "lack of mutual perception" during congressional hearings on U.S.-Korea relations in the 1970s. 43 The United States underestimated Korean response to the troop cut, in particular, and the Seoul government's insecurity vis-à-vis the North, in general. For the Koreans, the news of the troop withdrawal reminded them of the U.S. pull-out in 1949, a year before the Communist invasion of the South. The Korea Herald, upon House Speaker Carl Albert's visit in August 1971, boldly asserted, W]e cannot but recall the bitter memory of the grave blunder both the United States and this republic committed shortly before the outbreak of the Korean War early in 1950. Resting assured on wishful thinking about the ever-aggressive and hostile nature of the North Korean warlords, the United States withdrew its occupation troops from Korea, leaving behind only a token force of military advisers.

12 North Korea FL Ext. 2 South Korea and North Korea Will Not Go To War VIJAY JOSHI;Associated Press; 6/4/10; SKorea's Lee sees no possibility of war with North http://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5jFoJSL1TdsqcmxTABYNX3ENr1_TwD9G4U2G80; 7/2/10; SINGAPORE: South Korea's leader on Saturday ruled out going to war with North Korea, hours after his government asked the United Nations to punish the communist nation over the sinking of a warship. "There is absolutely no possibility of a full-scale war on the Korean peninsula," President Lee Myung- bak told a group of businesspeople in Singapore. The meeting was closed to the media, and the comments were posted by Lee's spokesman, Park Sun-kyu, on the presidential website. "But occasionally, there has been locally peace-threatening behavior" from North Korea, Lee said, adding that "we will strongly suppress it." He did not elaborate. It was the first time since the ship sinking that Lee has categorically ruled out war with North Korea. The North, however, has warned that any move to punish it over the sinking could led to war. Lee's comments were aimed at assuaging prospective investors. "Don't worry about a war, invest," he was quoted as telling the businesspeople. The two Koreas technically remain in a state of war because their three-year conflict ended in a truce, not a peace treaty, in 1953. North Korea denies it is responsible for the March sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan which killed 46 sailors. An international probe concluded that a North Korean submarine torpedoed it. On Friday, South Korea officially referred North Korea to the U.N. Security Council, taking its strongest step ever toward making the communist North face international punishment. It set the stage for the possibility of the most intense confrontation between North Korea and the U.N. Security Council since the 1950-1953 Korean War, which was authorized by the council in response to an invasion of South Korea by North Korean forces. Closed-door council consultations on the Cheonan incident were scheduled for Monday morning, according to the U.N. spokesman's office. Lee, who is in Singapore to attend a security summit organized by the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies, on Friday urged North Korea to "admit its wrongdoing" and pledge to "never engage in such a reprehensible action." "If the enemy continues to taunt us and think that they can do whatever they want they must understand that there is a limit," Lee said. They "must understand very clearly that they will have to suffer the consequences." He told the businesspeople on Saturday that it is important that North Korea "quickly opens and follows the path of industrialization like China." He said South Korea has laid out a comprehensive solution that would guarantee the survival of the North Korean government and provide economic aid in return for the North's abandoning its nuclear weapons program. Despite a history of being attacked by North Korea, Seoul had never taken the North to the Security Council for an inter-Korean provocation before. The Security Council has several choices: a resolution with or without new sanctions against North Korea, a weaker presidential statement calling for specific actions, or a press statement. U.N. diplomats familiar with consultations on possible action against North Korea said China, the North's closest ally, is opposed to new sanctions and indicated the more likely result will be a presidential statement. The diplomats spoke on condition of anonymity because the contacts have been private. US weighing new options. SINGAPORE, June 5 (Reuters): The United States said on Saturday it is weighing new options beyond the United Nations to punish North Korea, which the South blames for the sinking of a warship that has escalated tensions on the peninsula. Seoul has complained to the U.N. Security Council over the sinking of the corvette Cheonan in March, killing 46 sailors. It blames the shadowy North for torpedoing the ship, although it is unclear what it wants from the United Nations. U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates told a security conference in Singapore it was the "collective responsibility" of Asian states to address North Korean "provocations", increasing pressure on a reluctant China to rebuke its long-time ally. Gates and other U.S. officials also suggested the United States was looking beyond measures in the U.N. Security Council and could act unilaterally or in concert with its allies to increase Pyongyang's isolation. The sinking of the Cheonan was deadliest single incident on the peninsula since the 1950-53 Korean War. To try to deter the North, Gates said the United States would conduct more joint military exercises with South Korea and support "action" by the Security Council. He added without elaborating: "At the same time, we are assessing additional options to hold North Korea accountable." U.S. officials said Washington was looking at a range of options, including tightening economic sanctions to expanded searches of North Korean vessels. Washington has also made clear it wants more help from China.

13 North Korea FL Ext. 3 North Korean nuclear arsenal doesn’t compare with the United States’ Gregory Elich, “The United States Provoked the North Korean Nuclear Threat” pg 34-5 The furor over the partial failure of North Korea’s single, rather puny nuclear test made for an interesting contrast with the indifference that has greeted other nations’ nuclear arsenals. The U.S., of course, has a massive arsenal of nuclear arms at its disposal. There is no suggestion that the established nuclear states should disarm, nor have there been calls for sanctions against the newer nuclear states, India, Pakistan and Israel. The U.S. has even ... signed a nuclear deal with India. In all of these cases, the nuclear programs dwarfed that of North Korea’s. Yet only North Korea has been singled out for punishment and outrage. The basis for such a glaringly obvious double standard is that none of the other nuclear powers are potential targets for U.S. military forces. The operative principle is that no nation the U.S. seeks to crush can be allowed the means of thwarting an attack.

South Koreans fear a US mistake more than a North Korean strike Carpenter and Bandow 04, Doug Bandow is a senior fellow at the Cato Institute, specializing in foreign policy and civil liberties, Ted Galen Carpenter is the vice president for defense and foreign policy studies at the Cato Institute. “The Korean Conundrum” South Koreans worry far more about the possibility of a war arising from miscalculation or clumsy U.S. policy than they worry about a premeditated attack. An aggressive misstep toward Pyongyang would be bothersome for the United States; it would be disastrous for the South. Policymakers in Seoul, within easy reach of North Korean artillery and Scud missiles, rem ember their vulnerability on a daily basis. Said President Roh: war “is such a catastrophic result that I cannot even imagine. We have to handle the North—South relations in such a way that we do not have to face such a situation.

14 North Korea FL Ext. 4 US military presence keeps stability in Northeast Asia- deters proliferation Robert H. Scales, Jr. and Larry M. Wortzel, ‘99 “The Future Military Presence in Asia: Landpower and the Geostrategy of American Commitment”, http://www.strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/pdffiles/00072.pdf

American nuclear deterrence, therefore, is also welcome in Northeast Asia for its contribution to security and stability in the region. China’s military strategists may complain that the U.S. nuclear arsenal is a threat to China; but they acknowledge in private discussion that without extended deterrence, as provided for in the U.S.-Japan and U.S.-Republic of Korea defense treaties, Korea might develop nuclear weapons and Japan could follow suit.23 China’s leaders even realize that without the defensive conventional arms provided to Taiwan by the United States under the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979, Taiwan might develop nuclear weapons. Japanese military strategists express their own concerns about South Korea.24 Threatened by the probability that North Korea has developed a nuclear capability, without the protection of U.S. extended deterrence, the South would probably respond in kind by developing its own weapons. Certainly South Korea has the requisite technological level to develop nuclear weapons. In the event of the reunification of the Korean peninsula, because the North already has a nuclear capability, Japan would face a nuclear-armed peninsula. Tokyo might then reexamine its own commitment to defense relying on conventional weapons with the support of the Japanese populace. Strategic thinkers in China and Japan acknowledge that the continuation of extended deterrence might inhibit Japan from going nuclear in such a case.25 Barry Posen and Andrew Ross, two Americans, make this same argument: “. . . Japan’s leaders would be less likely to develop a nuclear arsenal as a hedge against Korean pressure.”

US military presence stabilizes Korean Peninsula Jacquelyn S. Porth, USINFO, Staff Writer, U.S. Pacific Command’s Directorate for Strategic Planning and Policy, ’07, “U.S. Military Bases Provide Stability, Training, Quick Reaction”, http://www.america.gov/st/washfile- english/2007/February/20070227132836sjhtrop0.6571466.html

Washington -- The United States long has pursued its national security interests in cooperative efforts with friends and allies around the world, sometimes through military bases and smaller defense installations.U.S. military facilities are established only after a country invites the United States to do so and the host nation signs a status of forces or access rights agreement. Such agreements have a broad range of tangible benefits, the most obvious being valuable military-to-military contacts and a presence that offers regional stability or deterrence. The U.S. military presence in South Korea, for example, authorized as part of the 1954 U.S.-Republic of Korea Mutual Defense Treaty, is a deterrent to neighboring North Korea and has had a stabilizing effect on the Korean Peninsula.

Jacquelyn S. Porth, USINFO, Staff Writer, U.S. Pacific Command’s Directorate for Strategic Planning and Policy, ’07, “U.S. Military Bases Provide Stability, Training, Quick Reaction”, http://www.america.gov/st/washfile- english/2007/February/20070227132836sjhtrop0.6571466.html

Washington -- The United States long has pursued its national security interests in cooperative efforts with friends and allies around the world, sometimes through military bases and smaller defense installations. U.S. military facilities are established only after a country invites the United States to do so and the host nation signs a status of forces or access rights agreement. Such agreements have a broad range of tangible benefits, the most obvious being valuable military-to-military contacts and a presence that offers regional stability or deterrence.

15 US Presence Key to Stability in Asia-Deters Other Countries and Keeps North Korea In Check MAJOR SIOBAN J. LEDWITH; Masters In Military Studies Student; 1/7/02; US Forces Korea: The Key to Cooperative Stability and Security in Northeast Asia-Conclusion After examining and analyzing the different aspects of the questions, “Is the presence of forward deployed troops on the Korean Peninsula the key to cooperative security and stability 33in the Northeast Asia region? And should the US continue to station forces on the Korean Peninsula?” the evidence suggests the following conclusions: The forward deployed presence of US forces in South Korea for the last fifty years has reinforced and assisted the Republic of Korea in the defense of their country, deterred not only North Korean aggression but other regional neighbors, and maintained a peaceful coexistence. All of which have provided for a lasting peace not only on the Korean Peninsula but also throughout Northeast Asia. Although it can be argued that North Korea’s conventional military capabilities may have eroded since 1990 due to antiquated weaponry, the amount of conventional weapons, the large physical military personnel presence prepositioned in an offensive posture and the ability to employ weapons of mass destruction far outweigh that argument. US intelligence estimates concluded that existing facilities in North Korea give them the capability to produce over 30 atomic weapons annually. 56 Even existing North Korean artillery and multiple rocket launchers in prepositioned positions north of the DMZ can hit Seoul, located just 25 miles south of the DMZ. The North Korean military has the capability to launch a fierce attack. For the past fifty years US forces stationed in South Korea have successfully deterred them from doing just that. It is hard to argue with success. Besides defending South Korea from North Korea aggression, US forces in South Korea provide critical prepositioned forces and access to the Asian theater. In an era where access is key in order to execute full spectrum military operations, the utility of US forces on the peninsula provides a dual capability: protection for South Korea from North Korea and being a deterrent for conflict in the entire region. Access to land based prepositioned supplies, equipment and 34 infrastructure is a combat multiplier. Even more, it provides the capability to provide large-scale reinforcements by sea and air from the continental United States. Since the American way of war is heavily dependent on air power to do a majority of the fighting or shape the battlefield prior to a ground campaign, access to air bases is essential. Without access, employment of land based air assets is severely limited.57 The ability to project the US military as an instrument of national power in a contingency operation or crisis situation enhances the US Government’s ability to respond to the needs of our allies in this region. Security on the peninsula also provides Japan the reassurance that the US is committed to Japanese security, the Mutual Defense Agreement and the stability of their economy. The hegemony of US military power helps balance other regional powers and keeps belligerents in check at a very low security cost to them. This allows our allies to focus their resources on economic development and not high defense budgets. 58 The US presence in the region continues to allow the US to maintain a foothold and keep other potential military competitors within their own borders. The People’s Republic of China understands that any steps of aggression in the region will provoke a US response. As long as the US maintains its national security objectives and vital strategic interests in the Northeast Asia region, US forces must remain on the peninsula in order to shape the environment. Even if the peninsula reunifies or reconciles, US Forces Korea provide a stabilizing force that can and have for five decades provided cooperative security and stability among neighboring countries in the Northeast Asia region.

16 North Korea FL Ext. 5 North Korea is trying to get WMDs because of other reasons than the US tripwire William J. Perry 06, William J. Perry, a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, is the Michael and Barbara Berberian Professor at Stanford University, with a joint appointment in the School of Engineering and the Institute for International Studies, where he is codirector of the Preventive Defense Project, “Proliferation on the Peninsula: Five North Korean Nuclear Crisis” http://ann.sagepub.com.ezp-prod1.hul.harvard.edu/cgi/reprint/607/1/78 What is driving North Korea to pursue a nuclear weapons program so single-mindedly? While no one can really know what is going on inside Kim Jong Il’s mind, he may believe that North Korea’s possession of nuclear weapons is necessary to head off a preemptive attack from the United States (indeed, North Korean officials have suggested as much to me). Another motivation for the North Korean nuclear program may be economic. We know that there is a ready market for nuclear weapons and material, and North Korea, which is in desperate economic straits, has already stated its right to sell its nuclear wares. Finally, we should never underestimate the importance of the presumed prestige that PROLIFERATION ON THE PENINSULA 85 goes with being a nuclear power; certainly that was a factor in India’s and Pakistan’s decisions to go nuclear. In all likelihood, some combination of these factors is probably driving the North Korean nuclear program, as they have been for the past few decades. Any hope of stopping a program with so much momentum will require understanding and addressing these motivations.

17 North Korea Econ Turn Withdraw of troops had many impacts, economic being one Moon 97, Katharine H.S., Department of Political Science and Chair of Asian Studies @ Wellesley College, “Sex Among Allies: Military Prostitution in U.S./Korea Relations”, 1997, Columbia University Press Washington's systematic calculations of troop reduction in Korea generated into social, economic, and political disarray and tensions for Koreans and Americans in the kijich'on areas. With the reduction of U.S. forces by 20,000 (7th ID), military units were disbanded and reorganized, and the remaining troops were redeployed. The 2d Infantry Division (2d ID), whose home had been in the Munsan/Yongjugol region, moved to Tongduch'on to occupy the camps left behind by the 7th Division, while camptowns in that region were virtually shut down. Together with the flux of U.S. soldiers, Koreans helped reshape kijich'on commerce and social life. Club owners, prostitutes, and others moved away from areas being deserted by the troops to those where the troops were concentrated. Officials from both the U.S. military authorities and the ROK government agreed that [t]he drawdown of U.S. forces introduced new elements of tension into traditionally friendly relationships. Accompanying base closures and restationing of U.S. Forces resulted in widespread dislocations among Koreans living in villages adjacent to U.S. bases . . . and resulted in increased competition among bar owners, "business girls," and merchants. 54 (The above appears in capital letters in the original document.) The withdrawal of U.S. troops caused economic havoc for the thousands of Korean nationals dependent on U.S. bases for jobs and income. The Korea Herald reported that by June 1971, 6,000 Koreans (out of a total of 32,000) employed at various U.S. installations were to be laid off. 55 Real estate prices in most camptown regions sank with the rise in the Korean residents' insecurity about the future of the U.S. military presence in their towns. 56 The camptown businesses, in particular, were severely hit. According to one official of the Korea Special Tourist Association, 57 "[t]he withdrawal put over 100 clubs out of business. Many of these people just threw away [abandoned] their establishments and left the area because there was no one to sell them to." 58 Newspapers reported that "[b]ar owners who used to clear $200 to $300 a night now [following the withdrawal] eke out a living on $4 to $5." 59 Prostitutes also suffered economic losses and geographical dislocation. The village of Yongjugol, which in the summer of 1970 had "boasted a total of over 2,200 'entertainers' who catered to the needs and wants of about 18,000 soldiers from the 2nd Inf. Div. and other units in the area," marked a mere 200 women remaining in July 1971. 60 Hundreds moved to camptowns in Seoul (It'aewon), Osan, and Tongduch'on. "Others . . . quietly slipped back into their families and [went] to work as taxi drivers, beauty shop operators, or secretaries." 61 The Korean press reported that "[t]he business slump has hit the Korean girls catering to the GI's. They number about 5,000. Up until last September, their earnings averaged about W100,000 a month per person. In recent months, the figure dropped to W5,000 to W7,000."

