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A sixteenth century bardic poem composed for Seán Mac Conmara, chieftain of West Clann Chuiléin

The corpus of bardic poetry that has survived the collapse of the Gaelic order consists of some two thousand poems, now catalogued as part of the Trinity College initiative known as the Irish Bardic Poetry Database.1 Irish bardic poems are unique in their historical sweep (those written in classical Irish date from c.1200-c.1650) and also in their purpose and discipline in terms of complexity of composition and regulated meter. Medieval and early modern Ireland was a divided polity where Gaelic lordships existed alongside the palatinate territories of Anglo-Irish lords, and where a gradation of ‘Gaelicisation’ penetrated deep into the latter territories and resulted in a mixed culture that appreciated – and used – Gaelic concepts of law, kinship and literature.2 In Gaelic regions, it was the secular hereditary bardic families that ran schools of history and poetry and sought the patronage of the chiefly lineages.

In a society where lineage and status were important qualifies for land and power, the preoccupation with poetry crafted to assert one’s lineage rights over subordinate vassal-septs was the principal reason why patronage of bardic families was an essential requisite of any ambitious Gaelic lord. This paper concentrates on the late sixteenth century bardic poem Créad fá seachnaim síol Aodha? compiled by Domhnall Ó Maoilchonaire for his patron Seán Mac Conmara, chieftain of West Clann Chuiléin. It was possibly written as an inauguration ode in the early 1570s for Seán.

The Mac Conmara of West Clann Chuiléin were the lineal descendants of the Uí Caisín kings of east Clare and had their principal residence at Dangan-i-viggin tower- house near Quin.3 This paper will give an overview of the role of bardic poetry in late 1 The database can be accessed at http://bardic.celt.dias.ie and is the work of Dr Katharine Simms, Department of History, Trinity College Dublin. 2 On a discussion of shared characteristics of Gaelic and Anglo-Irish lordships in the medieval period see, for example, Kenneth W. Nicholls, “Worlds apart? The Ellis two-nation theory on late medieval Ireland”. History Ireland, Vol. 7 No.2, 1999, pp.22-26. 3 R.W. Twigge, “Edward White’s Description of Thomond in 1574”, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, Vol. 1. No.2. 1910, pp.75-85, p.79. Seán Mac Conmara also held Knappogue castle. On the territory and political-economy of the West Clann Chuiléin lordship that was contemporaneous with the poem see Luke McInerney, “The West Clann Chuiléin Lordship in 1586: Evidence from a Forgotten Inquisition”, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, Vol. 48, 2008.

1 medieval Ireland and offers an approximate translation, with notes, of this previously unpublished poem.

Role of the bardic poet in Gaelic Ireland A survey of Gaelic Ireland in the sixteenth century would note several concurrent trends. First, the centralization of the Tudor State and its administrative centre in Dublin was seriously undermining the nature of Gaelic lordship as Tudor officials aimed to conquer and anglicize autonomous Gaelic polities. Second, the Anglo-Irish lordships shared much in common with their Gaelic neighbours and had borrowed cultural elements from them, including methods of warfare and administration, and patronage of the Gaelic learned class. The third trend is that the nature of Gaelic lordships was evolving and being refashioned in the face of external threats from the Tudor State, as well as long-term contact with Anglo-Irish territories. In addition, the underlying structural shifts in economic activity and modes of governance that can be characterized as hybrid-feudalism were established in Gaelic lordships.

The term ‘hybrid-feudalism’ refers to growing feudal practices in Gaelic lordships and the existence of a system of regulated exchange, alongside traditional concepts of kinship and social structure.4 These trends were already in place in the high middle ages in Gaelic lordships and manifested themselves in the patronage of churches and religious houses, the increased use of primogeniture inheritance and the sub- infeudation of tenant-septs on the mensal estates of Gaelic chieftains.5 In this context, the ancient Irish tradition of the bardic poet, or filidh, adapted to the new reality and tempered their poems with more than a tinge of contemporary relevance; in a world where the ordering principle of kinship and proprietorship of land were not codified in a centrally enforced legal system, customary methods that sanctioned behaviour and asserted rights and privileges were important drivers of political action.

4 On elements of feudalism in the lordships of the Thomond in the late middle ages see Patrick Nugent, “The dynamics of parish formation in high medieval and late medieval Clare”, in The Parish in Medieval and Early Modern Ireland, Elizabeth Fitzpatrick & Raymond Gillespie (eds), Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2005, pp.186-208. 5 Ibid., pp.194-195. The fiction of a shared pedigree between dominant clans and subordinate vassal- septs was invoked to support patron-client dependency and a conservative hierarchical social structure. Despite the ideology of kinship and ancestry which defined the patrimonial inheritance of septs, there was a constant emplacement of weaker vassal-septs by the proliferate branches of the chiefly lineage who expanded beyond the limit of the household’s mensal lands.

2 The bardic poet was part of the educated literati of his day, and by the sixteenth century most chiefly Gaelic lineages patronised a hereditary poetic family. This did not preclude bardic poets from seeking employment from various chieftains and shrewdly crafting their poems to suit circumstance and patron. The career of the secular hereditary poets consisted of intense training in order to be considered accomplished and a premium was attached to mastery of dán dreach, or straight verse, where the elaborate pattern of rhymes corresponded fully, and alliteration and syllable count remained strictly regular.

As a professional group, the hereditary bardic families were highly regarded and the position of filidh – which translators to ‘seer’ – was a survival from the earlier pre- Christian period. The bardic poet, therefore, was held in high esteem and wielded almost priestly powers; the verses of a poet were believed to have the power to curse and kill and frequently poets were said to have recourse to powers of divination.6 This mysticism that surrounded poets also extended to their exalted position in society where they were frequently immune from tribute to a local lord and held a status equal to that of the clergy – sacred personages whom any violation against was a serious crime.7

Curiously, the relationship between bard and patron was often seen as akin to a ‘marriage’. This dynamic probably had pagan druidic origins, but suffice to say that such an arrangement was extant in the middles ages. Indeed, the well known sixteenth century Fermanagh poet, Eochaidh Ó hEodhusa, often expressed the personal relationship between himself as ollamh and that to his patron, Mag Uidhir. The symbolism of a marriage between poet and patron finds resonance in the inauguration of a Gaelic chief and the presiding role of the poet as a sacred personage in that ceremony, a link to the pagan past and an intermediary with the natural world. This link found expression in the

6 In a treaty dated 1547 between Manus O’Donnell and his vassal O’Connor of Sligo, the satire of the poets was treated as an equivalent sanction as excommunication. Poetical satire and the power and dignity of the professional bardic class was regarded as a serious matter, on terms equal to the church. James Carney, The Irish Bardic Poet, Dublin, 1967 (re-print 1985), p.12. 7 In a well know incident, Maolín Óg Mac Bruaideadha (d.1602 – AFM) complained to Aodh O’Donnell, Lord of Tír Conaill, that when O’Donnell’s troops plundered northern Thomond in 1599 they had carried off his cattle from his patrimony at Ballyogan in Kilraghtis parish. Maolín, a learned historian and poet whose patrons were the O’Briens, had his cattle restored to him and in return he composed a quatrain that drew on the prophesy that Thomond would be attacked in revenge of the demolition of Grianan Aileach by the great-grandson of Brian Ború in 1101. It is noteworthy that O’Donnell restored the looted possessions of the Mac Bruaideadha poet, despite his family’s traditional attachment to the O’Briens whose head was the English allied fourth Earl of Thomond. The cosmopolitan culture of the learned classes in Ireland, however, was such that respect of their position resonated far wider than their immediate polity.

