Migrant Women's Journeys in the West and East

Migrant women's journeys in the west and east

Jasbir Panesar and Tony Wailey, University of East London, UK

Paper presented at SCUTREA, 31st Annual Conference, 3-5 July 2001, University of East London

THIRD World country communities are often required to make several journeys to resolve their identities as learners and citizens. Many have travelled from their homeland to European countries with visions of a better life. It is how this journey is negotiated within a cycle of Adult Learning that is at the heart of this paper. Whether the narrative extends beyond the homeland and if, due to causes of war, persecution or for economic reasons, to settle in the European state is not a cause for learning in itself.

Migrant women's issues bring a particular point to any 'image' of citizenship within the context of imagining and belonging (Anderson 1983).

Each country's interpretation of active citizenship is reflected by its own socio-economic development. Different aspects of learning and change force migrants to adapt to their new circumstances, but at the same time preserve their dignity. Survival involves preserving cultures, control over the level of integration into the host society, taking on any form of employment available and unity with other migrant communities. Migrant communities, whether from the European states or Third World countries, have historically been perceived to be outsiders to the views of 'the community' or 'society' and with added speculations around the debate that those of different 'colour' can be in some ways at a further disadvantage (Pandayi 1999). Assister (1999) states that citizenship means active commitment by the majority for the marginalised people who, because of their journeys, necessarily view the world from a different perspective. Is this not a pious hope that concerns the transitional boundaries of time as well as 'family' concerns within the host and migrant community? For people who have left their country as an adult, their native country will always retain their roots; travelling 'home' means returning to what they perceive to be 'normal', from which they draw comparison to the conditions of the migrated country. Yet to the second generation, travelling to their parents' native country means making critical comparisons and involves other journeys.

Travelling sideways, they stood next to me on buses which were so crammed men were hanging out of windows. My father didn't see why I should get a taxi ... it was ten times the price of a bus ticket. All ordinary people travelled this way ...Whenever I had complained about eating roadside snacks with the rest of them or drinking fresh sugar cane juice from a stall that I was convinced was typhoid ridden, my dad had dismissed my reservations with a snort of derision. This is the real India, he would tell me, this is what you will remember.

(Srivastava 1999) Lifelong Learning in adult education needs to reflect upon the issues experienced by migrant communities, both within the perspective of their own country as well as in the emigrated country, within the curriculum as well as educational initiatives undertaken outside of the public university.

The European Socrates Adult Education project, of which the University of East London is the lead partner, has developed initiatives to address these issues. The University of East London targeted the Bangladeshi community, which is the most recently settled community from the South Asian sub- continent. The Universities of Padova, Italy and Deusto, Bilbao target groups consisting of Latin American, Asian, African and Eastern European communities. The project aimed to address the quality of adult education provision for targeted migrant women in these three regions within a widening participation framework and to improve their accessibility to lifelong opportunities. This included the development of innovative procedures in identifying the educational needs of these disadvantaged groups, in-house and outreach guidance (assessment of prior and experiential learning), and developing innovative learning material and preparatory courses at formal and informal levels. These activities are increasingly necessary within a European perspective and concept of citizenship that, for policy makers, must extend beyond each country's specific immigration history. Built-in inequalities are influenced by the perceptions of the host community. In Britain the Second World War period imposed a labour shortage which led to the doors opening to migrants from the Empire and Commonwealth.

Sivanandan (1976) recalls that immigrants from the colonies and ex-colonies would have to register with the police as 'aliens' even if they had British passports. This was to be constantly reiterated into the 1990s due to the concept of controlling 'coloured' migrants through restrictive government immigration legislation. Migrant women have come together collectively to address the inequalities affecting them in the migrated country.

In contrast, within the South Asian sub-continent, religion has contributed to some of the inequalities such as the caste system which can be viewed as creating inequality and recognition of cultural differences within the Hindu system (Fuller 1996). In reality this tradition does not deliver a form of citizenship in which citizens are at an equal level of acceptance (Nabar 1995). However, the Scheduled System in India has attempted to address this within the confines of the caste system (Sharma 1999). On a wider aspect, the women's movement has had to take on an active role in attempting to tackle the economic inequality of those women inthe lower caste and rural areas and to face unacceptable cultural demands. Longwe (1998) emphasises that development workers need to undertake an analysis to distinguish the gender division between men and women in that specific community. There is a need to understand the women's social and economic location and their special needs within both continents.

Social and economic travelling also reflect a debate that the general curriculum in Continuing Education may not specifically reflect migrant women's experiences in promoting active citizenship and their issues. There has been a general recognition that western feminist academics have excluded the voices of Black women (Kelly and Korsmayer 1991). Therefore, in continuing education the team oftutors responsible for women's studies need to include migrant women who in turn can bring their own experiences to the curriculum within the context of guidance representation and their own form of power. It is important that within the course curriculum a focus be made for Black, Asian and other women's perceptions. Wisher (1996) states that these fundamental issues will always remain and there is a definite need to give migrant women a voice to challenge oppressive practices. Both within the European and the Asian states, appropriate training courses have addressed women's issues within their own context in order to gain relevant skills and knowledge.