18 Impact D – Terrorism North Korea terrorist accusations are overblown Ivan Eland, “North Korea Does Not Sponsor Terrorism” pg. 42-3 Some have raised the specter of North Korea giving or selling nuclear weapons to terrorists. Yet this threat is overblown. North Korea has not been an active supporter of terrorists for decades, and only politics keep it on the U.S. list of countries sponsoring terrorism. North Korea, desperate for revenue, would not give terrorists the nuclear weapons that cost so much to develop and produce. And although North Korea has sold weapons to other autocratic nations, it would be much riskier to sell a nuclear device to an unpredictable terrorist group, such as Al Qaeda. If a nuclear weapon were used against the United States by terrorists who then melted back into the population, and the sale of the device were traced back to North Korea, enormous pressure would build on the U.S. government to use nuclear weapons against the only party with an identifiable home address. If the threat of North Korea supplying terrorists with nuclear weapons is exaggerated and small North Korean nuclear strikes against the United States can be deterred by the threat of overwhelming retaliation from the globally dominant U.S. nuclear arsenal, perhaps there is room for negotiation with Kim. The economic isolation of the north and perpetual U.S. saber rattling make a paranoid North Korean regime even more likely to build up its nuclear stockpile. Instead of economic and military coercion, the United States should take the more positive approach of offering an end to economic sanctions and a non-aggression treaty in exchange for a verifiable elimination—not freeze—of the North Korean nuclear program.

19 China FL [1/2] 1. China Will Not Attack Asia Pacific News; 5/29/10; “China wants peace on the Korean peninsula” Accessed Online; 7/1/10; http://www.channelnewsasia.com/stories/afp_asiapacific/view/1059761/1/.html SEOUL : China's Premier Wen Jiabao said Saturday that his country wanted to see peace and stability on the Korean peninsula, as tensions mounted over the sinking of a South Korean warship "China is persistent in supporting peace and stability on the Korean peninsula," Wen was quoted telling South Korean Prime Minister Chung Un-Chan. "We reject any act that would harm peace and stability," he said, according to Chung's spokesman. Wen was also quoted as saying that China, as a responsible member in the international community, attached importance to the outcome of a multinational investigation led by South Korea into the sinking. That investigation has held North Korea responsible for the attack on March 26, saying that the South Korean corvette, the Cheonan, was destroyed by North Korean a torpedo, killing 46 sailors. South Korea and its allies have since announced reprisals, prompting threats of war from the North, but China has so far refrained from publicly blaming North Korea for the attack. At an earlier meeting with South Korea's President Lee Myung-Bak, Wen said that China would "review the results of international probes closely and consider reactions from countries concerned seriously. "It will then take its position on this issue in an objective and fair manner. According to the investigation results, China will not protect anyone," Wen told the South Korean president. Wen met Chung before flying to the southern resort island of Jeju for a three-way summit also attended by Lee and Japan Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama. The two-day talks until Sunday are likely to focus on the sinking of the Cheonan, with Lee was expected to press Seoul's case -- backed by Tokyo -- for the North to be punished for sinking the Cheonan. South Korea, with the backing of the United States and Japan, is seeking China's support to sanction -- or, at least, to censure -- North Korea in the United Nations Security Council. China, a veto-wielding member of the council, is the North's sole major ally and economic lifeline. - AFP/jy

2. Not a big enough brink; China has too many economic ties to attack the US if they don’t pull out of South Korea now – they’ve been there for years

20 South Korea will not engage in war- military retaliation leads to regional instability Peter Foster, Daily Telegraph's South Asia Correspondent, May 2010, “North Korea threatens 'all-out war' over warship sinking report”, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/northkorea/7745370/North-Korea-threatens-all-out-war-over-warship- sinking-report.html

However, military retaliation against North Korea seems to have already been ruled out. "Nobody wants a war on the Korean peninsula and the truth is that it is not easy to take revenge after the event," said Choi Jong-min, whose brother-in-law, Petty Officer First Class Jo Jin-young, was among the dead."Military reprisals should have been taken there and then [at the time of the sinking], or not at all," he added. South Korea has called an emergency meeting of its National Security Council to discuss its options. However, experts said that most of the punitive actions on offer stand to hurt Seoul at least as much as Pyongyang."There really are few good options out there for South Korea," said Daniel Pinkston, a North Korea expert at the International Crisis Group. "They can go to the UN, but in reality China is very unlikely to back serious economic measures against the North which is already in economic crisis."Anything too drastic, such as military retaliation or real moves to destabilise the North's economy risks regional instability that could trigger market crashes, capital flight and an overnight loss of regional confidence. It is really hard to see how the South ends up better off after this."

21 No War North Korea seeks diplomatic relations, not war- not enough resources, weapons Chris Seck, Editor-in-Chief, 2009, “North Korea, not America, is a Paper Tiger”, http://stanfordreview.org/article/north-korea-not- america-paper-tiger Yet, as mighty as North Korea’s military seems, the “Hermit Kingdom” is fragile and weak in reality. Despite her saber-rattling, a cold look at the facts suggests that North Korea lacks the power to win any conflict with South Korea, let alone the United States.Consider the nuclear game. Dictator Kim Jong Il is reportedly in ill health and probably wants nothing more than to peacefully pass from this difficult life. Unlike Osama bin Laden or even Saddam Hussein, Kim does not have messianic visions of martyrdom. He is an atheistic communist who has three sons and wants his descendants to rule the Hermit Kingdom. For that reason, he is unlikely to behave destructively. Although North Korea may have half a dozen nukes, the President of the United States has access to ten thousand such weapons. North Korea’s leaders understand that if they ever sell a nuclear weapon to terrorists or directly launch a missile at South Korea or the United States itself, America could potentially retaliate and win by launching just six missiles—one at Pyongyang, and five at the major commercial-industrial cities of Kaesong, Wonsan, Hamhung, Chongjin, and Sinuiju. The loss of these six cities would wipe out the communist leadership, destroy the country’s military-industrial base, and leave North Korea in a nuclear checkmate.Analyst Dinesh D’Souza argues that although North Korea’s regime is evil and oppressive, it is fundamentally a regime of the Cold War variety—i.e., one that understands the logic of deterrence and can be deterred through traditional means. During the Cold War, America and its allies were remarkably successful in deterring nuclear threats from communist regimes in China and Russia because these regimes preferred survival to martyrdom. North Korea, like its former communist cousins, is evil but rational. When considering all possible threats, it becomes clear that North Korea lacks the power to win a conventional war in addition to any nuclear confrontation. North Korea’s GDP fluctuates around $40 billion, with a $6 billion military budget. In contrast, the South has a trillion-dollar economy and a $26 billion military budget. Although North Korea has a million-man army on paper, it is poorly armed and lacks the full panoply of modern weaponry that the South has. With less than half the population of the South, North Korea does not have the population or economic resources to fight an expensive conflict. Moreover, this entire analysis assumes that the United States will behave conservatively and refrain from sending the U.S. Pacific Fleet to wreck havoc on North Korea’s vulnerable coastlines. With the knowledge that these scenarios are possible, North Korea is unlikely to seek a conventional war and must instead opt for peace. It might insist on keeping its nuclear deterrent, but it will seek formal security guarantees, diplomatic relations, and the benefits of international trade.

22 US Should Stay – Stability US Needs To Stay In South Korea Nicole Gaouette; 6/15/10; Business Week; North Korea Instability Should Draw U.S. Attention, Panel Says; Accessed Online; 7/1/10 http://www.businessweek.com/news/2010-06-15/north-korea-instability-should-draw-u-s-attention-panel-says.html June 15 (Bloomberg) -- The U.S. should prepare for potential instability in North Korea and be willing to use military action to prevent further nuclear tests by the regime or the sharing of technology with rogue states and terrorists, an American policy group said. The Washington-based Council on Foreign Relations stresses in a report that the countries involved in stalled talks on North Korea’s nuclear program -- the U.S., Japan, Russia, South Korea and China -- will have to cooperate closely to rid the Korean peninsula of nuclear weapons. The report follows North Korea’s suspected sinking of a South Korean warship in March, an incident that underscores the country’s volatility, the Council on Foreign Relations said. Forty-six South Korean sailors died. It recommends six steps for dealing with North Korea, including efforts to integrate the country into the international community. “The danger posed by North Korea is sufficiently severe, and the costs of inaction and acquiescence so high, that the United States and its partners must continue to press for denuclearization,” wrote the members of an independent task force behind the report. The panel includes Victor Cha, a Bush administration official who participated in the China-hosted North Korea talks, which the North Korean communist regime has boycotted since 2008. Another member is James Shinn, who was an assistant secretary of defense for Asia under President George W. Bush. Competing Interests Each country involved in the talks has concerns that may complicate a unified response, the task force cautioned even as it advocated a return to the diplomatic forum. Russia and South Korea want the peninsula denuclearized through peaceful means, Japan is most concerned with its citizens that North Korea has kidnapped and China’s focus is on regional stability. The report stressed the importance of China’s role, saying that “any hope of North Korea’s dismantling its nuclear program rests on China’s willingness to take a strong stance.” China is North Korea’s closest ally and trading partner. For denuclearization efforts to succeed, “China must acknowledge that the long-term hazard of a nuclear Korea is more perilous to it and the region that the short-term risk of instability,” the authors said in the report. Explicit acceptance of a nuclear North Korea might trigger an arms race in the region, pushing South Korea and Japan to acquire preemptive nuclear strike capabilities, they said. “The United States must seek to resolve, rather than simply manage the challenge posed by a nuclear North Korea,” according to the report. Nuclear Exports. Beyond talks, U.S. priorities for dealing with North Korea should begin with the prevention of nuclear exports to others, the report said. The next priority for the U.S. and other six party members should be to stop North Korea from further developing its nuclear program. The focus should then be on scaling back North Korea’s nuclear work, it said. One of the report’s authors said that reaching this goal will require new leadership in Pyongyang. “There will be no denuclearization without regime change,” wrote Fred Ikle of the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington. North Korean leader Kim Jong Il promoted his brother-in-law, Jang Song Thaek, at a parliamentary session last week, a move that may be aimed at solidifying the transition of power to Kim’s youngest son, Kim Jong Un. There is high potential that regime change after Kim Jong Il’s death would be contested or lead to a breakdown of authority, the policy report said, a prospect that could have severe repercussions for South Korea and China. In that light, the task force recommended the U.S. should plan for instability, including military measures that should be coordinated with China and South Korea. And finally, the authors said the U.S. should work hard to integrate North Korea and its people into international affairs. “Planning for contingencies in North Korea is not the same as predicting instability as part of the full range of possible outcomes in dealing with North Korea,” the task force wrote.

23 US Should Stay – Stability US Bases Stablize Asia-Protects Korea William Breer; Senior Adviser, Center for Strategic and International Studies; May 2010; The Brookings Institution; U.S. Alliances in East Asia: Internal Challenges and External Threats; Accessed Online; 7/1/10; http://www.brookings.edu/opinions/2010/05_east_asia_breer.aspx May 20 marks the 60th anniversary of the ratification of the U.S.-Japan alliance by Japan’s House of Representatives. While the alliance is a bilateral arrangement, it has had a significant impact on Asia as a whole and is regarded by other nations as a key part of the regional security structure. The following is a brief survey of the treaty's role in the maintenance of peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific. It also demonstrates that the tensions currently confronting the U.S.-Japan alliance are not unique, but in fact have been faced by various bilateral alliances in the region; some have been resolved successfully and some have not. Brookings Northeast Asia Commentar. Most experts believe that the series of alliances the United States created after World War II was one of the most astute and far-sighted acts of diplomacy in history. The alliance with Japan laid the foundation for reconciliation between two enemy nations and the groundwork for the reconstruction of a nation whose industrial power, infrastructure, and morale lay in shambles but which rose to become the world’s second largest economy. The alliance played a key role in the Cold War by allowing the United States to cover the USSR's eastern flank and demonstrating to China and North Korea that we would defend our interests and those of our allies in East Asia. The arrangements with Japan provided a base from which the U.S. was able to defend its Republic of Korea ally from aggression by the North. Although the Korean War ended in an armistice—not a victory for the ROK, U.S., and their allies—without the use of facilities in Japan the peninsula could have been lost. Another plus was that American protection relieved Japan of having to acquire an offensive military capability, possibly including nuclear weapons. This reassured Japan’s neighbors that it would not again become a threat to their independence. The result has been five decades of peace in Northeast Asia without a serious arms competition and remarkably few serious threats to the peace. This, along with the stimulus of Korean War procurement, enabled Japan to devote its resources to economic development which resulted in a previously unimaginable economic expansion and improvement in living standards. The ROK, Taiwan, and later China, piggy-backing on Japan's success and partaking of Japan's foreign aid and investment policies, replicated Japan's experience and delivered even faster rates of economic growth and prosperity to their people. None of this would have been possible without the American alliance system and the stability it provided throughout the region. The American presence in East Asia has been reassuring to allies, and our naval and air deployments beyond the region have played a major role in protecting the key energy trade routes through the Malacca Strait and Indian Ocean. American alliances around East Asia. While the results have been good and generations of alliance managers on both sides can take considerable satisfaction in their accomplishments, the presence of foreign military bases in sovereign countries is not necessarily a natural phenomenon. Many Americans feel that we are motivated by altruism in undertaking to defend other peoples and that our actions are benign. But this view is not necessarily shared by citizens of host countries, many of whom view the American presence as an extension of the occupation in the case of Japan, an intrusion on sovereignty, or as a nuisance. These feelings are reinforced by a complex legal regime governing our bases and serious incidents (rape, hit- and-run accidents, etc.) involving American personnel. At the same time, as the base arrangements provide significant economic benefits for local populations there are some who welcome their presence. The policies of the new Hatoyama government reflect these contradictory views. Governments have responded to these issues in different ways. In Japan we have developed mechanisms for dealing with problems and have accumulated a great deal of experience in working together. As a result Japanese citizens have tolerated a foreign military presence remarkably well. This may be a historic first. The leaderships of both nations realize the important role that the alliance plays in maintaining stability in East Asia and have striven to protect it. In the Philippines, where we had maintained major naval and air facilities for many decades, a combination of domestic political pressure, the destruction of one base by a volcanic eruption rendering it unusable, and a strategic reassessment in Washington resulted in the withdrawal of U.S. forces, but the continuation of the defense treaty. In recent years, small numbers of U.S. military advisors have assisted the Philippine armed forces in countering Muslim insurgents in the southern islands of Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago. This was followed a few years later by the New Zealand government's refusal to allow port calls by U.S. Navy vessels, as clearly envisioned in the ANZUS treaty, without a prior finding by the prime minister of New Zealand that the ships in question were not carrying nuclear weapons. This was contrary to our long-standing policy of neither confirming nor denying the presence of nuclear weapons aboard our ships and put at risk our arrangements with Japan. The result was a suspension of our defense relationship with New Zealand and strained relations with this ally for a number of years. When the U.S. Navy revised its "neither confirm nor deny" policy our defense relationship gradually improved. However, as Secretary of State George Shultz stated at the time of the break in 1986, "We remain friends, but we are no longer allies." We do not have a security treaty with Taiwan and do

