Organisational Change and the Shifting of the Locus of Power

Laurie Lomas

Paper presented at the European Conference on Educational Research, University College Dublin, 7-10 September 2005

This paper explores how changes in organisational culture and organisational structures have influenced the distribution of power within universities. In turn, it is argued these changes in the locus of power have had an effect on the development, implementation, monitoring and review of universities’ learning and teaching strategies. In particular, the paper examines the move towards managerialism with universities using business models of organisation and management. This trend was first encouraged by the Jarratt Report (1985), further fuelled by the Croham Report (1987) and given fresh impetus by the Lambert Report (2003). Where there is a managerialist approach, power tends to be concentrated at the centre of the organisation. This centralising tendency has been encapsulated in the phrase ‘from collegial academy to corporate enterprise’ (McNay, 1995). An examination of the context of higher education shows how universities have had to adapt to change and respond to the government’s agenda which has included widening participation, expanding provision at a time when the unit of resource provided by the government has been falling, finding alternative sources of income and developing their own systems to assure and enhance quality. Universities that have commercial acumen have been much more successful in diversifying their sources of income to generate funds and thereby help enhance their academic position (Shattock, 2003). Organisational structures have been adapted or changed to cope with these new demands and there has been a shift towards greater adherence to a managerialist paradigm (Randle and Brady, 1997). There have also been changes in organisational cultures as a consequence. Research employing structured interviews with directors of educational development centres or institutes of learning and teaching in six universities illustrates and illuminates how the locus of power in their institutions influences and shapes the strategies of these units. Educational developers need to watch carefully to find out where the power lies in their university in order to know with whom to form strategic alliances and thereby ‘tap in’ to this power (Land, 2004).

1 The Context of Higher Education

Since the latter part of the twentieth century there has been a period of significant change in the higher education sector in the United Kingdom (Morley, 2003). Henkel (2000) notes that universities have had to adapt and change in order to respond to the government’s drive for greater public accountability, efficiency, effectiveness and the measurement of performance. There are also the ‘3Ms’ of managerialism, massification and marketisation (Tapper and Palfreyman, 2000). Universities have had to deal with increased numbers of more diverse students in terms of socio- economic and educational background (Hativa and Goodyear, 2002) at a time when the unit of resource is falling (Evans and Nation, 2000). Duke (2002) argues that, with the ever-expanding government agenda, universities are being expected to achieve far more but with lower levels of public funds. In addition, universities need to provide evidence that demonstrates robust and rigorous internal systems are in place to quality-assure their academic programmes (Gordon, 2002). In terms of teaching and learning, Higher Education has become much more complex as there is still the need for universities to develop in their students a deep understanding of complex subject matter. The widening government agenda has led to the need to work with cohorts of students from a diversity of backgrounds, pay more attention to teaching, learning and assessment as well as develop students’ generic and subject skills so that they have greater employability (Knight and Yorke, 2003). Responses to the external pressure from government agencies such as the Higher Education Funding Council for England (HEFCE) and the Quality Assurance Agency (QAA) have been manifested in changes in universities’ organisational culture and structure. These changes have led, in many cases, to a shift in the locus of power. This paper focuses on analysing the shift in power and considers its effect on decision- making related to learning and teaching. It is easier to identify the locus of power when it is exercised overtly. Morley (2003) cautions that this is not always the case as sometimes power is held more subtly and then the locus of power is not as easily distinguished. The analysis uses organisational structure, managerialism and organisational culture as a framework. Duke (2002) notes these three elements of the framework are linked, as a university's organisational structure and management are key factors in determining its organisational culture.