'Women only' courses are important in widening access as they enable women to gain from each other, place a value upon themselves, share experiences, self-confidence and a sense of worth, studying along a continuous or different phase of immersion within the host community (Wimbush 1988, Aird 1985, MacRae 1989). 'Women only' courses help women regain confidence through achieving within a supportive environment and being helped to recognise their skills and strengths (Coats 1989) from one period of transitional learning to another.

The Socrates project developed an innovative programme which was similar in content across the three regions, East London, Veneto and Bilbao, despite differences in migration periods and history, and relevant to the selected migrant women's existing needs in each country. The course content was student-centred and sought to further skills and knowledge. In Bilbao and Padova, the migrant women were involved in their project activities with the intention of becoming active in undertaking some of the tasks related to each activity and giving realistic information on the needs of their communities. Similarly the London-based part of the university's Socrates programme employed a Bangladeshi female project worker to work with Bangladeshi women. Darkenwald and Larson (1990)state that one of the main reasons such target groups are hard to reach is that they do not respond to the normal marketing strategies used in educational institutions. This emphasised the need for outreach workers to be of the same cultural background as the targeted groups.

The project identified women who could be placed at three levels within a distinct typology: (i) those who could integrate due to similar cultural and language; (ii) transitional learning concerning those who have a colonial, cultural and language connections but where integration remains difficult due to cultural factors; (iii) isolation, where the women were discouraged from integrating due to language, cultural and religious factors. In Britain, the Bangladeshi women could be identified to relate to the isolation category, which will be explored later.

At a comparative level it was found that despite the similar course content in Bilbao, immigration was a priority as the women sought assistance in processing immigration documentation. In Italy, besides the request for Italian language support which would assist them in the type of employment they were engaged in such as 'Assistance to the Elderly' and 'First Aid Directed To Children', the women had requested a course in basic management skills to utilise themselves as a 'resource'.

Within the British context, Asian cultures vary according to factors such as country of origin, rural or urban background of household prior to migration, regional background and linguistic background and class position in the sub-continent and European region allocation. For instance, the Punjabi culture has its own specification in comparison to the Gujerati or Bengali culture or class (Brah 1994). Equally, this affects the level of activity undertaken by each Asian community in challenging oppression in Britain. The Socrates project concentrated on the Sylhet community which is from the rural part of Bangladesh and whose women are not so pro-active in challenging their perceived rights within their own community as well as the wider conservative community which observes orthodox religious confinements. The migrants in this community face difficulties in finding employment, are located within low income categories, live in council housing, face exclusion from the labour market and have very low self- esteem.

The Bangladeshi women acknowledge the need to improve their English language skills. The project had raised their awareness of the political role women play in their own countries and in Britain, the need to understand the British society and its systems and how to pursue their own aspirations. The women analysed their own situations where male authority is observed and expectations of in-laws have to be met as well as the other family and domestic responsibilities and personal experiences of migration.

For an Asian woman, marriage and motherhood mean an important cultural turning point. The changes entail social responsibilities: being a wife, being in a different residence, kin affiliation, differing rights, and maintaining kin relations with the conjugal family (Puri 1999). A new traveller's tale begins when the Asian woman leaves her own parental home to reside in her in-laws' home: Right foot on the first stair, I began my lonely journey through the crowd, up three shiny, polished steps ...As the plaintive howl rent the still right air, I stumbled into the house, goose bumps breaking out all over my body.

I've taken it now, I thought in sudden panic, the last irrevocable step into my life. I've gone past that point at which I might yet have been able to turn back. I'd said that to myself many times over the past few days. But, I wonder now if (and it's a bit of a silly if) .. .but just for arguments sake, if there really had been a Turning Back Point, what point precisely would it have been? (Misra 2000).

Often women feel the loss of freedom after marriage due to the specific imposed status and restrictions imposed on daughter in-laws and wives: In my Mum's house we were free. Here it was like a cage. Normally, I didn't tell her [her mother] where I was. Here you have to tell everything, where you are going, you have to account all the time. (Puri 1999).

The woman is expected to perform her household responsibilities after marriage. The girl's family has to make sure that the new daughter in-law is able to cook and look after the house: My grandmother ... she would wake us at four sometimes to listen to the hum of insects and birds awakening.

Sometimes, if the next day was a festival, she let us stay up late and help the cook prepare the food we'd cook while it was dark outside. She insisted we girls learn to cook and mend and manage money, for she wanted us to become good, fair wives. (Ganeson 1997).

If parents will not take the time to make proper enquiries, what terrible fates their daughters may have. Be grateful that Uma was not married into a family that could have burnt her to death in order to procure another dowry. (Desai 1999).

Asian women travel different paths dependent upon whether they have a daughter or a son. Regardless of a woman's caste, class and regional background, the Asian woman understands that motherhood gives her a purpose and identity. A female child is perceived as a burden, an expense where dowry has to be negotiated for her marriage and travel to the next stage in her life. Even Asian fiction stories portray this form of ideology.