3 praise a poet conferred on his patron and the fertility of the land, and a poet’s personal devotion and right to sit and sleep next to his patron.8

There were differing classes of poets with ‘rhymers’ known in sixteenth century English sources as the professional poets who composed for Gaelic lords, while an inferior class generally referred to as ‘bards’ existed as attendants to the professional ‘rhymers’. 9 The inferior bards perhaps served as the reciters of the poems produced by the professional poet. Many of the great bardic families had a long pedigree stretching back, in the case of the north Munster Mac Craith family, to the eleventh century.10

The well known bardic families of medieval Ireland included the Ó Dálaigh family of Meath, Ó hUigín of Sligo, Ó Cuill of Munster, Mac an Baird of Donegal, Mac Con Mide of Tyrone, Ó hEodhusa of Fermanagh, Ó Sléibín of Ulster, and Ó Gnímh of Antrim. The cosmopolitan nature of the professional poets meant that they often travelled throughout Ireland and became attached to the courts of powerful Gaelic families, establishing schools that were comparable to the monastic centres of learning. After the twelfth century church reform the filidh lost their connection to the ecclesiastical schools as the continental religious orders took over instruction of their novices, and so the production of genealogies and poetry, and the study of seanchas and customary law, were continued in the secular schools that were established at least as early as the fourteenth century. 11

Uniquely, the medieval tradition of the bardic poet—which drew from the earlier filidh and pre-Christian druidic practices—was specific to the midlands where the great poetic clans that achieved wealth and status situated. For example, the chief centres of institutionalised Irish learning were in eastern and southern Ireland and carried out by lay scribes and disparate monastic communities. However, a different tradition of professional hereditary families that transmitted their knowledge arose initially in the midlands, perhaps as a response to Viking raids on the vulnerable monastic communities of the eastern seaboard. In particular, the clans of Uí Mhaoilchonaire, Ó Cléirigh and Ó Dubhagáin, as the chief transmitters of the historical and genealogical tradition, initially derived from the central district between the monastery of Clonmacnoise and Westmeath, but became dispersed throughout Ireland as they attached themselves to

8 James Carney, The Irish Bardic Poet, pp.11-13. 9 Kenneth W. Nicholls, Gaelic and Gaelicised Ireland in the Middle Ages, Lilliput Press, Dublin, 2003, pp.93-94. 10 Ibid., p.92. 11 See Seán Duffy (ed) et. al., Medieval Ireland: An Encyclopedia, Routledge, New York, 2005, p.35.

4 aristocratic patrons.12 Indeed, the cosmopolitan nature of Gaelic society allowed for cross-fertilisation of ideas and travel amongst not just for ecclesiasts, but also the professional families. In the early thirteenth century we find a branch of the poetic family of Ó Dálaigh plying their professional talents in Argyllshire and western Scotland, and Muireadhach Ó Dálaigh, who travelled through Scotland on his way to Levant as part of the Fifith Crusade, and who is credited with founding the Scottish bardic lineage, the MacVurichs, is a case in point.13

The bardic poets before the Viking incursions produced high status poetry for the consumption of the ruling elite; yet this description also holds true of the poets who composed at the end of the sixteenth century, highlighting the longevity of the tradition. Robin Flower’s description of the pre-Viking poets is equally true of that of the later poets: The old Irish society was organised upon an intensely aristocratic basis, and, like all aristocratic societies, set great store by those memories of past achievement which feed the pride and enhance the prestige of a dominant class. The function of the poets was to keep alive this long-descended record in its full detail of genealogy and varied incident.14

The bardic poet, therefore, had a sense of service to his patron and his role was not just fulfilled by composing eulogies for the ruling dominant lineage to which he was attached. The poet was expected to record events and provide a commentary that drew inspiration from traditional historical motifs, as well as contemporary reality. Often the poet would urge his aristocratic patron to act – whether it be a cattle raid to demonstrate his martial prowess or to patronise the learned families. In both cases the poet was operating in a system of traditional values that sanctioned certain behaviour and can be, in part, divined from the surviving works of bardic poetry.15

Bardic poets were instructed at schools run by hereditary professional families. Several schools were extant in Thomond during the sixteenth century. These included the Uí

12 Robin Flower, The Irish Tradition, Lilliput Press, Dublin [1947], 2001, p.85 13 Ibid., pp.86-87. A branch of the Ó Dálaigh settled in Corcomroe in the parish of Finnavarra where they were hereditary poets of the Uí Lhochlainn. The Ó Dálaigh are first mentioned in the annals for Thomond in the year 1404 when ‘Carroll O’Daly’ ollav of Corcomroe died. It appears that the family maintained ‘a house of general hospitality’, as is noted in poet Teige O’Daly’s obituary dated 1514. See Annals of the Four Masters, 1404 and 1514. 14 Robin Flower, The Irish Tradition, p.3. 15 Michelle O Riordan, The Gaelic Mind and the Collapse of the Gaelic World, Cork University Press, Cork, 1990, p.10.

5 Dhuibhdábhoireann school of law and poetry at Cahermacnaughten in the Burren16, the Mac Bruaideadha school of history and law17, the Uí Mhaoilchonaire school at Ardkyle which focused on seanchas and chronicling18, the Mac Cruitín musicians and historian- poets whose patrimony was at Carrowduff in Kilmacreehy parish19, and the Mac Flannchadha brehon clan based at their tower-houses of Urlan Mor, Clonloghan and Castlekeel (Ballysallagh West).20 The Mac Craith were also a secular literati family in Thomond and were traditionally attached to the Uí Bhriain kings and composed the noted fourteenth century saga, Caithreim Thoirdhealbhaigh.21

An Irish bardic poet’s training consisted of learning phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, vocabulary and metrics as well as reading and writing, history and law. For the most part, the language used was classical early modern Irish (c.1200-c.1650) and had a fixed vocabulary and grammar which was used throughout Ireland and Gaelic speaking Scotland; it was the literary language of the poets and learned classes, and differed from the Irish used by lawyers and by the Irish spoken by the masses.

16 See George U. Macnamara, “The O’Davorens of Cahermacnaughten, Burren, Co. Clare”, Journal of the North Munster Archaeological Society, Vol 2, Nos. 2 & 3, 1912, pp.63-93 and William O’Sullivan, “The Book of Ó Dhuibhdábhoireann, Provenance and Codicology”, Celtica, 23, 1999, pp.276-299. The Uí Dhuibhdábhoireann are first mentioned in the annals for Thomond in the year 1364 when ‘Gilla-na- naev O’Duvdavoran’ chief brehon of Corcomroe died. See Annals of the Four Masters, 1364 entry. 17 See Bernadette Cunningham, “The Historical Annals of Maolín Óg Mac Bruaideadha, 1588-1603”, The Other Clare, Vol.13, March 1989, pp.21-24 and also Diarmuid Ó Murchadha “The origins of Clann Bhruaideadha”, Éigse: Journal of Irish Studies, N o.31, 1999, pp.121-130. It would appear that the Mac Bhruaideadha were responsible for compiling local annals in Thomond and some references to these annal entries may be distilled from compilations of various local annals under the stewardship of Michael Ó Cléirigh into one set of annals known as the Annals of the Four Masters. The Mac Bruaideadha are first mentioned in the annals for Thomond in the year 1563 when ‘Dermot Mac Brody’ ollav of Hy-Bracain and Hy-Fearmaic, died. See Annals of the Four Masters, 1563. 18 See in Fr Paul Walsh, Irish Men of Learning, Fleet St Publishing, Dublin, 1947, pp.34-48 and Brian Ó Dálaigh, “The Uí Mhaoilchonaire of Thomond”, Studia Hibernica, 2009 [forthcoming]. 19 The Mac Cruitín poets were historically attached to their patrons the Uí Lhochlainn clan of the Burren and the Uí Bhriain sept of Ennistymon, but like the Uí Mhaoilchonaire clan they composed for the Mac Conmara. The Mac Cruitín are first mentioned in the annals for Thomond in the year 1376 when ‘Kellach Mac Curtin’ chief historian of Thomond died. The Mac Cruitín were also musicians and transmitted this art via hereditary means. Note the reference to their skill in music in 1404 when ‘Gilla- Duivin MacCurtin’ ollav of Thomond in music, died. See Annals of the Four Masters, 1376 and 1404. 20 See Martin Breen, “A 1570 List of Castles in County Clare”, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, Vol. XXXVI, 1995, pp. 130-138 [q.v. State Papers of Ireland: Elizabeth, Vol XXX no. 68/1]. The Mac Flannchadha are first mentioned in the annals for Thomond in year 1482 when ‘Murtough Mac Clancy’ intended ollav of Thomond died. The reference to ‘intended’ may mean that he was in training or had been expected to be appointed to the position. A similar reference is found regarding ‘Geanann Mac Curtin’, intended ollav of Thomond in history who drowned in 1436. Given the hefty investment in training and time, the high status and relative scarcity of members of hereditary professional families, death before graduation was likely to attract attention. See Annals of the Four Masters, 1482 and 1436. 21 See Sean Mac Ruaidhri Mac Craith, Caithreim Thoirdhealbhaigh: The Triumphs of Turlough, Standish Hayes O’Grady (ed), Irish Texts Society, London, 1929, Vol I & II.

6 The patronage of poetic families by the chiefly lineages and the production of sophisticated poems based on strict rules of meter and composition formed a corpus of literary invention that found expression in genealogies, devotional books, eulogies and historic annals. Bardic poetry not only reflected the aspirations of patrons and the learned classes, but such poetry conferred status on their patrons and legitimized claims of lordship over tributary lands by dominant lineages. Poems expressed their patron’s assertion of suzerainty over vassal-septs and were intimately intertwined with historical justification of lordship, imbued in language that affirmed kinship ties and links to the territorial sovereignty of a ruling lineage. Genealogy featured as a central element in bardic composition and while many poems employed a similar template in praising patrons and recounting their genealogy, heroic deeds and rights over subject vassals, the poems served as a reflection of values in Gaelic society.

