Swedishness as an Obstacle in Cross­ Cultural Interaction AkeDaun

Daun, Ake 1984: Swedishness as an Obstacle in Cross-Cultural Interaction . - Ethnologia Europaea XIV: 95-109.

For a long time now, discussions about immigrants' difficulties in adapting to Swedish life have centered around the immigrants' cultures. Their customs and values make it difficult for them to fit into a Swedish environment . It is at least as important, however, to discuss the Swedish (host country's) culture . This pa­ per presents various characteristics of the Swedish culture - customs, values , at­ titudes, etc. - difficult for non-Swedes to understand and accept. This paper, which is part of a larger research project on the Swedish mentality, was written for a governmental committee investigating discrimination against immigrants in Sweden.

Prof fil . dr. Ake Daun, Institute of Ethnology at the Nordic Museum and Stock ­ holm University, Lusthusporten 10, S-11521 Stockholm

For a long time now, discussions about immi­ ("Vittnesmalsstudien" (Bergman & Swedin grants' difficulties in adapting to Swedish life 1982)). have centered around the immigrants' cul­ tures. Their customs and values make it diffi­ cult for them to fit into a Swedish environ­ A Swedish culture - does one exist? ment. Swedish discrimination against immi­ Is there a specifically Swedish culture? Well, by grants has partially been explained in the now the realization that this is the case is more same way; immigrants' strange behavior, lan­ widely understood . However, there still exists guage and appearance are the objects of Swe­ an unexpressed attitude among Swedes that it des' condescension, annoyance, insulting re­ is immigrants who are tied to their culture and marks, etc. Consequently, the remedy for that immigrants' behavior is dictated by beliefs Swedish prejudice against immigrants has and traditions which are more or less irra­ been thought to be the need for more informa­ tional. They don't eat pork and the men forbid tion about immigrants' backgrounds and cul­ their wives to go out alone ... Swedes, in con­ tures. The assumption is that knowledge trast, are considered "modern". They belong to makes for understanding. the "modern, urbanized, industrial society" and It is at least as important, however, to dis­ therefore possess no special culture other than cuss the Swedish culture (com Hannerz 1983). the celebration of old holiday traditions such as Immigrants' difficulties in adapting are also a Midsummer, for sentimental reasons. Espe­ result of the Swedish culture . Swedish customs cially modern, if you will, are our values such and values are difficult to adjust to for a great as democracy, equality, rationalism and the many immigrants. The Swedish culture can be love of peace . We believe that all countries can experienced as both disgusting and absurd by or should eventually come around to accepting immigrants. Many simply maintain that Swe­ the values we hold. de don't have any "culture". Swedes are spir­ Such a perspective is ethnocentric , The itually empty is one of the stereotypes ex­ Swedish mentality and way of life are just as pressed in the Discrimination Investigation culturally-bound as any other peoples'. The

7• 95 fact that we call them "modern" doesn't make them less culturally-bound. Labels are also a Separating the private from the part of culture. In de cribing Swedish culture, public it should also be pointed out. t hat Swedes call The linguist Jen s AIJwood is one of those who their culture "modern". The interpretation of have pointed out the Swedish cultural charac­ and the importance placed in Sweden on con­ teristic of drawing a sharp line between life at cepts such as democracy, equality, rationalism work and private life (Allwood 1981). What and peace are also Swedish. this means is that Swedes find it completely Paul Britten Austin in a book on Swedish­ natural not to socialize privately with col­ ness (1967) sees this very reluctance among leagues even if they have worked together for Swedes to view themselves as having any spe­ yearn. This doe n't conflict with the fact that cific culture as being a characteristic of Swed­ many Swedes actually count those with whom ish culture. History shows that for many years they work as among their closest friends. What Swedes lacked any real opportunities for com­ is uniquely Swedish is that a good friendship at parisons with other cuJtw·es. Germans in work in no way necessa.dly lead to private so­ Stockholm and Visby during the middle ages ciali7,ing. and Walloon smiths working in forgeries dur­ Generally , this surprise s many foreigners. It ing the 1600s were possibly the first to make also leads to the unfo1tunate consequence that Swedes t'eflect on what was typically Swedish . immigrants find it difficult to make Swedish But in modern times, the population has been friends. Usually they have not been childhood exceptionally homogeneous , right up until the chums or friends from school-days with Swe­ large immigration s of worker beginning in des. For most immigrants, their only place of the 1960s. contact with Swedes is at work. Foreigner s' observations assist in capturing Recently I met a woman from Uruguay who, the distinctive featw·es of the Swedfah culture. after receiving an academic education in Swe­ Even professional cultural researchers can, to den, had built up a well-established career. She a greater or lesser extent, be blind to their own had also developed friendly contacts with her culture. For several years now, a project about colleagues, but she also stated how her sugges­ immigrants ' encounters with the Swedish cul­ tions about meeting socially outside of work ture has been carried out at the lnstitute of had been negatively received . The Swedes ap­ Ethnology (Weibust 1981: 7). The course enti­ peared to have a nearly instinctive aversion to tled Culture Variations, held every semester the idea of meeting privately . Only after one of and led by Annik Sjogren and Knut Weibust, them changed workplaces was there a change discusses crosscultural encounters, particu­ in attitude. After that they met strictly priv­ larly between immigrants from southern Eu­ ately . rope and Swedes. In this case, it was not the immigrant wom­ In a current research project investigating an' background which presented an obstacle. the Swedish mentality , interviews with immi­ She spoke perfect Swedish with almost no ac­ grants and foreign authors ' descriptions of cent, and did not look particularly "foreign". Sweden make up the basic research material Her colleagues were also well-educated . It is (Daun 1983). Despite the differences in cultu­ true that in some case an indifferent or nega­ ral background , it i remarkable how similar tive attitude towards foreigner is behind an the descriptions of Swedish culture are, even if aver sion to socializing. There is much evidence 'lurks and Americans, for example, emphasize to Lhat effect, but such was not the case here. different aspects . Even Swedes can - to the surprise of many for­ Which aspects of Swedishness do immi­ eign observers - work side by side for years grants find (to a greater or lesser extent) diffi­ without ever having been to each others ' cult to accept when. mixing with Swedes? 1 will homes. mention some which I have come across so far. As I lack sufficient data, I am unable to com­ ment on whether or not and to what extent

