Peopling Thailand's 2015 Draft Constitution

Peopling Thailand’s 2015 Draft Constitution

DUNCAN McCARGO

In the wake of the 22 May 2014 military coup, Thailand began drafting its twentieth constitution since 1932. But the drafting process was dogged from the start by fundamental differences between the military junta and legal experts working on the new constitution. The military wanted to invoke “the people”, yet at the same time suppress their actual political participation. The constitution drafters wanted to create “active citizens” who were loyal to conservative, royalist notions about Thailand’s state and society, hoping they would be mobilized to police those notions, and so undermine those forces supporting a more open democratic politics. In the end, attempts to craft a charter shaped by legalistic ideas of moral citizenship and virtuous bureaucratic rule foundered in September 2015 when the draft constitution was voted down by the National Reform Council, a body whose members had been appointed by the junta itself. This article examines what was at stake in the struggles over the meanings of Thailand’s 2015 draft constitution, arguing that the junta deliberately sabotaged a constitution which embodied a view of the populace that was radically at variance with military preferences.

Keywords: Thailand, constitution, military, people, citizens.

“We hope that this constitution will bring about a paradigm shift.”1

Duncan McCargo is currently a Visitor in the School of Social Science at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, and Professor of Political Science at the University of Leeds, UK. Postal address: School of Politics and International Studies, University of Leeds, LS2 9JT, UK; email: [email protected].

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Following the 22 May 2014 military coup in Thailand, a committee was appointed to draft a new constitution. This article reviews the competing understandings of the Thai people that emerged during the drafting of the new constitution, and attempts to explain why the draft constitution was rejected by another military-appointed body in September 2015. It argues that during the drafting process, liberal royalists sought to reclaim the people as active citizens in order to create a more moral nation in which elected politicians would be subordinated to the popular will. However, this conception was not shared by the ruling junta, and in the end, the military deliberately sabotaged the new constitution that they themselves had commissioned. The episode offers telling insights into the internal dynamics of Thailand’s troubled politics and society. Thailand’s abortive 2015 draft constitution was crafted by two closely linked elites: the retired and serving army generals who formed the core of the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), and the civilian legal experts who comprised the thirty-six-member Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC). Both of these elites invoked notions of the populace in support of their visions for the country’s future. However, close scrutiny reveals that military notions of prachachon (the people) differed significantly from the CDC’s idea of phonlamueang (citizens). And neither the army nor the legal specialists invoked the generally understood meanings of the people contained in the ground-breaking 1997 “People’s Constitution”. Prachachon was a term used by the army for a depoliticized population, operating under military tutelage. Phonlamueang was a term favoured by royal legalists, connoting “active citizens” who were dedicated to monitoring abuses by elected politicians, animated by deep-rooted loyalty to the nation and the monarchy. By contrast, the 1997 Constitution was characterized by extensive consultation and popular participation which gave “the people” a strong sense of ownership. No such participation was envisaged either by the military or by the CDC in 2015. Nevertheless, there were real tensions between the political imaginaries of the NCPO and the CDC, tensions which contributed to the eventual failure of the drafting process.

Thai Constitutionalism The idea that a new constitution might “reset” Thailand’s politics is far from new: variations on this theme were articulated in 1932, 1974, 1997 and 2007. As this author has argued elsewhere, Thailand is at

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the opposite end of the spectrum from the monumental, sacralized constitutions of countries such as Japan and the United States: short documents that are rarely, if ever, amended.2 Thailand has an iterative constitution, one that is constantly being changed to reflect political vicissitudes. In a talk given at the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Thailand (FCCT) on 8 April 2015, two leading drafters of the proposed new constitution, Borwornsak Uwanno and Navin Damrigan, noted that the Dominican Republic, Venezuela, Haiti and Ecuador have all had more constitutions than Thailand’s nineteen. They quickly added: “This is not something to be proud of. But there are reasons behind that.”3 Why, then, does Thailand find itself in such unlikely company? Constitutionalism is a political disease that has long afflicted Thailand. The disease has two main symptoms: legalism and moralism. Most studies of Thai constitutions and constitution-drafting have focused on the ways in which successive drafters have sought to deploy legal engineering to shape politics and society — a “rules of the game” approach. Yet this emphasis on legalism can sometimes occlude the moral dimensions of Thai public life, in which quasi- Buddhist rhetoric about advancing virtue and opposing evil is all- pervasive. The 2015 draft constitution, issued on 17 April 2015, was the first Thai charter in which legal language was overtly overlaid with a discourse of moralism.4 While some of this language was removed from the later draft that was voted down by the National Reform Council (NRC) (a 250-member body charged with overseeing the junta’s political programmes) on 6 September 2015,5 the basic thrust of the rejected version was the same. Thai constitutionalism reached a high-water mark in 1997, following the bloody events of Black May 1992, when the military fatally shot unarmed protestors who objected to the way in which a coup leader had turned himself into an unelected premier. Over the next five years, an alliance of royalists, bureaucrats and civil society activists sought to ensure that violence like that of May 1992 would never happen again. They attempted to craft a coup-proof constitution, one that would curb abuses of power by elected politicians and allow “good people” to assume high office. Distinguished former royal physician Dr Prawase Wasi, one of the main architects of the 1990s political reform process, dates the origins of that movement back to 1993, when Borwornsak visited him at Siriraj Hospital, telling him that if the current constitution remained in force, bloodshed could result.6 Prawase stated that from the outset their objective was to “Rewrite the constitution

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to curb the power of bad politicians”.7 Writing in 1995, Prawase elaborated the shortcomings of Thai politics in eight points:8 first, the dominance of money; second, the monopolization of politics by a minority; third, the difficulties faced by good and able people in entering politics; fourth, the dishonest and improper behaviour of elected officials; fifth, parliamentary dictatorship; sixth, political conflict and instability; seventh, the poor quality of administration; and eighth, the lack of political leadership. Twenty years, ten prime ministers, eight elections, five major rounds of mass political rallies, two military coups and two constitutions later, Prawase’s eight points still resonate closely with the concerns underpinning the 2015 draft constitution. But the upheavals of the Thaksin and post-Thaksin periods have illustrated the implicit conservatism of this agenda, and the ways it can be abused by those who are opposed to representative politics. The so-called “People’s Constitution” of 1997 drew on an extensive process of popular consultation, but was primarily a compromise between the competing agendas of various elite actors. The primary focus of the document was on establishing more checks and balances in the political system: creating a strong executive, a small number of large political parties, an elected but non- partisan upper house, and a range of new independent agencies including a Constitutional Court, an Election Commission and a Counter-Corruption Commission. For all the hopes invested in it, the 1997 Constitution and the associated project of political reform were unsuccessful in their core goal of stabilizing Thai politics. Instead, they facilitated the rise of the most popular politician in Thai history: Thaksin Shinawatra, a police officer-turned-billionaire telecommunications tycoon whose political career polarized the nation.9 By making it possible for an extremely effective prime minister to win unprecedented levels of electoral support, and to exercise tight control over the reins of power, the Constitution ushered in new modes of conflict and contestation, unnerving the very same elite actors who had conceived these political reforms in the first place. Thaksin was ousted by the military on 19 September 2006 while attending a meeting of the UN General Assembly in New York.10 In the months that followed, a small group of elite, foreign-trained legal scholars who served as Thailand’s professional constitution drafters began to regroup to try and create a “Thaksin-proof” charter. Yet the 2007 Constitution did little more than tinker with the post-1997 rules of the Thai political game, such as the party