I was disappointed when I first had my daughter. People make me feel like a victim ... People would come over to see my first daughter and sympathise. It got to the point that I did not want to see anyone or that anyone should come over to see the baby. (Puri 1999).

They had two daughters, yes, quite grown up as anyone could see, but there was no son. Would any man give up the chance of a son ... Papa in his elation, leaping over three chairs in the hall, one after the other, like a boy playing leapfrog, his arms flung up in the air and his hair flying. 'A boy?' he screamed, 'a boy! Arun, Arun at last. (Desai 1999).

For some women leaders in the South Asian subcontinent their voyage to apolitical position has differed greatly from those in the West. They have derived their authority or subordination through succession, by their birth, circumstances, class, family position, caste and religion. These women were pushed to their positions by party support, relative political experience and people support.

The most influential were not grassroots politicians but members of affluent families which allowed dynastic succession, especially in periods of crisis, to happen even under the democratic system of government. It was felt they would be committed to the continuation of male leaders policies or would be culturally perceived as the mother looking after her children. Indira Gandhi was perceived as Mother India in 1967.

Within Asia there are several factors which impose traditional dos and don'ts due to class, religion and caste identities, whereas the western society is confined to an open society. Eastern women have had to travel beyond these boundaries in order to unite as a collective. There are religious communities within the Indian sub-continent, each in turn has been influenced historically and culturally by the other. Codesof behaviour can be found in both Hinduism and Islam and a similar pattern exists in other groups like the Sikhs, Parsees, Christians, Jews, Buddhists and Jains (Puri 1999). This has had profound repercussions within the migrated countries.

The success of women's movements in South Asian countries in recent decades especially the influence of the International Decade for Women (1975-85) provided increased opportunities for women. However, it is perceived that women's status had not improved that much (literacy, wealth, employment) and there is a need to gain access to decision-making where women can influence issues. For instance, in India at a local elected level, the 'panchayats' provide women's groups an opportunity to have a collective identity at the level of administration as the Indian government permits thirty per cent reservation for women who have brought improvements in their local villages to achieve economic independence.

The woman is in a time warp where she travels between traditions, self-development and equality (for economic reasons and preservation of her own dignity). For example, Patel (1992) identified the valuable work of the Society for Promotion of Area Resource Centres which was set up due to rapid urbanisation and migration to the city by very poor families. The Centre enabled women to reflect on their lives and work with urban women to improve their economic and material needs. Women began placing deposits for housing, savings and getting their children into schools. The 'Mahila Milan' assisted illiterate women to gain skills with urban women on participating in the community decision making, becoming trainers, working on advocacy and joining training programmes. In Asia, organisations have concentrated on addressing poverty and inequality as understood by the Eastern woman.

The Socrates project developed a similar perspective from which local migrant women have benefited immensely.

In Spain the project had open days for migrant women to visit the university, whilst in Italy the women were involved in carrying out research on women from their own communities as well as being trained to work with professional tutors on future community-based courses. This was the first time the two universities had worked with nongovernmental agencies and local communities at a grassroots level to meet the educational needs of migrant women. In London, a Bangladeshi woman project worker was able to carry out the activities as she was from the same religious, cultural and social background. The project worker had organised an education and training fair that enable local Asian women to gain access to educational and training courses and information on available services.

The project initiated and developed innovative community-based courses which were similar in many ways, but related to the specific issues of importance to the women in each country. The depth of certain topics covered current political situations of each country. In Bilbao, immigration legislation and processing of immigration documentation for legal residency was a priority to migrant communities.

In contrast, Padova saw a demand for vocational courses with Italian language support. Through the empowerment of these programmes the women were encouraged to form associations and support groups to independently service other migrant women as well as maintain a high profile to promote their own needs within the new community.

Within the British context, mobilisation of the Asian women's movement was active through the formation of Asian women's groups and Centres which campaigned for issues affecting their respective communities, provided resources, gave support to and organised social and cultural activities, played a prominent role in defence campaigns, were involved in industrial strikes, and provided Asian women with an opportunity to come together to share their own experiences. Active women's groups are vital in making women aware of legislation and with others are willing to argue for policies and practices which are non-racist and take into account the economic, social and cultural position of Black and ethnic women in Europe (Patel 1992).

The project has recognised that Asian women in Britain had been active in servicing their communities for a number of years and therefore were in a position to reflect upon their educational achievements, skills and knowledge accumulated outside formal learning situations through life and work experiences. This comprised of assessing how their experiences could develop further in the context as a source of learning and claiming credits within the University of East London. This was achieved through the Assessment of Prior and Experiential Learning training sessions and is to be developed in the respective regions of Italy and Spain.

The migrant woman has had to conform to many stages in the various travels of her life, influenced by inequalities in her own country, cultural and religious factors, struggles of adjusting to the new European country and coping with problems migration brings and resistance from the host community. This cycle of learning has to be recognised within its own context in the journeys migrant women have to make.

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