2 Organisational Structure

Ramsden (2000) argues that organisational structures and cultures are inextricably interlinked and success in management requires the effective overseeing of the relationship between structure, process and culture (Duke, 2002). The recent widening of the economic and social roles expected of universities by government has meant that there is increasing complexity in terms of their structure (Shattock, 2003). This is part of the ‘supercomplexity’ (Barnett, 2000) and organisational ambiguity (Alvesson, 2002) that is a major feature of universities in the twenty-first century. Land (2004) notes universities are large organisations that have complex structures and planning cycles that are similar to major commercial and industrial companies. A university’s organisational structures are affected by numerous factors such as age of the institution, the disciplinary mix, its tradition and size. There are collegial universities such as Oxford and Cambridge that have very traditional structures. McNay (2002) argues that they are based departmentally and there is not the high level of central power as is the case with many modern universities. Collegial values still flourish and some of the institutions remain loosely coupled, high consensus organisations despite the general move towards managerialism (Scott, 2003). Becher and Trowler (2001) see academic departments as the essential building block and there is the appropriate acculturation of newcomers to the department by existing staff who make the general values and the norms of behaviour abundantly clear (Shattock, 2003). In terms of teaching and learning initiatives, the power in these collegial universities resides in the departments. Land (2004) describes some departments as baronial with their heads fiercely protective of the own staff, students and courses and competing aggressively with other departmental heads for scarce resources. D’Andrea and Gosling (2005) note a recent trend of senior management teams in many universities grouping departments together, partly because of administrative convenience but also because of the economies of scale that accrue from having larger units. Such changes to organisational structure serve to reduce the power of the departments by subverting and submerging their individual identities Where there is a focus on faculties rather than departments, real power is more likely to reside with the deans. Shattock (2003) argues that often medical and dental schools within a university will have a significant degree of autonomy with many decision-making powers devolved to them. In these circumstances, significant

3 authority is vested with the dean who influences teaching and learning strategies. There is a consequential reduction in the influence of departments and the centre. Medical schools have to be able to respond to the needs of the hospital trusts and the government’s agenda for the National Health Service and their increased autonomy within the university allows the deans to respond appropriately and effectively. Clark’s study (1998) looked at central structures in a range of different types of universities and found that central influence was greater when there was a ‘strengthened central steering core’. Members of this core met regularly and they had significant decision-making power. There were representatives from numerous academic departments in this core but they took a holistic institution-wide view rather than one that was departmental. There was cultural homogeneity and this culture was transmitted back to the departments. The steering core was regularly refreshed by changes in personnel who were able to bring in new ideas and new attitudes and thereby maintain and sustain the influence of the centre. Clark (2004) argues that a strengthened central core together with four other factors – a diversified income base, an integrated organisational culture, shared purpose and a ‘reinvigorated heartland’ – were key prerequisites of the transformative change needed to create an entrepreneurial university. A relatively simplified approach to structure has been adopted. However, universities are becoming larger and more complex organisations. Barnett (2000) talks of ‘supercomplexity’ with universities and their staff having to struggle to keep up with all the turmoil and changes and the need for flexible and adaptable structures in order to cope with these changes. There are a variety of organisational structures that have been adopted to cope with increasing government demands and the ‘supercomplexity’ of higher education. Traditional collegial, departmental structures still thrive and retain significant power in the Oxbridge colleges. In medical and dental schools, the larger unit of the faculty has a high level of power whereas the strengthened central core has control in the increasing number of entrepreneurial universities.

Managerialism

Randle and Brady (1997, p.15) define managerialism as ‘a generic package of management techniques’. It can be summarised as the three ‘E’s of economy, efficiency and effectiveness (Morley, 1997). (Henkel (2000) links managerialism to