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list system and the array of independent agencies designed to monitor abuses of power. Pro-Thaksin parties decisively won the 2007 and 2011 general elections, despite the fact that the former prime minister and over 200 of his closest allies had been given five-year bans by the courts from holding political office. The aftermath of the 2006 coup demonstrated that the opposition Democrat Party remained electorally inept: it had failed to win a general election convincingly since 1986.11 The Democrat administrations of Chuan Leekpai (1997–2001) and Abhisit Vejjajiva (2008–11) were formed on the basis of troubling backroom deals, not electoral victories. Pro-Thaksin parties, with their powerful appeal to the urbanized villagers of the North and Northeast who form the country’s main bloc of voters,12 looked destined to continue winning elections for the foreseeable future, unless some ingenious new formula could be devised to undermine their polling successes. In late 2013, mass street protests by the People’s Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) against the government of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra — Thaksin’s sister — forced her to dissolve parliament, and precipitated a sequence of events that culminated in the 22 May 2014 military coup.13 This time, the Royal Thai Army (RTA) Commander General Prayut Chan-ocha was determined that Thailand’s political instability would be laid to rest permanently.14 His NCPO was willing to suppress all public criticism and overt dissent in order to “restore national happiness”. Three months later, Prayut appointed himself prime minister, and established a thirty-six-member CDC charged with putting into place new legal structures that would break the vicious cycle of political polarization once and for all. The chair of the CDC, Borwornsak Uwanno, was nominated by the NCPO. Borwornsak — the holder of a French law doctorate, a former Dean of the Chulalongkorn University Faculty of Law, and until late 2014, the head of the King Prachadipok Institute (KPI), the research and training arm of the Thai Parliament — is among Thailand’s most prominent public law specialists. One of Chatichai Choonavan’s seven-member expert advisory team in the late 1980s, Borwornsak was also Secretary-General to Prime Minister Thaksin from 2003 to 2006. A member of the 1997 CDC, involved in drafting the 2007 Constitution, and chair of the 2014–15 CDC, he was arguably the chief legal ideologue of the monarchical network.15 Another 20 CDC members were selected from among the members of the NRC; in addition, five each were nominated by the NCPO, the Cabinet and the National Legislative Assembly. The core group, comprising

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prominent CDC members with strong anti-Thaksin credentials, included Lt-General Navin Damrigan, a former military attaché to Washington D.C., and official of the National Security Council, who holds a PhD in Chemical Engineering from Northwestern University; General Lertrat Rattanavanich, former Deputy Chief of Staff of the RTA; Kamnoon Sitthisam, a former senator and the one-time editor of the newspaper Manager Daily; Jade Donavanik, dean of Dhurakij Pundit University law faculty; and Banjerd Singkhaneti, former NIDA law faculty dean. Along with Borwornsak, this small group assumed primary responsibility for presenting the CDC’s debates and proposals to wider audiences. Several CDC members, including Borwornsak himself, were known to have attended or participated in anti-government PDRC rallies in 2013–14.16 Given its military origins, the legitimacy of the CDC was questionable from the outset, and the overwhelming dominance of the committee by conservative older men did nothing to assuage these concerns. The CDC formally completed its draft of the proposed new constitution on 17 April 2015. Although it was not supposed to be circulated to the public until after it had been reviewed by the NRC, the draft was immediately leaked to the media by some NRC members.17 Despite calls by the drafters for more active modes of citizenship, the constitution was drafted behind closed doors and opportunities for popular input were virtually non-existent. Constitutional scholar Khemthong Tonsakulrungruang noted the lack of public interest in the CDC’s work, and the absence of lively debate, in contrast with the 1997 and 2007 drafting processes.18 Political parties, for example, were eventually given copies of the draft for comment, but bizarrely told that they were not permitted to organize meetings to discuss it. Those wanting to debate the draft were obliged to create a Facebook page for this purpose. The page, known as Prachamati, soon became a virtual meeting place for debates about the new constitution.19

Legalism As the late Harvard political theorist Judith Shklar brilliantly argued, legalism is a political ideology, albeit one that is rarely recognized as such. Advocates of legalism like to insist that the pursuit of justice is suprapolitical and thus beyond criticism. Shklar charged that legalism sees politics “as inferior to law”.20 Legalism is predicated on the assumption that law is morally superior to politics, and so forms the basis for the persistent denigration of politicians and

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representative democracy. This strain of thinking and discourse is pervasive not only in countries such as Thailand, but also in developed countries such as Britain and the United States. Legalists tend to believe that political problems can be solved through legal mechanisms, such as anti-corruption laws or independent agencies. As Tom Ginsburg has sceptically suggested, a proliferation of legalistic solutions risks “politicizing institutions with technocratic bases of legitimacy, over-loading them with tasks they are not designed or prepared to handle”.21 Like legalists everywhere, Thailand’s constitution-drafters have consistently assumed that law is superior to politics; and that political actors are inherently untrustworthy in that they are likely to abuse their power unless closely monitored and constrained. Andrew Harding wrote of the 1997 Constitution, “It is hard to imagine a more comprehensive attempt to change social facts by law”; arguably, the 2015 draft constitution represented exactly the kind of unimaginably ambitious attempt to transform reality to which Harding referred.22 In the Thai context, legalism often appears a natural ally to authoritarianism, and is closely linked to a dominant culture of legal conservativism. Judges, law professors and legal experts — including those who perform advisory roles working with agencies such as the Council of State, for many years the principal arm of Thai legalism — enjoy very high prestige and status. Some of this prestige is derived not from their track records as proponents of justice or the rule of law, but from their willingness to serve power- holders. They were adept at finding legal mechanisms to support the political establishment, not least military regimes that had clearly seized power illegally. The readiness of the legal establishment to collude with coup-makers had been strongly criticized by the Nitirat group, a collective of progressive law academics based at Thammasat University which was initially formed to highlight the illegality of the 2006 coup.23 According to Nitirat member Piyabutr Saengkanokkul: “Back then [after the 2006 coup] we discussed how nobody from this field opposed the coup at all; everyone indulged it. So we decided to get together.”24 Nitirat accused Thailand’s 2007 constitution drafters of expediency and adopting a highly selective approach to the rule of law. Exactly the same charges could apply to the 2014–15 CDC, which was once again appointed by a military junta. Legalism has proven invaluable as a mechanism to undermine pro-Thaksin governments. Pro-Thaksin parties were dissolved, and leading members given five-year bans from holding office, in both

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2007 and 2008.25 Elections won by pro-Thaksin parties, but boycotted by the opposition Democrats, were annulled by the courts in both 2006 and 2014. Pro-Thaksin Prime Ministers Samak Sundaravej and Yingluck Shinawatra were both removed from office by court decisions; while Yingluck also suffered the indignity of being retrospectively impeached by a military-backed puppet assembly, months after she had left office.