96 this cultural characteristic exists in the other tory doesn't inspire the same interest among Nordic countries. I was struck, however, by the Swedes with whom he comes in contact, par­ words of a Finn who was interviewed by one of ticularly not his workmates - not enough to in­ ·hq my students: vite him home. ac- The Swedish culture is interpreted differ­ at "Foreigners are, of course, also often suspicious ently, though , when the immigrant's own cul­ ,at of Swedes. If they don't know that Sweden has tural background has the same, but even ely been isolated for such a long time, then you of­ stronger characteristics which other national­ ::ol­ ten hear foreigners say, "Swedes are so incred­ ities view as typically Swedish. A Finn, well­ for ibly strange , they're so cold and all, they only adapted to Swedish life, was interviewed by h.at think of themselves. They just run home from Billy Ehn in his book, written together with -om work, lock their door, and don't open it until Karl-Olav Arnstberg Det osynliga arvet (1980) bat the next day", you hear that a lot" (Stigsgard­ and he pointed out that there was "something Blomster 1983: 39). special " about socializing with Finns. J at so- Jean Phillips-Martinsson in her book Swedes "It's strange for me to say this, because Finns ;. It As Others See Them (1981) points out that this are really much more inhibited than Swedes. hat tendency to draw a distinct line between work­ But I think that if you make friends with a Lish life and the other parts of their lives is a hand­ Finn and get to know each other really well, ood icap for Swedish businessmen in their dealings then that per son is a truer friend than what a we­ with foreign customers . Swedes often restrict Swede would be" (Ehn & Arnstberg 1980: 205). e of themselves completely to negotiating about business, but are close-mouthed when it comes Lack of emotions /Emotionally distant ,ho, to discussing themselves . They don't start we­ business discussions as so many others do, by One reason that Swedes seem cold in many for­ She making "small talk", that is, chatting about eigners' eyes is that they keep their feelings to her their families, hobbies and so on. To many Swe­ themselves. It could be said that they express ges­ des, this seems irrelevant, like wasted time their feelings in other ways, for example faith­ •ork and lack of discipline while working. In many fulness to their close friends. Even in that case ap­ other countries, however, this type of friendly they reve al the division between private and n to interaction is seen as necessary for building up public . At home and possibly in front of his 1e of solid business contacts . Only when a person most intimate friends, a Swede can cry and ar­ mge has first made a good impression as a human gue in a loud voice, without inhibition . In a ,riv- being can they then be relied on in business. public place, such behavior would be unthinka­ This feature of our culture does not, of ble, a scandal or to say the least startling, de­

'Om­ course, mean that Swedes are cold and re­ pending on the context and the person's age, lcle. served, as they are often portrayed by others. sex and position in society. Least self-discipline > ac­ On the contrary, foreigners sometimes talk is expected of young women of low social sta­ .gn". about the unusually close friendships they tus; most self-discipline is expected of older It is have made with Swedes - what faithful friend­ men in high social positions. ega­ ships they have built up here . I once met an As immigrants generally never get ne ar a i an American professor of sociology whose family, Swede 's private life, immigrants only experi­ ence during a sabbatical year in Sweden , had made ence - as they see it - a lack of emotion . Swe­ 1ere. friends with a Swedish dentist's family who des gesticulate less than others, seldom change 'for­ happened to be their neighbors . They had their facial expressions, and keep their voices ·ears never had such close friends in the US, he said.· low. Slowness of speech, punctuated by many hers' Such closeness is, however, seldom achieved silent pauses, reinforces the impression that by immigrants in Sweden. An American guest­ Swedes' emotional lives are "low key" . The ex­ com­ lecturer is of interest to many well-educated pression "lagom ar bast" (not too much, not too ctent Swedes, whereas a Greek working in a car fac- little - just right) which foreigners quickly

97 learn, can certainly be interpreted as a code­ temper, but that she had to do so here. And word for this behavioral pattern. I've had the same experience. I've had a really The fact that uninhibited emotional expres­ hard time keeping in my feelings. They're not sion is taboo in Swedish culture can be wit­ temperamental like the Norwegians, but they nessed in maternity hospitals. While in labor, are open . I show my feelings when I am sad many Swedish women groan as little as pos­ and when I am happy. It's easy for me to laugh s·ible and, in many cases afterwm·ds, ask if they and say, "Wow, we're having such a great time yelled much. lfthey fmd out that they ilidn't, it today!" But you can't say something like that is een as positive. A midwife interviewed on in the employees' room. One time I was really TV (5/10 1982) stated among other things: "A happy and full of energy at work. I don't ex­ midwife is asked a lot - Did I scream much and actly remember what I said, but one of my so on - did I make a fool of myself? An that's workmates wondered what was wrong with because it's so taboo to express strong feelings me, ifl was sick or something. Sick!? I was just and childbirth is a situation where really - the happy. Since that day, I've become more care­ natural thing to do is to express your strong ful" (Ehn & Arnstberg 1980: 146). fee)i_ngs." Anoth r aspect of this cultural feature is A Lapp student related similar experiences to that emotional arguments are ranked lowly me about when she started living in Umea. when used in public debates. The fact that a She felt she had to adopt another manner of person jusi really dislikes something such as behavior, not be so quick and eager, in order to fre abortion , is ha1·dly ever considered a legit­ fit in with the other Swedish students. A Yu­ imate argument. Only objective arguments are goslavian man interviewed by Billy Ehn dis­ considered valid. For example, what facts could cus ·ed the question of emotions and expressing be used in an argument against free abortion: emotions both in the matter of raising a child medical, psychological, population-planning, and in relation to workmates. "Sometimes I re­ etc.? A debater who shows too much emotional act before thinking. I can fly off the handle in a involvement in an argument has lost, espe­ second and not have time to think before my cially if his activities are political. A Swedish hand flies to my child's bottom." Raising his politician is supposed to keep cool and, without child was complicated by the fact that his wife acting rashly, weigh the facts against each was Swedish . At home in Yugoslavia, he would other. have spanked his child more often, he thought. This bias towards rational behavior can be His workmates' reactions at work made him experienced by foreigners as a repulsive emo­ try to control his behavior. tional iciness . In the eyes of Swedes, being temperamental "If I'm insulted at work, I get so mad, I swear is a special characteristic. Swedes nearly never and tell people to go to hell . Then they look at refer to other Swedes as temperamental - no me so strangely, the wedes ... I've kept myself one is ever that "temperamental". From the from bursting out and making a bigger thing of Swedish perspective, it is not a q11estion of de­ something, as I would have done in Yugosla­ gree of emoLionaJ expression rather a specific via, if someone behaved stupidly towards me. distinction betwe .en either being or not being There I would have hit the idiot on the jaw, in temperamental. Yugoslavia I wouldn't have to think as care­ A Yugoslav who had lived in Sweden ap­ fully as I do here. Here you hold your elf back" proxi_mately -15 years, descri.bed to Billy Ehn (Ehn & Arnstberg 1980: 60). how "controlled" you have to be in Sweden. What I have termed emotional distance is diffi­ "There is a Norwegian girl at work. And even cult to define. In the minds of many immi­ though Norway and Sweden are similar, she grants, Swedes are "cold", as if they lack emo­ feels a very long way from home. She told me tions. "I don't think Swedes feel very much", she had a terrible time keeping control of her said the Yugoslav, when interviewed at an-