4 government values such as public accountability, the efficient use of resources and the establishment and measurement of performance. She also considers it was the Thatcher government in the UK during the 1980s that initiated the commitment to value-for-money managerialism in the public services and since then there has been a trend for the specific, well-structured and directed Scientific Management approach of F.W.Taylor to be applied to intellectual labour as well as manual labour, as was the case from the early part of the twentieth century (Morley, 2003). In the 1980s, there were significant changes in state funding, accountability measures, and the increased influence of the private sector and the perception of politicians of the New Right that led to a reduction in the economic resources available to universities. Salter and Tapper (2002) see this as part of the move towards the ‘New Public Management’ system. Consequently, Fordism entered universities, offices and shops in addition to the factories. The management and organisation of a university are most influential as effective stewardship over a period of time can provide the appropriate environment and climate in which teaching and research can flourish and a university can achieve its mission and thus be regarded as successful (Shattock, 2003). Universities are differentiated by their reliance, or otherwise, on direct state funding. Funds can be obtained from alternative income streams through the generation of research funds or industrial collaborations (Salter and Tapper, 2002). Clark (2004) identifies some universities relying not only on government funds for teaching and research but also they receive ‘third stream’ income such as through research grants from the European Union and private companies. It is vital to have diversification with funds from all three sources. With the need to rely less on direct government funding and because universities are operating in a fiercely competitive market, finding additional and/or alternative sources to enhance their income has become imperative. This has led to a rise in entrepreneurialism. Entrepreneurial universities have broken free from reliance on the state policies and funding in order to develop flexible, innovative strategies designed to avoid organisational decline (Clark, 1998; Land, 2004). The Lambert Report (2003) provides a model for universities to follow in order to develop a more entrepreneurial culture (HEA, 2004). Salter and Tapper (2002) argue that universities are now businesses that promote themselves aggressively in order to compete in the worldwide Higher Education market. This business orientation tends to be more

5 prevalent in the ‘modern’ post-1992 universities because, as former polytechnics, they were freed from local education authority control in 1988 and then, when they became modern universities in 1992, they adopted a governance model based on business. This governance model relies heavily on non-executive directors (Knight, 2002) and, in these modern universities, the business governors in particular occupy a central role in the enterprise culture by ‘… inculcating their institutions with enhanced awareness of competitiveness and the need for excellence in management’ (Bargh, et al., 1996, p.21). Shattock (2003) says some universities are not able to become entrepreneurial because they have historically adopted bureaucratic cultures that have become embedded. This has been a major obstacle to innovation, making it very difficult to change. Bureaucratic, traditional cultures usually involve the strong positional power of Heads of Department and a devolved organisational structure which can stifle the inter-departmental communication and collaboration that are so essential for developing major commercial projects (Gosling, 2001). Entrepreneurialism is one form of a managerialist approach in higher education. There are other forms and managerialism in general has been promoted by a series of government reports. The ‘steer’ towards managerialism in universities had been encouraged as early as 1985 by the Jarratt Report that suggested that Vice- Chancellors should be seen as the Chief Executives and that governing bodies were to fulfil the function of Boards of Directors. The Report recommended that lay people should become more involved in the governance of universities (Dearlove, 1998). Shattock (1991) argues there was also the requirement for academic and financial plans and full details of how improvements in management processes were to be made. Additionally, universities were exhorted to control their human and financial resources more effectively through the introduction of management information systems designed to monitor expenditure and revenues (Newby, 1999). Two years after the Jarratt Report, the Croham Report (Croham, 1987) recommended performance indicators for university teaching and research, finance and management. Managerialism was not so necessary when universities were well- resourced, élite organisations. However, the pressure to achieve more with less from the 1980s onwards meant that there was a pressing need for the efficient and effective governance of universities (Dearlove, 1998). Bergquist (1992) said many university managers considered that academic staff might favour traditional collegial cultures

