National Social Policies Context (Welfare Structure and Exclusion Policies)
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GENDER INDICATORS AGAINST SOCIAL EXCLUSION
Theoretical and methodological framework First Report
University of Miskolc June 2004 written by: Andrea Pető, Judit Gazsi
1 Contents
Executive Summary 3
1. National social policies context (Welfare structure and exclusion policies) 6 A. General overview of the labour market situation 6 B. Social services and women’s employment 7 C. Legal framework 8 D. Women’ machinery 9 E. Some recommendations 10 F. References and bibliography 11
2. Situation of target groups 14
3. Gender Exclusion Factors 24 A. Labour market 24 B. Health 25 C. Family 26
4. Existing indicators in the National Action Plans of Social Inclusion 27 A. Employment 28 B. Income inequalities, poverty 28 C. Housing 29 D. Participation in employment 29 E. Promotion gender equality 29 F. Statistics of social exclusion 30
5. Guidelines for the application of qualitative methodologies: participative methodologies (focus-groups) or interviews 31
Appendix 37
2 Executive Summary1
In Hungary the accession and regional integration processes offer tremendous opportunities for women to advance the gender equality agenda. At the same time, there are strong economic and social forces and trends that also threaten women’s human rights.
The period of transformation in Hungary was determined by the demand of the population on democratic transition and the accession to the European Union. The country has improved immensely, the institutions of democracy have developed and the market economy has strengthened during the past decade. In spite of these facts a narrow group can only named as real beneficiaries of the transformation. We all, the whole society have to face many new phenomena which put the country through the test, among others unemployment, loss of job security, deterioration in the social situation and poverty.
A big part of the population deems the future uncertain and without prospects, and they hold their own personal chances very slim. There is a comprehensive feeling of defencelessness and fear of pauperisation.
The overall objective of this document is to provide an analysis of specific impacts of the EU accession on women’s access to and role in the labour market of Hungary. In an attempt to highlight the manner in which the EU directives, policies and programs can be used to improve the current situation of women, the Assessment specifically looks at the impact of Accession on:
• women over 35 having a break in their employment related to childrearing and facing multiple discrimination; • the gender wage gap; (labour market situation) • the provision of social services, which are supposed to support women in actively participating in the labour market.
Concerning the demographic situation of our country the trends are similar to the trends which can be observed in most of the developed countries. The number of marriages is declining, the rate of births is smaller than ever, the number of one-parent families (mostly headed by women) is growing and the population is getting older.
There is a great need for a comprehensive population policy, which stimulates child-bearing and supports child-rearing by implementing well-considered measures. Here we must mention one of our most serious problems of the society: child poverty. To solve the situation of starving children, whose proportion is growing, and to provide them with the necessary food is crucially important, and requires well-defined and harmonized governmental measures.
The poor families need more financial support than the universal family support, which has been continuously loosing in value. The tax deduction introduced by the former government (1998–2002) is in favour of the middle class, higher income families; only they have enough annual income to take advantage of the given opportunities.
1 Source:Gender Assessment of the Impactof EU Accession on the Status of Women in the Labour Market in CEE National Study: Hungary Social Innovation Foundation, Budapest 2003
3 During the past decade women’s situation related to employment has significantly changed. The opportunities for employment are greatly influenced by the geographical environment. The Eastern orientation of the economic and political relations has changed due to the structural transformation of the economy and industry as well as to the opening to the Western developed countries. The emphasis, with the main dimensions centre/periphery, West/East, North/South, has shifted to Budapest and to the west. In shaping the opportunities for employment the geographical and economic environment, the cultural factors and the political relations are of decisive importance.
In spite of the facts that women are already better qualified, the number of women having tertiary education is continuously growing and the age composition of employed women is improving, the segregation of labour market still exists. In the case of women, their extensive withdrawal from the labour market, their becoming redundant is the main trend.
Women are both forced and inclined to make innumerable compromizes in order to maintain their labour market position and to keep the family together. The main difficulties are caused by the double burden of wage earning and the family.
The number of child care facilities, which are aimed at helping women with children in returning to the labour market, has decreased, especially in the provinces.
Those women who—in spite of the unfavourable labour market conditions— could find employment opportunities are compelled to stay at home with their children.
Therefore it is a very important prerequisite of developing women’s labour market situation to improve the system of child care facilities. An opposite trend can also be experienced, especially in the economically less developed parts of the country: young women endangered by becoming unemployed are more likely to choose motherhood as an escape route. After spending a maximum of three years at home with child-rearing, they will have less chance of returning to the labour market than before.
The main ambition of working women older than 35 is to keep employment at any price. The majority of women have now recognized that they will be able to maintain their position only by permanent retraining and learning.
Lifelong learning is today a well-known and generally accepted notion especially among the better-qualified women. Introducing new types of employment and education could give women effective assistance in reconciliating their different kinds of obligations.
Women older than fifty are either constantly focusing on survival, or they choose early retirement pension if possible. Among elderly people many women live in poverty. To save the real value of pensions and to provide them with necessary medicine for prices available has crucial importance.
The integration of the older age groups into the labour market and active social life is essential in order to bring generations closer to each other and to develop an appreciation for the elderly by the society.
4 The women belonging to the Roma minority are in a multiply disadvantaged situation in contemporary Hungarian society. Prejudices against them are very strong.
The opportunities for continuated education of young people encounter difficulties and opposition from the majority of society. The number of the Roma achieving higher education is increasing slowly but continuously; it is a strange contradiction of this positive trend that they mainly study professions which are not marketable. The formation of their stable labour market position is aggravated by their disadvantaged family conditions and their financial problems due to their employment in badly-paid occupations.
It can be ascertained that women feel disadvantaged more or less in society. There is a strong presence of prejudice. A much stronger government intervention is necessary to readdress social exclusion against the diverse minorities. Women are inclined to make efforts to maintain their labour market positions rather than men. As regards the older age groups it is usual to make use of surviving strategies, which are also “supported” by certain government measures.
The recovery of Hungary’s general economic conditions and the expected positive effects of the EU accession increase confidence placed in the improvement of personal life situations.
Gender equality is guaranteed by the Constitution and other laws for a long time in Hungary. The legal material already complies with the accession requirements due to the EU law harmonisation. The practical realisation of the codified doctrines is a great challenge for Hungarian society.
5 1. National social policies context (Welfare structure and exclusion policies)2
A. General overview of the labour market situation
The most important factors that influenced the employment of women over the period from 1945 until 2001 were ideological, strongly connected to the two fundamental political changes: the transition from a less developed agricultural market economy to the socialist way of modernisation at the beginning of the period, and the transition from the socialist economy to the market economy at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s.
Transition towards a market economy has instigated a profound adjustment in the Hungarian labour market. The main characteristics of this adjustment have been a reallocation of labour between sectors and a strong increase in labour productivity. This has meant a temporary decline in both employment and labour force participation, in particular for women and for workers over 50, and an increase in unemployment.
Unemployment has been much higher amongst the Roma than the national average, and the gap between Roma and non-Roma unemployment has been growing over the years. Some empirical sociological research suggests that the unemployment rate of the Roma may be three to four times as high as that of the non-Roma population.
Women have an advantage over men as regards education. Women’s education measured in school years exceeds men’s. Moreover, women’s advantage is considerable in the younger generations. The education level of economically active women is especially favourable. A higher proportion of women has completed secondary and tertiary qualification. Less favourable is, however, the composition of women with tertiary qualification, because their proportion among college graduates is considerably higher than among university graduates. There are significant generation differences according to gender: the educational level of young economically active women considerably exceeds that of men. (Koncz, 2002)
Women’s wages are below men’s wages; the lag is about 15–20% on average. Differences are less, looking at the base wages only. The rate is rather similar to rates in market economies where female-male wage differences are decreasing with time. During the transition period differences decreased in Hungary too, just like in other transit economies. (Galasi, 2000)
Women’s employment by highest qualification: The number of the employed women having less than 8 grades of primary school has been considerably decreasing in the past decade. Their number has fallen from 70.8 thousand to 9.9 thousand between 1992–2001.
The number of employed women with primary school certificate has also fallen at the same period of time, from 540.7 thousand to 318.4 thousand. Most of women in the labour market have a secondary school level education and their number has increased from 671.3 thousand in 1992 to 698.5 thousand in 2001.
2 Source: Gender Assessment of the Impactof EU Accession on the Status of Women in the Labour Market in CEE National Study: Hungary Social Innovation Foundation, Budapest 2003
6 The number of employed women having a college degree (230.3 thousand) is higher than that of men (164.5 thousand) in 2001 and it shows a tendency to continue increasing. Among employed people having completed university studies the number of women (104.8 thousand) is less than that of men (165.2 thousand) in 2001, but their number is also increasing.