In some instances specific themes can be distilled from poems that were of immediate contemporary usage, such as when poems acted as advice pieces to their patrons or subtly derided a patron’s new alliance or behavior.22 Poems, and rivalry between professional bards attached to the chief dynastic families, also explored the political theme of the historical right to claim the High Kingship of Ireland. This was the subject of several poems in an exchange known as the ‘Contention of the Bards’ from 1616-1624.23 The Contention proved to be the final flourishing of Dán Díreach poetry as after this date the strict style had been abandoned in favour of the looser Amhrán style. In this context poems were not simply a written expression of archaic themes that sought parallels for contemporary happenings in the distant past and mythology, but evolved to present a mix of historical example with contemporary concern on events and problems.

The poet as an adviser, and not simply a recorder of historic events, played an important role in a Gaelic lordship as he would be counted amongst the chief literati of the country (along with chronicler families, erenagh families and religious clerics) and his political message, refracted through poetic mechanisms such as motif and metaphor in communicating subtly his message to his patron. In lineage-based society knowledge of genealogy and history conferred poets with power and literary skill which placed

22 See, for example, the poem composed in c.1580 to Donough O’Brien, fourth Earl of Thomond, probably by Tadhg Mac Bruaideadha entitled Mór atá ar theagasc flatha (‘A major task to instruct a prince’). 23 On the contention see Lambert McKenna, (ed.). Iomarbhágh na bhfileadh : the contention of the bards. 2 pts. Irish Texts Society, Dublin, Vols 20 & 21, 1918.

7 them in the front ranks of the Gaelic elite.24 Servants of Gaelic lords, including poets, were said to possess the power to curse and ferment rebellion, making them a target for arrest and execution by English officials.25

In the Mac Conmara lordship four praise poets written by secular hereditary poets have survived, and eulogize Clann Mhic Conmara genealogy and their claims over territories and subordinate septs.26 What survives of the corpus of bardic poetry and genealogies is but a fraction of what was written; it is no surprise that neglect, political instability and the deliberate targeting of Gaelic manuscripts by English soldiers reduced an extensive record to a fragment of its former scope.27

Bardic families of late medieval Thomond The bardic poets of Thomond, despite the prestige conferred on them because of their mastery of literature and usefulness in diplomacy, experienced difficulty in the sixteenth century. 28 Aside from English proclamations against the poets (such as the anti-poet statute of 1549), in 1572 Conor O’Brien, third Earl of Thomond, executed two poets who were connected to the dynastic house of Aodh O’Donnell, Lord of Tír Conaill. The act was viewed by the Irish annalist who recorded it as “treacherous” and was the “cause of satire and malediction to the Earl”.29

24 According to the Elizabethan poet, Edmund Spencer, the “bards…whose profession is to set forth the praises or dispraises of men in thir poems or rymes, the which are had in so high regard and estimation amongst them, that none dare displease them for fear to run into reproach thorough their offence, and to be made infamous in the mouths of all men. For their versus are taken up with a general applause, and usually sung at all feasts and meetings” [original spelling]. Edmund Spencer cited in John O’Donovan (ed) The Tribes of Ireland: A Satire by Aenghus O’Daly, (1852), re-print Cork, 1976, p.19. 25 David Edwards, “Two fools and a martial law commissioner: cultural conflict at the Limerick assize of 1606”, in Regions and Rulers in Ireland: 1100-1650: Essays for Kenneth Nicholls, David Edwards (ed.), Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2004, pp.237-265, p.250. It had become necessary from the 1580s for patrons to issue passports and signed passes to protect Gaelic poets from the clutches of English soldiers and officials who either killed or held poets for ransom under the pretence of anti-vagrancy laws and martial law. 26 The four poems that were written explicitly for a Mac Conmara audience and which have survived are: Buaine ina a aois iomradh Taidhg composed in the early 17th century by the Ulster poet Somhairle Mac an Bhaird [MS RIA710]; Rug cabhair ar Chloinn gCoileain composed by Maolmhuire Ó Moirin in the early 17th century [MS RIA710]; Coin airdfhiaidhigh Clann Choileain composed by Eoghan Mac Craith in the 14th century [MS RIA710]; and Cread fa seachnaim Siol Aodha? composed by Domhnall [MS RIA 784]. 27 Kenneth W. Nicholls, “Genealogy”, The Heritage of Ireland, Neil Buttimer, Colin Rynne, Helen Guerin (eds), The Collin Press, Cork, 2000, pp.156-160, p.157. 28 On the professional bardic poet’s extensive training and dexterity of language and verse see Brian Ó Cuív, “The Linguistic Training of the Medieval Irish Poet”, Celtica, Vol.10, 1973, pp.114-140. 29 See the entry for 1572 in the Annals of the Four Masters.

8 Little is known about the motivation of the Earl who did not abandon the traditional patronage of men of learning. This is true of the Mac Bruaideadha poets and chroniclers who acted as his court poets and were active in the upbringing of Conor’s anglicized and protestant son, Donough O’Brien, the fourth Earl of Thomond. Donough was accompanied by Tadhg Mac Bruaideadha, hereditary poet, to England where he was educated and reared at the English Court. Tadhg probably composed an inaugural ode for Donough in 1580 titled Mór atá ar theagasc flatha (‘A major task to instruct a prince’) and despite Donough’s anglicizing policies and his position as the chief Gaelic loyalist in North Munster, he maintained professional court poets until his death in 1624.30 This demonstrates the esteemed position that the professional panegyrist was held, by even an anglicized magnate. To this end, while Gaelic society in Clare was in decline from the later sixteenth century, it was still an orbit of attraction for leading Gaelic magnates, despite their outwardly anglicized appearance and policies. Further, we are reminded that the fourth Earl of Thomond – known as the ‘Great Earl’ due to this services rendered to the crown – had not lost touch of the importance of genealogy and lineage, an essential requisite in Gaelic society where patronage was based on relationships and kinship. The role of professional poets tells us something of the inner-minds of the Gaelic elite – even of those anglicized Gaelic magnates.31

Thomond was one of the most coherent Gaelic lordships and it comprised a series of smaller lordships that were traditionally under the control of the Uí Bhriain kings and later, Earls of Thomond, after the submission of Murrough O’Brien to Henry VIII in 1543. The Gaelic resurgence of the previous two centuries was strengthened in Thomond through the relevance of lineage and kinship in determining control over territory.32 The period saw a renewed vigor in the patronage of bardic poets and production of genealogies.33 A ruling lineage that managed to successfully assert its claims to land and

30 Bernadette Cunningham, “Native Culture and Political Change in Ireland, 1580-1640”, in Ciaran Brady & Raymond Gillespie (eds) Natives and Newcomers: Essays on the Making of Irish Colonial Society 1534-1641, Irish Academic Press, Dublin 1986, pp.148-170, p.154. Also see Brian Ó Cuív, “An Elegy on Donnchadha Ó Briain, Fourth Earl of Thomond”, Celtica, Vol.XVI, pp.87-105, p.89. 31 On the role of poetry on the minds of the Gaelic see Michelle O Riordan, The Gaelic Mind and the Collapse of the Gaelic World. 32 On the revival of the Uí Bhriain see Seán Duffy (ed) et. al., Medieval Ireland: An Encyclopedia, Routledge, New York, 2005, p.459. This reference dates the ‘Uí Bhriain revival’ from the battle of Dyert O’Dea in 1318 and from 1370 when Brian Sreamhach Ó Bhriain, king of Thomond, won a victory over the earl of Desmond south of the Shannon and sacked Limerick. This left the Uí Bhriain one of the most powerful Gaelic dynasties in Ireland. 33 On an overview of the Irish genealogies and their usefulness and limitations see Kenneth W. Nicholls, “The Irish Genealogies: Their Value and Defects”, The Irish Genealogist, Vol.5, No.2, 1975, pp.256-261. Nicholls discusses the Mac Conmara genealogies and refers to MS. 23.L.37 which records the Mac Conmara lineage from c.1380 down to the eighteenth century and which was preserved by a

9 the customary right to levy tribute over vassal-septs conferred power and independence on itself.

Over time, successful lineages consolidated their proprietorial interests and often the secular literati – poets, chroniclers and brehon lawyers – were granted land either rent- free or on special terms in order to serve the administrative and status needs of the chiefly lineage and transmitted their valued (and guarded) knowledge by hereditary means.34 The granting of lands to literati families on favourable tenurial conditions rested on a system of tribute and obligation to the ruling lineage, pointing to the semi-feudalised arrangements that were extant in late medieval Gaelic lordships.