6 but they led to a lack of organisational cohesion and purpose and led to a slow response to external changes. In 2003, the Lambert Report recommended the form of governance used in business, with a more executive style and far less use of the tradition committees and sub-committees. Shattock (2004) is worried that the business approach advocated by Lambert could be far too homogeneous and would fail to take into account the great diversity of institutional missions found in the higher education sector. After all, he argues, under managed and under governed universities such as the University of Cambridge are most successful in terms of their research, teaching, income generation, prestige and worldwide profile! Braun (1999) discerns two different managerialist models:  The efficiency model predominant in Germany, France, Italy and Switzerland;  The client/market model more evident in the UK, the United States of America, and the Netherlands. Use of the client/market model in the UK has meant that universities are gradually adopting centralising management approaches used in the business sector (Chan, 2001) and are increasingly being penetrated by corporate interests (Parker, 2001). Casey (1995) goes as far as saying that in some universities there is ‘corporate colonisation’ which involves taking over the hallowed corridors of academia by the forces of marketisation and corporatism. There is a variety of opinion on how far universities have embraced the managerialist paradigm (Randle and Brady, 1997). It does vary greatly from one institution to another and, indeed from one department to another in the same institution. Barnett (2003) notes that it has been far easier for academics in disciplines, such as the biosciences, geological, chemical and computer sciences, to make entrepreneurial use of their knowledge, as it is very saleable. It is much more difficult for their colleagues from the faculties of humanities and social sciences to make commercial use of their knowledge through ‘spin offs’ and ‘spin outs’. Managerialism is associated with efficiency of decision-making because of the ‘tight coupling’ between the administrative and academic units (Weick, 1988). However, the empirical work of Allen (2003) suggests that managerialism has brought with it some major problems as well. Allen’s study is based on research in twelve universities of various types between 1994 and 1998 and involved semi-

7 structured interviews with senior staff such as Deans, Pro-Vice-Chancellors, Vice Chancellors and Heads of Finance, Personnel and Planning. Where there was managerialism, it was found that there were high levels of insecurity, poor morale and a greater chance that decisions were made and implemented through the use of persuasive or coercive power. This was because the relatively high level of central control limited the opportunities for staff to contribute to the decision-making process and this reduced trust in management thereby increasing the insecurity of staff. In environments where there was greater collegiality, there was a willingness to be open and share information and overall inter-personal relationships were far more positive. These good inter-personal relationships helped create better understanding and greater consensus when decisions were being made. The analysis of the growing influence of managerialism points to the location of the majority of power at the centre of the organisation as it endeavours to reap gains in efficiency through tighter central control. The strongly departmental University of Oxford is worried about the increasing strength of central power. When considering the prospect of performance management being introduced to universities, Terry Hoad, a fellow of St Peter’s College and a member of the Association of University Teachers says, If you have stronger powers of central control, they can start to impinge on academic freedom, and on the ability of academics to pursue whatever research they feel is necessary (Tysome, 2005, p.5).

Organisational Culture

Hewton (1986) defines organisational culture as, … the complex mixture of factors which together give rise to a ‘normal’ way of doing things (p.259).

Organisational culture involves a ‘taken-for granted way of life’ and an identifiable difference between those on the inside and those on the outside of the organisation or a particular part of it (Barnett, 1990). Although culture is used regularly to help understand how organisations act and react, it should be pointed out that culture is not universally accepted as a helpful analytical tool. Kogan (1999), for example, describes the concept of organisational culture in higher education as merely ‘intellectual polyfiller’ that is used in an attempt to explain the inexplicable. It should be noted that this is a minority view.

8 Dopson and McNay’s (1996) work on discerning a university’s dominant culture provides a useful framework for looking at the different ways in which policies and practices, such as those related to teaching and learning, are developed and implemented in an HEI. They identify four main cultures but any organisational culture tends not to be pure but rather a blend of all four with, perhaps, one or two of them dominating (see Table I).

COLLEGIAL BUREAUCRATIC ENTREPRENEURIAL CORPORATE cult of individual rules and regulations awareness of the market directorate with power management by consensus management by committees management by management by marketing meetings person culture role culture task culture power culture

Table I – The four major organisational cultures in universities (Dopson and McNay, 1996)

Cultures vary greatly in the higher education sector with, for example, Oxford and Cambridge universities having a dominant collegial culture and regarding themselves principally as a self-governing community of scholars (North Report, 1997) with significant autonomy in decision-making. Shattock (2003) claims such universities resent and resist interference from the centre and this has implications for how decisions on teaching and learning are reached and then how these decisions are implemented. Organisational culture can influence how a university responds to pressures from government agencies. For example, Cambridge has been one of the strongest critics of the Quality Assurance Agency’s (QAA) quality assurance and enhancement processes. When criticised in a QAA Institutional Audit in 2003, the university responded through a senior spokesperson saying that it was very unfortunate that the QAA report did not always convey the extent of the university’s excellence that is regularly confirmed by external indicators (Baty, 2003). Modern universities, when they were polytechnics prior to 1992, were centrally managed with their degrees being conferred through the Council for National Academic Awards (CNAA). They were familiar with a measure of central control through the CNAA’s formal Quality Assurance procedures and this became very much part of their organisational culture when they became universities. Morley