Unemployment: The sustained decline in unemployment is one of Hungary’s major successes on its path of transition. Since 1997 unemployment has gradually fallen from 9.0% in 1997 to 5.7% in 2001.
The number of the unemployed women was 178 thousand in 1992, 40% of the total number of the unemployed. The share of unemployed women was 38.7% in 2001. After ten years it was the firs time it increased to 42.2% in 2002. (Nagy 2002). The women’s unemployment peaked in 1997 (10.4%) and since that time its rate is declining.
In reality female unemployment is higher than what statistics show. We can observe a trend in Hungary, which is similar to the trend in the developed market economies. The unemployment of women is increasing and the rate of it has already exceeded men’s. Many women are working in households, which is a socially accepted field of activity showing the general attitude towards the domestic division of labour. Based on this practice, women are not registered as unemployed and they are missing from the official statistics. As a consequence of this phenomenon, women’s hidden unemployment, or the discouraged worker effect, is higher as compared with men’s. (Koncz, 2002)
B. Social services and women’s employment
Poverty significantly increased in Hungary between 1990 and 2001. Relative poverty (the ratio of those under half of the average) increased from about 10 to 15%, and subsistence poverty (the ratio of those living under the subsistence level) from 10 to about or over 30%. Many issues about poverty and inequality are controversial. It is widely recognized though that there exists a group of poor people cut off from the labour force and experiencing multiple forms of deprivation. (Ferge-Tausz-Darvas, 2002)
The most important indicators of poverty in Hungary—according to the Hungarian ESWIN (European Social Welfare Information Network)—are the level of education (and labour market performance), ethnicity and single motherhood.
Households with three and more children or single parent families have been hit very seriously by poverty. Their poverty rate is very high—when taking the upper bound of the subsistence level as a threshold, 18% of all households are poor. A more refined analysis shows that the more restrictively the definition of poverty is used, the higher the percentage of families with children will be poor. Longitudinal analysis proves also that this population has practically no chance to escape from poverty. (Ferge-Tausz-Darvas, 2002)
In Hungary the system of social protection comprizes three major subsystems:
• the system of compulsory social insurance (comprising separate health insurance and pension insurance), • systems for the management of unemployment,
7 • social benefits (taking the form of benefits in cash, kind or personal services). (Széman and Harsányi, 2000)
The provisions for supporting families in Hungary are:
• provision for the upbringing of children (family allowance) • child care benefit (child care allowance, child care subsidy) • maternity benefit (pregnancy benefit, one-time birth allowance, and sickness benefit for the term of caring for a sick child), • other benefits (child protection benefit)
The different elements of the child and family benefit system have been relatively constant until the early ’90s. The most important feature of the expenditures was the lost value of the benefits, which were universally eligible.
In 1995 the law on economic stabilisation made a differentiation based on the income situation of family, and the child care fee (GYED) was abolished.
In 1999 a new act on support of families came into force. According to this regulation, families bringing up their children in their own household are entitled to assistance irrespective of their incomes and financial situation.
The real value of the family allowance decreased between 1990 and 2001. Family allowance shares in GDP 3.8% in 1990 and its share is in GDP 2.3% in 2003.
C. Legal framework
The EU accession is a positive process for raising social standards, and standards on gender equality in particular. The process has primarily influenced legislation in the field of employment, the establishment of gender equality institutions and special legislation.
In the field of equal treatment of men and women, Hungary has transposed a large part of the acquis communautaire. After the entry into force of the amendments to the Labour Law in July 2001, legal approximation continued with the transposition of the Insolvency Directive in the second half of 2001.
The modification of the Labour Code is highly significant in terms of equal opportunities for men and women as it contains the integration of the principle of “equal pay for equal work or work of equal value” in the Hungarian labour law and further clarifies and details the rule of reversing the burden of proof in cases related to discrimination. Both of these principles are central to the ideology and implementation of equal opportunities for women and men.
The EC legislation on equal treatment in agriculture and self-employment and on equal access to employment and vocational training was transposed in the second half of 2001. Hungary has also been undertaking efforts to promote mainstreaming, to train the legal professions, to raise awareness and to tackle inequalities, in particular in the labour market.
New staffing and training courses have been provided in the course of 2001 and 2002. A one- year training program for labour law judges, aimed at facilitating effective enforcement of the labour rules is also under implementation.
8 While the Constitution guarantees for equal treatment and protection against discrimination, Hungary does not yet have a unified law against discrimination. The current anti- discrimination legislation is fragmented, with provisions in, among others, the laws on labour, public education, health care and minorities. Moreover, there is no comprehensive system to effectively enforce the implementation of the anti-discrimination legislation. Thus, the majority of anti-discrimination provisions are not yet backed up by appropriate sanctions. An adequate system of sanctions needs to be developed. The Government has decided to present a comprehensive anti-discrimination law to Parliament, which should ensure the transposition and implementation of the anti-discrimination acquis, based on article 13 of the EC Treaty.
Hungary ratified the Optional protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in December 2000. Despite the positive trends, persistent and pervasive obstacles to the practical realisation of the newly formulated standards including lack of awareness and positive measures or affirmative action and the absence of institutions or other monitoring mechanisms to curb the enforcement of the law.
D. Women’s machinery
In 1995 the Government Resolution No. 2268/1995 (IX. 8.) established the Hungarian National Mechanism Assuring Equal Status of Women. This organization started operating at the end of 1995 and was named Secretariat of Women’s Policy in the Ministry of Labour. In 1996 the Council’s name changed into Office for Equal Opportunities. After the change of the Government following the elections in 1998, the Ministry of Social and Family Affairs became legal successor of the Ministry of Labour. The Office for Equal Opportunities was shuffled and became part of the Department of Human Relations in the Ministry of Social and Family Affairs, named Office forWomen’s Issues.
The Directorate General for Equal Opportunities of the Ministry of Employment and Labour has been established in July 2002. It was the main government agency responsible for gender mainstreaming in all government activities, positioned on the level of deputy state secretariat, reporting directly to the permanent state secretary. Its mandate clearly defined it as the main government body for the coordination of the activities of different government agencies ensuring equal opportunities for women and men, as well as for developing the national machinery for gender mainstreaming.
The scope of activities and responsibilities of the Directorate-General— according to its mission statement—included partial government responsibility for the co-ordination of efforts to ensure higher level of employment of the Roma people (Secretariat for Roma Employment Programs) and employment rehabilitation of persons with disabilities (Secretariat for Employment Rehabilitation). These units worked in close cooperation with government agencies bearing general government responsibilities in their respective fields, namely the State Secretariat for Roma Affairs at the Office of the Prime Minister, and the Directorate for Disabled Persons at the Ministry for Public Health, Social- and Family Affairs.
The particular gender equality-related activities of the Directorate-General were carried out by its Secretariat for Equal Opportunities for Women and Men. The major mainstreaming-related tasks and responsibilities of the Secretariat were the following:
9 • Development and monitoring of the National Action Plan for Equal Opportunities • Development of the national machinery for gender mainstreaming • Coordination of the activities of government agencies through the Interministerial Commission for Equal Opportunities • Coordination of Government-NGO cooperation through the National Council for Equal Opportunities, involving all non-governmental stakeholders, including trade unions, employee organizations and civil organizations of women.
Besides, the activities directly related to legislation and government-level mainstreaming, it was part of the main tasks of the Directorate-General to ensure that:
• up-to-date information is gathered and disseminated to the broad public on the situation of women, as well as on the expected changes after the accession to the European Union; • the stakeholders and the broader public are better informed about gender inequalities and government, as well as European Union policies addressing those problems; • the NGOs and other women interest groups are involved in policy-making, preparations for decisions, and in preparing the stakeholders for the accession to the European Union.
In May 2003 the director of Directorate General for Equal Opportunities has been appointed to be the Minister of Equal Opportunities Without Portfolio in Hungary.
The minister without portfolio responsible for the equality of opportunity shall make a contribution:
• to the activities aimed at removing inequalities afflicting women, people living with disabilities, the Roma, children and the elderly, • to the mitigation of the exclusion of certain social groups, • to the all-government planning for creating opportunities and for developing programs for them. The primary tasks of the minister without portfolio are:
• to represent and reinforce the viewpoints of equality of opportunity in government activities, • to reduce stereotyped views, and • to foster good relations with civil society in support of creating opportunities.
The duties under her authority include the tasks associated with the European integration. The former Secretariat for Equal Opportunities for Women and Men has been incorporated into the body of the new Ministry.
E. Some recommendations
Based on the analysis above, we have collected some important recommendations that partly can be found in international documents in order to harmonize social services provided by the state and the microenvironment, and the career opportunities of women. The necessary measures with the appropriate implementation should be supplemented with a monitoring system in order to improve the situation.