24 not maintain forces on the island. We sell arms consistent with the terms of the Taiwan Relations Act and U.S. policy toward Taiwan has assured the people of Taiwan and other countries in the region that the United States takes the security of Taiwan seriously and that only a peaceful, non-coercive resolution of the political issues across the Taiwan Strait would be satisfactory. Under our mutual defense treaty with the Republic of Korea we deploy sizable ground and air forces to the peninsula to backup ROK defenses in the event of aggression by North Korea. We have made clear to the North that the American commitment to the defense of South Korea is rock solid, and the peace has been maintained. While the U.S. posture has effectively deterred North Korea from a frontal attack, it has not prevented North Korea from mounting provocations, ranging from the capture of the USS Pueblo in 1968, through the tree-cutting incident in 1976, to the recent apparent sinking of an ROK warship. The biggest challenge posed by North Korea is its determination to acquire deployable nuclear weapons which would threaten U.S. interests throughout East Asia, potentially pose an existential threat to Japan, and create a proliferation problem of vast proportions. Our treaty relationships with Japan and Korea, and our many decades of experience working together, have greatly facilitated our cooperation on this issue. From time to time, base issues (one of our major bases is in the center of Seoul) and occasional incidents caused by American personnel have aroused latent nationalism among the people, which has in the past resulted in large scale demonstrations, strains in our relations with the host government, and pressure to relocate our facilities. That we are making necessary adjustments to our deployments without significantly reducing our support for the ROK or the effectiveness of our deterrent is a credit to the common sense and foresight of Korean and American officials, many of whom have devoted entire careers to the management of the defense of the ROK. Australia has been a valued ally in a large number of military operations in which the U.S. has engaged over the last fifty years, despite periodic internal opposition to American policy. Australia and Southeast Asia have been direct beneficiaries of America's alliance structure. While Australia is a member of ANZUS it has never become a platform for large scale American deployments. It has a keen interest in the stability and economic well- being of Northeast Asia because of its enormous and profitable economic ties with the region. It is also a beneficiary of American attention to the sea lanes to its West and North on which it depends for the bulk of its international commerce. What about the future? Despite periodic outbursts of opposition to nuclear ship home-porting or other aspects of the U.S. deployment in Japan, support among the Japanese people for the security relationship has remained at a remarkably high level. As a result the U.S. has had a relatively free hand in the use of our facilities and in the deployment of forces there. Generations of Japanese leaders have cooperated with U.S. security needs. These include a contribution of $13 billion in support of the first Gulf War, the dispatch of ground forces in support of our operations against Saddam Hussein, and generous foreign assistance to many places in which we have a strategic interest, including Afghanistan. Japan has also for the past 25 years made major contributions - $4-5 billion per year - to the support of U.S. forces in Japan. Who would have imagined 60 years ago that there would be significant U.S. military facilities in Japan in 2010? The planned relocation of Marine Corps Air Station Futenma has posed major political issues for both Japan and the United States. Okinawa is host for the majority of U.S. forces in Japan and has endured the lion's share of the impact of foreign bases. Under considerable local pressure, Tokyo and Washington in 2006 reached an agreement to move the noisy Futenma facility from a densely populated area in central Okinawa to a sparsely populated region in the north. But the new Japanese administration, which took office in September 2009, ran on a platform calling for the removal of the facility from Okinawa. The U.S. side has been persistent in insisting that the agreement be implemented as it stands and relations have been seriously strained for more than half a year. But after much internal debate the Prime Minister has agreed that the original plan must go ahead. The decision to attack Iraq in 2003 and the sloppy execution of the war called into question American judgment and leadership. Uncertain progress in Afghanistan has compounded this. Neither of these has significantly weakened Japanese support for the alliance, but these creeping doubts, coupled with an increasingly inward-looking Japanese public, have helped create an era in which American strategic assessments and solutions will be viewed with greater skepticism. Another serious incident involving U.S. military personnel would put further strain on the relationship. This is not to say that we cannot cooperate on a wide range of issues, but such cooperation will require higher level USG attention and a willingness on both sides to listen more attentively to the other's point of view. On the Japanese side, it will require the development of greater expertise among its political leaders and greater awareness among the general public of the changing environment. The increasing economic, military, and political importance of China demands that our two nations work together to assure a successful outcome in Asia.

25 US Should Stay – Stabilizes US Base Stabilizes Asia Constantly Jacquelyn S. Porth; USINFO Staff Writer; 2/27/07; America.gov; U.S. Military Bases Provide Stability, Training, Quick Reaction: Benefits to host nations include medical care, reconstruction, asset transfers; Accessed Online; 7/1/10; http://www.america.gov/st/washfile-english/2007/February/20070227132836sjhtrop0.6571466.html Washington -- The United States long has pursued its national security interests in cooperative efforts with friends and allies around the world, sometimes through military bases and smaller defense installations. U.S. military facilities are established only after a country invites the United States to do so and the host nation signs a status of forces or access rights agreement. Such agreements have a broad range of tangible benefits, the most obvious being valuable military-to-military contacts and a presence that offers regional stability or deterrence. The U.S. military presence in South Korea, for example, authorized as part of the 1954 U.S.-Republic of Korea Mutual Defense Treaty, is a deterrent to neighboring North Korea and has had a stabilizing effect on the Korean Peninsula. (See The U.S. and the Korean Peninsula.) Some bases disappear as circumstances change or as the military realigns to address changing threats. (See related article.) Under the 1947 Military Bases Agreement between the United States and the Philippines, the United States had access to Clark Air Base, Subic Bay Naval Base and a number of smaller facilities. But the abandonment of Clark, after it was damaged by a volcanic eruption and the Philippine Senate rejected a renegotiated agreement, led to a complete U.S. withdrawal in 1992. In the wake of that departure, Manila inherited an airport and ship repair facility. In 2005, the United States and Japan agreed to move 8,000 Marines based in Okinawa, Japan, to the U.S. territory of Guam by 2012, an action that will return valuable land to the Japanese people. (See related article.) A U.S. air base in Iceland closed in 2006, and bases have been shut down in Germany and other parts of Western Europe as part of a larger U.S. consolidation and global repositioning effort. (See related article.) U.S. SHIFT AWAY FROM LARGE BASES With changing U.S. military policy and a gradual downsizing of the number of bases overseas in the past 15 years, foreign policy analyst Daniel Widome says “large, full- service bases that serve as year-round hosts for U.S. military units” are falling out of favor. Instead, he told USINFO, “smaller, more bare-bones facilities that may not even be occupied on a continual basis are becoming more commonplace.” There is a shift away from huge bases requiring substantial supporting infrastructure to smaller cooperative security locations, which depend more on host-nation support. The Air Force, for example, has contingency access at an air base in Dakar, Senegal, and used it to help evacuate U.S. and other diplomats from Liberia in 2003. A limited number of U.S. military personnel might be located, alternatively, at forward operating sites ready to respond to trouble anywhere from the Western Hemisphere to Africa. Soto Cano Air Base in Honduras is an example of such an approach. Although the need for base access has diminished in Western Europe, there are new requirements in Eastern Europe. For example, in 2006, the United States signed agreements with Bulgaria and Romania for access to facilities and training as part of the Eastern European Task Force. (See related article.) In some cases, proximity to an American base provides a local window to host- nation forces to observe civil-military relations and to demonstrate how respect for human rights is critical to a functioning democracy. It also offers the chance to carry out realistic peacekeeping training scenarios or to collaborate in defusing regional conflict before it spirals out of control leaving behind failed nations. FORWARD CAPABILITY FOR CONTINGENCIES Besides engagement, deterrence and maintaining a U.S. presence, 34 major U.S. military bases (those worth more than $800 million with hundreds of personnel assigned) enable quick-reaction forces to respond to a crisis or natural disaster ranging from earthquakes in Iran and Pakistan to tsunami devastation or landslides in Asia. Bases give the U.S. military the flexibility to respond rapidly to any contingency within a theater of operation or across regions as needed whether for humanitarian relief or defensive purposes. Former Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz said fast response time, as the United States demonstrated in quickly aiding tsunami-stricken countries in the Indian Ocean, would not have been possible without long-term, pre-existing working relationships with militaries in South and Southeast Asia. Addressing requirements in Asia, Under Secretary of Defense Ryan Henry told members of Congress in 2006, “We would like to have enough capability forward and provide enough stability in the region that other countries won’t feel that it is necessary to build up their militaries” for defensive or offensive purposes. A key component of the U.S. National Security Strategy is focused on strengthening the role of U.S. allies and building and sustaining partnerships to deal with existing and emerging threats, from terrorism to smuggling weapons of mass destruction. The Defense Department, Widome says, is placing greater emphasis on military relationships as opposed to formal bases because they facilitate access but avoid the expense and vulnerability of bases. (USINFO is produced by the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)

26 1NC CP – Peace Talks Text: The United States Federal Government should entera peace agreement with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea

1. North Korea Wants Peace Treaty Associated Press; 1/11/10; MSNBC; N. Korea calls for peace talks, end to sanctions: 60 years since conflict’s outbreak, peninsula technically remains at war; Accessed Online; 7/4/10; http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/34801389/ns/world_news-asiapacific/ SEOUL, South Korea — North Korea proposed concluding a peace treaty to formally end the Korean War this year, saying Monday that improved ties with the United States and an end to sanctions are conditions for resuming international negotiations aimed at ridding it of nuclear weapons. The North's call came as President Barack Obama's special envoy for human rights in North Korea said earlier in the day during a visit to Seoul that any normalization of relations depends on an improvement in what he called the North's "appalling" human rights situation . The North's Foreign Ministry said in a statement that the resumption of the six-nation nuclear talks depends on building confidence between Pyongyang and Washington and called for a peace treaty, which it has long demanded. Before nuclear talks can get back on track, North Korea and the United States must improve their relationship by beginning talks aimed at signing a peace treaty to formally end the Korean War, the lack of which it called a "root cause of the hostile relations," the ministry said in a statement. The 1950-53 Korean War ended in a truce, not a peace treaty, thus leaving the peninsula technically at war. North Korea, the U.S.-led United Nations Command and China are signatories to the cease-fire, while South Korea has never signed the accord. International criticism The statement called for a peace treaty to be concluded this year, which it emphasized marks the 60th anniversary since the outbreak of the Korean War. North Korea pulled out of the six-party nuclear talks with the U.S., China, South Korea, Russia and Japan last year after international criticism of a long-range rocket launch that drew UN sanctions. It later conducted its second underground nuclear test. "This appears to be an overture by the North Koreans to try and, in their own way, break through the logjam that we have seen for more than a year now in the talks," said Peter Beck, an expert on North Korea currently conducting research at Stanford University. The proposal comes after a landmark visit to North last month by Stephen Bosworth , President Barack Obama's special envoy for the country. Bosworth said after his trip that the North agreed on the necessity of returning to the talks, though the country has not said when it would rejoin them. Bosworth also said he conveyed a message from Obama calling for the "complete denuclearization of the Korean peninsula" and underlining Washington's willingness to help bring the isolated country back into the international fold. He said discussion of a peace treaty could take place within the six-party talks framework. North Korea said after the meeting that the two sides discussed a wide range of issues including denuclearization, forging a peace treaty, improving bilateral relations and economic and energy assistance. The six-party talks began in 2003, and in 2005 and 2007 there were agreements on a disarmament pact which calls for North Korea to end its nuclear programs in exchange for economic aid, security assurances and diplomatic recognition. North Korea also suggested that the withdrawal of sanctions could lead to a speedy resumption of the talks. "The removal of the barrier of such discrimination and distrust as sanctions may soon lead to the opening of the six-party talks," the North's statement said. 'Situation is appalling' Robert King, Obama's special envoy for human rights in North Korea, harshly criticized the communist country Monday and said that the situation is preventing a normalization of relations. "It's one of the worst places in terms of lack of human rights," King told reporters after meeting South Korea's foreign minister. "The situation is appalling." He added, "Improved relations between the United States and North Korea will have to involve greater respect for human rights by North Korea." North Korea has long been regarded as having one of the world's worst human rights records. The country holds some 154,000 political prisoners in six large camps across the country, according to South Korean government estimates. Pyongyang denies the existence of prison camps and often reacts strongly to foreign criticism regarding human rights. Separately, Vitit Muntarbhorn, the United Nations' special investigator on human rights in North Korea, kicked off a six- day visit to South Korea to meet government officials, civic activists and North Korean defectors. Copyright 2009 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

27 Peace Talks CP – Solvency – Disarm North Korea Will Disarm-First Needs Peace Treaty Agence France-Presse; 01/11/10; ABS | CBN News; N.Korea seeks US peace pact before scrapping nuclear weapons; Accessed Online; 7/4/10; http://www.abs-cbnnews.com/world/01/11/10/nkorea-seeks-us-peace-pact-scrapping-nuclear-weapons SEOUL, South Korea - North Korea said Monday it wants a peace treaty with the United States as a precondition for giving up its nuclear weapons, and called for sanctions to be scrapped before it returns to disarmament talks. The foreign ministry statement was the first time the North has publicly stated its position on the disarmament negotiations since US envoy Stephen Bosworth visited Pyongyang last month. Bosworth was trying to persuade the communist state to return to the six-nation talks it abandoned last April, a month before staging a second nuclear test. No clear agreement was reached. The statement said it was "good to move up the order of action" in light of the failure of the six- party talks. "The conclusion of the peace treaty will help terminate the hostile relations between the DPRK (North Korea) and the US and positively promote the denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula at a rapid tempo," it said. Six-party agreements in 2005 and 2007 envisage talks on a treaty to formally end the 1950-53 Korean War, but only in return for full denuclearisation. The North said talks on a peace pact could be held either at a separate forum or in the framework of the six-party talks, which group the two Koreas, the United States, China, Russia and Japan. "The removal of the barrier of such discrimination and distrust as sanctions may soon lead to the opening of the six-party talks," its statement said. A US-led United Nations coalition fought for the South while China backed the North. The conflict, in which millions of troops or civilians died, ended only in an armistice. The North's statement mentioned only a peace pact with the United States. Kim Yong-Hyun, a professor at Seoul's Dongguk University, described the proposal as unrealistic. "I believe the US will not accept it as North Korea has long tried to exclude South Korea in such talks," he told AFP. "The proposal is aimed at taking the upper hand in future negotiations and securing more concessions when talks resume with the US or South Korea." However, Kim said Pyongyang might return to the six-party talks, even though its statement carried preconditions. The North reiterated that it would not have needed to develop nuclear bombs without what it sees as US hostility. It said the "repeated frustrations and failures" in the talks that began in 2003 proved that the issue can never be settled without confidence among the parties concerned. "Still today the talks remain blocked by the barrier of distrust called sanctions against the DPRK," it added. "If confidence is to be built between the DPRK and the US, it is essential to conclude a peace treaty for terminating the state of war, a root cause of the hostile relations, to begin with." The United Nations tightened weapons-related sanctions after the North's May nuclear test and missile launches, and the US administration has been seeking tight enforcement of them. In a New Year editorial message, the North called for an end to hostile relations with the United States and vowed to work towards a nuclear-free peninsula. But a US State Department official said Pyongyang should demonstrate its good faith by returning to the six-party talks. On Monday Robert King, the Obama administration's new envoy on human rights in North Korea, said relations can only improve once Pyongyang improves its "appalling" rights record. Baek Seung-Joo, of Seoul's Korea Institute for Defense Analyses, said the statement indicated the North was heading back towards the six-party talks. "There exists a discrepancy between North Korea and the others, notably South Korea, in sequencing the tasks of denuclearisation and striking a peace treaty on the Korean peninsula," he said.

28 Peace Talks CP – Solvency North Korea Willing To Go To Six Party Talks Associated Press; 10/9/09; CBS News; N. Korea Prepared to Restart 6-Party Talks: But Leader Kim Jong Il says Progress in 2- Way Negotiations with U.S. Must Come First; Accessed Online; 7/4/10; http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2009/10/05/world/main5365448.shtml (AP) North Korean leader Kim Jong Il told China's premier the North was prepared to return to multinational disarmament talks but said that will depend on progress in its two-way negotiations with the U.S. Kim's comments, carried Tuesday by official North Korean and Chinese media, were the clearest sign yet that Pyongyang was readying to resume the six-nation talks it withdrew from after conducting a long-range rocket test in April and a second nuclear test in May. Adding urgency to those efforts was a report Tuesday by South Korea's Yonhap news agency saying that U.S. and South Korean intelligence authorities believe the North is in the final stages of restoring its nuclear program that it pledged to disable in 2007 before backing out of the disarmament process. In a meeting Monday, Kim told Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao the North "is willing to attend multilateral talks, including the six-party talks, depending on the progress in its talks with the United States," China's Xinhua News Agency said in a report issued early Tuesday. The North's Korean Central News Agency said Kim told Wen that denuclearization remained a goal and that historically hostile relations with the U.S. "should be converted into peaceful ties through bilateral talks without fail." North Korea has been moderating its tone in recent weeks, signaling its willingness to resume a dialogue with the United States, China and other partners and backing away from the provocative behavior and rhetoric of the spring. State Department spokesman Ian Kelly said Washington was aware of reports that North Korea would reconsider opening talks but said the United States had not gotten details of the meeting from the Chinese. "We've talked to our Chinese partners in the six-party talks and we're conducting close coordination with China and the other partners in the talks," Kelly said. "We, of course, encourage any kind of dialogue that would help us lead to our ultimate goal that's shared by all the partners in the six-party talks, which is the complete and verifiable denuclearization of the Korean peninsula." The Yonhap report said South Korean and U.S. intelligence authorities concluded the North is restoring its nuclear program after scrutinizing about 10 atomic facilities in North Korea since April when the communist regime said it had restarted the program in anger over a U.N. rebuke of its rocket launch. The report, citing an unidentified South Korean defense source, did not describe how intelligence authorities managed to scrutinize the North's secretive facilities. Under the six-nation talks, North Koreas had agreed in 2007 to disable its nuclear facilities in return for international aid. In June last year, the North blew up the cooling tower at its main nuclear complex near Pyongyang in show of its commitment to denuclearization. But disablement came to halt later in 2008 as Pyongyang wrangled with Washington over how to verify its past atomic activities. The North's state media said last month the government had informed the U.N. Security Council it was in the final stages of enriching uranium. Yonhap also cited the source as saying North Korea conducted missile engine tests recently at its new launch site on the country's west coast, which has been in the final stage of construction. Kim's remarks to Wen came on the second day of the Chinese premier's three-day trip to Pyongyang to celebrate the 60th anniversary of diplomatic relations between the neighbors. Kim greeted Wen on his arrival Sunday at Pyongyang's airport, APTN footage showed. That was a rare honor for a non-head of state, reflecting Beijing's importance as the North's chief economic and diplomatic backer. Beijing was under pressure from other governments to bring North Korea back to the negotiating table. China provides much of the food assistance and most of the oil needed to keep the listing North Korean economy going. Both countries' communist leaderships traded congratulatory messages Monday extolling what the Chinese called their "good neighborly, friendly and cooperative relations." Kim's comments appeared to be calibrated to pressure Washington for progress in one-on-one talks without alienating North Korean hardliners by backing away from the North's earlier stance that it would never return to multinational negotiations, said Yang Moo-jin, a professor at Seoul's University of North Korean Studies. "It is aimed at saving the face of China, pressuring the U.S. and taking care of the domestic audience," Yang said. Wen's visit is seen as an inducement to Pyongyang to return to the disarmament talks, which China sponsored and which include Japan, Russia and South Korea as well as the U.S. and North Korea. The cautious Chinese leadership is unlikely to have agreed to Wen's trip without assurances about resumed talks. China fought alongside North Korea against U.S.-led forces in the 1950-53 Korean War but the two sides have drifted apart in recent decades as China embraced free-market reforms and North Korea remained a defiantly closed, totalitarian state. Despite strains, Beijing rarely threatens North Korea publicly, preferring to offer support to encourage Pyongyang to engage the outside world.