Moralism A distinctive feature of Thai legalism is its purported affinity with notions of moralism, which are inextricable from a belief in the shining virtue of the monarchy. Book 2 of the April 2015 draft constitution is entitled, “Good leaders and a system of good representation”. The explicit aim here was to institutionalize virtue and prevent “bad people” from gaining and retaining political office. The language of virtuous rule was evident in the debates surrounding the drafting of the 1997 Constitution. Dr Prawase Wasi was among those who talked extensively of the need to ensure that “good and capable people” were able to play prominent roles in the political system.26 The 1997 Constitution divided elected representatives into three groups, in descending order of virtue: apolitical senators; credible figures from party lists to serve as ministers; and lower-level politicians who were limited to the status of mere constituency members of parliament. But in 1997, the language of virtue was not writ large in the text of the Constitution itself; and the same applied when the 2007 Constitution was prepared in the wake of the 2006 coup. The April 2015 draft was the first Thai constitution that dared directly to speak the name of virtuous rule, allowing the language of moralism to figure prominently in numerous articles. A centrepiece of Book 2 was the creation of a National Morality Assembly (NMA), which was charged with first preparing and then policing a code of ethics.27 These ethics would apply to all election candidates, to everyone holding a national or local political position and to all those holding leadership positions in the public sector. Article 73 stated that: Political leaders at both the national and local levels, who dedicate themselves to performing public duties, shall be good citizens: self-sacrificing, honest, and responsible in the performance of their duties to the country and the people, adhering to ethics and governance, demonstrating loyalty to the nation, religion and the King, and serving the people to the utmost degree.28

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This article is interesting both for repeating the classic Thai mantra of “nation, religion and King”, and also for swiftly appending a reference to “serving the people”. As Michael Montesano has argued, invoking “the people” reflects a relatively recent shift in Thai elite thinking. He sees it as part of an “inclusionary” rhetoric which is actually aimed at de-politicizing the Thai populace and subordinating it to the will of the centre.29 Good leadership is constructed in terms of duty, honesty, ethics, loyalty and service, rather than, say, working to advance freedom or justice, or for the empowerment of the marginalized and disadvantaged. This highly conservative definition of what constitutes good leadership seems to offer little space for those who might wish to challenge vested interests, to fight inequality or oppose rigid hierarchies. The composition of the NMA was not discussed in the draft; nor were the Assembly’s selection procedures, powers, duties or “inquisitional method”, all of which were to be specified in future secondary legislation.30 But according to earlier media reports, the NRC had already finished the secondary draft legislation: the NMA was to comprise fifty-five members. Five so-called “Council members” were to be picked by the Senate;31 these Council members would then set a selection committee to appoint the remaining fifty members.32 This procedure illustrated the enhanced power of the Senate under the 2015 draft. Those office-holders who violated the Code of Ethics could be reported to the NMA, which would then conduct an investigation and pass on the results to the House of Representatives, Senate, Cabinet, and the relevant local assembly and provincial Citizens’ Assembly (another set of bodies to be created under the 2015 constitution).33 The draft constitution stated that these bodies must take appropriate action “without re-investigation”: apparently, the judgements of the NMA were to be final and binding. In cases where the Code of Ethics has been seriously violated, the NMA may propose that the Election Commission eventually remove the offender from elected office, and/or to deprive him/her from holding office for five years. This decision had to be ratified by a popular recall vote at the next general election. Borwornsak and Navin explained that this rather unusual retrospective recall vote method was preferable to holding additional ballots to remove politicians from office mid-term, which would be prohibitively costly to administer.34 Where appropriate, those removed from office might then face criminal charges or impeachment on the grounds of corruption or malfeasance. The option of disqualification

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on ethical grounds was designed to be more straightforward than sending all violators through a full judicial process involving “voluminous paperwork and legal technicalities”.35 In effect, the NMA was an additional independent agency, designed to operate in a low- cost, no-frills manner, fingering ethical violators for disqualification from office. Curiously, however, the final decision rested with the electorate. It was easy to imagine cases in either pro-Thaksin or pro-Democrat heartlands where voters would continue to endorse well-known candidates from the locally dominant party, despite their having been accused of ethical violations by the NMA. While the draft clearly stated that the NMA’s creation did not prejudice the judgements of the Supreme Court’s Criminal Division for Political Offenders, the establishment of the NMA implicitly challenged the Supreme Court’s role as the ultimate guardian of public morality.36 By establishing the NMA, the CDC was not only expressing a deep mistrust of elected politicians, but also revealing a lack of faith in the judiciary to oversee those politicians. The drafters placed maintenance of morality in the hands of “empowered citizens”,37 who seemed to embody an alternative to the conventional organs of the nation-state — leading The Economist to dub the new draft as a “babysitters’ charter”.38 But the babysitter trope fails to capture the nuances of the CDC’s thinking, which illustrated a particular Thai imaginary about the nature of citizenship that was repeatedly articulated during the 2013–14 PDRC protests. Like its precursor, the People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD), the PDRC explicitly claimed to embody the Thai people. The PDRC linked this claim to a rhetoric of democracy, despite the fact that it enjoyed only minority popular support, and was working to subvert representative electoral politics. One prominent CDC member, Jade Donavanik, argued that: We need to make the charter one that reflects the people’s power. In that way, politicians won’t dare to violate or abuse the people otherwise they will be expelled by the people. … in the hands of those who know how to use it, a leaf can turn into a magic sword.39 This almost mystical terminology reflected the strong sense of personal mission felt by the CDC. Moralism was closely linked with superstition, and a belief on the part of the CDC that the stars were aligned with the forces of virtue represented by the new constitution.