10 The recommendations are:
• to review tax benefit systems in view of reducing disincentives for women entering the labour market, • to promote the reconciliation between family and career • to create more family-friendly workplaces for employers and employees, which is reflected in good practices, • to facilitate the combination of gainful employment and parenthood for both female and male employees, • to promote accessible, affordable and quality child care to enable women and men to combine their family and working life, • to improve transport services enabling more women to access labour market opportunities, • to reintegrate women in family-based enterprises to expand child care possibilities and courses organized for women returning to work, • to disseminate information on social rights and laws, • to reduce labour market differences across the different regions of the country • to introduce new support system for the construction of welfare housing.
F. References and bibliography
Commission of the European Communities, Brussels, 7.6.2000, COM (2000) 335 final. 2000/0143 (CNS) Communication from the Commission to the Council, The European Parliament, The Economic and Social Committee and The Committee of The Regions Towards a Community Framework Strategy on Gender Equality (2001–2005). Employment in Europe 2002 Recent Trends and Prospects. Employment and European Social Fund, European Commission Directorate-General for Employment and Social Affairs Unit EMPL/A.1, Manuscript completed in July 2002. European Social Welfare Information Network (ESWIN) http://www.eswin.net/ http://www.eswin.net/h/hhome.htm Ferge, Zsuzsa and Katalin Tausz, Ágnes Darvas. “Combating Poverty and Social Exclusion”. Volume 1, A Case Study of Hungary, Budapest, ILO, 2002.
Galasi, Péter. Nôi-férfi kereseti különbségek Magyarországon, 1986–1996 Országos Munkaügyi Kutató és Módszertani Központ, Budapest, 2000. Gazsó, Ferenc. “A társadalmi szerkezetváltozás trendjei”. In: A globalizáció kihívásai és Magyarország, pp.137–159. Szerkesztette: Földes, György and Inotai András, Napvilág Kiadó, Budapest, 2001. Gere, Ilona. “Women in the Light of Labor Market Changes”. In: Women, published by the University of Pécs, 2002. Gödri, Irén. A házassági kapcsolatok minôsége és stabilitása – Elméleti támpontok és mérési lehetôségek. Központi Statisztikai Hivatal Népességtudományi Kutatóintézetének Kutatási jelentései 66. Budapest, 2001/1. Highlights of current labor market conditions in Hungary. Submitted by Ecostat– Gazdaságelemzô és Informatikai Intézet by Ildikó Ékes, posted to GPN on 6 July, 2001. http://www.ecostat.hu/english/index/html ; http://www.globalpolicynetwork.org Households, Work and Flexibility—Country context report, Hungary. Tárki (1999–2003) http://www.tarki.hu/research-e/hwf/hwf_country-contextreport.pdf
11 “Hungary” together with Szilvia Szabó, Borbála Juhász, Ágnes Hárs, Judit Gazsi. In: Women’s Employment, Women’s Studies and Equal Opportunities. Reports from nine European Countries. ed. Gabriele Griffin, University of Hull, 2002, 340–294. www.hull.ac.uk/ewsi Hungary Long-Term Poverty, Social Protection, and the Labor Market, (In Two Volumes) Volume I: Main Report, Volume II: Technical Papers, April 2001. Report No: 20645-HU Document of the World Bank. Joint Assessment of the Employment Policy Priorities of Hungary, 16 November 2001. Koncz, Katalin. “The effect of globalization on women’s social position” Manuscript, prepared for the project “Women’s Economic Opportunities and Capacities in CEE/CIS”— RER/98/W02 sponsored by UNIFEM, Budapest, 2001–2002. Social Innovation Foundation Klinger, András. “A késôi gyermekvállalás problémái”. In: Szerepváltozások 2001. pp. 134– 155. Editor: Nagy, Ildikó and Pongrácz Tiborné, Tóth István György TÁRKI, Ministry of Social and Family Affairs Office for Women, 2002. Laky, Teréz. “Munkaerôpiac Magyarországon 2000-ben”. In: Munkaerôpiaci Tükör 2001. Editor: Fazekas, Károly MTA Közgazdaságtudományi Kutatóközpont, Országos Foglalkoztatási Közalapítvány Budapest, 2001. Magyar Statisztikai Zsebkönyv 2001, Központi Statisztikai Hivatal Budapest, 2002. Michael F. Förster and István György, Tóth. Trends in Child Poverty and Social Transfers in the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland: Experiences from the Years after the Transition, Luxembourg Income Study Working Paper No. 226. Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University, Syracuse, New York 13244–1020, February, 2000. Munkaerôpiaci Tükör 2001, 2002 Editor: Fazekas, Károly MTA Közgazdaságtudományi Kutatóközpont, Országos Foglalkoztatási Közalapítvány Budapest, 2001, 2002. Nagy, Gyula. “Munkakínálat mint munkaerôpiaci részvétel”. In: Munkaerôpiaci Tükör 2002 Editor: Fazekas, Károly MTA Közgazdaságtudományi Kutatóközpont, Országos Foglalkoztatási Közalapítvány Budapest, 2002. Neményi, Mária. “The Social Construction of Women’s Roles in Hungary”. http://www.tfk.elte.hu/hirnok/feminizmus/temak/nemenyi.html Nikolchina, Miglena. ”The Seminar: Mode d’emploi. Impure Spaces in the Light of Late Totalitarianism.” differences 2002. Vol. 15. No. 1, 96–127. Nôk és Férfiak Magyarországon, 2000. Központi Statisztikai Hivatal, Szociális és Családügyi Minisztérium Budapest, 2001. A szerkesztôbizottság vezetôi: Vukovich, Gabriella (KSH) and Zöldyné Szitha Erzsébet (SzCsM). Petô, Andrea. ”The History of the Women’s Movement in Hungary”. In: Thinking Differently. A Reader in European Women’s Studies. eds. Rosi Braidotti, Gabriele Griffin. Zed Books, London, 2002. 361–372. Petô, Andrea. “Kontinuitaet und Wandel in der ungarischen Frauenbewegung der Zwischenkriegperiode”. (Continuity and Change in the Hungarian Women’s Movements in the Interwar Period) in Feminismus und Demokratie. Europeaische Frauenbewegung der 1920er Jahre ed. Ute Gerhard, Ulrike Helmer Verlag, Königstein, 2001, 138–159. Petô, Andrea. Bela Rasky, (eds.) Construction and Reconstruction. Women, Family and Policies in Central Europe 1945-1998, Budapest, CEU The Program on Gender and Culture, Austrian Science and Research Liaison Office, Budapest, OSI Network Women’s Program, 1999. On-line: http://www.nexus.hu/osi-bp/texte/petorask01.PDF Petô, Andrea. Hungarian Women in Policies 1945-1951, New York, Columbia University Press, East European Monographs Series, 2003. Pongrácz Tiborné. “A család és a munka szerepe a nôk életében”. In: Szerepváltozások 2001. pp.30–46. Editor: Nagy, Ildikó and Pongrácz Tiborné, György István Tóth, TÁRKI, Ministry of Social and Family Affairs Office for Women, 2002.
12 Progress in the implementation of the Joint Assessment Papers on employment policies in candidate countries Commission Staff Working Paper—Supporting document to the Communication Brussels 18.2.2003. SEC (2003) 200 Commission of the European Communities. Recent demographic developments in Europe 1999, Council of Europe Publishing. 2002 Regular Report on Hungary’s Progress Towards Accession COM (2002) 700 final Brussels 9.10.2002 SEC (2002) 1404. 2001 Regular Report on Hungary’s Progress Towards Accession, Brussels, 13.11.2001. SEC (2001) 1748. Statistical Yearbook of Hungary 2000, Hungarian Central Statistical Office Budapest, 2001. Statistical Yearbook of Hungary 2001, Hungarian Central Statistical Office Budapest, 2002. Széman, Zsuzsa and László Harsányi. “Caught in the NET in Hungary and Eastern Europe— Partnership in Local Welfare Policy”, Non-profit Research Group—Institute of Sociology of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest, 2000. The Fourth and the Fifth Reports of Hungary to the UN Committee for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Woman (CEDAW), Ministry of Social and Family Affairs. Tóth, István György, and Péter Szivós (eds.). Ten years TÁRKI, Bp., 2002. Yearbook of Welfare Statistics 2000, Hungarian Central Statistical Office Budapest, 2001. Young people in transition in Hungary—Country Paper, Background paper prepared for the Regional Monitoring Report No. 7 ”Young People in Changing Societies (2000)”. Coordinator: Judit Lakatos, Hungarian Central Statistical Office, Budapest http://www.unicef- icdc.org/research/ESP/CountryReports1999/Hun99rep.pdf Women and Men in Hungary, 2001. Hungarian Central Statistical Office, Ministry of Employment and Labour Budapest, 2002 Editor-in-Chief: Vukovich Gabriella (HCSO), Zöldyné Szitha Erzsébet (MEL)
13 2. Situation of target groups
Roma (like migrant) population
As for the roma population in Hungary there are no official statistical data. There have been two important, basic sociological roma surveys conducted in Hungary, one in 1971, and the repeated one in 1993-1994. According to the survey(s) romas are those persons who are considered romas by the surrounding non-roma people. According to the latter survey the number of roma population is around half million in Hungary. That is about 5% of the Hungarian population.