Another literate class were the coarb and erenagh families who enjoyed quasi-clerical status and who were found in the Gaelic church lands of the northern and western regions. Many church lands in West Clann Chuiléin were monastic lands such as the St Augustine monastery of Inisgad (Canon’s Island in the Fergus river) the churches and monasteries at Dromcliffe, Quin, Clare Abbey, Tomfinlough and the island monasteries of Feenish and Inishloe. There were other church, or termon lands, at Clonloghan, Kilmaleery and Kilnasoolagh that were attached to the bishopric of Killaloe.35 The ecclesiastical centres employed scribes to copy and produce manuscripts and one historian has suggested that certain sections of the Caithreim Thoirdhealbhaigh and the Latin section of the annals of Inisfallen for the period 1311- 1319 may have been drawn from annals compiled under Mac Conmara patronage at the Franciscan house at Ennis in the fourteenth century.36 succession of various scribes who were copying from a literary exemplar. 34 Patrick Nugent, The Gaelic clans of Co. Clare and their territories 1100-1700 A.D, Geography Publications, Dublin, 2007, p.32. Also see David Green, “The Professional Poets”, in Brian Ó Cuív, Seven Centuries of Irish Learning 1000-1700, Stationary Office, Dublin, 1961, pp.45-57. On lawyers and chroniclers see D.A. Binchy “Lawyers and Chroniclers” in Brian Ó Cuív (ed.), Seven Centuries of Irish Learning 1000-1700, Mercier Press, Cork, 1971,pp.58-86. and Katherine Simms, The Poetic Brehon Lawyers, Unpublished paper presented to the University of California Celtic Conference, March 2000. 35 On the termon lands of these parishes see Luke McInerney, “Clerics and Clansmen: The Vicarages and Rectories of Tradraighe in the Fifteenth Century”, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, Vol, 48, 2008, footnote 53. Also see the specific recording of denominations in these parishes in the inquisition taken on 27 January 1586 into the landholding of Seán Mac Conmara, in the barony of Dangan-i- viggin, in R.W Twigge, Materials for a History of Clann Cuilein, Add MS 39260, Twigge Collection, British Library, pp 180-6. . 36 Aoife Nic Ghiollamhaith, “Kings and Vassals in Later Medieval Ireland: The Uí Bhriain and the MicConmara in the Fourteenth Century”, Colony and Frontier in Medieval Ireland, Essays Presented to J. F. Lydon, eds., Terry Barry, Robin Frame and Katherine Simms, Hambledon Press, London, 1995, pp.201-216, p.203.

10 The Uí Mhaoilchonaire of Ardkyle are credited with producing several important pieces of literature in the sixteenth century. This great chronicler and poetic family settled in Thomond in the 1540s and were under the patronage of both the Mac Conmara and Uí Bhriain where they held a school of poetry and acted as public notaries, appearing on legal documents during the sixteenth century.37 The 1587 copy of the Táin Bó Cuailnge in the hand of Iollann Ó Maoilchonaire is preserved at Maynooth College Library,38 and the now lost 1611 Leabhar Oiris which contained Mac Conmara genealogies dating from c.1380, and which was copied by David Ó Bruadair in 1671 and re-copied by Seaghan Stac in 1708, was also produced by the Uí Mhaoilchonaire.39 The Uí Mhaoilchonaire professional school of history at Ardkyle must have ceased prior to 1618 when Muiris Ó Maoilchonaire signed over his hereditary lands to the fourth Earl of Thomond and shifted residence to Shandangan in the parish of Kilmurry.40 Such a move signalled the end of the great Irish tradition of tutoring bardic-poetry and the art of chronicling in specialists schools, though various Uí Mhaoilchonaire scribes are recorded until the end of the seventeenth century in retaining and copying manuscripts; but as a school which tutored young men for a profession in bardic poetry and chronicling, Ardkyle was at an end.

Chieftains and patrons: The Mac Conmara and evidence from the poem The bardic poem Créad fá seachnaim síol Aodha? was composed by Domhnall Ó Maoilchonaire of Ardkyle for his patron, Seán mac Taidhg Mac Conmara, chieftain of West Clann Chuiléin. It was possibly composed for Seán’s inauguration in 1571 when he attained the chieftainship. In that year, his father Tadhg died, leaving the

37 Brian Ó Dálaigh, “The Uí Mhaoilchonaire of Thomond” [forthcoming]. 38 See Má Nuad, MS C1 and Pádraig Ó Fiannachta, Clár Lámhscríbhinní Gaeilge Choláiste Phádraig Má Nuad, Má Nuad, 1968 fasc. v, lch. 1. William O’Sullivan suggests that the texts Auraicept na nÉces and Acallam in Dá Shuad were produced by Uí Mhaoilchonaire scribes at Ardkyle. See William O’Sullivan, “The Book of Ó Dhuibhdábhoireann, Provenance and Codicology”, p.290. 39 Kenneth W. Nicholls, “The Irish Genealogies: Their Value and Defects”, p.258. R.W Twigge quotes the colophon of the MS 23 L.37 as stating, “This genealogy was copied by Daibith O’Bruadar in the year 1671, the 8th March, from the Historical Book of Clann Uí Mhaoilchonaire which they compiled 60 years before that period ie. in the year 1611 and was rewritten in Cork by John Stack [Seaghan Stac], in the year of Salvation 1708”. See R.W Twigge, Materials for a History of Clann Cuilein, Add MS 39264, Twigge Collection, British Library, p.16. 40 See Brian Ó Dálaigh, “The Uí Mhaoilchonaire of Thomond” [forthcoming] and Petworth House Archives, Chichester, West Sussex, ‘Humble petition of Daniel oge O Mulconnery, 1638’, MS 5402.

11 lordship of West Clann Chuiléin (modern day baronies of Upper and Lower Bunratty) to Seán, until his death in February 1602. The Mac Conmara were styled as tighearna (lords) of Clann Chuiléin in the medieval period and had colonized east Clare in the wake of the defeat and expulsion of the Norman colony at Tradraighe in 1318. After the capture of Bunratty castle in 1332 — the former caput manor of the De Clares — the Mac Conmara levied a tribute on subject clans in east Clare and consolidated their political ambition by securing important dynastic marriage alliances outside of Thomond. The Mac Conmara emerged as the principal uirríthe of the Uí Bhriain kings by the mid-fourteenth century.41

Seán Mac Conmara, therefore, was the chieftain of a leading branch of the Mac Conmara clan coined in the genealogies as ‘Fionn’; the Mac Conmara Reagh lineage dominated in east Clare and were based at Mountallon.42 The poem by Domhnall Ó Maoilchonaire praises the lineage of Seán Mac Conmara and legitimises his rights of lordship and territory. Interestingly, the poem scans the historic territory of the Mac Conmara and encompasses all of east Clare from Rineanna in the south-west of Tradraighe on the Fergus estuary, to the port of Clonrush in the far north-east of Clare. This sweep of territory—and the inference of lordships rights over it—is probably poetic licence as West Clann Chuiléin comprised only mid-east Clare; however such a reference resonates the historical association of Mac Conmara lordship—real and aspirational—encompassing all of east Clare, irrespective of the Uí Bhriain patrimonial strip of land in Hy-Thoirdhealbhaigh on the western shore of Lough Derg, and Clonrush’s location in the Hy-Bloid patrimony of Uí Donghaile.

The poem touches on several other important themes. Unusually, the poem alludes to the high-status position of the poetic author and that his lands at Ardkyle constitute the demesne lands of the Mac Conmara lordship. In addition, specific reference is

41 See the entry for the year 1332 in Annalium Hiberniae Chronicon ad annum MCCCXLIX (The Annals of Ireland) by Friar John Clyn. Also see James Hardiman (ed), “Ancient Irish Deeds and Writings Chiefly relating to Landed Property from the Twelfth to Seventeenth Century: With Translation, Notes and a Preliminary Essay”, Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, Vol. XV, 1828, pp.43-47 for the Mac Conmara ‘rental’ of c.1330. 42 By the 1400s Uí Caisín was called Clann Chuiléin and was the territory of the McNamara Reagh and McNamara Fionn clans. The division of Uí Caisín occurred after the death of the Lochlain Mac Conmara in 1366. His two half sons, Teige and Aodh, agreed to the division of lands which Teige retained the lands of West Clann Chuiléin and Aodh in East Clann Chuiléin. N.C. MacNamara, The Story of an Irish Sept: Their Character and Struggle to Maintain their Lands in Clare, [1896] Re- published by Martin Breen, 1999, p.138.

12 made to Ardkyle and its prestige: róimh na healadhna an Árdchoill (‘Ardchoill—that Rome of the Arts’). The poem begins with the author, Domhnall Ó Maoilchonaire, returning from a journey through Ireland and recounts the pseudo-history of the Mac Conmara and their descent from Cais who settled Thomond in historic times.