29 Peace Talks CP – Solvency North Korea Wants Peace-Feels Impact of Sanctions KWANG-TAE KIM; 1/2/10; Huffington Post; North Korea Calls For End Of Hostile Relations With U.S.; Accessed Online; 7/4/10; http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2010/01/02/north-korea-calls-for-end_n_409240.html SEOUL, South Korea — North Korea called for an end of hostile relations with the United States in a New Year's message and said it was committed to making the Korean peninsula nuclear-free through negotiations. At the same time, a Tokyo-based pro-North Korean newspaper indicated that the leaders of North and South Korea could hold a summit this year, citing Pyongyang's strong commitment to improve relations with Seoul. Communist North Korea has long demanded that Washington end hostility toward its government, and said it developed nuclear weapons to deter a U.S. attack. Washington has repeatedly said it has no intention of invading the country. The New Year statement brightened prospects for North Korea to rejoin stalled international talks on ending its nuclear weapons programs in exchange for aid and other concessions. Washington has sought to coax it to return to the talks, which also include South Korea, China, Russia and Japan. The North has often said it wants to replace a cease-fire that ended the 1950-53 Korean War with a peace treaty and forge diplomatic relations with the U.S. as a way to win security guarantees – demands Washington says should be linked to North Korea's verifiable denuclearization. "The fundamental task for ensuring peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and in the rest of Asia is to put an end to the hostile relationship" between North Korea and the U.S., the North said Friday in the New Year statement carried by the official Korean Central News Agency, state radio and television. North Korea's traditional New Year's Day statements are examined for clues to its policies. This year's statement said it is committed to establishing "a lasting peace system on the Korean peninsula and make it nuclear-free through dialogue and negotiations." The U.S. and North Korea agreed on the need to resume the nuclear negotiations during a trip by President Barack Obama's special envoy to Pyongyang in December, but North Korea did not make a firm commitment on when it would rejoin the talks. Last year, North Korea quit the disarmament talks and conducted a nuclear test, drawing widespread condemnation and tighter U.N. sanctions. Cheong Seong-chang, a senior analyst at the private Sejong Institute security think tank, said North Korea is likely to maintain its conciliatory approach toward the U.S. "The North extended an olive branch to the U.S.," Cheong said, adding that he expects the two sides will agree to set up a liaison office as a symbolic move to end their hostilities. But Andrei Lankov, a North Korea expert at Kookmin University in Seoul, said despite North Korea's willingness to talk with the U.S., it is unlikely to surrender its nuclear program or make any other important concessions. The North Korean statement said it remains committed to improving relations with South Korea, and urged the South to refrain from actions that might aggravate tensions. "Unshakable is our stand that we will improve the north-south relations," said the statement. The Tokyo-based Choson Sinbo newspaper, considered a mouthpiece for North Korea's government, suggested in a report late Friday the possibility of an inter-Korean summit this year. The two Koreas held their first summit in 2000 between then-President Kim Dae-jung and North Korean leader Kim Jong Il. The second summit was held in 2007 between then-President Roh Moo-hyun and Kim. The two sides held a secret meeting in October in Singapore and two follow-up meetings in November at a North Korean border town to discuss setting up a summit between South Korean President Lee Myung-bak and Kim, Yonhap news agency said last month, citing unidentified sources. North Korea has tried to reach out to Seoul and Washington since last summer in an about-face that analysts and officials say shows the North feels the pain of U.N. sanctions. In South Korea on Friday, about 70 conservative activists tied tens of thousands of leaflets condemning Kim Jong Il to balloons and launched them across the border into the North. Some protesters also burned large North Korean flags with Kim's picture printed on them.

30 Peace Talks CP – Solvency Summits key to resolving issues with the Korean peninsula – both North and South pushing for it KWANG-TAE KIM; Associated Press Writer; 10/24/09; Associated Press; South Korea: Summit should help resolve nuclear dispute; Accessed Online; 7/4/10; http://www.timesfreepress.com/news/2009/oct/24/south-korea-summit-should-help-resolve-nuclear- dis/?breakingnews SEOUL, South Korea — A summit between the two Koreas should help resolve the dispute over North Korea’s nuclear programs, a South Korean official said, as an envoy for the North met with a U.S. government negotiator in likely pursuit of bilateral talks with Washington. North Korea’s No. 2 nuclear negotiator, Ri Gun, has traveled to the U.S. on the invitation of private organizations and met on Saturday in New York with the chief U.S. nuclear negotiator Sung Kim, a State Department spokesman said. Kim conveyed “our position on denuclearization and the six- party talks,” spokesman Noel Clay said in a statement. The U.S. says it is willing to have direct talks with the North if it leads to resumption of six-party talks aimed at halting North Korea’s nuclear weapons programs that also include South Korea, China, Russia and Japan. The South also says that progress on efforts to rid the reclusive regime of its nuclear arsenal is key to a summit between the Korean leaders taking place. The North’s reported push for a summit and talks with Washington is part of a series of conciliatory moves by the regime in recent months after escalating tensions with nuclear and missile tests. Analysts have said the moves show North Korea feels the pain of U.N. sanctions following its May nuclear test. North Korea and the United States do not have diplomatic relations. Ri was given permission to visit the U.S. for unofficial meetings that include the Northeast Asia Cooperation Dialogue, a forum sponsored by the University of California-San Diego. Clay said that Kim and principal deputy assistant secretary of defense, Derek J. Mitchell, would participate in the San Diego forum which begins on Sunday. The sessions will also include government officials and scholars from China, Russia, Japan and South Korea. As the North’s negotiator prepared for his U.S. trip, South Korean media reported that senior officials of the two Koreas met in Singapore last week to discuss a possible meeting between North Korean leader Kim Jong Il and South Korean President Lee Myung-bak. North Korea first asked for the meeting, but the talks ended without agreement as the South demanded that the reclusive Kim visit the South, and the North balked at the demand citing security concerns, South Korea’s largest television network KBS reported Thursday. It cited an unidentified South Korean official. South Korean officials have declined to confirm the reports, but Lee Dong-kwan, senior presidential secretary for public relations, said Saturday a summit “should be helpful to progress in the resolution of North Korea’s nuclear issue.” The South’s officials stress that progress in international efforts to rid North Korea of its nuclear weapons programs is key to such a summit taking place. “Our government’s position remains unchanged that we would not hold a meeting for meeting’s sake,” Lee said in comments posted on South Korea’s presidential Web site. North Korea’s Kim has held summits with the South twice: the first in 2000 with the South’s then-President Kim Dae-jung and the other in 2007 with then-President Roh Moo-hyun. Relations between the two Koreas frayed badly after the more conservative Lee took office early last year. North Korea pulled out of the six-party disarmament talks in April, but Kim Jong Il said earlier this month that the North could rejoin them depending on progress in its possible one-on-one negotiations with the U.S.

31 Peace Talks CP – Solvency Talking Helps Create Better Relations KWANG-TAE KIM; 08/26/09; North Korea, South Korea Hold Family Reunification Talks For First Time In Years; The Huffington Post; Accessed Online; 7/2/10; http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/08/26/north-korea-south-korea-h_n_269095.html SEOUL, South Korea — North and South Korean officials held their first talks Wednesday in nearly two years on arranging reunions of families separated by the Korean War more than five decades ago, the latest sign of easing tensions on the divided peninsula. The three days of talks, being held at North Korea's Diamond Mountain resort, come as the communist regime adopts a more conciliatory stance toward South Korea and the United States after months of provocations including a nuclear test in May and a barrage of ballistic missile test-launches. The two delegations, led by Red Cross officials, expressed hope their meeting would help improve inter-Korean relations. Although still at odds over the timing of the family reunions they are expected to announce an agreement on Friday. Millions of families were separated following the division of the Korean peninsula in 1945 and the 1950-53 Korean War, which ended with a cease- fire, not a peace treaty, leaving the two countries technically at war. There are no mail, telephone or e-mail exchanges between ordinary citizens across the Korean border. A landmark inter-Korean summit in 2000 paved the way for more than 16,000 Koreans to reunite with relatives in temporary reunions. The reunions were held annually but suspended in 2008 when South Korean President Lee Myung-bak took office with a hardline policy toward Pyongyang. The two sides last held Red Cross-brokered reunion talks in November 2007. A South Korean Unification Ministry official said the delegation sent from Seoul Wednesday included two government representatives, but could not confirm the makeup of the North Korean delegation. He requested anonymity, saying he was not authorized to speak to the media. North Korea's chief Red Cross delegate Choe Song Ik expressed hope the talks were a "good opportunity to help develop North- South relations" and their humanitarian projects. His South Korean counterpart Kim Young-chol also said he has "expectations for big accomplishments." The two sides, however, still disagreed over when to stage the family reunions. Seoul wants them to be held in two stages late September and in early October, while the North demanded that both stages be held in early October, close to the Chuseok autumn harvest holiday, according to South Korean media pool reports. Chuseok, which falls on Oct. 3, is a major holiday for both Koreas, equivalent to Thanksgiving in the United States.

32 Peace Talks CP – Solvency Asian Countries Seek To Reduce Tension-Want to Stabilize Asia Kurt Achin; 5/30/10; VOA News; China Seeks Reduced Tension Between Koreas; Accessed Online; 7/2/10; http://www1.voanews.com/english/news/asia/Chinas-PM-Sees-Urgent-Need-to-Avoid-Conflict-on-Korean-Peninsula-95212649.html China has wrapped up a three way summit with neighboring South Korea and Japan by calling for calm amid escalating tensions. South Korea and its partners have yet to win China's firm support of an investigation blaming North Korea for the deadly sinking of a South Korean naval ship. The leaders of South Korea, Japan and China wrapped up their two day meeting on the South Korean resort island of Jeju vowing to work together on vital issues of regional security, including a response to the March sinking of a South Korean patrol ship, the Cheonan. Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao says it is urgent to defuse tension on the Korean peninsula related to the Cheonan sinking. He says the pressing task is to respond appropriately to the serious effects of the Cheonan incident, to gradually reduce tensions, and specially to avoid a clash. A team of international investigators presented extensive forensic evidence this month concluding the Cheonan was torn in half and sunk by a torpedo fired by a North Korean submarine - 46 sailors were killed in the incident. Soon after South Korean President Lee Myung-bak severed economic ties to the North in response, North Korea said it was scrapping military safeguard agreements designed to prevent conflicts from escalting between the two sides. The United States and South Korea prepare for joint anti-submarine drills in coming weeks, a step Pyongyang has warned could trigger "all-out war." Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama says the three leaders share a common view about the Cheonan sinking. He says this is a serious problem related to peace and stability in the Northeast Asia. The three countries confirmed that that we can closely cooperate in the future on the matter, he says. Japan and the United States fully back the Cheonan investigation, and say they will support South Korea in its request for diplomatic action against North Korea by the United Nations Security Council. China, which is historically reluctant do anything that destabilizes the North, says it still needs time to come to a "fair and objective" conclusion of its own. South Korean President Lee Myung-bak says all three leaders will keep talking. He says the Japanese and Chinese leaders took seriously the investigation results and the international response to them. They will agree to keep discussing the matter with peace and stability in mind. In the North Korean capital, Pyongyang, the government organized a mass rally of tens of thousands Sunday to condemn the Cheonan investigation. Choi Yong Rim is secretary of the North Korea Workers' Party. Comrades, he says, the North-South relationship is being driven to catastrophe by the war-loving "puppet" government of South Korea and the American invaders. Their hard line attitude, he says, could soon lead to war. Other protesters rallied here in the South Korean capital to support punishing Pyongyang.

33 Hardline approach bad A simple course in history proves that taking a “hard line” towards regimes and using aggressive rhetoric only exacerbates problems – Bush made huge flaws Robert Parry, “Aggressive US Policies Will Increase the North Korean Threat”, pg. 77-82 In his first weeks in office, Bush cast aside the Clinton administration’s delicate negotiations that had hemmed in North Korea’s nuclear ambitions. The new president then brushed aside worries of [then] Secretary of State Cohn Powell and [then] South Korean President Kim Dae Jung about dangerous consequences from a confrontation. Targeting North Korea At a March 2001 summit, Bush rejected Kim Dae Jung’s détente strategy for dealing with North Korea, a humiliation for both Kim, a Nobel Peace Prize winner, and Powell, who wanted to continue pursuing the negotiation track. Instead, Bush cut off nuclear talks with North Korea and stepped up spending on a "Star Wars” missile shield. After the Sept. II, 2001, terror attacks, Bush got tougher still, vowing to “rid the world of evil” and listing North Korea as part of the “axis of evil.” More substantively, Bush sent to Congress a “nuclear posture review [NPR],” which laid out future U.S. strategy for deploying nuclear weapons. Leaked in 2002, the so-called NPR put North Korea on a list of potential targets for U.S. nuclear weapons. The Bush administration also discussed lowering the threshold for the use of U.S. nuclear weapons by making low-yield tactical nukes available for some battlefield situations. By putting North Korea on the nuclear target list, Bush reversed President Clinton’s commitment against targeting nonnuclear states with nuclear weapons. Clinton’s idea was that a U.S. promise not to nuke non-nuclear states would reduce their incentives for joining the nuclear club. But to Bush and his neoconservative advisers, Clinton’s assurance that nonnuclear states wouldn’t be nuked was just another example of Clinton’s appeasement of U.S. adversaries. By contrast, Bush was determined to bring these “evil” states to their knees. A Strong Reaction In March 2002, however, Pyongyang signaled how it would react, warning of “strong countermeasures” against l3ush’s nuclear policy shifts. North Korea accused the Bush administration of “an inhuman plan to spark a global nuclear arms race” and warned that it would “not remain a passive on looker” after being put on the Pentagon’s list of nuclear targets. A commentary by the official Korean Central News Agency cited Bush’s threat in the context of the U.S. nuclear bomb dropped on Hiroshima, Japan, in 1945. “If the U.S. intends to mount a nuclcar attack on any part of the D.P.R.K. (North Korea) just as it did on Hiroshima, it is grossly mistaken,” the communiqué read. [On March 14, 2002,] the New York Times reported that “North Korea threatened . . . to withdraw from the [1994 nuclear suspension I agreement if the Bush administration persisted with what North Korea called a ‘hard-line’ policy that differed from the Clinton administration’s app roach. North Korea also renewed its complaints against delays in construction of two nuclear reactors promised in the 1994 agreement to fulfill its energy needs.” The North Koreans were telegraphing how they would res pond to Bush's nuclear saber-rattling. They would create a nuclear threat of their own. But Bush was in no mood to seek accommodation with North Korea. During one lectern- pounding tirade before congressional Republicans in May 2002, Bush denounced North Korea’s leader Kim Jong II as a “pygmy” and “a spoiled child at a dinner table:’ Newsweek magazine reported. Clearly, North Korea was on Bush’s menu for “regime change,” but it wasn’t the first course. The “Bush Doctrine” of preemptive wars was to have its first test in Iraq, where Sad- darn Hussein, along with his two sons and top associates, would face elimination. Worrying Signs By early July 2002, U.s. intelligence agencies had picked up evidence that North Korea had acquired key equipment for enriching uranium. “On Sept. 12, [2002], the same day Mr. Bush addressed the U.N. about the dangers posed by Iraq, the president met quietly in New York with Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi to brief him on the U.S. intelligence findings about North Korea,” the Wall Street Journal reported [on Oct. 18, 2002]. In early October 2002, U.S. diplomats confronted Pyongyang with this evidence and were surprised when North Korean leaders admitted that they were working on building nuclear weapons. Despite North Korea’s public warnings seven months earlier, official Washington was stunned. Many arial ysts puzzled over what might have caused Pyongyang to viol ate its earlier promises about suspending its nuclear program and then admit to it. Bush formally canceled the 1994 agreement. For its part, North Korea issued a press release at the United Nations on Oct. 25, 2002, explaining its reasoning. The statement cited both Bush’s “axis of evil” rhetoric and the administration’s decision to target North Korea for a possible preemptive nuclear strike. “This was a clear declaration of war against the D.P.R.K. as it totally nullified” the 1994 agreement, the North Korean statement read. “Nobody would be so naïve as to think that the D.P.R.K. would sit idle under such a situation. . . . The D.P.R.K., which values sovereignty more than life, was Left with no other proper answer to the U.S. behaving so arrogantly and impertinently.” Bush’s supporters blamed North Korea’s defiance on Clint on, arguing that his 1994 agreement to stop North Korea’s nuclear program was too weak. According to aides, Bush said he would never go down the path of compromise that Clinton followed. North Korea “would not be rewarded for bad behavior,” Bush aides told reporters [on October 26, 2002). Amid Bush’s stratospheric poll numbers in fall 2002, few Washington voices dared challenge the Bush administration’s finger- pointing at Clinton. The Lesson of Iraq What then happened in Iraq only reinforced North Korea’s thinking. Despite Saddam Hussein’s assurances that he had no weapons of mass destruction and his granting permission to U.N. inspectors to search any suspicious site, Bush simply ignored the U.N’s negative findings and invaded anyway on March 19, 2003. Within three weeks, U.S. forces routed the