The romas are unevenly distributed across the country, they are concentrated in North and Est Hungary and South Transdanubian region. The share of roma population is considerably increasing, due to the fact that the invrease of roma population is contrasting a decreasing total population in Hungary.
Regional breakdown of roma sin Hungary
region Persons Breakdown of roma Roma population/total population (%) pupulatin (%) 1971 1994 1971 1994 1971 1994 North Hungary 65 000 116 900 20,4 24,3 6,5 9,0 East Hungary 75 000-80 000 95 100 23,0 19,8 5,0 6,3 Great Plain 50 000 57 833 16,0 12,0 3,0 4,1 Budapes industial 60 000 87 611 19,0 18,2 2,0 2,4 aggl. South Transdanubian 65 000 109 889 20,0 22,8 4,0 6,5 West Hungary 5 000 13 944 1,4 2,9 1,3 2,0 Total 320.000 500.000 100 100 Source: Havas -Kemény (nd)
The romas moved from villages to towns and the metropolis Budapest in the past decades, about 40 per cent of them lived in towns (see table below). In the ’70s and ’80s there has been a programme to force romas to move from extremely poor roma settlements to (somewhat) better places to leave. Due to this developments the share of closed roma settlements decreased considerably. While in 1971 66% of the romas lived in closed settlements, in 1994 only 14%. The same share has been 30% in Budapest in 1971 and the roma settlements were abolished by 1994. In other towns the same development resulted in a decrese from 70 16%, in villages from 70 to 15%. The share of closed roma settlemet is still most concetreted in North Hungary (30% of the roma population tehre).
Breakdown of roma population across types of settlements
Type of settlement share of population (%) 1971 1994 Budapest 7.9 9.1 other towns 13.9 30.4 villages 78.4 60.5 Source: Havas -Kemény (nd)
14 A set of quantitative indicators can be used to describe the unfavourable position of the roma minority group in the Hungary. These indicators are the following: (i) the status of the minority group (economic, social, socio-historical, language position), demographic indicators of the minority (size and distribution), formal and informal institutional support of the minority group (media, education, culture, local administration, business organizations etc.). (Radó: 2001 )
Summary of survey evidences on discrimination against gypsies, %
Type of discrimination Discrimination cases in % of the total Discrimination cases in % roma population of the total Hungarian population All cases 14,86 1.540 Non-valuable cases 2,66 280 Valuable cases 12,20 1.270 At job 3,86 400 -obvious 2,35 240 -not obvious 1,51 160 General 3,43 360 Violence 1,97 200 Verbal insulting 1,83 190 At school 1,70 180 Discrimination by public authority 1,34 140 Skinhead abuse 0,90 90 Forbid to enter public place 0,41 40 infringement of lawful rights by police 0,37 40 N( thousand persons) 424.8(1993/94 survey) 10.375.3 (1990 census) Source: Kertesi, Gábor: Megalázottak és Megszomorítottak: Cigány emberek beszámolói az őket ért sérelmekrõl és megaláztatásokról az 1993/94. évi országosan reprezentatív cigányvizsgálat megkérdezettjei közül (Report data of roma survey in 1993/94)
Labour market position
The radical change in the labour market affected the roma population the most. While the romas were employed during the full employed period of the socialist economy the jobloss among romas was dramatically in the 1990s. The employment rate of roma men was just half of the total population. Romas have relatively higher employment rate only at the very early age (15-19). As for women, the employment rate of romas is much below the average of Hungarian women’s employment rate. The rate is about 4 time as high for the total population as for romas (see table below).
15 Employment rate of roma and total population of employment age %
employment rate of men (%) employment rate of women (%) age total population* romas** total population* romas** 15-19 12.9 17.7 12,3 12,8 20-29 68.0 35.0 70,1 15,6 30-54 76.9 33.8 73,1 20,2 55-59 43.1 15.4 Total 63.4 30.8 63,1 17,5 Source:* CSO Labour Force Survey, 1994. 1st Q; ** Roma Survey, 1993/94.
Unemployment rate of roma population does not show much of the situation since the illegibility criteria of the unemployment benefit of the long term unemployed turns them to withdraw from the labour market. The activity rate of roma women has always been moderate, but still, considerably share of roma women of employment age who are inactive today used to work before. According to the survey about 70% of 15-54 years old roma women had a job before.
Schooling of roma population
There are no detailed statistical data on the schooling of roma population, although one of the core problem of the labour market situation of roma population is rooted in the low level of schooling of this group. Referring to some sociological surveys (of the 1990s) we see a very shocking picture. Nearly half of the roma population has an uncompleted primary school education.
Schooling of roma and non-roma population in Hungary, 1994 (%)
Schooling Non-roma Roma 0 class 0,3 9,1 Uncompleted primary school 11,2 32,6 Completed primary school 35,8 45,8 Apprentice school 19,4 10,7 Secondary school 23,8 1,6 High school/university 9,5 0,2 Total 100,0 100,0 Source: Havas–Kemény–Liskó, 2001 Szegregáció a cigány gyermekek oktatásában (Segregation in the education of roma children). Oktatáskutató Intézet. Budapest. Mimeo.
There is not to much hope to have a considerable development in the recent school-age generation. The distance between roma/non-roma children in education level is stabile, although both have a higher level of schooling than a decade ago. Beyond that, every 4 th roma child has to repeat at least once a class while they get into the 6th class. The low success of roma children in school is strongly connected with their social status and the education of their parents (Havas–Kemény–Liskó, 2001).
16 Segregation of roma population is along with other poor families is unchanging
The increasing employment, as a source and result of the extensive growth of the economy, put in considerable cases the new-comers to marginal labour market positions. Kemény (1970) considers the unskilled first generation workers (coming from agriculture), families with many children and families without men-breadwinner as most vulnerable. According to Kemény, the families with only women breadwinner are undoubtedly in the most disadvantageous position due to the wage structure that traditionally includes a bread-winner part in the wages of men. Consequently one can get by living from one earning of a men but living from the women's wages is, in fact, impossible. Kemény (1973) revealed important research evidence on roma population in Hungary that was not much different from other poor families of similar character. The share of employment of gypsy women was very low, however, similarly to other women of the same sociological character. The reasons of the low employment were: the average number of children that was much above the Hungarian average, these women were living in small settlements, with little work possibility, they had little schooling, were unskilled. Consequently, the dependency rate was 82% on average in Hungary and 224% (!) among gypsy families (in 1971 when the research was conducted).
Women In the 1980s, in late socialist period, the participation rate of women in Hungary – similarly to other socialist countries – was considerably higher than in Western Europe. In a very short time, however, the activity of women considerably dropped while increased in the Western part of Europe. In the end of the 1990s the participation rate of women was lower than in most countries of the European Union. The shift happened in a very short time, as shown in chart below.
Participation rate of women by age group, 1989 and 1992
1989 Hungary 1992 Hungary Developed EU-countries 100 Developed EU-countries Semi-developed EU countries 100 Semi-developed EU countries 80 80
60 60
40 40
20 20
0 0 15-19 20-24 25-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65- 15-19 20-24 25-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65-
Source: Worldbank Project (1996)
Although signs of the changes in labour market were seen in the 1980s already (Hárs-Kővári- Nagy, 1991), considerable reshaping happened following the transition of 1989. Between 1989 and 1995 the total number of employed women decreased by more than 25%, their number in the agriculture dropped to about 25%, in the industry to about 60%. Employment in the services slightly decreased. The most radical change happened in the early 1990s (see table below).
17 Change of the number of employed women by industries, 1989-95, %
Periods Industry and Agriculture Services Employed women construction together 1991/1989 91.0 81.6 103.2 96.1 1993/1991 75.0 44.7 97.6 84.0 1995/1993 85.9 72.7 95.0 91.0 1995/1989 58.6 26.5 95.6 73.5 Source: Labour account, CSO, various years
The share of agricultural employment of women was 15% in the beginning of the transition, 5.5% in 1995. The share of industrial employment decreased by 6%point to only 25% of the total employment of women. At the beginning of the transition some more than half of the women were employed in various branches of services, the share became 70% in 1995 (see table below).