The poem sets out the descent of several chiefly septs of the Mac Conmara who derive from Mac Con Mór — a Mac Conmara chieftain who flourished in c.1329.43 The four sons of Mac Con are detailed, including the districts where their hereditary lands were located: “Sliocht Shíoda Chaim” of Rosroe, the progenitor of the Mac Conmara Fionn lineage; “Sliocht Choin Méadha” of Rathlaheen; Sliocht Donchaidh of Ballyogan; and “Sliocht tSeaáin mhóir” who were the descendents of Seán an Gabhaltais (John the Conqueror), the progenitor of the Mac Conmara Reagh lineage. This section of the poem provides a ‘legitimising’ introduction to the medieval genealogy and underscores the kinship ties and common descent of the chiefly lines of the family.

The poem deals with the Uí Bloid clans whose original patrimony included the trícha cét units of east Clare.44 This section of the poem refers to the original position of the Uí Bloid and that their bailiwick was in Clare prior to the arrival (and expansion) of Clann Caisín. The poem, in an apparent reference to the wars between to the Mac Conmara, chiefs of Uí Caisín, and the Uí Bloid clans of the early fourteenth century, suggest that the Uí Bloid were an obstruction to Clann Caisín (ie Mac Conmara and allied vassals). Given that the expansion of the Mac Conmara into east Clare dates from the defeat of the Uí Bloid at the battle of Corcomroe in 1317, it is not surprising that this features as an important theme underlying expansion of the Mac Conmara and their colonisation of the lands of the defeated Uí Bloid. Much of this can be categorised as the poet attempting to cultivate a sense of the past – a continual connected flow of events that link the past with the present; it is only from this paradigm that contemporary events, in the minds of the bardic poet, can be divined.

43 See the Mac Conmara genealogical table in R.W. Twigge, The Pedigree of John MacNamara, Esquire, with some Family Reminiscences, 1908, re-print Martin Breen, Ruan 2006. 44 These include Uí Ronghaile, Uí Conghaile, Uí Cearnaigh and Uí -Ainmire, Uí Floinn, Uí Donghaile, Uí Thoirdhealbhaigh, Gleann Omra and Túath Echtghe, all of which were later comprised the rural deanery of ‘Omulled’.

13 In true style, the poem praises the Mac Conmara and their communal consumption of food which has parallels to the central tenet of maintenance of Gaelic lordship and chiefly right – the ability to levy cuid oidhche or hospitality rights (food tribute) over subject vassals. Hospitality rights of the household (muinntear) of the chieftain, which included his important retainers and learned families, were an ancient right levied on subject clients and which served to cement alliances and provide a form of food-tribute to the ruling lineage. The ability to levy hospitality rights was a source of prestige in an environment where food was scarce and the chieftain enjoyed the right to redistribute food to loyal followers; it also allowed a chieftain’s household to travel widely and be sustained by the food stores of subject vassals.45 Clearly the recurrent theme in Créad fá seachnaim síol Aodha? of communal drinking and feasting alludes to this theme. The hosting of feasts by Gaelic lords is also depicted in the poem and alludes to the themes of youthfulness and glorification of great deeds and violence.

The poems makes possible reference to the inauguration of Seán Mac Conmara, chieftain of West Clann Chuiléin in 1571. The wording hints at a traditional inauguration in the manner of Gaelic chieftains (tiaghaid uime a-niar ’s a-noir: ‘they will gather around him from West and East’) where the principal representatives of the leading septs of the lordship would gather in an assembly—oireacht— to anoint the toisech of the clan. In a typical bardic poetry motif, the author addresses the territory and land and refers to its goodness or ‘fertility’. In the scheme of the poet, this mention is of critical importance as it follows the reference to “the sweet voice of Seán” (acht binnghlór socair Sheaáin) and draws an explicit connection between the chieftains virtue and the productivity of the land, echoing ancient pagan beliefs in the favourable constellation of the land, fertility and leadership (Críoch iona lia mil is meas: ‘A land that is plentiful in honey and forest fruit’). There is, however, an element of ritualistic poetry here, as certain motifs are used time and again in demonstrating core poetic themes. For example, the espousal of a king or chieftain to

45 The practice of cuid oidhche was universal in Gaelic lordships and was also extant in the Scottish Highlands. See Robert A. Dodgshon, “Modeling chiefdoms in the Scottish Highlands and Islands prior to the ’45”, Celtic Chiefdom, Celtic State: The Evolution of Complex Social Systems in Prehistoric Europe, Bettina Arnoldt (ed), Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1995, pp.99-109, p.104. Dodgshon points out the ruling ‘chiefly lineage’ was keen to secure tenants to improve agricultural output and boost food stores that could be used to entice small septs to ally with larger lineages. The chiefly lineage could demonstrate their power through feats and control of food resources.

14 his territory and the attribution of fertility of the territory being among the portents of a rightful ruler, is an enduring theme in bardic poetry.46

The ideology of kinship was the linchpin in the clan system and underscored the political economy of lordship. The fiction that all constituent septs derive from a shared lineage was cultivated in order to ‘bind’ dependent vassal-sept to the ruling lineage to legitimise lordship and served as a rational response to the relative scarcity of labour in Gaelic lordships. Despite constant fracturing of ruling lineages and fluidity in the social hierarchy, kinship was invoked as a determinant in landholding47 and inheritance and this was reflected in the settlement landscape where the proprietorial mix was symbolic of the ideology of kinship. The spatial order was related to the patrimonial inheritance of lineages – big and small – as sept-estates of the freeholding septs were allocated lands based on their historical importance and contemporary status in a lordship.

This is also true of references to collateral septs in bardic poetry – only those septs that had an important connection or genealogical relationship to the chiefly lineage are praised and accorded a mention. The poem Créad fá seachnaim síol Aodha? mentions only two offshoot septs of the chiefly lineage of the Mac Conmara. The Mac Flannchadha (McClanchy) and Mac an Oirchinnigh (McEnerhiny)48 septs are the only independent lineages cited. Other notable lineages that were correlatives of Mac Conmara such as Uí Mhaoilchaoine (O’Mulqueeny)49 and Uí Chunnaigh50 and lesser septs such as the Maс Confhormaoile (McEnormoyle)51 and the distant noble branches

46 Michelle O Riordan, The Gaelic Mind and the Collapse of the Gaelic World, p.3. 47 Under the Irish law of cinn comhfhocuis the corporate lineage – a defined sept or clan group – was responsible for the acts of its members and this meant that litigation against one sept member could be extended to the sept as a whole. This had implications for disputes concerning landholding given that legal liability was not confined to an implicated individual, but to his wider kinship group who may have a joint interest in the partible sept-estate. Therefore kinship underpinned the Irish law codes. On cinn comhfhocuis see Kenneth W. Nicholls, Gaelic and Gaelicised Ireland in the Middle Ages, p.63. 48 On the descent of the Mac Flannchadha and Mac an Oirchinnigh from the Mac Conmara Fionn chiefly line see RIA MS 23. N12 pp.186-187 and RIA 23 L.37. The latter text dates from c.1380. See Kenneth W. Nicholls, “The Irish Genealogies: Their Value and Defects”, p.258. On the Mac an Oirchinnigh lineage also see RIA MS. 23.H22, p.11 which, according to the antiquarian R.W. Twigge, was copied in 1803 from a genealogical roll written in c.1588 by Maolín Óg Mac Bruaideadha, seanchaidhe of the O’Brien family of Thomond. See R.W Twigge, Materials for a History of Clann Cuilein, Add MS 39266, British Library, Twigge Collection, p.315 & p.317. 49 On the Uí Mhaoilchaoine see RIA MS 23. N12, pp.186-187. 50 On the Uí Chunnaigh see RIA 23.H 25, p.84. 51 Rev. Patrick Woulfe, Sloinnte Gaedheal is Gall: Irish Names and Surnames, Dublin, H. Gill & Son, 1923, p.339.

15 of the Síol Aodha such as the Uí Ícidhe, Uí Grada, and Uí Dhobharchon (chief family muinntear Lideadha) are notably absent.52

The Mac Flannchadha and Mac an Oirchinnigh were the chief vassal-septs of the Mac Conmara Fionn of West Clann Chuiléin in the late sixteenth century.53 Both septs had patrimonial lands in Tradraighe since at least as early as 1400.54 The Mac an Oirchinnigh featured in the Caithreim Thoirdhealbhaigh as allies of the Mac Conmara at the battles of Kilgorey and Corcomroe in 1309 and 1317 respectively.55 The Mac Flannchadha were a high status brehon clan who held numerous tower-houses in the vicinity of their principal seat at Urlanmore.