34 overmatched Iraqi army and toppled 1—lussein’s government. Later, Hussein’s two sons were hunted down and killed by U.S. troops, and the Iraqi dictator was captured. Humiliating photos of Hussein being examined by doctors and sitting in his underwear were distributed around the world. He was then put on trial in Iraq—rather than before an international tribunal at The Hague—so the proceedings could end with his execution by hanging, an expected outcome that Bush relished. [Hussein was hanged on December 31, 2006.] The war’s consequences for Iraq is over the past three years also have been horrific. Tens of thousands of Iraqis—men, women and children—have died; the once-prosperous country has sunk into chaos and poverty; ethnic cleansing and a bloody civil war have begun. While Bush may have intended the Iraq war to be an object lesson about the futility of defying his will, some American adversaries learned something else—that disarmament and cooperation with the United Nat ions are for suckers. After all, Hussein had complied with U.N. demands for eliminating his stockpiles of unconventional weapons and had forsaken active development of nuclear weapons. He even agreed to unfettered U.N. inspections. Hussein’s reward was to see his two Sons killed, his country ravaged, and the almost certain end of his own life coming as he dangles from the end of a rope, rather than his request that he die before a firing squad. So, instead of cowering before Bush and his Doctrine, North Korea pressed ahead with its nuclear program, claiming to have detonated a small nuclear device on Oct. 9 [20061. The U.S. Reaction Bush responded to the news with more threats arid more tough rhetoric, calling the explosion a (cprovocative act” and “a threat to international peace and security.” For their part, Democrats argued that Bush’s Iraq war had distracted the United States from addressing the worse threat from North Korea. “What it tells you is that we started at the wrong end of the ‘axis of evil” said former Democratic Sen. Sam Nunn of Georgia (on October 10, 2006]. “We started with the least dangerous of the countries, Iraq, and we knew it at the time. And now we have to deal with that:’ Another lesson that could he drawn from Bush’s cowboy rhetoric is that tough-talkin’ diplomacy may play well with loudmouth TV pundits, newspaper columnists and radio hosts. But it doesn’t necessarily serve America’s national secur ity interests very well. In a Consortiumncws.com story entitled “Deeper Into the Big Muddy,” published nearly four years ago on Oct. 27, 2002, I wrote: “As world leaders have known for centuries, belligerut words and bellicose actions can have real consequences. Sometimes, potential enemies take hostile gestures more senously than they are meant and events spiral out of control. That’s what appears to have happened with North Korea’s nuclear bomb program. .. - Potential enemies may come to think that the best way to protect their nations against Bush’s unilateralist policies and threats of invasions is to quickly add a nuclear bomb or two to the arsenal.” In the past four years, Bush’s tough-taikin’ diplomacy has led the United States ever deeper—now neck deep—into the “big muddy.”

35 Soft stance better A softer stance will resolve international conflict and help regain leadership over China. Carin Zissis and Youkyung Lee, staff writers for the Council on Foreign Relations, April ’08, Council of Foreign Relations Before the February 2007 agreement, analysts said Washington seemed to be ceding its leadership of the Six- Party Talks because of its stance on North Korea. Gregg says in 2006 that Beijing has become “the leading player in the Six-Party process and we [the United States] are seen as really dragging our feet.” However, since the United States softened its stance and held bilateral talks with North Korea, leading to the breakthrough of February 2007 agreement, CFR’s Director of Studies Gary Samore says China feels increasingly sidelined.

36 ***PROSTITUTION VERSION***

37 1NC CP – Prostitution Text: The United States Federal Government

Sex workers should receive social services Michael L. Rekart, Prof M L Rekart MDBritish Columbia Centre for Disease Control, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, December 1, 2005, http://www.sciencedirect.com/science?_ob=MImg&_imagekey=B6T1B-4HPD3T0-1- 6&_cdi=4886&_user=4257664&_pii=S014067360567732X&_orig=search&_coverDate=01/06/2006&_sk=996330496&view=c&wc hp=dGLbVzz-zSkzV&md5=0fd4634471950b11823c593e76ff52f8&ie=/sdarticle.pdf

Sex workers need accessible, acceptable, and goodquality medical care. . Integrated services are important

because sex workers could be exposed to many health risks, and follow-up is difficult. 16,85,146 Referral to specialised services

such as those for safe abortion and drug treatment is essential. 85,146 Metaanalysis shows that STI treatment is highly effective

in the reduction of disease transmission.98,99,147 Accessibility, acceptability, and quality care for sex workers are challenging issues in both developed and developing countries because of mobility, discrimination, criminalisation, poverty, vulnerability, illegal status, lack of health insurance, and unfamiliarity with the

local language and culture.2,16,114 Sex workers should participate in decision-making about service

location and opening hours of operation.107,114 Innovative access strategies include mobile delivery, hotel- room and home-based clinics, roadside clinics at police checkpoints, drop-in centres, and general

clinics in sex-work areas.16,103,112,148,149 Acceptability often depends on staff attitudes,2,16,112 which can be improved through

sensitivity training.16,107,112 Childcare and the opportunity to rest, bathe, and talk with other sex workers

enhance acceptability.95,107,112 Waiting times and clinic distance are also important. Sex workers will choose clinics

that are welcoming with appropriate testing and treatment.16,95,107 In Managua, Nicaragua, vouchers redeemable at

private, public, or non-governmental organisation clinics were positively received by sex workers and clinics. 10

Communication can be addressed by cultural mediators and information in different languages. 16,57,107,150 Care and support for sex workers with HIV/AIDS is important. The UNAIDS (Joint UN Programme on HIV/AIDS) basic package for HIV and AIDS includes: voluntary HIV counselling and testing, psychological support, palliative care, treatment (for pneumonia, oral thrush, vaginal candidiasis, and pulmonary tuberculosis), prophylaxis

with co-trimoxazole, and facilitating community activities that reduce the HIV effect. 71,124 Antiretroviral prophylaxis during pregnancy, chest radiographs, Mantoux PPD skin tests for tuberculosis, and Pap smears should be

available to sex workers.124,151,152 Since HIV viral load relates to HIV transmission, HIV-infected sex workers

should be offered highly active retroviral therapy (HAART) when possible,153 or be given viable options for leaving sex work.

38 Prostitute CP - Solvency The women’s role in procuring change Moon 97, Katharine H.S., Department of Political Science and Chair of Asian Studies @ Wellesley College, “Sex Among Allies: Military Prostitution in U.S./Korea Relations”, 1997, Columbia University Press First, we need to begin viewing even the most dispossessed women as "players" in world politics; without jumping back and forth from two opposite poles of self-agency and victim-hood, a middleground must be found. The kijich'on prostitutes mentioned in this book were definitely not autonomous actors because they were economically and socially dispossessed. Moreover, their physical freedom was often limited. And most had psychological dependence on their pimps, club managers, or GI customers. But neither were these women simple recipients of governmental actions. The fact is that both the USFK and the ROK government acknowledged and treated these women as significant players in the Clean-Up Campaign. The women did not choose this particular camptown project, but the Campaign's success depended on these women's participation. Participation for these women was not free of co-optation, but neither were all women beaten into submission nor silent about the effects of U.S. foreign policy changes on their lives. The women themselves helped forge kijich'on residents' sentiments against U.S. military domination in their lives and used some of the Campaign's repressive policies to pursue their self-interest (chapter 6). Keohane and Nye's early conception of transnational politics is helpful here: a "conception of world politics in which the central phenomenon is bargaining between a variety of autonomous or semiautonomous actors [i.e., not just governments]." However, although transnationalism originally opened up international space to include nonstate actors, the great majority of the world's women cannot be included because they are without "significant resources" or "substantial control" over issue areas, requirements that Keohane and Nye include in their definition of transnational actor. Elites and powerful transnational organizations, like multinational companies, the Red Cross, and Amnesty International, remain the source and focus of politics for many transnationalists. If we abide by such characterization of international actor, we would never be able to see how Korean kijich'on women, who lacked "significant resources" and control, had any significant role in transforming camptown relations. We need to broaden the content of significant resources to include not only money, guns, diplomatic weight, and public opinion, but also sex. As long as the prostitutes' bodies served as the daily "glue" between camptown Americans and Koreans, their role as a "player" in kijich'on politics was undeniable.

39 Inherency FL Conditions have improved for prostitutes in South Korea Donna M Hughes, PhD University of Rhoode Island, Katherine Y. Chon and Derek P Ellerman co-founders of the Polaris Project, “Modern-Day Comfort Women: The US Military, Transnational Crime, and the Trafficking of Women”, Ch. 11, International Sex Trafficking of Women and Children: Understanding the Global In the last decade, the economic conditions have improved for South Korea, offering women more opportunities than in the past. Consequently, foreign women arc increasingly replacing the Korean women in prostitution around the U.S. bases. Women from the Philippines, the Russian Federation, Bolivia, Peru, Mongolia, China, Bangladesh, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan have been trafficked into South Korea (Jhoty, 2001; McMichael, 2002a; Lhagvasuren, 2001). According to the International Organization for Migration in Seoul, 5,000 women have been trafficked into South Korea, mostly Russians and Filipinas, who are replacing the Koreans (Capdcvila, 2002a; Go, IOM-Seoul, personal communication, September 2002). For example, in one kijichon area with 40 clubs, of the 301 women in prostitution, 107 were Korean, 149 were Philippine, and 45 were Russian (Union of Women's Social Organizations in the Kyonggi-do Province, n.d.).

Efforts have been made to help Korean prostitutes Donna M Hughes, PhD University of Rhoode Island, Katherine Y. Chon and Derek P Ellerman co-founders of the Polaris Project, “Modern-Day Comfort Women: The US Military, Transnational Crime, and the Trafficking of Women”, Ch. 11, International Sex Trafficking of Women and Children: Understanding the Global In summer 2002, a crackdown by federal agents on Asian organized crime in the U.S. revealed both the scope of the massage parlor networks and the progress that needs to be made by U.S. authorities in effectively countering trafficking. Eighty-seven warrants were served in California, Michigan, Kentucky, Nevada, Tennessee, Connecticut, Ohio. North Carolina, Texas, Georgia, Pennsylvania, and Virginia (Associated Press, 2002a). The investigation was initiated five years before when one of the massage parlor operators tried to bribe public officials, including a judge.

Korean society has made advancements in women’s role in society Hee-Kang Kim, department of public admin @ Korea University, 09 (4/24/09, “Should feminism Transcend Nationalism? A Defense of Feminist Nationalism in South Korea”), ScienceDirect As the Korean government and Korean society have become more democratic in the 1990s and the 2000s, minjok-minju has played a less and less privileged role even in the KWAU. Since the 1990s, the number of new autonomous grassroots women's organizations has greatly increased, and their interests have been considerably diverse, concerning such widely ranging issues as sexual violence and harassment, domestic violence, prostitution, consumer rights, the environment, childcare, and lesbian rights. Concurring with this trend, the KWAU, too, has widened and diversified its interests, moving beyond the labor-democracy movement to legislative and legal reforms imperative to promoting gender equality. These reforms include the Infant Care Act (1991), the Sexual Violence Special Act (1993), and the Domestic Violence Prevention Act (1998). In addition, and more importantly, the nature of the KWAU has changed as the KWAU's relationship to the democratic state has changed. The KWAU, originally founded as an anti-regime grassroots movement struggling against worker exploitation and military dictatorship, has become a state-sponsored organization to some extent. Its representatives have received appointments to democratic government offices, and the organization itself has received some financial support from the government (Moon, 2002:490-492).

40 Troops are rejecting prostitutes – it is prohibited Samantha L. Quigley; American Forces Press Service; 9/21/04; Department of Defense; DoD Fights Human Trafficking With Training, Awareness; Accessed Online; 7/6/10; http://www.defense.gov/news/newsarticle.aspx?id=25245 WASHINGTON, Sept. 21, 2004 – What President Bush referred to as a "special evil" during a 2003 address to the U.N. General Assembly was the topic of a joint hearing here today. The House Armed Services Committee heard testimony on how the U.S. military is working to deter the patronization of prostitutes and human trafficking. The common thread in the testimony was training. State Department representative John R. Miller and Defense Department representatives Charles Abell, Army Gen. Leon J. LaPorte and Joseph E. Schmitz also cited cooperation with host countries as being important in addressing the issue of human trafficking and prostitution. Miller is director of the State Department's office that monitors and fights human trafficking; Abell is DoD's principal deputy undersecretary for personnel and readiness; LaPorte commands U.N. and U.S. forces in Korea; and Schmitz is DoD's inspector general. Congress opened the spotlight on the human trafficking issue with the passage of the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000, said Miller. The act was reauthorized in 2003. Surveys have shown that an estimated 800,000 men, women and children are trafficked across international boarders each year, he said. When internal trafficking is taken into consideration, he added, the number of victims jumps into the millions. "We are dealing here, broadly speaking, with what is emerging as a primary human rights issue of the 21st century," Miller said. He quickly added that it is not only a human rights challenge, but also a health challenge and a major source of revenue for organized crime. He also described the practice as a national security challenge. "Because it's a national security challenge, it relates to the task facing our military, because they are trying to create secure, stable situations in several countries in this world," he said. Demand drives sex trafficking, Miller said. And it is the demand side of the issue that is coming under closer scrutiny. Historically, he said, national forces going from one country to another lead to increased prostitution and an increased number of trafficking victims. National forces include the military as well as peacekeepers, contractors and aid workers, he said. To this end, DoD has taken many steps to stem U.S. national forces' participation in prostitution and human trafficking, Miller said. The DoD has declared a zero tolerance policy and is employing training to achieve that objective, and is implementing new provisions of the Uniform Code of Military Justice that will punish the patronizing of prostitutes. There also have been steps taken in Korea, and recently NATO policy was instituted with the leadership of the United States. In an effort to educate these groups and dissuade the practice of prostitution and human trafficking, the DoD policy on the subject is straightforward and easily understood, said Abell. "It is a police of zero tolerance," he said. "It is a policy of command responsibility to recognize, prevent and to assist local law enforcement when it comes to trafficking in persons in any way, shape or form." Abell said a training program has been developed and is in testing. He added that it would be distributed to the forces and the fleet in early November. Local commands will be required to adapt the program to make it more relevant. By January, the program will be available online, Abell noted. While the DoD has always believed patronizing prostitution was prosecutable under the UCMJ, Abell said, the plan is to elevate the offense and make it more visible to the commanders. It will also make it more visible to the service member who might be tempted. Laporte said the four- pronged strategy of awareness, identification, reduction and enforcement -- along with continued interaction with the Korean government -- has produced measurable results in eliminating prostitution and human trafficking adjacent to U.S. installations. Also helping the United States move toward its goal of zero tolerance is training for all DoD personnel arriving in Korea, LaPorte said. Other measures also have been taken, including identifying and making off- limits to U.S. personnel local businesses that support prostitution and human trafficking. Public service announcements via AFN, the Pentagon Channel and print media are also being used to get the message out. Combined with a curfew and an increased effort to provide entertainment that keeps troops on base during more of their free time, instances involving U.S. personnel have declined, LaPorte said. "The conduct of our soldiers, sailors, airmen, Marines as well as the Department of Defense civilians and invited contractors and their family members is of paramount importance to our command," LaPorte said. "These Americans are our nation's ambassadors, and how they behave is as much a reflection of our own national character as it is a statement of our military readiness and discipline." Some policies are still, as Miller put it, on paper. "And they're good steps." Now, it's a matter of getting them implemented, he said.