Share of employed women by industries, 1989-95, %
Periods Industry and Agriculture Services Employed women construction together 1989 31.3 15.3 53.4 100.0 1991 29.7 13.0 57.4 100.0 1993 26.5 6.9 66.6 100.0 1995 25.0 5.5 69.5 100.0 Source: Labour account, CSO, various years
Following a fast increase between 1990-1993 total unemployment (of ILO standards) is decreasing in Hungary. As a unique case, women's unemployment has been below men's unemployment in Hungary during the transition period. There are no reasons to say, however, that personal characteristics of women (e.g. better qualifications or skills etc.) influence the likelihood of women's employment, rather the industries where women were mostly employed were less vulnerable to dismissals, company closures etc. Although women became less likely unemployed than men, unemployed women can find a job again more difficult than unemployed men. (Nagy, 2000).
Between 1990-1998 the employment rate of below-pension age men decreased by 18.5% point while among women by 21.8% point (according to labour account data). The employment rate of men reached a lower level and it was stabilised at this rate while women's employment rate decreased continuously until 1997. Since 1998, with some economic recovery, employment rate of both, men and women is increasing. Chart below shows both employment and unemployment rate of men and women. The gap increased between men and women employment rate until 1997 and it has been stabilised at a considerable level.
18 Employment and unemployment by gender, 1992-2000 70
60
50
40 % 30 Employment rate, men Unemployment rate, men Employment rate, women 20 Unemployment rate, women
10
0 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 Source: LFS data KSH (2001)
Despite the high level of activity of women and institutional changes most of the family tasks were done by women, even in 1986, according to time-budget survey of the Central Statistical Office of Hungary. While men and women spent about the same time per day on average doing paid employment, training and household, most of the time spent with household and childcare is exclusively women’s task in the family. Whereas, men’s paid employment is one and a half time that of women. That is shown in table below.
Socially determined activities
1986, Hungary Women Men Total, in minutes per day, on average 565 535 Share in the 24 hours (%) 39 37 Of which Paid employment (%) 40 67 School, training (%) 4 4 Household 46 16 Of which Traditional household activities 34 3 Activities around the house 2 4 Repairing, building 1 4 Shopping 4 3 Childcare 5 2 Transportation 10 13 Source: Time budget survey, 1986, CSO
Neményi (1996) founds that radical changes following the economic transition in 1989 showed that the apparent emancipation of women during socialism lacked constancy and content, for it was everywhere the women who became the real losers of the political change. Number and accessibility of child-care institutions were worsening, the family-protecting social political arrangements were shrinking or devaluating, strong 'conservative' attempts force to re-establish traditional roles of women within the family, etc. A survey evidence on the women's opinion of women's employment per se illustrates the radical change in the ideology concerning employment of women during the transition. Evidence also support that
19 women would be ready to work part time. In 1986 81% of the employed women questioned were the opinion that women should be engaged in paid employment. More than 3/4rd of them thought, however, that a working day of 4-6 hours would be ideal. In 1995 73% of the more or less comparable group of women (employed, unemployed or inactive) were the opinion that women should be employed, the share of those who would support 4-6 hours working day dropped to about 60%. In 1999 only 67% of women would support the employment of women (Frey, 2001).
Evidences prove both adjustment and increasing discrimination. The last decade can be regarded as the decade of formal adjustment to the European Union, also in the area of equal opportunities. The current system of Hungarian labour law provides the essential framework for legal guarantees of equal opportunities for women and men (Külügyminisztérium, 2000). Most of the relevant laws are concerned, however, with discrimination in general and formulated in such a way that sex is only one of several factors (other factors include, race, religion, etc.) that might be the basis of discrimination (Hungary 2001). Finally we give a brief overview on some basic fields of equal rights and opportunities of men and women in Hungary.
Equal pay for work of equal value
As usually underlined, women's wages are below men's wages, the leg is about 20%, on average, differences are less looking at the base wages only. (See table below.) The rate is rather similar to the rates in market economies where women-men wage differences are decreasing with the time. During the transition period differences have decreased also in Hungary, alike in other transit economies (Galasi 2000: 9). In Hungary between 1986 and 1996 real wage was decreasing, the rate of decrease in the real wage of women was lower than that of men, so their lag behind men in terms of wages also decreased. In 1986 the monthly wage of women did not reach 75% of men’s monthly wage, by the year 1992 this proportion exceeded 85%, and it remained stable at this level. Among young workers the wage difference is relatively small and stable, whereas in the category of the older age group, in the category of people with higher education degrees and in management positions the gap is significantly wider and constantly increasing. According to Galasi (2000) the reasons of the decreasing lag in women's wages are partly due to their changing composition (relative increase of women among higher wage earners), partly due to the fact that (employed) women were upgraded in the transit labour market. It means partly that women's labour market experience has been upgraded, partly their higher education, better posts, employment in higher wage regions were remunerated.
20 Women-men wage/income differences (1999)
Men Women Average income Base wage average income (Ft/person/month) women's wage in % of men's wage National average wage 91.571 71.586 79.04 83.28 Average wage in public 87.146 67.455 77.40 83.31 (budgetary) sphere Average wage in 91.310 75.506 82.69 89.35 entrepreneurial sphere Source: OMKMK (2000/a, b, c)
Equal Treatment for Women and Men at Regards Access to Employment, Vocational Training and Promotion; and Working Conditions Equal pay for work of equal value
As is usually underlined, women's wages are below men's wages, the lag is about 20%, on average. Differences are less, looking at the base wages only. The rate is rather similar to rates in market economies where female-male wage differences are decreasing with time. During the transition period differences decreased in Hungary too, like in other transit economies (Galasi 2000: 9). In Hungary between 1986 and 1996 the real wage decreased. The rate of decrease in the real wage of women was lower than that of men, so women’s lag behind men in terms of wages also decreased. In 1986 the monthly wage of women did not reach 75% of men’s monthly wage, by the year 1992 this proportion exceeded 85%, and it remained stable at this level. Among young workers the wage difference is relatively small and stable, whereas in the category of the older age group, in the category of people with higher education degrees and in management positions the gap is significantly wider and constantly increasing. According to Galasi (2000) the reasons of the decreasing lag in women's wages are partly due to their changing composition (relative increase of women among higher wage earners), partly due to the fact that (employed) women were upgraded in the transit labour market. It means partly that women's labour market experience has been upgraded; partly they have higher education, better posts, and employment in higher wage regions.
Protection of Pregnant Women
Employment restrictions for pregnant women and jobs dangerous for women's health in general were regulated in 1953 by government resolution and referred to as “measures encouraging population increase”. The recent Hungarian legislation related to pregnant women, women who have recently given birth and women who are breastfeeding, is nearly in full conformity with the requirements of the European regulations. Provisions and positive programs that facilitate the fair division of burdens between the two parents are desirable, however. According to expert opinion, by taking such measures, the State should actively contribute to the stable labour market position of women who give birth to children (Hungary, 2001).
21 Non-Discrimination Against Part-Time Workers
The concept of the part-time worker is currently not defined in the Hungarian legislation, lthough the chapter of the Labour Code on the regulation of working time notes that a labour contract concluded between the parties may stipulate working hours that are less than full- time employment (Hungary, 2001). Part-time employment was rather limited in Hungary and decreased fast in the first years of the transition. Between 1992-1995 the number of women working part-time decreased to half of the previous part-time employees. Since that time their number has slowly increased. In the EU countries the share of part-time working women was 27-28% during the 1990s, in Hungary 4- 6% (Nagy, 2000).
According to experts the Hungarian legislation related to the principle of equal treatment is, de jure, virtually in conformity with the EU norms. Nevertheless, the implementation of these provisions in practice, meaning the situation concerning equal treatment de facto, is far from favourable. According to the estimation of the experts one reason for this is the lack of an institution or organisation in charge of monitoring discrimination against women. The most serious problem is, however, the lack of practical enforcement of basic constitutional principles (Hungary, 2001: 21).
REFERENCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY
Frey Mária (1999) ‘Nők a munkaerőpiacon.’ In Pongrácz Tiborné-Tóth István György, eds. Szerepváltozások: Jelentés a nők és férfiak helyzetéről. (Changes in roles: Report on the condition of men and women.) Budapest: TÁRKI Frey Mária (2001) A nők munkaerő-piaci helyzete. (The labour market position of women) Budapest: Központi Statisztikai Hivatal Galasi Péter (2000) Női-férfi kereseti külünbségek Magyarországon 1986-1996. (Women- Men Income Differences in Hungary 1986-1996). Budapest: Országos Munkaügyi Kutató és Módszertani Központ Hárs Ágnes-Kővári György-Nagy Gyula (1991) 'Hungary facing unemployment.' International Labour Review 130/2 (Summer) Havas Gábor-Kemény István (nd) A magyarországi romákról (On Hngarian Romas) http://www.mtapti.hu/mszt/19953/havas.htm Havas–Kemény–Liskó, 2001 Szegregáció a cigány gyermekek oktatásában (Segregation in the education of roma children). Oktatáskutató Intézet. Budapest. Mimeo Hungary (2001) National Report. EOWM Programme Kemény István (1970, 1992) ‘A szegénységről.’ (On Poverty) In Szociológiai írások. Szeged: Replika könyvek 1: 79-83 Kemény István (1973, 1992) ‘A magyarországi cigány lakosság.’ (Roma population in Hungary.) In Szociológiai írások. Szeged: Replika könyvek 1:157-173 Kemény István: (nd) A magyarországi cigány lakosság (The 1971 roma survey in Hungary) (http://www.romacentrum.hu/aktualis/tudkut/kemeny.htm) KSH (2001) Labour Force Survey, 1992-2000. Time Series. Budapest: Központi Statisztikai Hivatal Nagy Gyula (2000) A nők munkaerő-piaci helyzete Magyarországon. (Labour market position of Women in Hungary.) Budapest: Országos Munkaügyi Kutató és Módszertani Központ
22 Neményi Mária (1996) 'The Social Construction of Women’s Roles in Hungary.' Replika Special Issues 7/Issue 1 OMKMK (2000/a) 1999. évi létszám-, bér- és kereseti adatok. Nemzetgazdaság Total. (Staff, wage and Income Data, 1999 - National Economy Total). Budapest: Országos Munkaügyi Kutató és Módszertani Központ OMKMK (2000/b) 1999. évi létszám-, bér- és kereseti adatok. - Költségvetési szféra (Staff, wage and Income Data, 1999 - Budgetary Sphere). Budapest: Országos Munkaügyi Kutató és Módszertani Központ OMKMK (2000/c) 1999. évi létszám-, bér- és kereseti adatok - Vállalkozás; (1999. Staff, wage and Income Data, 1999 - Enterprise). Budapest: Országos Munkaügyi Kutató és Módszertani Központ Radó, P.: Bevezetés az oktatáspolitikai elemzésbe: a romák és az iskola. (Introduction into the analysis of aducation policy: romas and the school Iskolakultúra 2001 12) Worldbank Project (1996) Munkaerő-kereslet és -kínálat 1995-2010. II. Adattár (Labour demand and supply 1995-2010 Databases annex) Budapest: Munkaügyi Minisztérium-World Bank
23 3. Gender Exclusion Factors
A. Labour market
The long-lasting fall in real wages ended in 1997 in Hungary, and since then real wages have been increasing, though they appear to be in line with productivity growth. Over the years of transition, considerable wage disparities between economic sectors, branches, regions, educa- tion and skills have risen which cannot always be explained by economic performance. The minimum wage stood at 35.8% of the average wage in 1992 and at 28.8% in 1998, after the unbroken decline in relative ratios.
Minimum wages were raised significantly in two steps; in 2001 from 96 Euro to 192 Euro a month and in 2002 to roughly 200 Euro a month. The raises lifted the minimum wage to a level of about half of national average wages and affected about 25% of the work force. As a combined result of all these effects, real wages in the overall economy increased by 6.4% in 2001 and by 11.3% year-on-year during the first half of 2002.
In the past decade there has been a redistribution of incomes from the poor to the rich. As a consequence of this trend, between 1987 and 1999 the poorest 10% of earners saw their share of national income drop from 4.5% to 2.7%, while the share of those in the top decile saw their share of annual income increase from 20.9% to 27.8%. In essence, the top 10% of earners went from receiving five times the annual income of the lowest earners to receiving 10 times as much income. Another consequence of this income redistribution was that, in 1999, about 26% of the population lived under the poverty line; the share of the population in poverty before 1999 was less than 10%. (Ecostat, 2001)
A low-paid worker is more likely to be a woman, either young (under 24) or older (over 50), with only primary or lower education or (less often) basic vocational training, with an unskilled manual job and living in a village (World Bank, 2001).
There are economic sectors where earnings have been traditionally low in Hungary, primarily agriculture, construction, textile and paper industries, catering, trade, health care, and social services. Concerning these worse paid economic branches composition of women is still higher in those which are considered to be “feminine” (e.g. education, health care, social work).
The transformation of the economy implied extensive transfers of the labour force across the three main sectors. The sector structure of women’s employment has changed in the past dec- ade. At the beginning of ’90s more than one-third of the employed women worked in the agri- culture. Regarding the industrial sector we can witness similar, but no so sharply declining trend. The number of women in the industries diminished by one third between 1992- 2001.The number of employed women in the service sector is the highest, (more than 1 220 thousand was in 2001).
The rank of earnings also has changed in the 1990s. The heavy industry and mining provided the best wages before the transformation. Now the financial intermediation and energy industries are occupying these positions. In the energy industries the composition of women is one third of men’s and the female/male earnings ratio is 82,7% on average. Concerning the
24 financial intermediation the women’s composition is three times more than that of men’s and the wage earned by women is 40 % less than men’s. The industry of financial intermediation provides the highest gender wage gap within the Hungarian economy.
The widest earning disparities have developed between the public and private sectors. The public wages had fallen far behind private sector wages throughout transition. Therefore the public wages were increased in 2001, thus securing continued public support for the transformation process and also for guarding against a brain drain from public administration. Average wage inequalities by gender – in similar spheres of activity – has not changed much, showing a 10-12% difference detrimental to women.
Within the private sphere the size and ownership of the companies also influence the wages. The big multinational companies can provide higher wages for both sexes than the smaller and domestically owned firms.
The gender wage gap can be explained partly by the fact that women are in greater number employed in those sectors of the economy which are providing poorer remuneration, and the age and qualification of employed women varies. There are some factors, which have contrary influence on the wage gap. The share of women in non-manual occupations is higher than that of men’s and this fact has an advantageous impact on women’s overall average payments. On the other hand women’s representation in lower paid occupations is generally higher com- pared to that of men’s and it has a reducing effect on their relative pay. Variables influencing the rate of payment are the following: age, educational attainment, occupation of the employ- ee and economic activity of its employer. (Hárs, 2002)
The level of education is also a very important influencing factor of the earnings. Women with tertiary level of education earn less than men with the same level of qualification. The gap is significant especially in the case of employed women who graduated in college com- pared to their male counterparts. The wage difference between employed women having primary and tertiary qualification is double and triple depending on the classification (col- lege, university) of their degrees.
Although women’s general qualification level has been increasing, women are channeled into specific occupations and exists the segregation within jobs. In spite of the extended legal regulations promoting the principle of “equal pay for equal value work” women still earn less than men. The gender wage gap contributes to maintaining women’s subordinated position and makes them more vulnerable to economic changes.
B. Health
In Hungary, the average life expectancy has been gradually growing in the past two decades. For women it was 75.59 years in 2000 and 67.11 years for men. In case of women the increase is slightly more vigorous. The life expectancy in the European Union is higher regarding both sexes. In Hungary, the mortality rates by selected causes of death (heart disease, disease of the circulatory system, etc.) in all age groups above 30-39 are higher in case of men. (...)
25 C. Family
A traditional approach to gender roles characterised the 1960s, 70s and much of the 80s. Women regard work important for financial reasons and for the subsistence of the family; personal ambitions and career play a less important part. The work done outside the home typically plays a secondary role in a mother’s set of values. The division of labour in families shows the agreement on traditional gender roles prevailing. As a result of the political transition, the job market had radically changed and strengthened opinions that providing for the family is the man's duty, while a woman performs tasks around the household. Agreement on this view increased among younger generation as well. (Pongráczné, 2001)
As far as known there are no particularly search evidences using gender exclusion factors, neither in general, neither in focusing target groups. Most of the previous research projects with methodological frameworks have been mentioned in the 2. point (Situation of target groups) and see also the 5. point (Guidelines for the application of qualitative methodologies: participative methodologies (focus-groups) or interviews).
26 4. Existing indicators in the National Action Plans of Social Inclusion3
In Hungary the National Action Plans of Social Inclusion will be completed only in the end of June 2004.
For this reason we are not able to analyse the existing indicators of the NAP, so we are focusing on the indicators used in the Joint Inclusion Memorandum/ Hungary.
The following tables of the Statistical Annex contain gender sensitive indicators: Labor market indicators (women age 15-64) 1. Economically active population by region and sex (women age 15-64) 2. Employment by region and sex (women age 15-64) 3. Employment rate by region and by sex (women age 15-64) 4. Unemployment by region and sex (women age 15-64) 5. Unemployment rate by region and sex (women age 15-64) 6. Distribution of the female population according to labour force participation, % (women age 0-14, 15-54, 55+) 7. Population by region and sex (women age 15-64) 8. Laeken indicators 9. Rate of employment among Roma women age 15-59 10. Number of deaths due to alcoholic liver cirrhosis and alcohol-addicted persons (male- female) 11. Mortality by main causes of death, 2001 (male-female)
All the other tables of the Statistical Annex are not gender sensitives.