9 (2003) believes there is much less of a collegial culture than was the case in the traditional pre-1992 universities McNay (1995) has identified a change in dominant culture in the higher education sector ‘from the collegial academy to corporate enterprise’ where, even at the University of Oxford, ‘… the preconditions for good collegial governance have been undermined’ (Tapper and Palfreyman, 2000, p.143). Sawbridge (1996) argues that employer-led management initiatives such as appraisal, performance-related pay and centralised staff development have led to greater standardisation which, in turn, has threatened the collegial ideal. Generally, quality assurance systems have shifted the balance of power in to the centre (Kogan and Hanney, 2000) but, with the great diversity of mission statements in UK universities, the extent of this shift in dominant culture varies greatly both between and within particular institutions. Clark’s (1998) research on cultural change is most helpful here. He found that universities that were successful in changing culture were characterised by a concerted effort to innovate and to galvanise all the staff of the university; senior management, academics and administrative staff. There was ‘stronger steering’ from the centre, with staff responding in a flexible and adaptable manner. Both Salford University (Powell et al., 2001) and the University of Western Sydney-Nepean (Duke, 2002) made use of Clark’s work when seeking to transform their institutions’ predominantly bureaucratic culture to one that was far more entrepreneurial. Clark’s strategy can also be used in a similar way to help bring about an organisational culture more conducive to innovations. Strength of culture, where there is a strong sense of identity with general support of institutional progress, can be most influential as many of the universities at the top of the league tables for research and teaching have strong organisational cultures. Shattock (2003) considers successful universities are highly competitive both internally and externally, adaptable to changes in the environment, and willing to take bold decisions There can be dangers of over-simplification and over-generalisation when using organisational culture as part of an analytical framework. Dearlove (2002) warns against polarisation with the ideal of a collegial golden age at one end of a continuum and a brave new future involving managerialism at the other end. He argues that it is possible to blend collegiality and managerialism appropriately to suit academics and managers. This may be very difficult to achieve but, when it is, there is a balance

10 between the competing demands of departmental academic work and the entrepreneurial aspirations of the institution. Nevertheless, the analysis of organisational culture suggests more power is located at the centre of universities as entrepreneurial and corporate cultures develop as a response to changes in the higher education market place.

The Centralising Tendency

Having taken into account the criticism of organisational culture as a concept and the importance of being aware of the dangers of over-generalisation and over- simplification, it can be concluded that the locus of power varies greatly from one university to another. A university’s structures are affected by numerous factors such as the age of the institution, the disciplinary mix, its tradition and size. Nevertheless, it is possible to identify different types of university (Duke, 1992) although distinctions are becoming blurred due to increasing ‘supercomplexity’, for example. There are collegial universities such as Oxford and Cambridge that are strongly departmentally based and so there is very little effective central power as is the case with many modern universities. Where there are medical and dental schools, the real power can lie with the deans. The medical or dental school often has a significant amount of autonomy with many decision-making powers devolved to it. Influence on teaching and learning is located with the dean and again there is less central influence on learning and teaching strategies. However, overall there has been a centralising tendency with the growth of a managerialist perspective, particularly in modern universities and the increasing number of entrepreneurial universities (see Figure 1).

control by centre

◘ dialogical bureaucratic

11 COMMUNICATION

control by departments

Figure 1: The centralising tendency in universities Based on Brown, R. (2004)

It is most helpful for staff involved with learning and teaching, as part of educational development centres or institutes of academic practice, to identify where the power lies and whether it is largely in the departments, the faculties or the centre of an HEI. Academic staff involved with the development of learning and teaching strategies then know where to target their energy and effort and where the battles need to be won.