41 Patriarchy FL [1/3] 1. American policies are the cause of the problem, not troops Moon 97, Katharine H.S., Department of Political Science and Chair of Asian Studies @ Wellesley College, “Sex Among Allies: Military Prostitution in U.S./Korea Relations”, 1997, Columbia University Press Individual moments of sexual contact have engendered large-scale socioeconomic transformations for Americans and Koreans, as well as personal traumas and challenges. But to root these consequences of prostitution in individuals' behavior without assessing the policies and practices of the U.S. military is like seeing the trees but not the forest. Policies on the prevention and control of sexually transmitted diseases, fraternization with locals, language and cultural awareness programs for soldiers stationed outside of the United States, and the length of the tour of duty are just some of the factors that influence the participation of soldiers in prostitution and the system of prostitution that evolves in a locality. For example, Korea is one of the two countries, among those where the United States has bases, categorized as a "noncommand- sponsored" tour, 94 meaning that the Department of Defense will not pay for the travel and living costs of family members who accompany soldiers to Korea. In 1991, only 10% of the 40,000 troops were accompanied by their family members. Korea is also a "hardship tour," partly because of its status as a war zone and also because the living arrangements, language, and cultural differences pose difficulties for Americans. Korea is also a "short tour," usually about one and a half years long. Moreover, enlisted men who are sent to Korea tend to be very young, in their late teens and early twenties--they are without family and get hands-on experience in (technically) a combat zone. This contrasts with U.S. military policy for troops in former West Germany, which tends to send married men with their families since the 1980s. 95 One U.S. military official, who is familiar with troop life in Korea and Germany, found that prostitution rose concomitantly with a predominance of single men based around Nuremberg in the 1960s and 1970s; the swing toward the stationing of married soldiers in the 1980s coincided with a decline in prostitution. 96 Moreover, Germany in the 1970s and 1980s was considered a "plum" post, as opposed to a "hardship tour," because family members could experience European living. All Americans and Koreans who are familiar with U.S. military life have told me that the noncommand sponsored status and the short duration of tours prevent a soldier from getting to know Korean culture and people and from putting down roots and establishing a stable life. The fact that the enlistees are unattached, lonely, "ghettoized" in Korea and distanced from America, and that they are moving on in a year's time makes them ready candidates for "GI johns."

2. Plan doesn’t address the Japanese men that continue to demand South Korea prostitutes means that they are still subjected to patriarchy

42 Patriarchy FL [2/3] 3. Alt Causalities – prostitution thrives because of poverty Sarah Bromberg, presented to the 1997 International Conference on Prostitution at Cal State University, 1997, http://www.feministissues.com/ If The Prostitution of Sexuality does in fact inspire a sense of pathos for women to make a point, it commits an informal fallacy of logic"14 because the issue becomes clouded with emotions that prevent an objective analysis of the situation. Observing poverty is almost always a situation that evokes emotions. Mixing poverty and prostitution together as one thing may give prostitution a different emotional appeal than if it were analyzed on its own. In an over-populated world, there may simply be situations that leave no other choices to women. The pain and suffering they experience might perhaps be realized with any choice they might make. Many probably enjoy what they do. In spite of the seemingly tragic aura of some of their lives, many prostitutes might be more accurately described as being friendly, warm, and sensitive human beings; not as women whose greatest value is to be pawns in a game of political chess for the empowerment of one political group over another. If the primary cause of predatory practices and trafficking is a function of over-population, educational deficiency, feudal social policy, or fierce social competition for attention at school, wealth, and jobs, the fact that prostitution thrives and subsequently degrades women is beside the point. Feminists are likely blaming the wrong people for the existence of a degradation that is a part of a vicious cycle of degradation that has its sources elsewhere.

4. Plan can’t change Korean’s cultural view on prostitutes Moon 97, Katharine H.S., Department of Political Science and Chair of Asian Studies @ Wellesley College, “Sex Among Allies: Military Prostitution in U.S./Korea Relations”, 1997, Columbia University Press The disregarding of kijich'on prostitutes as invisible and/or marginal has been apparent in academia and activism as well. Until very recently, social science scholarship on Korean women and society since the 1950s has focused mainly on women as low-paid, underskilled labor in Korea's rush to export-led economic growth. But only since the early 1990s has there been any significant academic scrutiny of kijich'on prostitution, which has been around longer than the bulk of women's modern factory work. A part of the reason for the dearth of academic interest in this subject is due to Korean social activists' own neglect of this issue. During my research stay in Korea from 1991 to 1992, I experienced many difficulties finding academics and activists who might be well-informed on camptown prostitution issues of the 1960s and Ô70s (the latter being the focal time of my research). One woman whom others had referred to as my "one sure bet" even admitted honestly that she and other long-time social activists had neglected the issue of camptown prostitution. She stated that she and others had focused their organizing attention and energy on organizing factory workers and protesting Japanese sex tourism in the 1970s (chapter 1), but that tackling the problem of camptown prostitution had never entered their minds. She confessed that she and her coworkers had never placed the kijich'on prostitutes in any framework of exploitation or oppression, that even most activists considered these women "too different" from themselves. "Too different" was a polite way of saying what many Korean activists and academics today, even those who advocate on behalf of the former Korean "comfort women" to the Japanese military in World War II, still believe--kijich'on prostitutes work in the bars and clubs because they voluntarily want to lead a life of prostitution, because they are lacking in moral character. This kind of academic and activist negligence of kijich'on prostitutes is a function of the Korean society's bias against these women--that they are an "untouchable" class, that they have already departed so far from the norms and values of mainstream society to deserve consideration of the political, economic, and cultural sources of their unenviable existence. Faye Moon, a cofounder of My Sister's Place, noted, "Students often become anti-American and shout Ô Yankee go Home' when they demonstrate. However, most Korean students have never visited an ÔAmerican' military town in Korea. They are unaware of the oppression which takes place in these villages." Students began visiting and extending their solidarity to kijich'on prostitutes only as recently as 1990.

43 Patriarchy FL [3/3] 5. Women choose to be prostitutes, they aren’t coerced. Kathleen Peratis, JD, Chair of the Women's Rights Division of Human Rights Watch, 2000http://prostitution.procon.org/view.answers.php?questionID=101 (Insight on the News) They are the grown-up women, otherwise regarded as competent to make their own decisions, who choose to migrate for reasons connected to all kinds of labor, including sex work. They have not been abducted or coerced or enslaved. Sometimes they are full-fledged members of the community. Some entered the sex industry as a part of an economic strategy for supporting themselves and their families, getting by in lean economic times or realizing other economic goals. Many have children, partners and parents whom they support through their work. They share households and enjoy a kind of family status amongst those with whom they are socially intimate and interdependent. One [doesn’t need to] need not romanticize prostitution to distinguish between prostitution as coercion or slavery and prostitution as an economic choice.

44 Patriarchy FL Ext. 1 Gendered roles exist everywhere even with the integration of women into politics – plan is just a band-aid solution Moon 97, Katharine H.S., Department of Political Science and Chair of Asian Studies @ Wellesley College, “Sex Among Allies: Military Prostitution in U.S./Korea Relations”, 1997, Columbia University Press Like transnational studies, the bureaucratic politics model also focuses on the role of elites in policy making, including, in recent years, women. As more women have joined the ranks in these institutions and helped formulate women-oriented policies, they remind us that institutional cultures are not gender-neutral and therefore not value-free in making and implementing policies. Kardam and Whitworth offer excellent examples of ways in which even "women-friendly" offices and projects within, respectively, the World Bank and the International Labor Organization suffer from gendered biases about the meaning, context and goals of development and labor for women. 32 Kardam points out that the World Bank's bias toward the economic "efficiency" and "effectiveness" of their projects overshadows the "equity" and social welfare needs of most women in developing countries. 33 Similarly, Enloe and others have observed that military institutions are severely gendered in their organizational structure and culture. 34 For example, Enloe states: "A drill sergeant is trying to devastate a resistant young man when he contemptuously shouts into his face, 'Woman!' To be prepared for combat, to soldier, a man must be stripped of all his 'feminine' attributes." 35 This illustrates the way that the U.S. military establishes its organizational hierarchy and gendered ideology by degrading the feminine and constructing an acceptable masculinity. But these pathbreaking studies still leave us with more questions than answers about how these organizations negotiate 1) the larger power disparities between the country or countries they are sponsored or funded by and those they are trying to aid; 2) the interests and capabilities of host nations and local people. Moreover, studies on organizations and women tell us little about the interactions of bureaucracies and the poorest and most powerless of women, and studies that focus on gendered ideologies of organizations cast women as recipients of actions based on such ideologies.

45 Patriarchy FL Ext. 2 Organized crime will continue to recruit prostitutes from other countries Donna M Hughes, PhD University of Rhoode Island, Katherine Y. Chon and Derek P Ellerman co-founders of the Polaris Project, “Modern-Day Comfort Women: The US Military, Transnational Crime, and the Trafficking of Women”, Ch. 11, International Sex Trafficking of Women and Children: Understanding the Global Organized crime groups have taken advantage of the economic difficulties faced by women. In January 2000, a network involving Russian organized crime and Koreans was broken up in Seoul. The Russian group supplied the women and received $1000 per month for each woman they supplied. The Koreans operated a job placement agency, through which they had trafficked over 50 Russian women into South Korea during the previous year ("10 arrested," 2000). There is evidence that although the Philippines and countries of the former Soviet Union are geographically, linguistically, and culturally distant, the same traffickers are at work in the recruitment and enslavement of women. Several years ago, Kim Kyong-Su was investigated by the Yong-San District police for "importing 1,093 foreign women, from the Philippines and Russia, to work as entertainers near the U.S. military camp." He was suspected of being paid recruiting fees by 234 club-bar owners to provide women for their use. He and two accomplices were charged with illegal recruitment and forgingdocuments (Enriquez, n.d.).

46 Patriarchy FL Ext. 3 Prostitution provides pay for women who lose their jobs Nancy E. Sacks, Catherine Marrone, sociology professor at Stony Brook University, 2004, http://books.google.com/books? hl=en&lr=&id=G0seJwpGRHQC&oi=fnd&pg=PA37&dq=prostitution+free+choice&ots=tSYcAtyhWc&sig=q506Mji0XZBFc8iE_l WDOM-aSWk#v=onepage&q&f=false Once in the cities, what choices do women have? Finding any kind of job is difficult and for unskilled, poorly educated women, prostitution offers some advantages over petty trading, domestic service, or work in large world market factories, all of which are associated with low wages and poor working conditions. Even if women do opt for factory work, they may eventually be forced to prostitute themselves: If a woman loses her job in a world market factory after she has re-shaped her life on the basis of a wage income, the only way she may have of surviving, is by selling her body. There are reports from South Korea, for instance, that that many former electronics workers have no alternative but to become prostitutes.

Sad truth – prostitution is the only way Korean women can make money Donna M Hughes, PhD University of Rhoode Island, Katherine Y. Chon and Derek P Ellerman co-founders of the Polaris Project, “Modern-Day Comfort Women: The US Military, Transnational Crime, and the Trafficking of Women”, Ch. 11, International Sex Trafficking of Women and Children: Understanding the Global After women arrive in South Korea, some are forced into prostitution right away; others are worn down by pressure and inability to pay their debts unless they engage in prostitution. In the beginning, the women are only required to sit with men and push drinks, but they make no money. They soon discover that the only way to make money and pay their debts is through prostitution (McMichael, 2002a).

Korean girls enter prostitution to pay off debts and get away from family abuse Donna M Hughes, PhD University of Rhoode Island, Katherine Y. Chon and Derek P Ellerman co-founders of the Polaris Project, “Modern-Day Comfort Women: The US Military, Transnational Crime, and the Trafficking of Women”, Ch. 11, International Sex Trafficking of Women and Children: Understanding the Global Korean girls and women become vulnerable to recruiters after they have been abandoned by families or run away from home because of abuse. They usually have limited job skills and few options for work. They are domestically trafficked from various regions of South Korea for kijichon prostitution outside U.S. bases. Korean women are recruited into prostitution by employment agencies that play a central role in domestic trafficking (Yu, n.d.). Young women who run away from home are often searched for by employment agencies. When the girl or woman is found, the cost to trace her is charged to her as a debt that she then has to repay (Yu, n.d.). Also. Korean women enter prostitution as a way to pay off credit card debt without knowing the conditions and violence they will face. According to one agency. "We hear many cases of those who started out making quick money to pay off credit card debts but ended up in situations they didn't know existed" (Go, IOM-Seoul, personal communication, September, 2002).

47 Patriarchy FL Ext. 4 South Korea will never solve for prostitution, because the government is using force. Tom Henheffer, senior columnist for Maclean’s national weekly current affairs magazine, February 18, 2010, http://www2.macleans.ca/2010/02/18/south-korea-takes-on-prostitution/ But Sealing Cheng, an anthropologist at Wellesley College in Massachusetts who specializes in sexuality, prostitution and human rights in South Korea, argues the government’s efforts don’t always work as intended. While the sex trade laws target pimps and brothel owners, and offer financial and vocational assistance for victims of prostitution, they also establish fines and jail terms for the approximately 269,000 sex workers in the country. “It makes life difficult for a lot of women who, for some reason, remain in the trade. If there isn’t adequate assistance for them, they won’t leave.” The crackdown is also forcing prostitution further underground. When illicit massage parlours are raided, they often reopen as “hostess bars,” where women are paid for their company but don’t specifically have to sleep with clients, although they often do. “They’re moving too quickly for the government to shut them down,” says Whasoon Byun, a researcher with the Korean Women’s Development Institute. Cheng says the sex trade remains such a big problem largely because the government incorrectly believes it can stop prostitution by force, and that little will change until women are no longer treated as second-class citizens. “Even with a university degree it’s very hard [for women] to find a job.”

South Korean women can’t lose the stigmatization Donna M Hughes, PhD University of Rhoode Island, Katherine Y. Chon and Derek P Ellerman co-founders of the Polaris Project, “Modern-Day Comfort Women: The US Military, Transnational Crime, and the Trafficking of Women”, Ch. 11, International Sex Trafficking of Women and Children: Understanding the Global For women in prostitution around the military bases in South Korea, it is difficult to escape the stigmatization of society. Their only hope of getting out of prostitution and emigrating to the U.S. is to marry a US serviceman (Moon, 1997, p. 4). Even the trafficked women from the Philippines say their dream is to marry an American man who will buy their freedom (Merriman. 2002). In some cases, U.S. men pay off the women's debt to the pimp to free them (Kim. 1997). In one case, a U.S. serviceman helped a trafficked woman escape by contacting a known anti-trafficking activist in Seoul (McMichael, 2002b).