Concerning our research the most important indicators are the Laeken indicators4. There the following gender sensitive indicators in that table: 1. Risk-of-poverty rate by age by gender (women age 0-15,16-24, 25-49, 50-64, 65+) 2. Risk-of-poverty rate by most frequent activity by gender 3. Risk-of-poverty rate by household type 4. Persistent risk-of-poverty rate by gender 5. Relative risk-of-poverty gap by gender
(Note: The methodology of calculation of the indicators for the Candidate Countries (for Hungary) is the same as the one used for Member States. Every effort has been made to ensure that the definition of income used is as comparable as possible to the ECHP definition. Nevertheless, the indicators for the Candidate Countries (for Hungary) cannot be considered to be fully comparable with the EU ones, or between candidate countries, due to the differences of underlying data sources.)
3 Source: Joint Inclusion Memorandum/ Hungary (JIM) 2003
4 Appendix (source: JIM)
27 A. Employment
Employment and activity rates in the 15-64-year age-bracket reached their lowest levels in 1997, standing at 52.3% and 57.5%, respectively, far below the EU average (60.7%; 67.7%). From 1997, employment and activity rates started to increase after more than two decades of decline. In 2002, the annual average number of the employed was 3 855 thousand, and the employment rate in the 15-64-year age group was 56.6%. Employment rates for men and women were 63.5% and 50.0%, respectively, with the employment rate of men exceeding that of women in all age groups.
The activity (participation) rate did not change significantly: 59.9% of 2001 increased to 60.1% in 2002. The change in the EU was only 0.5%, from 69.2% it has increased to 69.7%. The unemployment rate peaked in 1993 with 11.9% and was decreasing subsequently until 2001. The decrease in the unemployment rate was partly due to modification of the unemployment benefit system, shortening of the unemployment benefit period and tightening of the eligibility criteria. In 2002, the decline in the number of unemployed stopped. The unemployment rate increased slightly from 5.7% in the preceding year to 5.8%. In comparison with 2001 figures, the unemployment rate of men decreased from 6.1% to 6.0% (EU-15: 6.5%; 6.9%), but that of women increased from 4.9 to 5.1% (EU-15: 8.6%; 8.7%).
On an annual average, as many as 229 000 unemployed persons were registered in 2002. The average period of unemployment decreased from 16.0 months to 15.9 months. The proportion of long-term unemployed was 45.0%.
In 2002, 40.2% of the working age population appeared on the labour market neither as employed nor as unemployed (the number of 15-64 age group is 6.862.800). Among the 15- 59 year old men, there were 172 000 inactive, and among the 15-54 year old women there were 260 000 inactive (altogether 431 000 persons), who were not studying or receiving pension, unemployment or maternity benefits.
In the field of employment and labour market the most important issue is the high inactivity rate (by the 15-64 age group in Hungary 40.2%, in the EU-15: 30%), alongside a lower than average employment rate (Hungary: 56.6%, EU-15: 64.3%). In addition, employment rates for both women and men are below the EU average, and very far below the targets set in Lisbon for 2005 and 2010.
B. Income inequalities, poverty
According to the Laeken indicators4, the income of the richest 20% of the population was 3.4 times higher in 2001 in Hungary than the income of the poorest 20%, and the Gini coefficient was 23% (EU15: 4.4 and 29%). The risk of poverty threshold for one person was 421 114 HUF. An indicator of the significance of the welfare system is the result of transfers to poverty. According to the Laeken indicators, before all transfers 44% of the population would have lived in poverty in 2001 (EU-15: 40%), this figure is 20% including pensions (EU-15: 23%), and only 10% including all transfers (EU-15: 15%).
The measurement of income inequalities raises several methodological issues. In Hungary, there are different ways of collecting data.
28 Using the Laeken indicators, in order to maintain the international comparability of definitions, the ratio of poor people is about 10%, among both men and women. However, the social status of poor women and men is significantly different, owing mostly to the different participation of the two genders in the labour market. Among poor women there is a high proportion who are receiving child-care allowance, housewives, pensioners, women depending on social assistance, and other dependent women. Among poor men, there is a high proportion of seasonal and casual workers, students, unemployed, men depending on social assistance and, similarly to women, other dependent people.
C. Housing
Social inequalities in housing conditions are very significant. The 1993-93 survey pointed out that 13.9% of the Roma population (about 70 000 people) lived in segregated settlements or colony-type neighbourhoods with insufficient utility supply, and low infrastructure, or in urban colonies in poor conditions. Another study carried out in 2000 found that approximately 20% of the Roma population (100 000 people) lived in segregated settlements. The difference between 1993-94 and 2000 can be explained by the increasing segregation and marginalisation of the poorest stratum of the population. The same study (2000) showed that approximately 60% of the Roma population still lived in disadvantaged areas, mainly in settlements and villages without any work opportunities.
D. Participation in employment
The most important objective of the Hungarian employment policy is to increase the employment rate and to integrate the unemployed and the inactive into the labour market by strengthening active labour market instruments. The position of women on the labour market is weakened by lower wages for equal work as compared to men, a lower proportion of representation in the most dynamic sectors, and their exit from the labour market because of childcare or nursing elderly or sick people. The PHARE programme “Tackling the gender gap in the labour market” launched in 2002 aims at finding a remedy for the disadvantages of women on the labour market. The objective of this programme is to increase equal opportunities for men and women in the labour market by promoting the reintegration of inactive women into work. The programme focuses on currently inactive women over the age of 40 as well as those who intend to return to work after a period of parental leave.
E. Promotion gender equality
Before 1989 both the overall and female activity rates were close to those of the most developed European countries. In 2002, in the 15-64-year age cohort employment rate for men was 72.8% in the EU-15 and 63.5% in Hungary, while the employment rate for women was 55.6% and 50.0% respectively. Income differences between the two genders have remained virtually unchanged. In comparable occupations the income of women was about 13-14% less than that of men in 2002. Depending on the indicator chosen, about 10 to 15% of both men and women are in poverty. However, the reasons for poverty are somewhat different in the case of the two genders. In case of women poverty is mainly due to their low participation in the labour market, and the low level of their replacement incomes (childcare allowance, low pension of single and elderly women, etc.). Men are vulnerable particularly if they are long-term unemployed and have lost all entitlements, or if they are low-paid or single.
29 F. Statistics of social exclusion
The Central Statistical Office carries out various regular and ad hoc household surveys and institutional surveys that are used as data sources for the description, analysis and monitoring of social exclusion and poverty. The most important ones are the Labour Force Survey (LFS) and the Household Budget Survey (HBS). For the time being, the latter serves as a source of most of the Laeken indicators, except for indicators of persistent poverty, for which longitudinal surveys would be needed but are currently not available.
While some research institutes also carry out social surveys, the only official source of data on household income is the HBS. The representativeness, the sample size and the method of data collection of the HBS, a survey that has undergone considerable harmonisation over the last few years, are close to the Eurostat requirements. For the time being, Eurostat data requests are fulfilled using the HBS data and the Eurostat definitions. The recent adoption of the SILC regulation is a new development in income and exclusion statistics. Hungary will adapt the SILC regulation fully by 2005, and this will be the key data source of the Laeken indicators subsequently. The two pilot surveys, in 2003 and 2004, will be carried out according to the recommendations of Eurostat. The integration of the new data source into the Hungarian statistical system was started early this year. This process involves the review and possible revision of other existing data sources. In the meantime, until the EU-SILC is fully implemented, the HBS will continue to be the official data source for the Laeken indicators.
30 5. Guidelines for the application of qualitative methodologies: participative methodologies (focus-groups) or interviews
Qualitative methods
Oral History is offering a way to produce “thick decription” to use the term by Clifford Geertz in order to serve as a basis for constructuin quantitative indicators.
There are various sorces to study the position, situation, exclusion of women. One big set of research is approaching women as a basic group of labour market. Labour market research uses gender differentiation as a basic indicator. Women compared with other infavourable groups in the labour market (foreigners, etnic minorities, disables etc) are mostly the aim of research. Research evidences are rather detailed concerning the causes of differences in wages, job carreer etc. Labour market research is important to understand the various tasks of women compared to men. (Fuchs) A set of labour market research in Hungary raises the questions how has the transition period effected various groups onn the labour market (Nagy 2000, Galasi 2000). Other research approach with rather descriptive character (Frey 2001) is addressing the questions of the time budget of women. Other sociological research approach is using field work, interview technics for research. (Neményi).