Teaching and Learning

Managerialism has impacted on the learning process and Taylor et al. (2002) argue that the learner is now seen as a customer and as a consumer of learning within a market place. They call this the ‘commodification of learning’. There is now regular reference to a knowledge society where there is an emphasis on knowledge that is predominantly positivist and technical (Jarvis, 2000). There is also a tighter coupling between general performance by universities and funding (Johnson, 2002) and Barnett (2004) refers to the notion of performativity with its insistence on demonstrable outcomes. In terms of curriculum, there has been a centralising tendency from the 1990s with the emphasis on learning outcomes, modulisation, credit accumulation and transferable skills (Land, 2004) and all of these developments can be seen as exemplars of this commodification of learning that is a consequence of the new managerialist ethos (Hussey and Smith, 2002). Barnett (2004) identifies a discernable

12 move away from prepositional discipline-based knowledge to more generic experiential learning and problem-based learning and transferable skills. Power over the curriculum is gravitating towards central units of an HEI under the control of members of the senior management team and away from the departments. Educational developers can often use senior management support when attempting to implement teaching and learning initiatives because senior management are most keen to fulfil the government agenda of widening participation and increasing the status of teaching and are most willing to use Educational Development Units/Centres to achieve these aims (Land, 2004). Hussey and Smith (2002) warn of the danger that learning outcomes can be used as part of a managerialist approach and as a means of management control. They claim that the commodification of knowledge with the precise definition of learning outcomes is not good educational practice and the idea that learning outcomes are clear, precise, uncontestable and objective is misleading. Far greater flexibility in their interpretation is needed if they are to be of educational value. There are often unintended learning outcomes that are most desirable and the research of Entwistle et al. (2000) found that unplanned diversions from the set sessional learning outcomes can account for over 60% of classroom activity. The teaching and learning process cannot always be neatly aligned and predicted. Often cultural capital is linked with membership of a particular ‘academic tribe’ and new staff are initiated into what Becher and Trowler (2001) call ‘folkloric discourses and conventions’. They argue that convergent, tightly knit academic communities are more able to pursue and achieve their collective interests, often at the expense of other groups. They give physics and history as examples of convergent academic communities where there is a great sense of commonality, a shared intellectual style and a mutuality of interests. On the other hand, the less tightly knit divergent communities where there is a greater range of intellectual approaches, such as chemistry, are less able to achieve their aims.

Methodology The research was undertaken in six1 universities; three pre-1992 and three modern (post-1992). The research question sought to explore the views of directors of educational development units or learning and teaching institutes about where they consider power in their university is located and how, if at all, this power impacts

13 upon their departments. Each interview lasted at least an hour. The in-depth interviews were chosen as the research method because it allowed for two-way communication, with the researcher being able to clarify any questions that were ambiguous. Also, the interchange between the interviewer and the interviewees meant that relevant probing, supplementary questions were asked to follow up any interesting statements made by the interviewees (Cohen et al., 2000). The respondents were selected at random. Two directors of education development units who were contacted were not willing to take part in an interview so directors from other universities were approached until a volunteer was found. Generally, the subject was considered to be of interest and consequently it was not as difficult as was anticipated to find three respondents from traditional universities and three from modern universities. In order to protect the identity of the six universities yet indicate their type and general location, pseudonyms were given to them: Regional Modern Riverside Traditional Suburban Modern Suburban Traditional Urban Modern Urban Traditional

1 To date, interviews have been undertaken in five of the six universities.

The qualitative data collected through the interviews was analysed through the use of the Constant Comparative Method (Strauss and Corbin, 1998) and a number of themes were discerned. The Constant Comparative Method of analysis combines inductive theme coding with a simultaneous comparison of all the interview notes. Once meaning has been ascribed to a particular note in an interview, it is then compared with other interview notes and, when similarities of meaning are found, they are grouped and coded. If no similar meaning is found during a comparison, then a new theme category is created. A number of themes were identified but the following were the key ones relating to the locus of power in the six universities: * Mission * Management of Change Problems * Where the battles have to be won