48 Patriarchy FL Ext. 5 Many prostitutes choose, and enjoy their work Christine Overall, Professor of Philosophy, Queen's University, 1992, http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/3174532.pdf The presence of coercion, however, is a point of disagreement among writers on the topic of prostitution. While some sex workers are willing to grant that many women are not in the work by choice, they also insist that some are. One prostitute, referring to possible changes in the law governing prostitution, claims, "Very few of us are going to stop working. Many of us like to work. It's our choice."26 A more diffident respondant says, "I like to believe I have some kind of free choice. Some choice in my life. That I chose a lesser evil. I wanted to do it. And somehow I want that to be respected. I wanted to do that. Somehow their pity deprives me of my freedom of choice.... I'd like so much to have the illusion that I had some freedom of choice. Maybe it's just an illusion, but I need to think I had some freedom. Yet then I realize how much was determined in the way I got into prostitution, how determined my life had been, how fucked over I was to have no confidence in myself."27

The women played a role in maintaining the relationship Moon 97, Katharine H.S., Department of Political Science and Chair of Asian Studies @ Wellesley College, “Sex Among Allies: Military Prostitution in U.S./Korea Relations”, 1997, Columbia University Press The above concerns underscore the importance of the role of camptown residents in general, and the prostitutes in particular, from the perspective of the USFK and Korean authorities, in maintaining a "united front" against the Northern enemy and in keeping the peace between the South Korean and American sides. Both authorities considered these women not as passive spectators in the joint U.S.-ROK defense efforts but as necessary team-players. Their role in reducing or eliminating racial conflict was to determine both the image of the U.S.-ROK military relationship in the eyes of Americans, both South and North Koreans, and the ability of Communists to wage their propaganda campaign against the United States and ROK. Moreover, the women's participation was needed to help check potential anti-U.S. sentiments that could disrupt the U.S.-ROK alliance. Despite these educational attempts by the U.S. military, the real onus of off-post racial cooperation and harmony rested on the club owners and managers' ability to control of club employees. 29 Although publicity around antidiscrimination programs highlighted their cooperative and mutually beneficial aspects, the programs did in fact involve coercion and co-optation of local Koreans by the U.S. installation authorities. The commander of USAGY made this point explicit in his memorandum to the EUSA Chief of Staff: They [camptown Koreans] realize that the Garrison Commander carries a "big stick," i.e., he can place the club off limits, which would deprive them of revenue which they need to stay operational. Continually at the [PEACE] committee meetings it is brought to the committee's attention that this is a voluntary organization and certainly is not mandatory, but noncompliance to extending equality to all will lead to being placed off limits.

49 Patriarchy FL Ext. 5 Women allow themselves to be militarized, to a certain extent Enloe 2K, Cynthia H. Enloe, Ph. D in Political Science from University of California, Berkely, “Manuevers: The International Politics of Militarizing Women’s Lives”, 2000, University of California Press The internationalist WILPF campaigner and the suffragist munitions worker were early-twentieth-century women connected to each other by a debate that still goes on today: is women's liberation advanced or derailed by women's active contribution to their own country's war waging? As a young American woman, Rose Monroe was discovered by Hollywood in the 1940s while she was working in an aircraft parts factory in Ypsilanti, Michigan, and was turned into the feminized model for the newest world war. Rose Monroe became "Rosie the Riveter," America's wartime icon. 17 Fifty years later the question that her iconographic symbol prompts is still with us: was Rose/Rosie maneuvered or empoweredor both? This question is not just about historical interpretation. This question is still a pressing one today when the manufacture of military hardware and software is big business. Despite defense industry layoffs in postCold War United States, Canada, Russia, and Britain and despite downturns in sales from the 19971999 Asian economic crisis, military weapons contracts remain the objects of intense corporate competition and fierce international trade rivalries: "Over lamb chops and red wine, the Senators heard Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright explain NATO expansion. The guest list included Bernard L. Schwartz, chairman of Loral Space and Communications, a company partly owned by Lockheed Martin. Mr. Schwartz personally donated $601,000 to Democratic politicians for the 1996 election. Lockheed Martin itself gave $2.3 million to Congressional and presidential candidates in the 1996 election."18 Madeleine Albright, the first woman to hold the post of U.S. Secretary of State, was convinced that bringing countries such as the Czech Republic (her birthplace), Poland, and Hungary into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) would ensure a long-term peace in postCold War Europe. But this dinner was not organized by the secretary of state. The lamb-chops-and-wine affair was hostedin the private, prestigious, and formerly male-only Metropolitan Clubby the U.S. Committee to Expand NATO,19 a group to which many defense manufacturing executives belong. The expansion of NATO, with the accompanying pressures ont eh new member governments to upgrade their militaries to meet NATO's high-tech standards, is just one maneuver that is raising defense industry hopes for a profitable future. But how does an expanded NATO affect the future for Rosie's granddaughters? Will they see a skilled job in the defense industry as a ticket to a better life? Will NATO's 1999 bombing operations in Serbia and Kosovo make that ticket seem all the more golden in the eyes of North American and European women? As suggested by new investigations into the complex lives and ideas of both suffrage campaigners and women industrial workers, some maneuvers designed to militarize women succeed because of women's own cooperation. A militarizing maneuver can look like a dance, not a struggle, even though the dance may be among unequal partners. 20 Over the centuries, women who are mothers also have found it hard not to succumb to militarizing maneuvers. Yet, when motherhood's militarization is resisted, when mothers refuse to believe that mothering is made easier by their child's fascination with real or make-believe weapons, then militarization within a society becomes very difficult to achieve. For this reason serious students of militarization keep a close watch on toy sales. Researchers seek answers to such questions as: What toys are aggressively marketed by multinational companies such as Mattel and Hasbro? How do giant merchandisers, such as Toys R Us, appeal to girls and to boys by the way they lay out their store displays? How do mothers juggle their own ideas about femininity and masculinity? Do the choices that mothers make about their daughters' and their sons' play determine their children's popularity? The answers at any given moment in any country will affect corporate profits. They also will shape relationships within families. But these answers may also influence an entire society's collective attitudes toward violence, soldiering, and gender. Even the mother who hopes her son will eat tomato soup if it is enhanced with Star Wars pastas may hesitate before fulfilling the boy's wish for a make-believe laser gun. In 1997, Hasbro, one of the world's toy manufacturing giants and the creator of G.I. Joe, introduced a new toy soldier, G.I. Jane. Hasbro marketing executives preferred to call their newest creation, not a soldier, but a "female action figure."21 On the other hand, these company executives proudly described G.I. Jane as a doll "portrayed in authentic military gear," that is, helmet, boots, pistol, and other equipment of an army helicopter pilot. Hasbro actually created four G.I. Janesone blonde, one brunette, a third redheaded, and a fourth doll whose skin was darker than that of the other Janes and whose hair was black. The 1990s G.I. Jane was not Hasbro's first female military doll. Back in 1967, on the eve of the U.S. war-making escalation in Vietnam, when women were only 2 percent of the total American military's personnel and most served in the nursing corps, Hasbro had introduced G.I. Joe Nurse. But the doll was soon withdrawn from the market because, as a corporate spokeswoman explained, "boys didn't want to play with a nurse." On the brink of a new century, the market may prove friendlier. Thousands of American women are serving or have served in the military, many of them African American and Latina women. Moreover, some toy-buying mothers and aunts may see G.I. Jane as a step forward in the cultural history of child's gendered play. G.I. Jane, Hasbro strategists hope, will represent girls-in-action. The potency of motherhood in the processes of militarization is one reason that women in militarizing countriesfrom Britain during the Boer War, to Chile under the Pinochet junta, to Croatia in the midst of its 1990s civil warhave had to think so

50 hard about the rewards and risks of engaging in "patriotic mothering." 22 Mothering is an unpaid job. It may provide great satisfaction, but it also is work. Mothers are often confined to housework; they are presumed too parochial or too emotional to have anything to say about their country's public decisions. Thus, many women have greeted with enthusiasm any politician who has proposed that mothering is a national activity. Some women feel deeply validated when that same politician goes on to call for mothering to be defined as a vital contribution to the nation's war effort, because warfare has been imagined by many to be the quintessentially public and national activity. Leaders on all sides in the 1990s Yugoslav civil war calculatingly dipped their ladles into this maternalist ideological brew. But the formula can be traced back far beyond the 1991 outbreak of strife in the Balkans. The militarizing appeal to women in many countries has derived from the common patriarchal practice of relegating women's child care to the private sphere. Insofar as women are presumed to be the chief caretakers of sons and insofar as political leaders wanting to raise armies need to persuade mothers to offer up their sons to military service, women will be encouraged to see their maternal duty as a public duty and to release their sons (and sometimes daughters) for some higher good. The pressure to see good mothering as patriotic mothering is difficultand even riskyto resist, especially if one's son and one's husband support the political leaders in the militarized campaign.23 As we will see in Chapter 7, however, when women define good mothering in a way that subverts sons' compliance to calls for soldiers, governments quake. Militarizing gendered maneuvers do not always succeed.

51 Alt Cause to Sex Trafficking Sex trafficking is a result of globalization Dunlop 8, Karen Dunlop, Karen Dunlop has recently completed a Masters in Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of Ulster, having graduated there in July 2006 with a First Class BA Hons in International Politics and winning the Dean’s Prize for the Faculty of Arts, Human Security, “Sex Trafficking and Deep Structural Explanations”, Human Security Journal Volume 6, Spring 2008, p. 1, Although sex trafficking far predates globalization, rapacious neoliberalism has accelerated the demand, supply, mechanics and institutionalization of sex trafficking. Modern globalization facilitates sex trafficking, in much the same way that some modernity scholars argue genocide has been aggravated by modernity itself. Most explanations for sex trafficking wrongly focus on this motivation and the attendant technological mobilization involved. Furthermore, these are facile arguments, obvious to any observer. It is clear that consumption has been expanded into hobby: in airports we are urged to "relax and shop," to the extent that consumption is habituated as a social behaviour. Modernity has enhanced the opportunities for men to buy sex and the market has responded accordingly.36 Sex buying has become a legitimate social behaviour in line with the purchase of many other commodities, whilst the need to sell sex "voluntarily" has increased in some parts of the world as relative wealth declines.37 Authors such as Jeffreys, Monzini and Kempadoo link the theme of globalization to what they call the "feminization of poverty" and hence the need for migration abroad.38 Since many nations with an effective separation of powers and demonstrable accountability are attempting to outlaw sex trafficking and, indeed, prostitution, most trafficking is criminalised. However, as the economy has globalized, so too has criminality. Sex trafficking is just one example of multinational illegal profit-making enterprises to become "the underbelly of globalization, a shadow economy that feeds on the process of global integration."3

Sexual tourism is a big cause of prostitution in ROK Yayori Matsui, senior staff writer for the Japanese newspaper Asahi Shimbun, July 1993, http://www.newint.org/issue245/sex.htm Then, in 1972, the re-establishment of diplomatic relations between Japan and mainland China cut direct flights between Tokyo and Taipei. Travel agents responded by funneling sex-tour packages to Seoul, South Korea. They lighted on the Kisaeng, a traditional Korean dinner and provocative entertainment, as the main sales point for Japanese men. The price of the tour included a Kisaeng girl. Kisaeng tourism was exposed by Korean women in 1973 when a group of women students made protests at Kimpo airport, carrying placards reading: ‘We oppose prostitution tourism!’ or ‘Don’t make our country a brothel for Japanese men’. Korean church women publicly denounced Kisaeng tourism as ‘a shameful act by Japanese men who take advantage of their economic power and dehumanize our countrywomen’. Of the half-a-million Japanese tourists who flocked to Seoul each year, 95 per cent were men. The heart of the problem is that sex tours have become part of accepted business practice. Corporations now use sex just like alcohol to serve clients and to socialize with colleagues. In the late 1970s Japanese sex tours expanded to Southeast Asia. In the Philippines the Marcos government promoted international tourism; in the Ermita area of Manila luxurious five-star hotels were built and the sex industry boomed. Young, poor girls came from the vast squatter areas nearby to offer sex services to Japanese and other foreign tourists.

Demand in the US causes sex trafficking Donna M Hughes, PhD University of Rhoode Island, Katherine Y. Chon and Derek P Ellerman co-founders of the Polaris Project, “Modern-Day Comfort Women: The US Military, Transnational Crime, and the Trafficking of Women”, Ch. 11, International Sex Trafficking of Women and Children: Understanding the Global The widespread tolerance of prostitution in bars around the U.S. bases in South Korea and the massage parlors around the U.S. has fueled the demand for women, resulting in increased trafficking of women. In South Korea, if there are too many negative incidents relating to prostitution in the bars, they are listed as off-limits to the troops for a certain period of time; later the ban is lifted. In the U.S., a few smaller communities have permanently closed massage parlors, but in most large cities, there is little investigation or effective enforcement of laws. Most of the massage parlors reopen within days of police raids.

52 Camptowns Good TURN: The camptown situation gave the US clout in the ROKG Moon 97, Katharine H.S., Department of Political Science and Chair of Asian Studies @ Wellesley College, “Sex Among Allies: Military Prostitution in U.S./Korea Relations”, 1997, Columbia University Press But more significantly, the active involvement of U.S. military personnel in prostitution control points to a larger disparity in power between the U.S. and Korean governments in the early 1970s that helped effect a major shift in the ROK government's attitude toward prostitution and VD control. With this change, the USFK could politically afford to "interfere" in the "internal affairs of the host nation" without seriously risking Korean resistance and criticism. It was the Korean government, not the U.S. military, that was placed in the position of defending its actions and inactions regarding camptown prostitution and other problems plaguing the GI's life. U.S. assistance to ROK health authorities served as practical means of getting the Koreans to do what they were willing in spirit, though sometimes lacking in know-how and funds, to do. The Nixon Doctrine and the reduction of U.S. troops in Korea allowed the USFK to place the burden of official responsibility and accountability for camptown prostitution fully on the Korean government.

Korean government supports kisangs – better alliances with Japan and the US Hee-Kang Kim, department of public admin @ Korea University, 09 (4/24/09, “Should feminism Transcend Nationalism? A Defense of Feminist Nationalism in South Korea”), ScienceDirect By the early 1970s, the Korean government semi-otficially supported prostitution catering to U.S. servicemen, considering prostitution in U.S. military camp towns a function of national security ([Moon, 1997], [Moon, 1998] and [Soh, 200d]; 174). The economic development policies of the Korean government since the early 1960s have also condoned and even encouraged young Korean women's engagement in international sex tourism to attract foreign exchange for economic growth. Young Korean women called kisang (professional female entertainers) have worked in the sex industry for foreign male visitors and in the 1970s, the kisang tour became extremely popular among male Japanese visitors (Soh, 2004).

53 Econ Turn TURN: Prostitution helps the South Korean economy a lot Moon 97, Katharine H.S., Department of Political Science and Chair of Asian Studies @ Wellesley College, “Sex Among Allies: Military Prostitution in U.S./Korea Relations”, 1997, Columbia University Press Kijich'on prostitution has served the Korean government's economic, as well as security, goals. In 1965, the Office of the Inspector General of the Eighth Army reported, It cannot be expected from the Korean Government that this Government, which receives a considerable amount of its gross national product from activities associated with prostitution, etc., will be enthusiastic and sincere in enforcing measures cutting down this considerable source of income for this Government. As one Korean official of the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs put it, "You Americans are asking us to cut a source of revenue which demands no Government funds but provides livelihood for uncounted thousands." 142 One EUSA intelligence officer estimated that the troops contributed 25% of South Korea's GNP in the 1960s. In 1987, the U.S. forces contributed an estimated $1 billion to the South Korean economy, or about 1% of the total GNP. The EUSA Inspector General in 1964 highlighted the importance of prostitution on the local camptown economy:"At the local community level the business of prostitution is recognized as a source of income large enough to have an impact on the economy." Similarly, in the spring of 1992, a Korean Protestant minister who serves the prostitute community in Songt'an commented that prostitution and related businesses support 60% of Songt'an's economy. Although not unique in Asia, the South Korean government is responsible for abetting and sanctioning the growth of commercialized sex into a booming industry. Since the fall of 1973, the government has pursued an aggressive tourism development policy based on women's sexual service. Korean Church Women United pinpoints the diversion of Japanese male tourists from Taiwan to Korea, as a result of Japan's diplomatic normalization with the People's Republic of China (Japan cut off ties with Taiwan) in 1972 as the main cause; no longer able to go easily to Taiwan, Japanese men went to Korea for their sex-vacations. The number of Japanese tourists, 85% of whom traveled without wives or girlfriends, skyrocketed from 96,531 in 1971 to 217,287 in 1972 and 436,405 in 1973. By 1979, the number was 649,707. Japanese sources estimated a 700 billion won gain in revenues for the Korean economy from prostitution in 1978. KCWU adds that the Korean tourist industry, led by the Ministry of Transportation, "underwent a drastic change making a quantum leap forward quantitatively as well as qualitatively, all in response to the onrush of Japanese tourists." The number of foreign tourists increased from 11,108 in 1961 to more than 1 million in 1978 and 2.34 million during 1988, the year of the Seoul Olympics. The number of hotels also rose from 42 in 1967 to 130 in 1978 and 276 in 1988. By 1989, the entertainment industry--the world of nightclubs. By 1989, the entertainment industry--the world of nightclubs, bars, and prostitution--was estimated to reach a total sales of more than 4 trillion won, or 5% of the total GNP. The Seoul YMCA, which has been actively campaigning against the sex industry in particular, and the entertainment industry in general, has estimated in its 1989 study that more than 400,000 establishments offered sexual services and that between 1.2 and 1.5 million Korean women ("one-fifth of the total number of South Korean women in the 15 to 29 age cohort") were selling sexual services. The diversity of sexual services is also phenomenal."Room salons," where men go to rent rooms and women in order to conduct business or relax over liquor and lewd jokes--the women are sometimes available for sex--are common currency among South Koreans today; they range from the cheap and seedy to the very posh and outrageously expensive. In addition, barber shops, massage parlors, bars, tea rooms, and hotels--from local inns to Seoul's luxury accommodations--have women available for sexual services.