The disanvanaged group research (sikkness, poorness, disabled etc) in Hungary is more connected to fieldwork technic (Ferge, Lévai, Neményi.etc). There is a considerable direction of research on roma problems (Kemény, Havas, Kertesi) who do survey type basic research on the roma population, collecting data and using both descriptive sociological technics, interviews and sophisticated data processing technics. A considerable research direction is approching the education and school system. (Liskó)
Most oral history as done in Europe between the 1950s and the 1980s assumed that there was a homogeneity of subjective intents between the interviewees and the interviewers, or at least that there was no major obstacle to an exchange between them allowing to construct a shareable narrative. Innumerable people were interviewed – and their interviews transcribed, elaborated, published – on the basis of an assumed homogeneous subjectivity and homo- positionality of the subjects involved. Doing oral history in this project re-proposes the hypothesis (already put forward by some of us in a previous work concerning Kossovo, see Passerini, Afterthought in “Archives of Memory”, 2002) that we are now in a different phase of understanding this form of inter-subjectivity. This phase is characterised by the emergence of a discrepancy between interviewer and interviewee and the recognition that there is no longer any easy illusion about the convergence between the two.
“One could say that throughout the 1970s, oral history was written from within a movement which would have liked ‘to give words’ to the subaltern (the working class, for instance) and women. In our times, however, oral history is capable of prefiguring the relationships between different subjectivities and cultures and of revealing the contradictions between the individual and the community. Oral history can therefore be used to criticise the mechanism of inclusion and exclusion, and the process of identity construction based on territories and nationalistic values” (Capussotti, Archives of memory, 2002). The underlying hypothesis - which situates itself on an ethic-scientific ground – can appear hopeful and optimistic; we believe that it is
31 not only legitimate, but grounded, precisely because it presupposes a heterogeneity of subjectivities, which it is essential to recognise today.
A number of research projects in recent years have evidenced this, particularly those concerning situations where social and political conflicts or wars were present. A study conducted in the former Yugoslavia (“Archives of memory” mentioned above) showed the difficulties inherent in an approach trying to respect the heterogeneity of subjectivities and the resulting problematic forms of inter-subjectivity. While our questions tried to avoid directly the theme of nationalism, after long declaration of nationalistic ideology the interviewer quietened the apparent logic and homogeneity of this ideology. The reactions of the interviewee could be many: closure, contradictory declaration, open hostility. In the some project, we also experienced different tensions and forms of conflict collecting testimonies in Italy of Roma refugees from Kosovo. Most of the interviewees have been subjected in 1999 to the NATO air strikes in Kosovo to which Italy participated. In some cases the interviewee identified the interviewer with the sources of his/her fears and pains so that the interviewer embodied painful memories as well as the causes of a miserable daily life in a racist environment. Strong emotions, tears, accusations as well as sentiments of guilt and the necessity of the interviewer to differentiate her from the Italian politics marked the interview. The difficulty of dealing with all this emotion caused the interruption of interviews that were never restarted.
These examples help to thematize that inter-subjectivity can include conflicts; if this is the case they have to be part of the process of analysis and interpretation of the testimony. In order to take into account all this, we will re-consider the main steps done in the construction of our oral history corpus: forming the sample, formulating the questions and posing them. Then we will situate our work in the context of the question of remembering and forgetting, which is crucial for oral history. In following this path, we shall try to evidence as much as possible the aspects of inter-subjectivity. We finally discuss the questions of language, transcription and translation, as an introduction to some principles for the interpretation of interviews.
Conclusions
We can conclude that the use of oral history is indispensable in order to show the lines along which subjectivity is organized and displayed in the interviews. The attention to inter- subjectivity in particular is the only way to understand the process of formation of the oral evidence, that far from being spontaneous is constructed by multiple interventions: first of all the construction of the sample, through networks of different subjects, then the relationship between the interviewer and the interviewee, and then the actions of transcribers and translators. The interpretation of the oral evidence is therefore the last step in a long and complex process, that tries to capture a much longer accumulation, that of a repertoire of subjectivity.
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36 Appendix - Laeken indicators
ACC10 Can13 EU15 EU25 2000 2001 2001 2001 2001 2001 S80/S20 Quintile share 1ratio 3,2 3,4 4,1 6,9 4,4 4,4 2Gini coefficient 23 23 26 34 29 29 3Risk-of-poverty threshold 1 person hh NAT 360308 421114 : : : : (illusztratív értékek) EURO 1386 1641 1804 1258 7805 6815 PPS 3035 3369 3241 2337 7732 6991 2 adults 2 dep. children NAT 756648 884339 : : : : EURO 2910 3446 3787 2641 16390 14311 PPS 6374 7075 6807 4909 16237 14681 4Risk-of-poverty rate Total Total 9 10 13 18 15 15 by gender M 9 10 13 18 14 14 by age F 10 10 13 18 16 15 0-15 Total 13 14 17 24 19 19 M 12 13 17 24 19 19 F 13 15 17 24 20 19 16-24 Total 11 12 15 21 20 19 M 10 11 15 20 19 18 F 12 13 15 21 21 20 25-49 Total 9 9 13 17 13 13 M 9 10 13 16 12 12 F 9 9 12 16 14 14 50-64 Total 7 7 9 13 12 11 M 7 7 9 13 12 12 F 7 7 8 13 13 12 65+ Total 7 9 8 15 17 15 M 3 6 4 12 15 13 F 9 11 9 18 19 17 5Risk-of-poverty rate Employed Total 4 5 6 12 6 6 By most frequent activity M 5 6 7 12 6 6 By gender F 4 5 5 10 6 6 Self-employed Total 2 3 14 19 16 16 M 3 3 14 19 16 16 F 2 3 14 21 14 14 Unemployed Total 30 31 33 32 38 37 M 36 36 35 35 43 42 F 22 24 31 27 33 33 Retired Total 8 9 8 9 16 15 M 7 9 7 8 15 14 F 8 9 9 7 16 15 Inactive/other Total 14 15 16 19 24 23 M 12 13 16 19 24 23 F 15 16 17 20 24 23
37 ACC10 Can13 EU15 EU25 2000 2001 2001 2001 2001 2001 6Risk-of-poverty rate Total 9 10 12 18 15 15 By household type 1 person hh Total 15 15 13 18 23 21 1 person hh M 17 16 16 14 18 18 1 person hh F 14 14 12 19 26 24 1 person hh <30yrs 8 10 9 6 33 29 1 person hh 30-64 19 16 15 16 15 15 1 person hh 65+ 13 15 11 20 26 24 2 adults no (at least one children 65+) 3 5 7 12 14 13 2 adults no children (both < 65 ) 5 6 7 9 10 10 Other hh no children 5 4 8 9 8 8 (at least 1 Single parent child) 20 18 20 31 40 37 2 adults 1 dep. child 9 8 8 10 10 10 2 adults 2 dep. children 8 12 12 14 13 13 2 adults 3+ dep. children 20 22 25 33 26 26 Other hh with dep.chidren 7 8 14 22 17 17 7Risk-of-poverty rate Total 9 10 13 18 15 15 By tenure status Owner-occupier 8 9 12 18 12 12 Tenant 19 16 15 21 24 23 Other : : : : : : 8Dispersion around 40% of median 1 2 4 7 5 5 The risk-of-poverty 50% of median 4 5 7 12 9 9 threshold 60% of median 9 10 13 18 15 15 70% of median 17 18 21 26 23 23 Before all 9Risk-of-poverty rate transfers Total 45 44 42 38 40 40 M 42 41 39 36 37 37 F 48 47 43 38 42 42 Including pensions Total 19 20 24 26 23 23 M 18 20 24 25 22 22 F 19 21 24 26 24 24 Including all transfers Total 9 10 13 18 15 15 M 9 10 13 18 14 14 F 10 10 13 18 16 15
38 ACC10 Can13 EU15 EU25
2000 2001 2001 2001 2001 2001 Persistent risk-of-poverty 10 rate Total : : : : 9 :
By gender M : : : : 8 :
F : : : : 10 : Risk-of-poverty rate 11anchored at a point in time Total : : : : 12 : Relative risk-of-poverty 12gap Total 15 16 19 24 21 21
By gender M 15 16 19 : 21 21
F 15 16 18 : 21 21 Non representative Not included in first round pending Outcome of bilateral validation procedure
Note: The methodology of calculation of the indicators for the Candidate Countries is the same as the one used for Members States. Every effort has been made to ensure that the definition of income used is as comparable as possible to the ECHP definition. Nevertheless, the indicators for the Candidate Countries cannot be considered to be fully comparable with the EU ones, or between candidate countries, due to the differences of underlying data sources. Indicators shown in blue are also Structural Indicators Source: Eurosta, JIM
39