98 ,nd other time. At present, I know too little about just agree. She believes this is also the reason 1.lly this matter of degree of feeling to comment, why Swedes are under the impression that not other than to say that Swedes certainly do ex­ they are kinder to one another than other na­ hey perience strong emotional reactions in many tionalities are (ibid: 112). Her assertion that sad situations, Swedes are struck, for example, by Swedes are inclined to take it personally if oth­ Jgh feelings of rage or joy, but because of cultural ers dare to criticize their views in front of oth­ ime conventions, they express these feelings less ers, is probably widely applicable to Swedes. It hat explicitly, in another manner. It appears to be logically follows that what an immigrant then ally taboo in many situations, outside of the family, incorrectly interprets as indifference is actu­ ex­ to openly discuss how happy you are or what a ally a Swede's way of being considerate . As a my great time you are having with others , for ex­ Swede takes it for granted that foreigners feel with ample your colleagues, as the Yugoslavian wo­ and react the same way he does, he prefers to j ust man above who said: "Wow, we're having such keep his dissenting views to himself in order to are- a great time today!" avoid the risk of hurting a stranger's feelings. Immigrants who go against norms and ex­ The dominant Swedish value-system con­ press happiness, naturally don't experience siders it adult to avoid conflicts, and thereby ~s to any terrible opposition, but they are reminded show respect to others. This attitude explains nea. of their position as foreigners and can feel in­ why Swedes think that many immigrants are ~r of secure. Such reminders can also reinforce their "unruly". The loud voices characteristic of im­ er to dislike of these features of the Swedish culture. migrants compared with Swedes are felt by Yu­ It is more difficult when it comes to expressing many Swedes to be "unruly". This is because dis­ aggressive emotions, as they are often directed loud voices among Swedes are most often used ,sing at other individuals. These individuals, more­ in connection with fights, quarrels, conflicts. child over, are in most cases, Swedes. An immi­ Swedes basically only yell at each other when I re­ grant's psycho-socially inferior position is good they are fighting, not when they are actively ~ in a cause for him to "bite his tongue" instead of engaged in a discussion. Consequently, Swedes e my venting his anger. to a great extent value silence, quiet, unob­ g his Swedish norms concerning emotional ex­ trusive voices and a calm tone in social sit­ : wife pression are reinforced by the tendency to uations. vould avoid all conflict (except within the family). In an ethnological study about Swedish atti­ ught. This means that Swedes steer clear of sensitive tudes towards immigrants, one quote reveals a ~ him topics of conversation. "Don't talk politics", prejudice against Assyrians : "They have a bad goes the saying. It can lead to arguments (to reputation because they fight and are rowdy ... becoming "osams" with the other person), and they are noisy and unruly .. ." (Ohlund 1982: ,wear a situation in which people are "osams" (in dis­ 27). It was said about Italians: "Italians, 10k at agreement) is considered by probably most y'know, they have that hot temperament and [lyself Swedes to be difficult to take. A common solu­ fight and are stubborn, or whatever you want ingof tion is to break off the conversation, stop to call it" (ibid: 15). The author comments: gosla­ speaking to each other. To feel that he can ls me . manage a relationship so that the doesn 't expe­ "Nearly all of the interviewees more or less 'l.W, in rience discomfort and uncertainty, a Swede divide up immigrants into those who are care­ wants to be "sams" (in agreement) with those trouble-makers and those who are conscien­ back" he meets. When he converses with a stranger tious. One interviewee does this very categor­ and when making new acquaintances, a Swede ically. She is highly critical of immigrants looks for consensus, tries to agree with the whom she classifies as "bothersome" (ibid: 42). s diffi­ views and values held by the other person. "They are always shrieking and shouting . immi­ According to Jean Phillips-Martinsson, this They can sit down on opposite sides of the sub­ 'I: emo­ easily creates the impression for immigrants, way car and sit there and yell at each other nuch", that Swedes never have dissenting views, that without being at all considerate." (ibid: 43). at an- they possibly never think for themselves, but

99 Two further quotes from the same study illus­ they say is interpreted. Here it is interesting to trate Swedes' positive attitude towards silence: cite an example from the French culture for contrast. Tl-.e concept of "kallprata" (talking "Then there was so much noise and conflict, be­ about nothing in particular) lacks an equival­ cause they come, y'know, with their language ent in French, but expresses the Swedes' crit­ I and their ways and they yell, are loud. The ical attitude towards talking for talking's sake . ., Swedes are a very quiet people, you see. According to Annik Sjogren, teacher of eth­ I think there's something in the fact that im­ nology at Stockholm University, and French migrants make such a racket and are seen on by birth, spoken words are "light weight" in the the streets and squares, walking along with French culture. Words disappear - they go their big family so that there's such a racket . with the wind- to use her own imagery. That's Then people don't like them. We're not used to why you don't have to think about what you're it. You notice that y'know yourself, when they saying; you don't have to be on guard, careful come piling into the subway, like that. You about what you say. The further south you go don't get pissed off, but it's like 'God, what a in France, the more language is seen as a vital pain, can't they just keep quiet', like that y'k­ part of socializing. The consequences of what now" (Ohlund 1982: 43). you say are not very important, because after­ wards you're not held to what you have said. This matter of drawing a line between the pri­ Language is extremely important in conversa­ vate and public in the Swedish culture, dis­ tional situations. Words and views are to be cussed earlier, is also involved in the Swedish played with, and a person can express opinions aversion to speaking loudly and lively in, for which he doesn't really hold, just to liven the example, the subway. Swedes in general feel conversation. Talking is considered a pleasure that you shouldn't air your private conversa­ in the French culture, not in the Swedish. tions in public places. In public places, only In French there is no expression equivalent public employees should speak loudly, such as to the Swedish "tyst och fin" (nice and quiet) to the train conductor or subway driver speaking describe a person . It's not considered a com­ via loud-speakers, a lecturer (not the audience) pliment to be quiet. When in France, as in Swe­ in a lecture hall, or a nurse in a doctor's wait­ den, a child is told to keep quiet, it's not so that ing room . Most Swedes' lack of experience in the child will become a quiet person, and not so speaking loudly in public places helps to ex­ that the child learn to take a quieter conversa­ plain why an audience so unwillingly says any­ tional tone. The reason is that the child is in­ thing in the discussion period following a lec­ terfering in the adults' pleasure, according to ture. Swedish students are afraid of expressing Sjogren. "You're bothering us. If you want to themselves in front of their friends, but not, talk, go somewhere else" is why, in France, the however, in a private conversation with the children are asked to be quieter. In Sweden teacher. This isn't just a question of their un­ you can describe a child as a "nice, quiet little certainty about a subject and fear of making a boy". In France this combination is unthinka­ fool of themselves, but probably also an uneasi­ ble. ness about mixing the private with the public. As language is an important instrument for As is so often the case, many features of a expressing emotion between people, silence culture work together to a form a pattern. The can sometimes be interpreted as a lack of feel­ appreciation of silence is also connected with ing, or as a lack of strong feeling . There are, of an attitude towards the quality oflanguage, its course, various types of silence, which are con­ content and function. Swedish culture looks sidered positive , for example, lovers' non-ver­ down on people who talk without seeming to bal contact and mutually understood silence. care about whether what they say is of any im­ But when silence and close-mouthed behavior portance, on people who are unconcerned fit into a pattern of - as interpreted by non­ about the consequences of what they are say­ Swedes - social avoidance, then this quietness ing and who could care less about how what is viewed negatively .