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As Michael Connors has argued — and Montesano has elaborated — the CDC’s notion of citizenship had its origins in the rhetoric of ratchapracha-samasai, best translated as “king–people mutuality”, which dates back to the 1950s, the early years of the present King’s reign.40 According to the principles of what Connors terms “royal liberalism”, royalist civilian elites deploy the idea of “the people” as a means of by-passing and marginalizing representative politics and elected politicians. Connors names Borwornsak Uwanno as the primary legal theorist who developed these Thai elite understandings of the relationship between “the people” and the monarchy as long ago as the early 1990s.41 The 2015 draft constitution was Borwornsak’s attempt to codify these ideas into Thailand’s basic law. Montesano has described the 1997 “People’s Constitution” as “a blueprint for continuing domination of the Thai political order on the part of a royalist, civilian technocratic elite in a climate of partial depoliticization”42 — a blueprint that never properly materialized. The 2015 draft might best be seen as an attempt by the 1997 drafters to revisit their earlier agendas. By contrast, the 1991 and 2007 constitutions, both commissioned by military juntas, were overseen by veteran legal expert Meechai Ruchuphan. When Borwornsak’s royalist liberal 2015 draft was rejected, the NCPO turned to the more conventionally conservative Meechai to rescue the situation. Underpinning the 2015 draft, like the 1997 Constitution on which it sought to build, were national anxieties about what would happen to Thailand following the eventual death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej. Prawase said as much in a public speech at the Siam Intercontinental Hotel in 1995.43 A constitution was thus needed to strengthen the political system in order to withstand the shocks and aftershocks of the succession. Twenty years on, the King remained on the throne, but could no longer intervene in the same way as before. Borwornsak and Navin were surprisingly explicit about this in their FCCT presentation: His Majesty, the soul of our nation, being hospitalized, could not play any mediatory role in our ten year long conflict. The institution has been unfairly criticized by those who are republican for not condemning the military. But if the Crown had done so, the institution itself would have been in grave danger and perhaps this would have led the country into a civil war.44 The picture the constitution drafters painted was of a vulnerable, fragile monarchy unable to resist the overweening power of the

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military for fear of jeopardizing the survival of the Crown itself. During earlier political crises, their argument goes, the monarchy was able to mediate conflicts and intervene on the side of virtue. “If the military rule lasted long [sic] than necessary, the Principal Secretary would carry the Royal Message to the leaders that a new charter was needed.”45 However, when royal interventions had become impossible — as in 2006 and 2014 — military coups were the result: “This is the Thai political culture that we inherited from the past and we cannot change it overnight by preaching the doctrine of Democracy.”46 Borwornsak and Navin have asserted the King was not happy about these coups. This is because for the period prior to the promulgation of an interim constitution: All laws and regulations were issued by the ruling power without Royal Assent. No one in this situation would like to see his power seized either!47 Legally-minded royalists were deeply uneasy about the interregnum between a military seizure of power and the promulgation of an interim constitution, since during such periods the monarchy had no formal standing. Borwornsak and Navin took great pains to point out that the King would be willing to support the government of the day — as he did during the failed April Fools’ Day coup in 1981 — but once any coup became a fait accompli, “the legal principle of effectiveness prevails” and he is forced to recognize the power transfer.48 In this passage, the drafters put a clear distance between themselves and the generals, hinting at a deep ambivalence about military coups. According to this narrative, as the monarchy grew less able to handle the country’s raucous political conflicts, this role was increasingly taken over by the military. This was despite attempts by civilian elites to create legal mechanisms (in 1997 and 2007) that could do the job without the need for further coups, and despite the King’s exhortations in 2006 for the judiciary to assume the role of putting Thailand’s political problems to bed. By 2015, a new babysitter of last resort had to be hired. The 2015 constitution gives the job to the citizenry themselves, the very same prachachon who have long enjoyed a relationship of mutuality with their ruler, the King. Mediation and moral enforcement are now the duties of ordinary people. While Borwornsak and Navin state that, “This draft turns ‘Thai subjects’, followers of those who rule into ‘Active Thai citizens’ who engage in the political life of the country”,49 in

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reality the draft constitution constructed the people as loyal subjects, whose citizenship was entirely subordinated to the imagined royal will. Thais were enjoined not to follow elected politicians, but to remain faithful to royalist ideas of the nation. The evolution of royalist thinking (for want of a better term) thus went something like this, in terms of the dominant mechanisms by which moral order was supposed to be maintained in times of crisis: 1. Royal interventions (pre-1997) 2. Legal mechanisms and judicial interventions (1997–2006) 3. Military coups (2006–present) 4. People/subject/citizen interventions (2015 onwards) The third of these mechanisms represented a failure of the original project of royal liberalism, while the fourth might be seen as a last-ditch attempt to redeem the entire project from collapse. In practice, these four mechanisms overlapped and co-existed for much of the period in question, though their relative importance changes over time. This range of mechanisms reflects the diverse and heterogeneous components that this author has termed “network monarchy”: members of the royal family form the core, but are closely allied with military hardliners on the one hand, and with “liberal” reformers on the other. As the centre of the network has grown less active, the initiative has been taken up alternately by liberal reformers (1997, 2007, 2015) and by the military (2006, 2014).

“People” versus “Citizens” Seen in this light, the 2015 draft was an attempt to re-centre the network monarchy, carried out by de-centring it. By decoupling nation, religion and King from the person of the King himself, the essence of Thai-ness can be retained with a new emphasis on “the people”. The 2015 draft rhetorically assigns to the people three new roles. First, citizens will serve in Citizens’ Assemblies, Provincial Civic Scrutiny Councils and the NMA by monitoring ethical violations.50 Second, through the Multi Member Proportional (MMP) voting system, citizens will be empowered to re-order party lists and demote “capitalists and party VIPs” from automatic entitlement to seats. Third, referendums will be introduced for constitutional amendments and other important issues, including regional or local disputes on matters such as dam projects.

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The April 2015 draft shifted the emphasis away from law (the terrain of courts and independent agencies) and onto ethics (the terrain of both the monarchy and the people). There were close parallels between the definition of good leadership in Article 73, and the extended definitions of citizenship provided in Articles 26 and 27. Article 26 states that citizens must “uphold righteousness as well as good values and discipline, be responsible for citizens’ duties, be accountable to society and the people, and be in harmony, pertinacity and self-reliance”. By contrast: “No citizen shall act in advocacy of national or religious hatred or constitute any incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence.” However, citizens are also directed to “preserve the rights and liberties of others and the principle of equality” — responsibilities that are not assigned so directly to their leaders. Borwornsak and Navin explained that “active citizenship” was one of the major principles underpinning the draft constitution, a key element of the paradigm shift envisaged by the drafters. But the kind of active citizenship laid out in the draft emphasizes the role of citizens as moral enforcers, echoing the literal whistle- blowing celebrated by the 2013–14 PDRC demonstrations, in which mass rallies of protestors called time on the Yingluck government. Citizens were supposed to uphold the nation, religion and King, defend the country, pay their taxes and “exercise political rights in good faith and for the benefit of the public”.51 Active citizenship seemed to resemble a form of public mobilization, in which the primary function of citizens was to monitor and check abuses of power by elected politicians. This responsibility was embodied in the roles they were to perform in various newly-created agencies, including the NMA, Provincial Citizens’ Assemblies and Provincial Civic Scrutiny Councils.52 The associated turn towards the people, seen both in the language of the draft constitution and in the earlier rhetoric of the NCPO, was not entirely new. While Montesano rightly notes that the rewriting of the slogan “nation, religion and King” by the military to include “the people” dates back well before 2014, the important 1980 military anti-communist Order 66/2523 is not the most salient document here.53 By the 1990s, the army believed that it was on the side of the people because it had fought an anti-communist “people’s war” several decades earlier and because it believed that that war had been a success. The military’s belief that it was on the side of the people was inextricably connected with a certain view of the people and their political role: a corporatist and depoliticized one.