The poem initially recounts the Mac Flannchadha lineage as a collateral branch of the Mac Conmara, thereby establishing their credentials as a senior lineage connected to the ruling Mac Conmara Fionn clan of West Clann Chuiléin. The recording of Mac Flannchadha pedigree—and the clan’s progenitor Neill who flourished in the eleventh cenury—accords with the traditional genealogies.56 It is obvious that the poem’s composer, Domhnall Ó Maoilchonaire, had access to genealogical texts, many of which must have been available at the bardic school at Ardkyle which he was associated with. The stanzas focusing on the two vassal-septs of the Mac Conmara appropriately refer to the higher status Mac Flannchadha first, and recounts their status as a professional service family (barr ealadhna na hÉireann – ‘the most learned [skilled] in Ireland’).

The second stanza refers to the Mac an Oirchinnigh family, an important freeholding sept of the Mac Conmara, whose patrimonial lands were located in Tradraighe. Historically the sept was an erenagh lineage of east Clare. The poem correctly identifies the genealogical origins of the Mac an Oirchinnigh whose claimed

52 Nollaig Ó Muraíle (ed)., Leabhar Mór na nGenealach [The Great Book of Irish Genealogies], Dubhaltach Mac Fhirbhisigh, Vol. III., De Búrca, Dublin, 2003, p.693. 53 On their respective position in the lordship and the lands held in 1586 see Luke McInerney, “The West Clann Chuiléin Lordship in 1586: Evidence from a Forgotten Inquisition”. 54 Clerics of both septs feature in the Papal Registers from c.1411 in and around the parishes of Kilnasoolagh and Kilmaleery. For more detail see Luke McInerney, “Clerics and Clansmen: The Vicarages and Rectories of Tradraighe in the Fifteenth Century”. 55 Seán Mac Ruaidhri Mac Craith, Caithreim Thoirdhealbhaigh: The Triumphs of Turlough, Vol II p.38-41, 96, p.138. 56 See, for example, RIA MS 23. N12 pp.186-187 which states that Neil was the brother of the Mac Conmara chief Meanmon. According to the Annals of the Four Masters, Meanmon, ancestor to the ruling Mac Conmara lineage, died in 1014 [q.v. “Meanma, son of the lord of Uí-Caisín, died”].

16 progenitor was Donnchadha son of Domhnall. Donnchadha can be identified in the Mac Conmara pedigrees as the brother of Cúmara, king of Uí Caisín, who perished at the battle of Moin Mor in 1151.57 The poems makes mention of the specific calling of the Mac an Oirchinnigh as an erenagh family, in a similar vein as the poem refers to the professional position of the aforementioned Mac Flannchadha lineage. The poem achieves this by reference to the ‘successorship’ of the erenagh line (cf. ádhbhor – ‘right heir’ or successorship). The stanza, therefore, makes a clear genealogical link between the sept’s reputed progenitor, Donnchadha who served as an erenagh, and his ‘goodly descendents’ (déighshíol) which were an established sept in the sixteenth century (Ag sin síol an tora[i]dh thruim – ‘Behold the line of great descent’) and worthy of praise as a collateral vassal sept of the senior Mac Conmara lineage.

Familiarity with the origins of these two Mac Conmara sub-septs is not surprising. Detailed genealogies would have been available to the bardic poets and they would have been expected to recount the chief genealogical (actual and fake) relationships that underpinned Mac Conmara lordship. The enumeration of important vassal-septs was also significant as the audience for the poem would not have been solely Seán Mac Conmara as patron and clan chieftain but the broader assembly—effectively a political community—of the chief vassals in the lordship and sought to inspire a shared sense of kinship. Therefore the recording of these two landholding vassal- septs was deliberate and significant; not least because the essence of Gaelic lordship rested on genealogically-inspired relationships that underpinned land proprietorship and sustained patron-client dependency. The ability to ‘bind’ minor landholding lineages and client farmers to the chiefly clan was critical as economic exchange, to a large degree, rested on ruling clans extending their sway – through the supply of public goods like protection and food security – over clients and maintaining them as food and tribute renders.

57 This relationship is set down in several Mac Conmara pedigrees including RIA 23 N.12, pp.187-189 which states: “Cúmara—dá dearbhráithir Donnchadh sinnsir Chloinne an Oirchinnigh, [agus] Maoileachluinn ó bhfuilid Clann Uí Mhaoilchaoine”. Also see RIA MS 23. L37 pp.172-173 whose original exemplar dates from c.1380 and states: “Bhádar tri mic lais a nDomhnall sin .i. Cu Mara a quo Clann Mheigh Conmara. Donchadh Oirchinneach a quo Clann Mhic an Oirchinnicch. Maolseachluin Mainech a quo gabhul Mhaoilseachluinn Mhainicc”. Also see Luke McInerney, “Luke McInerney, ‘Survey of the McInerney Sept of Thomond: Part I’, The Other Clare, vol. 31, 2007, pp. 67-72 .

17 The final two stanzas return to the theme of journey and surveying the landscape, but here the focus is on the patrimonial inheritance of Clann Chuiléin. This is a typical poetic theme in that the poet assesses his patron’s lordship and extols its virtues; here we are told that Rineanna was associated with shipping and that Clonrush served as a port. This is effectively the eastern and western extremity of the poet’s imaginary ‘patrimony’ of Seán Mac Conmara as a chieftain of West Clann Chuiléin; but the poet’s real purpose may be to conjure reminiscences of historic lordship when Clann Chuiléin controlled east Clare under a single chiefly Mac Conmara lineage.

What is intriguing is that both of these locations are claimed to be under the lordship of Seán Mac Conmara. Evidently this is ‘aspirational’ lordship and probably employed here to assert the chiefly and historical right of the Mac Conmara Fionn over far-flung territories, some of which had passed to their correlatives the Mac Conmara Reagh. Some had never been subject to lordship. Clonrush fell within the Hy-Bloid patrimony of Uí Donghaile and was under the suzerainty of the coarb family of Uí Ghráda. This area fell under the colonisation of much of east Clare by the Mac Conmara Reagh in fourteenth century, but the chief vassal lineage of the túath were the Uí Gráda who held extensive ecclesiastical lands at Tearmann Uí Ghráda in nearby Tuamgraney parish.58 Slieve Feilim, by contrast, was never under Mac Conmara lordship, but its inclusion may allude to the early medieval Déisi connection to south Tipperary, prior to their remergence as the Dál gCais who conquered east Clare in the eighth century and were the ancestors of the Mac Conmara and their allied branches and clans, the Clann Caisín.

Likewise, the reference to ‘Luchaid of the steep hillsides’ is ambiguous as this was located in Kilkeedy parish in Inchiquin barony and was under Uí Bhriain control. Its usage in the poem is symbolic as it completes the geographical ‘survey’ of lordship serving as a theoretical northern extremity, while the mention of the Slieve Feilim mountains serves as the southern anchor of ‘aspirational’ lordship stretching down to the Limerick-Tipperary border. These references should be taken in their non-literal anti-historical sense – that they are used by the poet to indicate the virtue of the Mac Conmara patrimony which stretched from east to west and north to south, and are read in the context of the poet’s own journey back to Clann Chuiléin.

58 Patrick Nugent, The Gaelic clans of Co. Clare and their territories 1100-1700 A.D, p.148.

18 Textual Notes and Commentary The poem survives in several manuscripts, including RIA MS 784 (q.v. MS 23.G.9) which was copied by the renowned poet and scion of the professional Mac Cruitín poetic family, Aindrias Mac Cruitín, in 1708. The poem was also copied by Mac Cruitín’s well known kinsman Aodh Buidhe Mac Cruitín in 1712, whose poetic compositions have come down to us. The manuscript which preserves MS 784 is a miscellany of verse and Irish language documents such as Geoffrey Keating’s Foras feasa ar Éirinn and was assembled by Aindrias Mac Cruitín, himself a prolific poet.59 Unfortunately, the original exemplar for MS 784 is not known but it is likely that it was assembled from a variety of sources, given the type of material copied.