100 0 A study of quiet behavior is currently being Swedes particularly admire rational conduct . ,r made by Astrid Stedje, language researcher at Rational behavior is equated with maturity or g the German Institute at Stockholm Univer­ adulthood, in contrast to childish behavior 1- sity. The aim is to discover norms about quiet which is ruled by emotions. Emotional disci­ t- behavior by decoding expression in the lan­ pline has long been viewed as a sign of true hu­ guage concerning silence; that is, to research manity and civilization. This attitude has de­

1- norms about silence in both Sweden and Ger­ veloped above all among the bourgeoisie and h many. Cultural connections between the two from that class-perspective, both children and countries throughout history and similarities the working classes are seen to be closer to na­ ;o due to cultural inheritance, make it difficult to ture and farther from culture (Frykman & Lof­ 's find great differences between the two cul­ gren 1979). But appreciation of objectively tures . What Stedje has found is that Germans based as opposed to emotionally based judg­ make less silent pauses. Germans also make ments appears to be widespread. Naturally, ,o shorter pauses. The discomfort which Germans though, it dominates behavior in Swedish pub­ :11 feel towards silence is expressed in the number lic life, in politics and the bureaucratic system . 1t of adjectives used to express this discomfort. It In the public sphere this rational orientation r­ seems that Germans want to fill up silence takes on the form of a planning philosophy. d. with words, whereas Swedes are more gener­ The concept and ambition of directing and or­ :l­ ous with their silent pauses. ganizing in order to guarantee people happy )e In contrast to Sweden , where so many are lives is, of course, an old one and can be found lS raised to feel it is wrong to interrupt someone in other countries , for example , England, but 1e speaking, it is part of the German tradition for the planning philosophy appears to be partic­ re people to talk simultaneously . It is acceptable ularly vital in Sweden and is perhaps also more to both interrupt someone and to fill in for positively accepted than in countries with so­ nt them with what you think that an other person cialist (not to be confused with social-demo­ to is going to say, both in order to show that you cratic) governments. It is significant that Swe­ n­ are following the conversation, and in order to den is often classified by Americans as socialist e­ fill in the silent pauses. Neither is it considered (com Kramer 1980: 87) because of, among at impolite, as it is in Sweden, to raise your voice other reasons , the political system which reg­ so and speak louder than someone who has the ulates to a highly detailed level, and aims at a­ floor, in order to gain the floor. planning and organizing the citizens' lives and n­ Naturally there are many talkative individ­ behavior (com Anton 1975: 21). According to to uals in Sweden, too. Most Swedes could proba­ the American sociologist David Popenoe, who to bly point out talkative individuals in their own has had many years of experience researching '.le circle of friends. What is of interest here, as Swedish society, there is no other country in elsewhere in examining the Swedish culture, is the Western world where public planners pos­ Je what is considered typical or average, espe­ sess as much authority as in Sweden (Popenoe a- cially when compared with immigrants' back­ 1984). grounds. What is typical among Swedes is the A Swedish "government" or "committee" or appreciation of quietness which is reflected in, avoid expressing opinions which are not based ce for example , the expression "to be a good lis­ on fact, writes the American political scientist el­ tener " as a description of a person who seldom Thomas Anton , who has done research on of speaks . planning in Sweden (1975: 21). This attitude •n• The theory among immigrants that Swedes probably mak es Swedish politicians particu­ ~r­ lack feelings is reinforced by other features. larly goal-oriented, which Anton also notes : ~e. The strongly held attitude in the Swedish cul­ "Repeatedly , these politicians demonstrated u;ir ture and society in favor of objective argument their ability to respond to new challenges and in- actually means that emotional and thereby to make things happen" (ibid: 95). even artistic phenomena are lowly ranked. The so-called art of social engineering, seen This appreciation of the objective means that from an international perspective, has devel-

101 oped in Sweden to an unusually effective That has also been Sweden's image abroad in means of planning in many areas - everything the post-war period - "the Swedish model". from mandatory use of halflighting to regula­ This view can, of course, be found in all of the C tions about the smallest dimensions approved industrialized Western world's attitude to­ C for hat-racks. Some of these examples can ap­ wards developing countries. The West believes pear intentionally ironic. There is, in fact, crit­ that they stand for science and reason in con­ ·I icism in Sweden directed against this "not al­ trast to the primitive superstitions and irra­ ! lowed" mentality. What's interesting about tional ties to traditional values in the Third that mentality is, however, that despite it, World. But in Sweden, people feel this way there is nevertheless a consensus in Sweden even when viewing other Western European about the desirability of social planning and countries, particularly Southern Europe . A "fi­ subsequently, it has actually been possible to ery temperament" is thought to be incompa­ carry out such ideas politically, without any re­ tible with good judgment. Rational ways of sistance. "Swedish metropolitan areas today thinking do not include decisions made without are the closest in the Western world to fulfill­ a lot of consideration or under the influence of ing the planner's goals of order, efficiency, emotions . beauty, and social justice", writes Popenoe Ifin Sweden a person wants to live according (1984). The book title Suede, la reforme perma­ to the ideal image of his own country, then he nente (1977) reflects an image of Sweden as a has to let logic and rationalism guide him and country oriented towards constant change put his emotions aside. A person considered a through planning. Some outside observers "true" Swede, as he or she has developed over have described this aspect of Swedish society the past decades, looks positively at rec­ as positive, as does for example, Popenoe in his ommendations and measures which go against book The suburban environment . Sweden and so-called irrational phenomena . the United States (1977). Others see Sweden as Behind the eagerness for reforms (for exam­ a frightening example, for example Huntford ple doing away with High School and Bach­ in the book The new totalitarians (1971). elor's degrees and former laws about sur­ The population statistician Gustav Sund­ names) lies the goal of equality and the barg in his well-known book about the Swedish achievement of job-equality. mentality takes up another concept which High School certificates (degrees) were a sheds light on the planning philosophy, namely symbol of class, and the struggle for equality the Swedes' ability to organize: was combined with and was even motivated by the rational perspective: since all people are of "A highly developed ability to organize is an­ equal value - goes the argument - then class other characteristic of the Swedes, and no symbols are an anachronism. Since men and doubt, to a large extent, explains the perma­ women are of equal value, it is then illogical to nence and stability which Swedish society has give the man higher status through surname, displayed for hundreds of years" (Sundbarg is the view. The laws concerning the rights of 1911: 3). fathers to stay home with their children have also received strong support because of this Swedes are often thought to make suitable sec­ special desire to follow through with argu­ retaries within international organizations, ments to their logical conclusions. due to their abilities in organizing which stem The rational approach is also apparent in the from their emphasis on smoothness, reason, public debate over the question of fathers tak­ and the desire to mediate opposing interests in ing leave from work. Emotionally based opin­ order to avoid conflicts (com Allwood 1981: 18). ions must be presented as exclusively motiv­ Swedes' ambitions to plan and desire to con­ ated by fact or scientific basis in order for them trol life with the aid of science and reason, car­ to be considered valid (com Anton 1975: 21). ries with it the view of their own country as An inability to hide emotions can lead to the "way ahead", "modern", "future-oriented". person in question losing face, which is equal to