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Following the public backlash against the military after the events of Black May 1992 — in which Thai soldiers shot dead dozens of unarmed civilian pro-democracy demonstrators — members of the armed forces were reluctant to wear their uniforms in public for fear of hostile reactions. This antipathy came as a shock to the army, which had long believed itself to be on the side of the people. During the tenure of General Wimol Wongwanich, who was handpicked as RTA commander to improve the image of the armed forces, the army began using the slogan “nation, religion, King and the people”. This slogan was formally announced in 1998, during General Chetta Thanajaro’s time as army chief.54 The relevant army orders carefully detailed the responsibilities of the military towards the people. The most important of these was to: “Behave respectfully to the people and society, by demonstrating sincerity when engaging with the wider society, so as to create the feeling that the army belongs to the people and is ready to take the side of the people in all situations.”55 The net result was to promote what might be termed “army-people mutuality”, allowing the military to be the conduit directly connecting the public with the monarchy. This 1990s invocation of the people cannot be divorced from earlier notions of mutuality rooted in the experience of counter-insurgency: both sorts of mutuality were ultimately völkisch projects of depoliticization, in which the populace operated under close military tutelage.56 The army would act in loco parentis on behalf of the monarchy. In the years after 1998, the Thai language slogan “nation, religion, King” on display at key locations such as the gates of military compounds was changed to read “nation, religion, King and the people”. By early 2013, an English version of the slogan began appearing outside army bases, on the orders of General Prayut, supposedly as part of Thailand’s efforts to rebrand itself internationally in preparation for the creation of the ASEAN Economic Community. In this English version, “religion” was rendered as “religions” — a curious gloss given that the Thai original is unambiguously singular. The pluralization of “religion” apparently reflected an attempt to present a more liberal and tolerant image to the wider world, deflecting potential foreign criticism that Thailand was ade facto Buddhist state. Thailand’s 2013–14 political crisis abundantly illustrated the limitations and shortcomings of the existing system of checks and balances: contentious issues were bounced between the government, the Senate, the Election Commission, the National Anti-Corruption

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Commission, the Administrative Court and the Constitutional Court, bodies with apparently overlapping and at times contradictory jurisdictions. Far from helping to resolve the country’s political problems, some of these agencies seemed intent upon either shirking their responsibilities or even exacerbating ongoing tensions: the Election Commission, for example, proved remarkably reluctant to hold any elections.57 The April 2015 draft’s insertion of additional checks into the political system, including a stronger and even less accountable Senate and the extra oversight of the NMA threatened to boost the potential for stalemate and make Thailand increasingly ungovernable. Legal academic and Nitirat founder Worachet Pakeerat has argued that the policy-making powers of the independent agencies will lead to questions as to what the remaining roles of ministers would be, and who would be accountable in case of policy failures.58 At least three different imaginaries of “the people” may be seen in Thailand’s recent constitutional travails. One is the view of the people held by the military, as a depoliticized and unified mass that can readily be mobilized in the service of “nation, religion and King”. A second is the view of the people espoused by the 2015 drafters, who imagined virtuous “active citizens” demonstrating both their citizenship and their activism through demonstrations of profound loyalty, and assuming the role of ethical overseers to prevent elected politicians from abusing their powers. A third view of the people was widely shared by those who contributed to the drafting of the 1997 Constitution, but has since faded: citizens as independent-minded agents of their own destiny, empowered both to assert their rights and to advance their individual and collective interests. Only this third view seems compatible with a liberal and democratic order. These three distinct notions of the populace are frequently blurred and confused. Few people recognized the extent to which the CDC held a different view of the Thai population from that of the NCPO. At the same time, while trying to evoke the positive participatory image of the 1997 Constitution, the CDC did not really seek to empower ordinary citizens, but rather to create an elite class of moral guardians who would be charged with working on citizens’ behalf. The CDC’s invocation of an “active citizenry” was largely empty, since only selected virtuous citizens were expected to assume such roles.

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Charter Struggles In the wake of the May 1992 crackdown, two different elements of the network monarchy sought to lay claim to and embrace the Thai people. The royalist liberals crafted a “People’s Constitution” in which King–people mutuality would be legally codified and thus firmed up. Meanwhile, the military revamped its rhetoric to strengthen its longstanding claims that the army was on the side of the people; King–people mutuality would be mediated through the benevolent agency of the armed forces. The political crisis of 2006 — during which royal pleas for the judiciary to rescue the situation came to naught — demonstrated the abject failure of the constitutionalists.59 However, the continuing political crisis that followed the 2006 coup further illustrated both the futility of military interventions, and the inability of the 2007 coup-drafters to prevent the resurgence of pro-Thaksin forces. Despite talk of a paradigm shift, there is evidence to suggest that the 2015 draft constitution was designed simply as a stop-gap measure to bridge the period leading up to an eventual royal succession. Asked how long he expected the constitution to last, Borwornsak acknowledged to foreign journalists that based on past charters, it was likely to enjoy a shelf-life of ten to fifteen years.60 Given that the 1997 Constitution lasted nine years and the 2006 Constitution lasted only eight, the 2015 charter was never expected to endure much more than a decade. After the 2014 coup, the military yet again found itself in an awkward embrace with the professional constitution-drafting fraternity, despite the ideology and rhetoric of the two sides not being in complete accord. For the military, Thailand’s political divides were expected to be wished/washed away by rebranding the entire population as “the people”, subordinated to the greater needs of the nation, religion and monarchy, and acting under military tutelage. Military groupthink about the over-riding need for unity could not accommodate the realities of Thailand’s deeply divided society. The constitution-drafters had a more sophisticated, if equally unrealistic, view of the populace: “the people” were to be upgraded to citizens, and thereby implicitly removed from the mobilizing impulses of the military. But as “active citizens”, they would be expected to play a major role in policing the political order and especially in exercising ethical leadership at all levels of both state and society. The entire activated citizenry would be