The poem called Créad fá seachnaim síol Aodha? is composed in the traditional Deibhidhe manner which is a subset of Dán Díreach verse. Deibhidhe style was typical of the milieu of poetry forms mastered by professional poets and indicated a level of accomplishment for a bardic poet, due to its strict adherence to complex rules and metre. Normally such poems were composed in darkness and initially learnt by wrote, before being committed to manuscript form.60 Often they were written to be sung, with some musical accompaniment such as harp and pipes.61 Bardic compositions were a highly considered and labour intensive product. Indeed, the market for bardic services was deep and Gaelic and Anglo-Irish patrons handsomely remunerated their poets with money and lands, not least because the function of poet was also that of adviser and many sought additional employment as tutors to aristocratic sons.62

59 There are some 38 poems lodged at the Royal Irish Academy that are attributed to Aindrias Mac Cruitín. I am grateful for the advice on the holdings of the RIA by Bernadette Cunningham. 60 Little is know about the technique of poetical composition. According to a 1722 account by Thomas O’Sullivan from Tipperary, hereditary poetic families tutored students in remote places where, in a bardic school, students worked in cubicles furnished with beds. Students would recline on the beds in darkness and perfect poetical compositions before committing them to manuscript form and criticism by learned masters in the assembly place. Typically, the training lasted for six to seven years, though classes ran from November to March. Robin Flower, The Irish Tradition, pp.95-96. 61 Kenneth W. Nicholls, Gaelic and Gaelicised Ireland in the Middle, p.95. 62 An example of payment given to bardic poets is that of Gofraidh Fionn Ó Dálaigh who made a pact with Conor O’Brien, third Earl of Thomond, that O’Brien would pay Ó Dálaigh one horse annually for a single-quatrain mention in the bard’s poems. For the patron, such an exchange ensured publicity when the poem was read in the courts of other Gaelic lords. James Carney, The Irish Bardic Poet, p.15.

19 Deibhidhe style which the below poem was composed in has several chief characteristics. First, all lines comprise seven syllables and two words alliterate in each line. Also, the final word in the fourth line in each stanza alliterates with the previous stressed word. This contrasts sharply to the more fluid and unsophisticated poems, often in imperfect rhyme called bruíilingeacht. Créad fá seachnaim síol Aodha?, however, departs from the more usual Dunadh style whereby the poem ends on the same word as it begun. This is unusual for a Dán Díreach poem composed by a professional bardic poet and could be because part of the ending of the poem is missing, or was never scribed by a copyist.

The poem below benefits from editing by Dr Damian McManus and his team at Trinity College, Dublin. To this end, this is the first attempt at an approximate translation. Deibhidhe-metre is one of the least capable of adaptation to modern ears and appears somewhere stilted when read in English. Nonetheless, bardic poems can serve as a new focus on research into Gaelic lordships and the mentality of the Irish learned class and, used with caution, can be mined for factual historical information.63 It is with this is mind that Créad fá seachnaim síol Aodha? can throw some light onto the social history of an otherwise little studied Gaelic polity, the sixteenth century lordship of West Clann Chuiléin in modern Clare.

63 On the historical relevance of bardic poet as a source for research see Katherine Simms, “Bardic poetry as a historical source”, in T. Dunne (ed.,) The Writer as Witnesses, Historical Studies XVI, Cork, 1987, pp.58-75.

20 Créd fá seachnaim síol Aodha? Why do I avoided the descendants of Aodh? síol frisarbh f[h]err iontaobha siol fíneamhna is trom A family in whom it is better to trust tora[i]dh A family of the vines bearing the heaviest fruit ríghealbha a fonn f(h)ionnAdhair. Regal herd from the land of fair Adhair.

Síol sin is uaisle ná an t-ór A Tribe more noble than gold, síol Aodha is truime tionól Descendents of Aodh of the mightiest siol na ríogh ó Cheann Choradh assemblies, síol na cceall do chothúghadh. Descendents of the kings of Kincora1 A Tribe that nurtures the churches. Filleadh orra ní leasg leam d’éis mo chuarta air f[h]edh Éireann I am not reluctant to return to them cóir toighiocht ’na ccoinne céim After my journey throughout Ireland ó oighreacht chloinne Coiléin. I should take a step towards Clann Coiléin2 on account of their heritage. A ndearrmad ní dhlíghim féin do-gheibhim ó chloinn Choiléin I should not forget a n-ám cómhóla is caithmhe what I have received from Clann Coiléin, barr onóra is órduighthe. [at] their times of communal drinking and feasting, A-tá m’ferann fós fúthaibh Great honour and status. mé aca ní handúth(ch)aigh seanádhba(dh) nách cóir do choill My land is held from them róimh na healadhna an Árdchoill. I am no a stranger among them: Ardchoill – that Rome of the arts3 Don Mhumhain [do] ghabh[s]a(i)d greim Old abode that should not be violated. deighshliocht Luighdhioch Menn mhéirsheing ar ccur cúil ré mín Mumhan They took possession of Munster4 do thnúth ré tír Tuadhmhumhan. Goodly descendants of fair narrow-fingered Lugaidh Meann5 Leo Port Láirge is Luimneach Luirc Turning their backs on fair [mid] Munster is Caisiol na ccraobh n-orrdairc In anticipation of Thomond. sealbh an fhuinn ag clannaibh Cais a-nallainn do dhruim dúthchais. Theirs was Waterford and Limerick of Lurc,6 And Cashel of the noble branches, Fá leó múr Cliach is Cláire The possession of the land by the tribe of Cas, is Dún eochair fhionnMháighe In this direction, on account of their inheritance. fa [leg. ’sa[n] fonn mhín im linn Luimnigh gur fhill don tír Tuaidhmhuimhnigh. Theirs were the forts of Cliu and Clare [castle]7 and Dun Eochair by the fair Maigue8, Ceithre mic maithe ag mac Con In the level land in the Limerick district, Síoda Cám, Séa[a]n séaghmar, Until they returned to the lands of Thomond. Cu(í) Mheadha, Donchadh dealbhdha torcha(i)r feadha fíneamhna. Four goodly sons had Mac Con: Síoda Cam9, Sean the excellent, Sliocht Shíoda Chaim ón Ros ruaidh Cuvea, and Donnchadh the statuesque, sliocht airar lia mná is marcshluagh Offspring of the sylvan vine. laoich neamhchumhga ar thaille in tuir c(h)eathramhna aille in iobhair. Descendents of Sioda Cam of Rosroe10 Descendants of a district of beautiful women and horsemen, Sliocht Cho(i)n Méadha mór a mbrígh Generous warriors on the battlements of the ríoghraidh réidh Rátha Laithín tower is laochradh bhenn Bhaile an tSléibhe The district of the cliff of the yew tree.11 dream gan aire air aimhréidhe. Descendants of Con Mheadh: great was their strength, Sliocht Donchaidh an ghuirm (á)gha ghéir Steady royalty of Rathlaheen12 laochraidh Bhéil Átha hOighnéin Warriors of the peaks of Ballintlea13 ní clú a n-aisgidh fuair soin Who paid no heed to confusion. buaidh ngaisgidh ar in laochraidh.

21 Descendants of Donnchadh of distinguished, keen valour, sliocht mhic Taidhg na ttres neimhneach Warriors of Ballyogan14 sluagh trealmhach bruthmhar buadhach They did not receive their glory as a free gift cruthghlan mheanmnach mharshluaghach. Triumph of arms of the warriors. Sliocht tSeaáin mhóir mhic mic Con Descendants of Sean Mór, son of Mac Con, san lorg díreach linn leanturcoill In the direct line we follow: chnuasaigh gan chéim ccoire Fruitful branch without a step of trespass suas san réim Ríoghraidhe. Upward on the Succession list of Kings.

Tús is deiridh a n-am áigh The descendants of Aodh have the beginning a-tá ag síol Aodha d’úrláimh and end in every time of battle, caorshluagh budh buaine brígh Berry-red army of enduring vigour and is guaille eoil gach áirdrigh. force, The shoulder of knowledge of every high- Cas mhic Conaill na ccolg síth king. do-níd fál do chloinn Chaisín beag ’gá ttéid im chlaon aicme Cas son of Conall of the bristling peace, dá ghéig chumhra chlannmhaicne. Father of brave Blod and Casin. Scarcely are they likely to become a faulty class Fine Bhloid go teacht dá ttír Two fragrant offspring of an honorable family.15 athair Bhloid chródha is Chaisín bheith fá ccoimh dóibh is daingne The tribe of Blod were an obstruction to Clann Caisin, slógh nár choill a ccómhairge. before Clann Caisin came to their country, It is most secure to be under their protection Beith riú go héadmar ní háil A host that did not violate their protection.16 sliocht Bhloid is seintsliocht tSeaáin do-dhén féin d’uaim ré ar-oile To be jealous of them cannot avail, da dhuain don réim ríoghraighe. The descendants of Blod and ancient line of Sean, Mac Con Mara nár mhuigh mhionn I myself joined together17 a shlán fá uaislibh Éirionn two poems that enumerate the kings. aonúmhla d’aon acht d’úa Bhriain ríoghar is flaitheamhlar a finnChlia[i]ch. Mac Con Mara who never broke oath, their surety on the nobility of Ireland D’éis buadha do bhreith a ttroid [2a] of any deed of the Uí Bhriain, a mbreith féin is ann iarraid The kings and princes of fair Cliu18 go ttriallaid a cceann chosgair ní iarraid teann tuarusdail. After victory in their battles Their own choice was to seek An ghasradh ghreadhach ghrádhach The victorious circuit torthach trédach thiodhlaictheach. Rather than a firm reward. tromdhámhach torthach [leg. tairtheach?] as-tigh cómhdhalach caithfeach coibhsigh. The joyous and loving youths, Tippling, supping, drinking, Tiaghaid uime a-niar ’s a-noir Fond of good, productive company, síol Aodha an aigne uasail Conventions, partying, and clan-gatherings. fiú an fhocail d’iomrádh ní háil acht binnghlór socair Sheaáin. They will gather around him from West and East Críoch iona lia mil is meas The descendants Aodh, of the noble mind, críoch ionar mó gach maitheas They desire to hear no word except críoch (io)’nar lia do bhuaibh bleachta the sweet voice of Seaáin.19 is (io)’na lia cruacha [leg. cruaigh?] cruithneachta. A land that is plentiful in honey and forest Críoch easach innseach éarach fruit, críoch chruithgheal chaomh chaisleánach A land that is full of every good thing Críoch shéadach fholtach fhuilteach A land of many milking cows torthach trédach thiodhlaictheach. and bountiful wheat stacks. Ó Thadhg mhic mic Con na ccreach