102 in losing the debate. A small dose of pathos is ac­ not permitted to have covers considered "de­ ceptable in public political debates as long as it grading" to women. The covers could be seen .he doesn't take priority over rational arguments. by children if they are displayed in kiosks and to­ As implied by the above, it appears that from stores. res the Swedish perspective, many people Another reason is directly related to wom­ )n­ throughout the world are irrational, more con­ en's political aims to achieve equality. Women ra­ trolled by emotions, not least of all in politics. should always be given equal value and ird But also in the areas of sex roles, sexuality, treated with the same respect as men . It is be­ ·ay raising children, etc., the general opinion in lieved that this does not occur when women •an Sweden is that Swedes possess a special ability are presented as sexual objects and used as "fi­ to look at things soberly and unsentimentally, such in, for example, "live sex shows". We can :ia- and this is seen to be an advantage. Everyone say that political - not moral - indignation lies of "knows", then, that for example, men and wo­ behind this, the women's movement's indigna­ JUt men are "equal" , which is why men as well as tion . This political view allows for a certain ~ of women should be allowed to be at home and amount of pathos, as mentioned earlier - acer­ take care of small children during paid work­ tain amount of emotion. But arguments are to mg time . All social rights should apply equally to be based around facts. he both sexes. As this was not previously the case, The movement towards increased sexual ,nd such a reform is considered progress. This freedom among young people has occurred :l a means a move in the direction of a higher state hand in hand with the official view. Since the ver of modernity (Berger & Luckmann 1966/1979). 1960s, sexual intercourse has become all the ec­ Other countries, stuck in their traditional sex more common at increasingly younger ages; at nst roles, are hindered in carrying out or even the same time, sex education is presented in proposing such legal changes, and con­ the schools in the early grades, and very young .m­ sequently are seen by Swedes to be less mod­ girls are able to obtain birth control through ch­ ern , and bound to a, in a sence, "primitive" cul­ school doctors. ur­ ture. They are "behind" and less "developed". I have so far been discussing emotions in­ the This appreciation of a rational approach is no volved in decisionmaking . Another aspect of doubt behind the very liberal sexual views in this theme is to consider what emotions a cul­ i a Sweden within the post-war period, which is ture does allow and considers desirable. Swe­ lity pointed out by Allwood (1981). It can be said des are often seen by foreigners as cool, emo­ by that sexuality has been "dedramatized", emp­ tionally cold. Those who have achieved closer ~ of tied of its earlier cultural, emotional content. relationships with Swedes constantly describe ass Sex has come to be seen as a pleasurable item, Swedes as suffering from their difficulties in md along the lines of other items such as tobacco expressing the strong emotions which they - 1to and good food. How a person enjoys this plea­ like other people - do have. ne, sure - what form it comes in - is considered In that case, the analysis should discuss the 3 of that person's own business, even age is con­ culturally accepted means of communicating, :we sidered nearly insignificant. This attitude ex­ showing sympathy , joy , sorrow, pain , etc. It .his plains the rise of pornography in its many has been thought that alcoholism in Sweden gu- forms, in film and printed material, etc., as serves the theoretically interesting function of well as in sex clubs offering sexual perversions . legitimizing behavior which would otherwise the Recently the laws have become more restrict­ be considered culturally unacceptable - that is, ak­ ive, but this swing back is, in keeping, based the type of behavior which goes directly )in­ not on emotional arguments, but rather on ob­ against what I have so far described as typ­ tiv­ jective reasons . One reason concerns theories ically Swedish - silence, seriousness, avoiding .em of development-psychology of children. Child­ conflict and strong emotions, and oriented to­ m. ren should be kept from seeing images of wo­ wards the rational. Even after an insignificant the men which show traditional, conservative sex amount of alcohol, Swedes have the "right" to Ito roles. That is why pornographic magazines are act boisterous and joke more than usual , to be- 103 come aggressive and emotional - cry and even science and more traditional god. Here can be use emotional arguments - without risking found emotions which are not outwardly dis­ it making fools of themselves. played - aggression, sadness, love" (Allwood s This rational approach characteristic of Swe­ 1981: 41). des (prejudice against emotionalism) has been ") challenged more than anything else by s, counter-cultural movements. This opposition - Tension in social relationships tl strong and ideologically based - has taken p place within alternative political movement , Most Swedes are disinterested in immigrants C which in this case can be said to includ e the so­ and are not curious enough about strangers to fi called new left, "the green wave" within and make them desire closer contact. This they no ", outside the center party, and in so-called extra­ doubt share with people throughout the world parliamentary movements, the environmental in countries where different cultures live side '] movement and the women's movement wbfoh by ide. Added to thi s, for Swedes there is the s has grown up during the 1970s. Much opposi­ tension which exists in social relationships in r tion has also occurred, in a general sense, general within the Swedish culture . It is not at r among the young (the youth culture). all easy or relaxing for Swedes to speak with I These groups voice an opposition to the (as strangers, or for that matter with anyone who they perceive it) coldly rational approach doesn't belong to their closest family and circle within th e Swedish society, wnich places a low of friends. Swedes appear to reflect more than status on emotions and therefore even on po­ many other nationalities on how others will re­ etry, art, etc. This gap was made particularly act to what they are saying, about what is then clear during the campaign before the nuclear suitable for them to say in each and every sit­ referendum, where the "third line" tended to uation, what impression they are making on view the other two alternatives as voicing tech­ others, etc. Moreover, there is the added sense nocracy, while line three supporters were crit­ of respect for others, mentioned earlier, which icized as being a group of "dreamers and trou­ makes them not want to express dissenting badours". Within the new women's movement, views. The long pauses in the Swedish manner the value of emotions has been upheld in con­ of conversing makes it possible for them to trast to the "male" view of the world which is weigh their words and also means that a lis­ described as being oriented towards rational­ tener is mo1·esecure than the one who is speak­ ism, organization and pragmatism. Lack of ing . That is why many prefer to listen. emotions is defined as "inhuman". The emphasis on rationalism, lack of emo­ Jens Allwood has, however, come up with a tions, puts special demands on what should/ slightly different view of the thesis concerning shouldn't be said. Swedes reflect more than Swedes' appreciation ofrationalism and lack of those other nationalities who are able to ex­ emotional expression. He maintains that this pre their opinions without any factual basi s­ mainly occurs in public situations, outside of just if what ' said i con idered funny or adds private situations. to the di cussion . A Swede could not after­ wards forgive himself with the explanation, "Outwardly in Sweden, therefore, a behavioral "that was just something I said - I didn't mean pattern has developed which is oharacterized it." Along with rationalism goes seriousness in by calm, lack of aggression and emotions, cal­ the Swedish culture. Naturally, Swedes joke culated behavior, compromise, rationalism, often and happily , but underneath lies a basic "lagom" (not too much, not too little - just quality of seriousness, which not only immi­ right), and by not standing out more than any­ grants, but also Swedes themselves are aware one else. This behavior has been reinforced to a of and point out. This seriousness appears in great extent by the last 60 years of struggle for many areas and consequently has "paradig· equality. Inwardly, privately, on the other matic power". hand, a person has only himself - his con- Jean Phillips-Martinsson gives one example