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recruited into the network monarchy, ensuring that further military interventions were no longer necessary. The April 2015 draft contained provisions for a National Reconciliation Promotion Commission, with an ambitious agenda to bridge the deep gulfs in Thai society. These provisions, watered down in the July version, included the possibility of proposing royal pardons for those who had been sentenced for offences relating to their political actions. Though replete with the language of moralism — pardons were reserved for those who were “remorseful”, or redeemed themselves by giving useful information to the Commission — the possibility of pardons offered a source of hope for pro- Thaksin figures who still faced politically-related charges. Given the shortcomings of Thailand’s two previous reconciliation commissions, there were many reasons to be sceptical about how effectively this new body would be in performing the tasks assigned to it under the constitution. Nevertheless, there was an urgent need to find ways of bridging the country’s serious political divides. From the outset, it seemed likely that the April 2015 draft would be met with criticism from pro-Thaksin politicians. More surprising was the widespread opposition to the draft expressed by the Democrat Party, conservative figures in Thai society, and even by members of the military-appointed National Legislative Assembly. Former Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva stated that the draft constitution was fraught with flaws, as the constitution drafters had come up with the wrong solutions that would only snatch democracy from the people.61 He added that bureaucrats are inherently conservative and so have never initiated serious reforms anywhere in the world. Theeraphat Serarangsan, who had served as a minister during the 2006–7 post-coup administration, strongly criticized the draft, asserted that the approach was outdated and did not address the root causes of Thailand’s problems. Theeraphat termed it a logically inconsistent “Srithanonchai Draft Constitution”, a reference to a mythical Thai trickster.62 Wittayakorn Chiengkul declared that the draft represented an elite belief that government officials were better than politicians, which was not always true. He also questioned whether Citizens’ Assemblies would really work in practice because the people would not be genuinely empowered.63 Outspoken CDC member and former senator Paiboon Nititawan promptly proposed a compulsory referendum on the Constitution within ninety days of it coming into effect.64 This proposal was soon supported by Borwornsak himself, and eventually a provisional referendum date was set for 10 January 2016.65 Holding a referendum

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was risky in various ways, not least because it might not pass: the 2007 referendum on the last military-initiated constitution had won only 58 per cent approval, and was rejected in twenty-four provinces in the North and Northeast. The 2015 draft was much less credible than the 2007 Constitution. Even if the draft did pass, there would be large numbers of votes against it; as a result, the NCPO would not easily be able to sustain its empty claims that the coup had restored unity and national happiness to the population. Finally, even if the draft was convincingly endorsed in a referendum, it would lack popular legitimacy. The 2007 Constitution never gained the same legitimacy as the 1997 Constitution, despite the referendum; everyone knew that the charter came from the military, and many of those who voted yes did so simply in the hope of a rapid return to political normalcy. Nevertheless, for most constitution drafters, a referendum was desirable, as a minimal form of legitimation; whereas for the military, the public were to be invoked but not heard from, either at the ballot box or otherwise. Given the level of dissent, it soon became clear the NRC would not approve the draft in its original form: the July version re-submitted to the NRC after a sixty-day period of consultation differed from the April draft in various ways.66 Most controversially, provisions for a “Strategic Committee for National Reform and Reconciliation”, which had been mentioned only obliquely in the April draft, were elaborated in Articles 259 and 260: the new committee — soon popularly dubbed the “Crisis Council” — would help prevent domestic conflict and promote reconciliation. The largely appointed crisis council would include the heads of the three branches of the armed forces as ex-officio members, suggesting a continuing military role in the governance of the country. At the same time, the widely-criticized NMA was dropped in the revised draft. The changes reflected the range of competing agendas that informed the drafting process. As Borwornsak later asserted: “The draft was not my ‘dream’ constitution. I had to listen to the opinions of the 35 other CDC members, the National Council for Peace and Order, the cabinet, and others including the people throughout.”67 Despite these concessions, the NRC voted down the draft constitution by 135 votes to 105 on 6 September 2015. Borwornsak announced that he would play no further role in the drafting process; and veteran legal specialist Meechai Ruchuphan, widely viewed as the only other person qualified for the task, was duly recruited by the NCPO to head a completely new CDC. The reasons behind the rejection remained somewhat murky. Since members

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of the NRC were all handpicked by the junta, and many could be expected to do its bidding, the only compelling explanation was that the NCPO had cold feet about passing a draft constitution that was very likely to be rejected at the referendum stage, and so had lobbied sympathetic blocs of NRC members to vote the draft down.68 The rejection of the draft demonstrated that the CDC, the NRC and the NCPO were not one and the same: the military and the professional constitution drafters differed in the ways they understood the problems facing the country.

Conclusion The biggest difference between the April 2015 draft constitution and the 1997 and 2007 charters was its emphasis on ethics, rather than simply on legal mechanisms. It was not simply, as Michael Nelson has termed it, the “abusive constitution-making of an authoritarian regime”, but the product of complex tensions with that regime itself, reflecting sharply divergent understandings of the relationship between citizen and state.69 The 2015 draft implicitly gave failing grades to the military, the judiciary and the independent agencies, none of which had so far proved able properly to implement the royal will. None of these components of the post-1997 Thai state was able to ensure the triumph of “good people” over “bad people”, the moral imperative behind the earlier charters. Since laws, courts and agencies have proved unable to promote the forces of morality, the solution was to hand this task to the citizenry themselves. Nevertheless, this emphasis on citizens was essentially rhetorical; in practice, the NMA and counterpart provincial level bodies would monitor abuses on behalf of the citizenry. Following criticism of the April draft, much of the charter’s radical emphasis on the citizenry was toned down, and the flagship NMA was dropped altogether; this illustrated the extent to which the CDC’s view of Thai citizens diverged from the military’s desire to invoke “the people”, while keeping the country’s population politically pacified. Considerable creativity, energy and expense went into the crafting of the 2015 draft constitution, yet the document met with widespread scepticism and was finally voted down by the NRC in September the same year. For all the CDC’s rhetoric about citizens’ empowerment, this was a constitution crafted under the eyes of an authoritarian military regime. As such, whatever its strengths, the document lacked real legitimacy: and as became clear in 2007, a military-ordered constitution cannot become legitimate even if it

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is approved in a popular referendum. The draft proved unpopular with various groups for different reasons. The military found it too idealistic and unlikely to reduce political polarization. PDRC supporters thought it was insufficiently tough on politicians, while politicians of all persuasions found it overly ambitious, meddlesome and anti-democratic. Much of the public was uneasy about the empty, paternalistic moralism that underpinned it; the more explicitly the constitution-drafters articulated an agenda of virtuous rule, the less popular support the resulting document could command. In the wake of the 2015 draft’s rejection, there was a strong case for postponing any more new charter writing until citizens felt more genuinely empowered to participate in their own political future. A better interim option might be to revisit the relatively well-liked 1997 “People’s Constitution”, perhaps with some minor amendments. The failed 2015 Thai charter-drafting process illustrated the dangers of an over-reliance on legal and constitutional mechanisms to address complex political problems.