22 A district of waterfalls, islands and airiness, A district of bright shape and beautiful castles, A district of gems, fine locks [of hair] and fine bloodlines Fruitful, with herds and gifts.

From Tadhg the grandson of Mac Con of the campaigns, Descendants of the son of Tadhg of the virulent battles, A hard-headed group, ardent and victorious, Shapely, high-spirited, cavalrymen.20 Behold the descendants of fair Flannchadha, Fríth lé sliocht Flannchadha finn Son of Neill, the son of the renowned Aodh21, meic Néill meic Aodha d’uirrim A praiseworthy people of not lacking in favour lucht deaghgharma nách gann geall The most learned [skilled] in Ireland. barr ealadhna na hÉireann. Behold the line of great descent, Ag sin síol an tora[i]dh thruim Goodly descendants of Donnchadha son of déighshíol Donchadha meic Domhnaill Domhnall22, síol lámhghlanr nách síol singil A progeny of clean hands that are not síol ádhbhor an oirchinnigh. impoverished23 Descendents with right-claim to [the successorship of] the Ceithre treithe thuilleas ann erenagh.24 gaisge is fírinne is fulang gan díth féile ar fhlaith Leamhna Characteristics for which they are reputed maith na tréithe tí(a)ghearna. Bravery, veracity, endurance, Without lack of hospitality for the Princes of Ó Rinn Eanach na n-eathar Leamhna críoch cómhfhada cóimhleathan Good traits for a lord. gus an ccaladh fá Chluain Ruis nár hanadh uaibh ’na n-éagmais. From Rineanna25 of the ships, A district broad and long. Ó Luchad na learg ndomhain To the port of Clonrush,26 ceart búr ccríche an ccualamhair From which you were seldom dispossessed bhúr ttarrang ar ttriall uime [?]. go sliabh álainn Fhéilime. From Luchaid27 of the steep hillsides, Be it known the extent of your patrimony, Drawing you after travelling about it, To the beautiful Slieve Feilim.28

23 24 1 Brian Ború’s royal residence nearby Killaloe. 2 The septs that comprised the Clann Coiléin mentioned in the fourteenth century saga Caithreim Thoirdhealbhaigh included: McInerneys, O’Hartigans, O’Kinergans, O’Halys, McConduffs, O’Meehans, McBinys, O’Keatys, McCraiths, O’Kelechars, O’Quinns O’Gerans, O’Molonys, O’Malleys, O’Hallorans, O’Currys, O’Slatterys, and the O’Hessias. Notably absent were the O’Mulqueenys and McClancys [anglicised forms]. 3 This could also read as ‘Ardchoill - that sanctuary of learning’ as róimh (Rome) in this context indicates a learned central place. 4 Probably an archaic reference to the mythical Lugaidh, son of Ithe, the first (Milesian) discoverer of Ireland, and his original patrimony in mid Munster (ie. Waterford and Tipperary). 5 Lugaidh Meann, third century King of Munster, of the Dál gCais tribe, took from Connaught the territory afterwards called the county of Clare, and added it to north Munster (Tuadhmhumhan). Although the Dál gCais claimed kinship to the royal Eóganacht, they belonged to the Munster Déisi tribe based between Waterford, south Tipperary and west Limerick. While legends point to their conquest of east Clare in the third century, their historical expansion can only be dated to the early eighth century. 6 Ráth Luirc situates in Cork on the southern Limerick border. The modern name is Charleville. 7 Clarecastle (Clár Atha Dá Choradh) situated near the royal fort, or Dún, of the Uí Bhriain at Clonroad that was mentioned in the fourteenth century saga Caithreim Thoirdhealbhaigh. A motte-and-bailey fort was erected at Clarecastle in c.1250 by the Norman, Robert de Muscegros, which passed to Thomas de Clare in 1276. After the battle of Dysert O’Dea it fell to the Uí Bhriain and served as a principal residence into the sixteenth century. Cliú (Cliach) is a territory in eastern Limerick and south Tipperary and historically was associated with the overlord Eóganacht dynasty and later the tribal group known as the Déisi Tuisceart, or Dál gCais. The barony of Owney in modern Limerick was historically called Uaithne Cliach. 8 Dun Eochair Maighe was a fort situated at Bruree in south-west Limerick and built by Brian Ború on a royal dún that dated from the time of Oilioll Ollum, second century king of Munster. 9 The Annals of the Four Masters records for 1369 that after Limerick capitulated to the forces of Brian Ó Briain, Síoda Cam Mac Conmara assumed wardenship of the town but was treacherously slain by the English of Limerick. 10 Rosroe is in Kilmurry-na-gall parish. 11 This could be read as ‘the district of the yew-cliff’. 12 Rathlaheen is in Tomfinlough parish. 13 Ballintlea is in Kilfintinan parish. 14 Ballyogan is in Kilraghtis parish. 15 The clans that composed the Uí Bloid included O’Aherns, O’Shanahan, O’Gradys, O’Kennedys, O’Duracks , O’Connollys, O’Muldoons, O’Lonergans, O’Moloneys. 16 This stanza appears to refer to the original patrimony of the Uí Bloid in east Clare and the fourteenth century expansion of the Mac Conmara (Clann Caisín) into their territories. 17 This may refer to the ancient kinship between the Uí Bloid and Clann Caisín who descended from their common progenitor, Cas. 18 This line connects the Uí Bhriain, as the leading Dál gCais lineage, to the ancient territory of Cliú (Cliach) that is located in eastern Limerick and southern Tipperary and was where the Déisi Tuisceart tribe expanded from into Clare. An important branch of the Uí Bhriain settled at Pubblebrien during the middle ages which was contiguous with the ancient territory of Cliú. 19 This appears to be Seán Mac Conmara, chieftain of West Clann Chuiléin. This stanza may refer to his inauguration as toisech in 1571. 20 This refers to another sept of the Mac Conmara fionn lineage. Tiege was the grandson of Mac Con Mór who flourished in c.1329. Teige was closely related to the four sons of Mac Con Mór enumerated in the poem as his father was Lochlainn who, according to one genealogy, was another son of Mac Con Mór. See the pedigree in R.W. Twigge, The Pedigree of John MacNamara, Esquire, with some Family Reminiscences. 21 The recounting of the progenitor of the Mac Flannchadha lineage is in agreement with the Mac Conmara genealogies. See See RIA 23 N.12, pp.187-189 and RIA E.iv.4. f.28, for example. 22 The recounting of Donnchadh, the son of Domhnaill as the progenitor of the Mac an Oirchinnigh lineage is in agreement with the Mac Conmara genealogies. See RIA 23 N.12, pp.187-189 and RIA MS 23. L37 pp.172-173. 23 This could be literally translated as “seed of the clean hand and not a useless/solitary seed”. The literal poetic meaning is ‘a clean-handed seed, not solitary [ie. multitudinous]’. 24 Ádhbhor can be interpreted as ‘right heir’ and sometimes used in the context of ecclesiastical succession. Alternatively it can mean as apprentice as in ádhbhor sagairt (clerical student). If the latter interpretation is more accurate the line could read ‘descendants of the apprentice/servant of the erenagh’. 25 Rineanna is in Kilconry parish and exposed to the Shannon river to the west and south. 26 This is Clonrush parish in northeast Clare next to Lough Derg. 27 This is Kilkeedy parish in Inchiquin barony where there situated the Bridge of Lochaid, which is mentioned by Geoffrey Keating as spanning the boundary of the Province of Connaught and the territory of the Dál gCais. 28 Slieve Feilim mountains in eastern Limerick and south-west Tipperary.

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