Empirically proven – closing bases bad for the economy Donna M Hughes, PhD University of Rhoode Island, Katherine Y. Chon and Derek P Ellerman co-founders of the Polaris Project, “Modern-Day Comfort Women: The US Military, Transnational Crime, and the Trafficking of Women”, Ch. 11, International Sex Trafficking of Women and Children: Understanding the Global For decades, Filipina women have been used in prostitution by U.S. troops around the large military bases in the Philippines, but those bases closed in the 1990s. The closing of the U.S. military bases, as well as the Asian economic crisis led to high unemployment, especially among women in the Philippines where only 46.8 percent of women are employed compared to 85.7 percent of men (Enriquez, n.d.). The Philippine government supports and facilitates the overseas employment of Filipinos because it helps solve their unemployment problem, and the workers abroad send home money to support families, helping to alleviate poverty (Enriquez, n.d.). Because the Philippines is a source of unskilled workers for South Korea, there are a number of agencies and schemes that recruit and facilitate the travel and work of Filipinos in South Korea (Enriquez, n.d .). Traffickers work within this system. Re cruiters who work for foreign employers travel around the countryside offering poor young women opportunities for work abroad, often giving parents advance payments on their daughters' wages (Cruz, 2002). As thousands of Filipinas go abroad expecting to find work, many arc now in circumstances of sexual exploitation by US troops in South Korea similar to those they were in when the U.S. military bases were in the Philippines.

54 Disease FL 1. HIV can’t wipe out world's population- science and history prove George Caldwell, PhD in Biology and Political Science, 2003, “The End of the World, and the New World Order”, http://www.foundationwebsite.org/TheEndOfTheWorld.htm It is clear that HIV/AIDS will not accomplish this – it is not even having a significant impact on slowing the population explosion in Africa, where prevalence rates reach over thirty percent in some countries. But a real killer plague could certainly wipe out mankind. The interesting thing about plagues, however, is that they never seem to kill everyone – historically, the mortality rate is never 100 per cent (from disease alone). Based on historical evidence, it would appear that, while plagues may certainly reduce human population, they are not likely to wipe it out entirely.

2. No impact – anything virulent enough to be a threat would destroy its host too quickly Joshua Lederberg, professor of genetics at Stanford University School of Medicine, 1999, Epidemic: The World of Infectious Disease, p. 13 The toll of the fourteenth-century plague, the "Black Death," was closer to one third. If the bugs' potential to develop adaptations that could kill us off were the whole story, we would not be here. However, with very rare exceptions, our microbial adversaries have a shared interest in our survival. Almost any pathogen comes to a dead end when we die; it first has to communicate itself to another host in order to survive. So historically, the really severe host- pathogen interactions have resulted in a wipeout of both host and pathogen. We humans are still here because, so far, the pathogens that have attacked us have willy-nilly had an interest in our survival. This is a very delicate balance, and it is easily disturbed, often in the wake of large-scale ecological upsets.

3. Empiricially denied – prostitutes have been an avid part of South Korea’s economy for years – extinction won’t happen

55 Disease FL Ext. 1 AIDS is not a plague to wipe out the planet Andrew Sullivan, editor of The New Republic, Love Undetectable, 1998 (pg 7) So I do not apologize for the following sentence. It is true- and truer now than it was when it was first spoken, and truer now than even six months ago- that something profound in the history of AIDS has occurred these last two years. The power of the new treatments and the even greater power of those now in the pipeline are such that a diagnosis of HIV infection in the West is not just different in degree today than, say, in 1994. For those who can get medical care, the diagnosis is quite different in kind. It no longer signifies death. It merely signifies illness. This is a shift as immense as it is difficult to grasp. So let me make what I think is more than a semantic point: a plague is not the same thing as a disease. It is possible, for example, for a plague to end, while a disease continues. A plague is something that cannot be controlled, something with a capacity to spread exponentially out of its borders, something that kills and devastates with democratic impunity, something that robs human beings of the ability to respond in any practical way. Disease, in contrast, is generally diagnosable and treatable, with varying degrees of success; it occurs at a steady or predictable rate; it counts its progress through the human population one person, and often centuries, at a time. Plague, on the other hand, cannot be cured, and it never affects one person. It affects many, and at once, and swiftly. And by its very communal nature, by its unpredictability and by its devastation, plague asks questions disease often doesn't. Disease is experienced; plague is spread. Disease is always with us; plagues come and go. And some time toward the end of the millennium in America, the plague of AIDS went [away].

56 Disease FL Ext. 3 Afghanistan Not Ready to Legalize Opium David Brunnstrom, reporter for Reuters, September 25, 2005 “Afghanistan Not Ready for Legal Option- Minister” Reuters- Common Sense for Drug Policy http://www.csdp.org/news/news/reut_afghan_092505.htm Accessed July 6, 2010” Afghanistan Not Ready For Legal Opium - Minister KABUL, Sept 25 (Reuters) - Afghanistan, the world's biggest producer of illicit opium and heroin, is not ready to adopt a controversial proposal to use its opium to help ease a global shortage of painkillers, its counter-narcotics minister says.The Senlis Council, a Paris-based non-governmental organisation, has suggested licensed Afghan opium production could be used to produce morphine and codeine and is to a launch a feasibility study on the proposal in Kabul on Monday.Speaking to Reuters on Sunday, Counter-Narcotics Minister Habibullah Qaderi said he was happy for Senlis to do studies, but it was too early to consider such a proposal when Afghanistan was still struggling to cut massive illegal production."As far as the licensing at this moment is concerned, I am saying no," he said. "I'm not in favour because it jeopardises the whole of our effort ... There would be anarchy in this country now. It would create a lot of problems."Qaderi said internationally backed efforts to control drug production had led to a 21 percent reduction in the area under opium cultivation, but there was still a long way to go.The area sown with opium poppies was 103,000 hectares (255,000 acres) this year compared with 131,000 hectares (325,000 acres) last year.Afghanistan is the world's main source of opium and its refined form, heroin, producing 87 percent of global supply.Qaderi questioned the timing of the Senlis report."We don't want to confuse the Afghan people, because the Afghan people would be confused, because while the government on the one hand wants to control and stop cultivation, we are talking about licensing."I think it's too early to talk about licensing."U.N. OPPOSITIONThe United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) has also rejected the Senlis Council proposal, saying it risked creating confusion among farmers and raising false expectations.Senlis has estimated the worldwide shortage of morphine and codeine at about 10,000 tonnes of opium equivalent a year, while Afghanistan produces roughly 4,000 tonnes of opium a year.However, the UNODC, while conceding there is a shortage of narcotics for medical purposes, says lawful production of opiates worldwide had considerably exceeded global consumption in the past years and could be increased should demand increase.The U.N. body argues that licit production of opium would send the wrong message to farmers in Afghanistan, would be impossible to control, and would not offer a viable economic alternative.The United Nations has warned that the country risks becoming a "narco-state" and the multi-billion dollar drugs economy is seen as the biggest threat to its long-term stability and U.S.-led nation-building efforts.The UNODC says the opium cultivation area fell this year largely due to government efforts to persuade farmers to stop, including a threat to destroy fields, and low prices.However, it says good weather boosted productivity of fields still planted with opium and total output of about 4,100 tonnes is down only 2.4 percent over last year.Qaderi said Afghanistan needed to concentrate on improving rural infrastructure to provide farmers with alternative livelihoods and said a lot would depend on a continuation of international assistance to the anti-narcotics effort.With the new planting season about to start, the minister said he was hopeful for a further fall in the area under cultivation after religious leaders in the key growing province of Kandahar vowed to support the government's campaign."I am hopeful we will have a further reduction," he said. "It can be the same percentage, hopefully, maybe more."

57 Solvency FL Korean government and society halts any advancement that Comfort Women will make post-plan Hee-Kang Kim, department of public admin @ Korea University, 09 (4/24/09, “Should feminism Transcend Nationalism? A Defense of Feminist Nationalism in South Korea”), ScienceDirect It is also necessary to consider postcolonial Korea's neglect of the comfort-women issue. To guarantee post-war compensation and economic assistance from the Japanese government, bHUiilW E entered into a normalization treaty with Japan in 1965, and for this treaty, the Korean government agreed with the Japanese government not to address the comfort-women issue, as the latter definitely did not favor such a discussion. Moreover, this treaty prevented the Korean government from demanding of the Japanese government any further formal compensation for colonial wrongdoings (Soh, 1996:1230). Feminists have argued that "men's talk* and patriarchal discourse of female sexuality as developed by the Korean government and by Korean society helped continue to quell the voices of comfort women for almost fifty years. Under the discourse of "men's talk,* failing to protect this national property (i.e., Korean women) was considered a national shame; thus, because women's chastity was highly valued, and because the nation soughtto release itself from this shame, blame for the failure came to rest on the women themselves (Yang, 1998:128-135).

Prior to troops, Korea was patriarchal – means that removal of troops will at best revert back to a more patriarchal Korea Eun Ok Jeong and Yolanda Dreyer, 2003, Department of Practical Theology @ University of Pretoria, “Empowerment of Korean Women from a Postmodern Practical Theological Perspective”, http://www.hts.org.za/index.php/HTS/article/viewFile/694/595 In the premodem era Korea was patriarchal. Korean patriarchy was institutionalized by the "kingship system" which was the politico-legal institution recognized by the Lee dynasty (1394-1910). It was supported spiritually by Confucianism. This authoritative power of kingship ruled the country politically, socially, and culturally. Every policy was underwritten by the king. No one dared to resist that power." Patriarchy" literally means "rule of the father". Patriarchy is the sanctuary of male authority over female and younger people. For five hundred years, male dominated societies accepted patriarchy as a "natural order": women should serve men, and children should serve their parents. The reason for this was that women and children were considered to be the "weaker minds" who should serve the stronger. Subordination was linked with inferiority. The authority of men with regard to women was based on superiority. Patriarchy created order and controlled the economy and politics in society. in the premodem era, Korean women were invisible, voiceless, nameless, marginalized, considered to be of less value and therefore treated as secondary. Women were not allowed to work in public places. They dedicated themselves to their families as loving wives, respected mothers and hard workers. Women had no rights in the family or in society. They were not allowed to speak or be heard either in society or in the family. Women did not have the right to express their feelings. When a baby girl was born, the parents were disappointed, because men were needed for agricultural labour. After marriage, women lost their names: they were either called somebody's wife, somebody's mother or somebody's family member. Nobody remembered women's names. Even women themselves did not want to be called by their official names; women were nameless, in the premodem era women were not allowed to study at any public educational institutions. They were required to learn only housework. In the spheres of politics, economy, culture and even religion they were marginalized. Women were victims, whereas men were given priority in all cases. Women accepted that they were to be quiet, obedient wives to their husbands after marriage. They strove to be a good assistant, cook, cleaner and a hard worker in the home.

58 ***AFF ANSWERS***

59 A2 Prostitute CP Policy to Deter Sex Trafficking Fails Youngbee Dale; Master's degree in International Politics Co-author to the anti-human trafficking publication, "Setting the Captives Free"; 2/8/10; Examiner.com; Accessed Online; 7/6/10; http://www.examiner.com/x-24740-Norfolk-Human-Rights- Examiner~y2010m2d8-US-military-personals-creates-demand-for-sex-trafficking-in-South-Korea Discipline, honor, and patriotism. These are the reasons, for some people to join U.S. military services. However, for most people, when they think of the U.S. service members abroad, these are not the words that they associate the service members with. Rather, the U.S. service members are notorious for violence, alcoholism, low education, and prostitution in places where they are stationed. And, such notoriety of U.S. soldiers are well evidenced by the prostitution and sex trafficking place around the U.S. military base abroad. Sex trafficking around U.S. military bases in South Korea Recently, the Philippines government banned work permits for women seeking to work for bars in South Korea. [1] Aggravated by the nonstop sex trafficking incidents involving Filipino women around the U.S. Military base in South Korea, the Philippine government decided to stop sending their women to the sex industry abroad. For the past decade or so, Filipino women are hired to serve U.S. military service members and flirt with them to lure them into buying expensive drinks to meet the daily quota required by their employers. When the women fail to meet the daily quota, they are required to sell their bodies to the U.S soldiers to make up the difference. [2] The element of sex trafficking enters when these women are lured into coming to South Korea with the belief that they will be singing and dancing at the clubs and bars as entertainers. However, it is only after their arrival to the clubs and bars that they realize that their works involve prostitution in times. U.S. Military policy on prostitution and sex trafficking in 2004, Pentagon drafted anti-prostitution policy specifically aiming at reducing sex trafficking around the U.S military base stationed abroad. Under the policy, the U.S. service members could face court martial for patronizing prostitutes. [3] However, sex trafficking and prostitution in South Korea have been rampant even after the draft of anti-prostitution policy. Though the U.S. military just began to put off- limits on clubs and bars which are involved in prostitution or human trafficking in South Korea, only four out of 25 clubs and bars retain off-limits status by the U.S. military base. One report on prostitution and sex trafficking around U.S. military base in Korea reveals more disappointing result. While South Korea vigorously cracks down on prostitution, the areas surrounding the U.S. military base are exempted from the crackdown by the Korean government. Therefore, prostitution and sex trafficking thrives because of the U.S. military service members in South Korea, according to the report [4] Awareness raising along with harsh penalty are the keys Doing a massagy is almost a rite of passage for male sailors... sex trade is more permissible here [Japan] than at home and easily available... It's not like the U.S. A U.S. service member stationed in Japan in 2006. [5] Thriving demand for prostitution and sex trafficking by the U.S. military service members questions the enforceability of the U.S. military anti-prostitution/sex trafficking policy. Though the policy has been implemented to deter sex trafficking and prostitution around the military base abroad, the news reports consistently say that they are still very much in existence. Though the policy caused many service members from revealing their identities when interviewed about their visits to prostitutes, it did not stop them from going back to prostitutes again for sex. The problem then lies on lack of awareness among the U.S. soldiers. Visit to brothels or prostitutes have been so widely accepted that the service members consider it almost as a rite. Further that the U.S. military, in fact, encouraged prostitution business around the military bases also contribute to their desensitization to prostitution. [6] While the penalty against human trafficking and prostitution must be doubled, the military should ensure to educate the service members on such misconducts as serious crimes.

60 Policy Ineffective-Soldiers Still Find A Way Around Natasha Olivera; M.A. in Literature; 5/23/10; sutie101.com; U.S. Military Turns Blind Eye to Human Trafficking in South Korea; Accessed Online; 7/6/10; http://south-korea.suite101.com/article.cfm/us-military-turns-blind-eye-to-human-trafficking-in-south-korea An Ineffective U.S. Policy In 2004 the Pentagon drafted a policy to help reduce the sex trafficking industry that was flourishing in any country where soldiers were present, and under that policy any soldier that was caught visiting a brothel or “massage parlor” could be subject to court martial. But in South Korea the girls are completely visible, disguised as juicy girls in the nightclubs and MP’s walk by them throughout the night as they patrol the streets ensuring that no soldier is engaging in disruptive public intoxication, i.e. throwing up, passing out, etc. “Sometimes, when something would happen at one of the bars, like a fight or someone got caught doing something, then the commanders would put out an off-limits list of the bars that we weren’t allowed to visit.” But that, nor policies regarding prostitution, stop the soldiers from visiting other clubs and quietly sneaking out through a back door for a rendezvous. “There was nothing else to do and when you’re stuck in a place for so long, where you’re not even wanted, and you’re not really doing much of a job, you get bored, and you get desperate, and it starts feeling like jail. You just want to escape and the easiest escape is through alcohol.” Other efforts include those on behalf of the Philippine government that has imposed tougher immigration rules by reducing the number of "entertainer visas" that are given. When asked if the soldier’s know that these girls are being trafficked into the country, the infantry soldier commented, “The girls seemed happy. Some of them even had GI boyfriends. They pretty much come and go as they want, so I don’t think anyone would think they were being trafficked against their will from another country.” The reality, however, is that the girls are being held captive without their identities and forced to engage in activities that they would not otherwise engage in so that they may be able to buy their freedom back. And while the demand on behalf of the U.S. soldiers remains high, the supply will continue to provide. In the meantime, prostitution remains illegal in South Korea and the military continues to do very little to keep its soldiers from collaborating in the trafficking of human beings, other than to turn a blind eye to the situation.

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