NOTES The author would like to thank Jittip Mongkolnchaiarunya, Saowanee Alexander, Michael Connors, Michael Montesano and the anonymous reviewers for their extremely helpful comments and suggestions on earlier drafts. Earlier versions were presented at the Brookings Institution on 21 April 2015, and at the Thailand Update Conference at Columbia University on 1 May 2015. Thanks are due to Joseph Liow at Brookings, and to Columbia University’s Weatherhead East Asian Institute, APEC Study Center, Institute for the Study of Human Rights, Southeast Asia Student Initiative and Thai Students’ Association, as well as the New York Southeast Asia Network. 1 See Borwornsak Uwanno and Navin Damrigan, “Constitutional Drafting in Thailand”, p. 26. This unpublished, undated twenty-six-page English-language paper was circulated at a presentation given by Borwornsak, Navin and three other members of the CDC at the FCCT on 8 April 2015. Thanks are due to Chris Baker for making the document available. Parts of the paper substantially resemble an earlier article published under Navin’s sole name, entitled “The Road to ‘True Democracy’: FAQs on the Draft Constitution”, Bangkok Post, 28 March 2015. 2 Duncan McCargo, “Alternative Meanings of Political Reform in Contemporary Thailand”, The Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 13 (1998): 5–7. 3 Borwornsak and Navin, “Constitutional Drafting”, op. cit., p. 1. The Dominican Republic has had 32, Venezuela 27 (not 26, as they state), Haiti 24 and Ecuador 20 constitutions. These figures are somewhat misleading, since Venezuela unveiled its first constitution in 1811, the Dominican Republic in 1844, Haiti in 1801 and Ecuador in 1830 — but Siam not until 1932. Thailand still tops the tables for constitution-changing frequency over the past century. See Kris

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11 SeeSee BorwornsakBorwornsak UwannoUwanno andand NavinNavin Damrigan,Damrigan, ConstitutionalConstitutional DraftingDrafting inin Thailand,Thailand, p.p. 26.26. ThisThis unpublished,unpublished, undatedundated 2626 pagepage EnglishEnglish--languagelanguage paperpaper waswas circulatedcirculated atat aa presentationpresentation givengiven byby Borwornsak,Borwornsak, NavinNavin andand threethree otherother membersmembers ofof thethe CDCCDC onon 88 AprilApril 20152015 atat thethe FCCT.FCCT. ThanksThanks areare duedue toto ChrisChris BakerBaker fforor makingmaking thethe documentdocument available.available. PartsParts ofof thethe paperpaper substantiallysubstantially resembleresemble anan earlierearlier articlearticle publishedpublished underunder Navin’sNavin’s solesole name,name, entitledentitled “The“The roadroad toto ‘true‘true democracy’:democracy’: FAQsFAQs onon thethe draftdraft constitution”,constitution”, BangkokBangkok PostPost,, 2828 MarchMarch 2015.2015.

22 DuncanDuncan McCargo,McCargo, “Alt“Alternativeernative MeaningsMeanings ofof PoliticalPolitical ReformReform inin ContemporaryContemporary Thailand”,Thailand”, TheThe CopeCopenhagennhagen JournalJournal ofof AsianAsian StudiesStudies1313 ((month?month? NoneNone1998):1998): 55––7.7.