104 1 be in her book when she illustrates her visit to a avoid conflicts all adds up to make socializing dis­ Swedish tennis hall for the first time: with others, in general, a highly tense situa­ ood tion. Many Swedes seem to get easily tired of "If it had not been for people dressed in white socializing outside of the family, which ex­ scurrying after a little white ball, I should have plains a lot of everyday attempts to "get out of' thought I had entered a mausoleum. The pang talking, for example by avoiding taking the el­ pang of the ball cut the deathly silence like evator with a neighbor. cannon shots. My British sportmanship was of­ A Yugoslav interviewed by Billy Ehn, de­ nts fended when my good shots went unremarked. scribed the difference he saw in Swedes in this 3 to "Good shot! Well done! Bad luck!" I cried . "Sssh! respect : Swedes are "always sort of distant" no Sssh!" came back at me from nearby courts. even with each other. "Even if you are good irld They must be playing the World Champion­ friends , there is always a kind of distance be­ iide ships, I thought. However, my charming part­ tween you . You have to be so controlled. Sure, the ner assured me that they were just friendly it's all right to be controlled, but here everyone ; in matches but that everyone took them dead se­ is too concerned about their customs and rules. tat riously" (Phillips-Martinsson 1981: 24). You never can let up, you have to always be on rith your guard" (Ehn & Arnstberg 1980: 146). vho Allwood mentions another example. When on From my own research, one interview I rcle Swedish radio, TV or in the Swedish press made with couples in a vacation home area, de­ 1an there is a discussion of some kind of conflict, it scribes the matter of contacts between other re­ is nearly always described without the cynical holiday guests: nen humor which is often used in the media in sit- other countries. "The tone is closer to naive "We don't have big parties or anything, we get on and serious" (Allwood 1981: 43). together with some of the neighbors for a nse The American professor of sociology, Shar­ crayfish party, but ... But there are some peo­ 1ich lene Hesse-Biber, who was a guest-researcher ple who have coffee at each others' places all fog in Sweden in the early 1970s, described the the time, but we don't. No, it's nice to be able to ner Swedish academics with whom she came in relax when you get home and not have to so­ 1 to contact as being "uptight", that is tense and cialize" (Daun, 1980). lis­ afraid of making fools of themselves, and thus ·ak- always seriously concerned with their own per­ Many immigrants' impression of Swedes is the sonalities. Many Swedes' relatively slow one which was quoted earlier: "They just run mo­ speech and numerous pauses in their speech home from work, lock their doors and don't uld/ can be explained, as suggested earlier, by the open them until the next day" (Stigsgard­ '.lan importance placed on words - the fear of say­ Blomster 1983: 39). The woman interviewed, a ex­ ing "something rash". A Swede needs more Finn, came up with a theory about why Swedes .is­ time than, for example, a French speaker, to are so "isolated". At the same time, she de­ dds think out his next statement in a conversation. scribes - in a few words - this Swedish mental­ ter­ He thinks over his next comment and is natu­ ity: ion, rally just as mentally active while waiting for ean his turn as the French speaker is, but the " ... I believe that Sweden has been isolated for sin French speaker throws himself into the discus­ such a long time, during the war and so on, so oke sion, interupting the others. isolated that they have forgotten one another. asic Swedes's desire to avoid conflicts makes con­ Now they are afraid to come out ... how shall I mi­ versations and contacts between people into a say ... not from Sweden, but from their Swed­ ·are more serious matter among Swedes than ishness. At first I thought it was rather diffi­ 3 in among many other nationalities. Much greater cult. Okay, it's relatively easy to chat with dig- care - guardedness - is required. You can't just Swedes, that's true. But to get any further "talk away". What has been written here about than just chatting ... to become friends. Like at 1ple rationalism, seriousness and the desire to work in the beginning, that was difficult . They

105 didn 't want to open up right away. I didn't least in many parts of the country (Ehn & really understand; I thought at first "they Arnstberg 1980: 122). don't like me", "it's because I come from Fin­ A Spaniard from Madrid, whom I inter. land", but gradually I started understanding it viewed, described how the earlier custom of all, that they're like that. That you have to taking care of aging parents - that is, letting E come to them half way or a little more than them live with the younger generation - wa { 8 } half way" (Stigsgard-Blomster 1983: 39). on the way out in urban surroundings. In North America and Northern Europe, this di. ' With regard to one interview with an immi­ vision of the generations became common grant who attempted to explain "isolation" as a practice some time ago; but the treatment of result of the capitalist system, Bergman and the elderly is not something which is easy for Swedin in their book "Vittnesmal" promote the immigrants to understand. The Yugoslavian E E hypothesis that "isolation" is because of mod­ woman interviewed above mentioned that her 6 ern society's "feelings of alienation resulting brother was now taking care of their elderly t from the urban lifestyle". This assumption is, mother. "She has bad health, but she never however, contradicted by the sense of "neigh­ needs to worry about ending up in a home for 1 borliness" which is characteristic of both the the elderly. It is the children's duty to take care i U.S. and Great Britain and which is also more of her as long as she lives" (Ehn & Arnstberg I alive in the other Nordic countries; this has 1980: 122). A man from Ecuador, interviewed t been pointed out by the sociologist David Pope­ by Karl-Olov Arnstberg in the same book, t nae in a comparative study (1984). stated that he might return to Ecuador when