14 Qualitative Data from the Interviews

Mission The educational development units had particular missions. Suburban Traditional University’s and Regional Modern University’s were to deliver the institution’s learning and teaching strategy whereas Urban Traditional University’s was to take a role in promoting teaching and learning and encouraging pedagogic research. In part, this mission was to be achieved through the provision of nine fellowships during a three-year period. Riverside Traditional University’s brief was to enhance the policy of teaching and learning across the institution. Suburban Modern University’s unit was charged with improving the quality of teaching and learning but, because it is a modern university with very limited research funding, it had a major role in encouraging research outcome and research skill development. All of the units were expected to take the lead with national teaching and learning initiatives.

Management of Change Problems Many directors raised problems with the effective management of change in their universities and referred to the constraints caused by a lack of resources and appropriate staff (Suburban Modern University), lack of recognition of the importance of excellence in teaching (Urban Traditional University) and resources being inadequate given all the external demands (Regional Modern University). The director at Suburban Modern University made the point that it was vital to have an advocate at senior management level in order to champion the cause of the unit and support claims for resources. The director at Urban Traditional University said his unit suffered as it did not have a ‘big hitter’ in the senior management team speaking up for them. The director at Suburban Modern University also argued that the unit needed to be seen as academic. The director at Riverside Traditional University was pleased to report that her unit was seen as academic and this gave her team credibility with the academic staff with whom they worked. At Suburban Traditional University, the director considered that the greatest challenge was to translate her unit’s limited amount of authority into the maximum amount of control. She felt that this could be achieved by building political alliances with colleagues in various parts of the university.

15 Where the battles have to be won At Urban Traditional University the director believed that the battles had to be won firstly at the centre and then in the faculties and departments. This was all very difficult and it was fraught with difficulties. There were ‘turf wars’ with units and departments being very territorial. The director of Suburban Traditional University agreed saying that the support of the senior management team at the centre was a prerequisite to going out to the departments and persuade them to review and revise their teaching and learning approaches. At Suburban Modern University it was noted that the institution was becoming more corporatist and this is perhaps why power now more at the centre. Consequently, at the outset the battles needed to be won at the centre to ensure that the education development unit is adequately resourced. Once that was achieved, the teaching and learning unit could work with the faculties and departments. The director at Regional Modern University did not have to ‘battle’ with the centre as the unit already had central backing. He thought the battles needed to be won in the faculties. However, although the Senior Management Team and his unit put pressure on the faculties to change, very often the deans were not able to make things happen at grassroots level. Similarly, the director at Riverside Traditional University thought the unit was well resourced and so it could concentrate on winning the hearts and minds of academic colleagues in faculties and departments. However, she said that there was a great range of responses with some colleagues being more receptive than others.

Conclusion

The literature clearly indicates that the is a tendency for power to move to the centre of universities as the senior managers embrace a managerialist approach to meet the challenges of a greater number and diversity of students and the ever-expanding expectations of government, employers, students and their parents. There has been a centralising tendency particularly in modern universities and the increasing number of entrepreneurial universities The small-scale study reveals some concerns amongst directors of teaching and learning units about the level of funding. Funding is thought to be inadequate to allow units to implement effectively the numerous teaching and learning initiatives that

16 government agencies require. Where funding is an issue, units see the centre of the organisation as the place to target its energies initially. Units that are fortunate enough to have received adequate funding do not need to ‘battle’ with the centre. They can target the academic staff either at faculty or departmental level, depending where the power is located in their particular university. Wherever the battle is being fought, the skill of the director in deploying subtlety and perseverance is essential to build coalitions with colleagues in departments, faculties and at the centre. There are organisational territories with barriers and such skills help staff from teaching and learning units to penetrate these barriers in order to work with academic staff and change academic practice to the benefit of the students.

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