he started getting old. He didn't want to be a C retired person in Sweden. "The old people don't The cultural consequences of B have a very good life here" (ibid: 113). V modernization A third aspect of modernization is childrais­ Many features of the Swedish culture which ing. The so-called liberal ("free") childraising immigrants have difficulty in accepting do methods practiced in Sweden since post-war stem from the growth of the industrial society times cause many problems for some immi­ and urbanization. Bergman and Swedin grants. For them, liberal methods of childrais­ rightly point out in their book (1982) that the ing implies a lack of instruction, that is to say, criticism which many immigrants aim at Swe­ Swedish parents simply don't teach their child­ den are in fact directed not against specifically ren what they will need to know as adults. To E Sweden, but against the "inhumanity" of an in­ raise children is, for these immigrants, to mold ~ dustrial society in general. Those immigrants the children so that they become good mem­ I see economic development as a contrast to bers of society, who are respected for good t what they label human underdevelopment. In qualities and behavior. The Yugoslavian wo­ E their book, Bergman and Swedin point out man quoted above also stated: I that many immigrants' points of reference are derived from agrarian societies . "If a child goes past an adult and spits on him, I A Yugoslavian woman, interviewed by Billy think it's wrong. Then I would like to say to the Ehn, who has been a resident of Sweden since children that it's not nice for them to do things 1966, complained about the custom in Sweden like that , couldn't they try to stop doing that, of dividing up housework between the spouses. because it doesn't look nice. My workmates, on She had been brought up to take care of the the other hand, don't worry about such things. home, children and her husband, and to let ev­ They say that kids are kids and that children erything else take second place. "Mamma said go through stages and will get over it . Stages? that a man could do a lot which a woman was Well, kids don't just get over it by themselves, not allowed to do. The man is the head of the I'd like to say . It's through us that children house." She added, however, that this was un­ learn to become human beings" (Ehn & fortunately no longer true in Yugoslavia - at Arnstberg 1980: 136).

106 n & Another woman from Yugoslavia said, as have many political refugees have come to Sweden). 60 many other immigrants, that this same ter­ Among other immigrant nationality groups, .ter­ rible freedom is also a part of the Swedish however, this "dedramatization" of sexuality is '.l of school system: "School, my, my, my. In my an attack on their most basic moral views. A ting opinion, Swedish schools are bad. The children Yugoslavian man, interviewed by Ehn, dis­ was have no respect at all for their teachers ... " (op cussed his discomfort with the idea of "free­ In cit: 256). She continued : dom", even if this attitude had gained some ac­ ; di­ ceptance in his own country. Whenever he was non "Nada goes to school and what would happen if on bad terms with his Swedish wife, he t of we returned? You know , she is in the ninth thought that if he remarried it would be to a for grade, but I could guarantee that she couldn't Yugoslav. rian even pass fifth grade in Yugoslavia. There is her such a difference in the education here and "I don't und erstand it , you see. My wife maybe erly there. says that she loves me and that she has a good wer A school case in Yugoslavia weighs at seven life together with me and the children. But still for kilos I'm sure, from the workbooks alone. And she wants to go on vacation with a girlfriend. I :are in the fifth grade! Here in Sweden it's empty. can't understand it! If it is really love ... then 1erg In Yugoslavia children have to work at home you want to share your happiness with each .ved by themselves, read and write and add - until other . )Ok, they know their subjects . This has started happening in Yugoslavia, hen Then the Swedes wonder why I yell at my too . There are men who let their wives go to >ea children. I have my principles and my culture the Adriatic coast. Maybe this matter of liber­ Dn't and they are what I want to pass on to her. I ation has gone too far if it leads to so many di­ want her to have a good life, you understand?" vorces" (Ehn & Arnstberg 1980 : 56). ais­ (Ehn & Arnstberg 1980 : 258) . ;ing In summary, childraising and education, sex .var Childraising and educational methods are both roles, relationships to the elderly, and sexual­ mi­ areas which have greatly changed in Sweden, ity are areas which have greatly changed over ais­ particularly since the 1950s. In other countries the last few decades . Similar types of changes ;ay, - mainly Northwest Europe and North are taking place and have come far in other ild- America - development has also taken place countries, too - mainly Northern Europe and To along the same lines; Sweden, however, has North America. wld greatly progressed in this area and, moreover, It should be made clear, however, that this is ~m­ many non-Nordic immigrants come from coun­ a question of real cultural change, that is to ood tries where the concepts of the so-called "mod­ say , changes in basic values . The fact that sim­ WO- ern" methods of childraising are practically ilar changes are taking place in, for example, non-existent . the Mediterranean countries, hardly makes it A fourth area of change which is the result of easier for immigrants here in Sweden to accept n, I social modernization, is that of sexuality. As in them . Moral views are linked with strong emo­ the the areas of childraising, sex roles and the re­ tions. Furthermore, from an international per­ rigs lationship to the elderly, sexual attitudes and spective, the changes which have occurred in Lat, customs hav e undergone change in Sweden, Sweden have been extreme. It is important to on especially over the past few decades. Sexual understand that these changes have gone ,gs. "liberalization" has also taken place in other more quickly and have been supported by fea­ ren Western industrialized countries , where even tures in the Swedish culture, mainly the appre­ es? homosexuality has become, to some extent, ac­ ciation of objectivity and the critical attitude ·es, cepted. In particular, the age of first sexual ex­ towards emotional views. ·en Perience has lowered. This has also occurred in The liberal attitudes towards childraising & other parts of the world, even in Catholic are, for example, a result of what Orvar Lof­ areas, for example in Poland (from which gren calls the "scientification" ofreality (1982).

107 "Scient.ilication" is problematic in that it leads faithfulness, pornography , birth control for to, among other things, uncertainty about children and accepting sexual play in pre. what is conside red correct. This problem has school children, masturbation among children ' been discussed by Billy Ehn in his book "Ska vi etc. In all of these ai-eas, the emp hasis is on ta~ ru leka tiger?" (1983) . Researchers and experts tional analysis and doing away with emotional ti should be the guides, not the average person reactions, which has paved the way for y1 with his traditiona l beliefs- this is the result. of changes in attitudes and customs. 1i "scient.ification" and is especially typica l of Finally, when it comes to attitudes about the ,., Swedish social developments. elderly, the pattern has been similar . Affluence Sex roles have become more equa1, more in Sweden has made it possible to provide pen. simi lar , also as a result oft.he driving force of sions and other financial aid, so that the el­ Cl objective reasoning . Women's move into the derly can live in special apartments and not a workforce, of economic necessity , combined need to rely economically on their child ren. \\ with the Women's Movement , has mad e wom­ The ideal of individual freedom has been val­ s en's liberation a relatively accepted idea in ued both by the elderly themselves and by s Sweden, particularly in political and social their children, but this has not., of course, pre­ n planning circ les. The women' s liberation move­ vented the fact that some elderly persons have C it ment. is also connected t.o older traditions of in­ aJso suffered from loneliness . The commonly g dividual freedom as an ideal in the Weste rn held view is that the generations should live n world. sepa rately, be independent of each other and I. Since in Sweden only the idea of rational ar­ not "grate " on each other. When the older and gument is by and large accepted - emotional younger members of a family meet, they reactions generally not accepted - any resis­ should be in harmony , friendly with one an­ tan ce to the Women' s Movement has had little other. Fights and conflicts should be avoided. effect. Men who merely "instinctively" dislike At the same time, respect for the elder ly has the Movement. have been seen, from a public decreased , possibly even disappeared . The sud­ perspective , as unworthy of debate. Argu­ den changes in society hav e made the elderly's ) ments such as the one given by a Yugoslav life experiences irrelevant- in any case, that is married to a Swede would hardly be taken se­ the general view. The physical separation from riously : the older generation has conLribut ed to a social Ji

separation. The elderly are now seen as a sepa­ ( "I'm not. sayi ng that. women who want more rate category - the "rel.ired persons" - who re­ freedom are wrong, I'm just talking about how quire special treatment. Thi s treatment has I feel. - My wife is great, she is OK, it's just also been "scientifically planned". Responsibil­ when there are these cultural conflicts that the ity for the elderly is thus not. mainly borne by E problems arise. Like th is thing abo ut the men the relatives, but i.s instead a matter of public helping their wives . I'm not saying that it's (social) concern. The low value placed on emo· w1·ong to help in the house, but the truth is tional attitudes towards social planning has t.hat a lot of women take advantage of t.bat. caused many immigrants to see Sweden as "in­ kind of help. Then everything gets turned human ". around and the men become the housewives in ln this discussion , where certain behavior the family ... " (Ehn & Arnstberg 1980: 56). and att itudes have been described as products of an industrial society as well as being rein­ As mentioned earlier, sexuality in Sweden has forced by other features of the Swedish culture, been discussed , to a large extent, as an intel­ it is important to understand that these cultu · lectual question , like the matter of individual ral features are also subject to change. The em· freedom - as an unquestionable right. Thus pha sis on objectivity and rationalism which ac­ the task has been clear: t.o do away with all tually characterizes the Chri stian Wester n sexual restrict.ions, including those against in­ world, is unusually strong in the Swedish cul· tercourse before marriage, allowing sexual un- t.ure, but th is strong emp hasis on rationali sJJl

108 for has not always been the case. It could possibly Daun , Ake 1980: Boende och livsform. Stockholm: pre­ be shown that Swedes have long been viewed Tiden /Folksam. ren, as a pragmatic people, but their objective, ra­ - 1983: Svensk mentalitet. 23 Nordiska etnolog- och folkloristkongressen, Fuglsocentret, Danmark. 1 ra­ tional approach is perhaps no older than fifty (Mimeo.) onal years. In that case, this approach is essentially Ehn, Billy 1983: Ska vi leka tiger? Stockholm: Liber. for linked to the rise of the modern welfare state, - & Karl-Olov Arnstberg 1980: Det osynliga arvet. with its, among other things, social democratic Sexton invandrare om sin bakgrund. Stockholm: ;the Forfattarforlaget . reforms. Frykman, Jonas & Orvar Lofgren 1979: Den kulti­ ence I don't intend to go into the much more diffi­ verade miinniskan. Lund: Liber. pen­ cult discussion of the historical background Hannerz, Ulf 1983: Den svenska kulturen . Projektet e el- and explanation of these cultural features Kulturteori for komplexa samhiillen, rapport nr 9. not which appear to be typically Swedish, such as Socialantropologiska institutionen, Stockholms lren. univers itet. (Mimeo.) silence and seriousness. The task here was to Huntford, Roland 1971: The new totalitarians. val­ show how the Swedish culture - the Swedish London: Allen Lane, the Penguin Press. i by mentality - can create special obstacles in Kramer, Jan e 1980: Unsettling Europe. New York: pre­ cross-cultural interaction, and how the Swed­ Random House. 'lave Lofgren, Orvar 1982: Kulturbygge och kulturkon­ ish culture itself presents difficulties for immi­ frontation, in: Kultur och medvetande. Ulf Han­ only grants in adjusting to life in Sweden. It is not nerz, Rita Liljestrom, Orvar Lofgren. Stockholm: live merely immigrants' cultural values and tradi­ Akademilitteratur. and tions which create difficulties. Phillips-Martinsson, Jean 1981: Swedes as others see and them . Facts, myths or a communication complex? they Stockholm: Affiirsforlaget. Popenoe, David 1977: The suburban environment. , an­ References Sweden and the United States. Chicago and led. Allwood, Jens 1981: Finns det svenska kommunika­ London: The University of Chicago Press. , has tionsmonster? in: Vad dr svensk kultur? Uppsatser - Privat e pleasure and public pligh. (Manus.) sud­ {ran ett symposium i Goteborg i maj 1981. Papers Stigsgard-Blornster, Harriet 1983: »Om man moter in Anthropological Linguistics 9: 6-50. dom sa hejar man vdl.« Om forutsdttningar och ef- irly's Anton, Thomas, 1975: Governing Greater Stock­ fekter av ett gemenskapsstriivande projekt i ett iat is holm: A study of policy development and system hoghus- respektive radhusomrade . (Uppsats for from change. Berkeley: University of California Press. pabyggnadskurs. Varterrninen 1983. Institutet for :ocial Austin, Paul Britten 1968: On being Swedish. folklivsforskning. Stockholm.) (Mirneo.) ,epa- London: Secker and Warburg. Suede. La reform e permanente. Livre-dossier . Paris: Berger, Peter & Thomas Luckmann 1966/1979: Stock 1977. 10 re­ Kun skapssoc iologi. Hur individen uppfattar och Sundbiirg, Gustav 1911: Det svenska folklynnet . . has formar sin sociala verklighet. Stockholm: Wahl­ Stockholm: P A Norstedt & Soners forlag. sibil­ strom & Widstrand. Ohlund, Marie-Louise 1982: Har dom turban? En Bergman, Erland & Bo Swedin 1982: Vittnesmal. In­ grupp svenskars attityder till invandrar e. (Uppsats ie by vandrares syn pa diskriminering i Sverige. En rap­ for pabyggnadskurs. Varterrninen 1982. Institutet ublic port {ran Diskrimineringsutredning en. Stockholm: for folklivsforskning. Stockholm.) (Mimeo.) emo­ Publica. ; has s "in- avior :lucts rein­ ture, :ultu­ e em­ :µac­ stern 1 cul­ alism

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