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Now we will bring back happiness to the Thai ForForForFor< For>> “Networkand “Network“Network “Network “Networkestablish Monarchy MonarchyMonarchy Monarchysocial, Monarchy economic and andand and andLegitimacy LegitimacyLegitimacy Legitimacy Legitimacy Crises CrisesCrises Crises Crises inininin Thailandin in ThailandThailandThailand Thailand Thailandand” ,psychological””The”,,,”,TheThe,TheThe Pacific PacificPacific Pacific Pacific Reviewstability”, ReviewReview Review Review18,18,18, 18, available18,no. no.no. no. no.4 4(2005):4 4 (2005):4(2005): (2005): at(2005): .For this thisthis widely widelywidely----usedusedused concept conceptconcept see seesee Duncan DuncanDuncan McCargo, McCargo,McCargo, “Network “Network“Network Monarchy MonarchyMonarchy and andand Legitimacy LegitimacyLegitimacy Crises CrisesCrises 1616161616 See15SeeSee Seeininin Seeinใครเป็นใครใน Thailand ThailandForใครเป็นใครในThailandใครเป็นใครใน ใครเป็นใครในThailandใครเป็นใครใน ใครเป็นใครใน this widely-used””'”กรรมาธิการยกร,,,,''The'กรรมาธิการยกรTheกรรมาธิการยกรThe'กรรมาธิการยกร'กรรมาธิการยกร Pacific PacificPacific ่างconcept,่าง่าง่าง รธน่ างReview Review่Reviewางรธนรธนรธน.'รธน .'.'พบหลายคนแนวร.' .' พบหลายคนแนวร.' พบหลายคนแนวรseeพบหลายคนแนวร 18,พบหลายคนแนวร18,18, Duncan no. no.no. 4 44่วม (2005): (2005):่วม(2005):่่วมMcCargo,่วม'นกหวีด่วม'''นกหวีดนกหวีด'นกหวีด'นกหวีด ' 499499499[Who’s''' '[Who’s[Who’s [Who’s“Network'[Who’s ––[Who’s–519.519.519. who whowho who who Monarchywho in inin ininCDC: in CDC:CDC: CDC:CDC: CDC: and various variousvarious various various various members membersmembers membersmembers members alignedalignedalignedalignedaligned Legitimacy with withwithwithwith the thetheCrisesthe the ‘Whistleblowers’] ‘Whistleblowers’] ‘Whistleblowers’]‘Whistleblowers’]in‘Whistleblowers’] Thailand”, The PacificPrachatai, Prachatai,Prachatai,Prachatai,Prachatai, Review 1118,1111 11 11 no. November NovemberNovember November4November (2005): 499–519. 2014, 2014,2014,2014,2014, available availableavailableavailableavailable at at atat at 16 16161616SeeSeeSee ใครเป็นใครในใครเป็นใครในใครเป็นใครในใครเป็นใครใน '‘''กรรมาธิการยกรกรรมาธิการยกร'กรรมาธิการยกรกรรมาธิการยกร่าง่าง่าง่างรธนรธนรธนรธน.'.’.'.'.' พบหลายคนแนวรพบหลายคนแนวรพบหลายคนแนวร่วม่วม่วม่วม '''นกหวีด‘'นกหวีดนกหวีด'' ' ’' [Who’s[Who’s[Who’s[Who’s Who whowhowhowho in inininin CDC: CDC:CDC:CDC:CDC: variousvariousvariousvarious membersmembersmembersmembers alignedalignedalignedVarious withwithMemberswith thethethe Aligned ‘Whistleblowers’]‘Whistleblowers’]‘Whistleblowers’] with the ‘Whistleblowers’], Prachatai,Prachatai,Prachatai, Prachatai,111111 NovemberNovemberNovember 11 November 2014,2014,2014, availableavailableavailable atatat 2014, available at . 171717171717 See SeeSee See SeeSeeมานิจแจงไม มานิจแจงไมมานิจแจงไม มานิจแจงไม มานิจแจงไมเผย่ เผย่เผย่เผย่ เผย่ เผย่ร่างรร ่าง่าง่ราง่างรรธน่าง รธนรธนรธน.ต้องให้สปชรธน...ต้องให้สปชต้องให้สปช.ต้องให้สปช.ต้องให้สปช.ถกใน...ถกในถกใน.ถกใน.ถกใน1010101010 วันกวันกวันกวันก่อนวันก่อน่่อน ่อน[Manit่อน[Manit[Manit[Manit[Manit[Manit Announces announces announcesannounces announcesannounces No Distribution no nono nonodistribution distributiondistribution distributiondistribution of of ofof ofofdraft draftdraft draftdraft constitution,constitution,constitution,constitution,constitution,Draft mustConstitution, must must mustmust let let let letNRClet NRC NRC NRCMustNRC discuss discuss discussLet discussdiscuss NRC for for forDiscuss forfor10 10 10 10days10 days daysfor daysdays first],10 first], first], first],Daysfirst], INN First],INN INN INNINN Online Online OnlineINN OnlineOnline Online, 16,,, ,1616 16, 16April16 , AprilApril April16 AprilApril April 2015, 2015, 2015, 2015, 2015, available available available availableavailable at at at atat 2015, available at . . announcesannouncesannounces>.announces>.>.>. nononono distributiondistributiondistributiondistribution ofofofof draftdraftdraftdraft constitution,constitution,constitution, mustmustmust letletlet NRCNRCNRC discussdiscussdiscuss forforfor 101010 daysdaysdays first],first],first], INNINNINNINN OnlineOnlineOnlineOnline,,, , 16161616 AprilAprilAprilApril 2015,2015,2015, availableavailableavailable atatat 1818181818 SeeSeeSeeSee< See<.Thailand’s>.>. 2015 20152015 2015 2015 Constitution ConstitutionConstitution Constitution Constitution”,””,”,,”,, PrachataiPrachataiPrachataiPrachataiPrachatai, 3,,,,3March3,3March3MarchMarchMarch 2015, 2015,2015, 2015, 2015, available availableavailable available available at at at << < http://www.prachatai.com/english/node/4825>http://www.prachatai.com/english/node/4825>http://www.prachatai.com/english/node/4825>...... 18181818SeeSeeSee Khemthong KhemthongKhemthong Tonsakulrungruang, Tonsakulrungruang,Tonsakulrungruang, “ ““TurningTurningTurning Back BackBack the thethe Cloc ClocClock:k:k: Thailand’s Thailand’sThailand’s 2015 20152015 Constitution ConstitutionConstitution”””,,,, PrachataiPrachataiPrachatai,,,,333MarchMarchMarch 2015, 2015,2015, available availableavailable at atat < <http://www.prachatai.com/english/node/4825>http://www.prachatai.com/english/node/4825>.... 1919191919 ประชามติประชามติประชามติประชามติประชามติ ororor oror “Referendum“Referendum“Referendum“Referendum“Referendum”,”, ”,”, ”, availableavailableavailableavailableavailable ononon onon FacebookFacebookFacebookFacebookFacebook atatatatat 19191919 01 Duncan-4P.indd 350 ประชามติประชามติประชามติ ororor “Referendum“Referendum“Referendum”,”,”, availableavailableavailable ononon 3/12/15FacebookFacebookFacebook 2:49 pm atatat 2020202020 JudithJudithJudithJudithJudith Shklar, Shklar,Shklar, Shklar, Shklar, Legalism LegalismLegalism Legalism Legalism (Cambridge (( Cambridge(Cambridge Cambridge(Cambridge, Massachusetts,,,,MassachusettsMassachusetts,MassachusettsMassachusetts: Harvard::: :HarvardHarvardHarvard :Harvard Harvard University UniversityUniversityUniversity University University Press, Press,Press,Press, Press, Press, 1986), 1986),1986),1986), 1986), 1986), p. p.p. p. 111.p. p. 111.111.111. 111. 111.

21212121 Tom21TomTomTom20202020Tom JudithJudithJudithGinsburg,Judith Ginsburg, Ginsburg, Ginsburg,Ginsburg, Shklar, Shklar,Shklar,Shklar, “Consti “Consti “Consti “ConstiLegalism LegalismLegalism“Constitutionaltutionaltutionaltutionaltutionaltutional ( (((CambridgeCambridgeCambridge afterlife: afterlife: afterlife:afterlife: afterlife:afterlife:,, ,,MassachusettsTheMassachusettsMassachusetts The TheThe TheThe continuing continuing continuingcontinuing continuingcontinuing::: : Harvard HarvardHarvardHarvardimpact impact impactimpact impactimpact University UniversityofUniversityUniversity of ofof ofThailand’sof Thailand’s Thailand’sThailand’s Thailand’sThailand’s Press, Press,Press,Press, postpolitical postpolitical postpolitical postpolitical 1986), postpolitical1986),1986),1986),postpolitical p. p.p.p. 111. 111.111.111. constitution”,constitution”,constitution”,constitution”,constitution”, I- ICONI -I- CON-CONICON-CON7,7, 7,no.7, 7, no.no. no. no.1 1(2009):1 1 (2009):1(2009): (2009): (2009): 84. 84.84. 84. 84. 21212121 TomTomTom Ginsburg,Ginsburg,Ginsburg, “Consti“Consti“Constitutionaltutionaltutionaltutional afterlife:afterlife:afterlife:afterlife: TheTheTheThe continuingcontinuingcontinuingcontinuing impactimpactimpactimpact ofofofof Thailand’sThailand’sThailand’sThailand’s postpoliticalpostpoliticalpostpoliticalpostpolitical 2222222222 AndrewAndrewAndrewAndrewconstitution”,Andrewconstitution”,constitution”, Harding, Harding,Harding, Harding, Harding, I I“MayII--- -CON “MayCON“MayCON “May “May there7, 7,there7,there there no. thereno.no. be be1 be1 1beVirtue: (2009):be (2009): (2009):Virtue:Virtue: Virtue: Virtue: ‘New 84. ‘New84.84.‘New ‘New ‘New Asian AsianAsian Asian Asian Constitutionalism’ Constitutionalism’Constitutionalism’ Constitutionalism’ Constitutionalism’ in inin Thailand”,in in Thailand”,Thailand”, Thailand”, Thailand”, Australian AustralianAustralian Australian Australian JournalJournalJournalJournalJournalofofofAsianofofAsianAsianAsianAsianLawLawLawLawLaw3,3, 3,no.3, 3, no.no. no. no.3 3(3 November3 (3( November(November November(November month? month?month? month? month? 2001): 2001):2001): 2001): 2001): 236 236236 236 236–260.–––260.260.–260.260. 22222222AndrewAndrewAndrew Harding, Harding,Harding, “May “May“May there therethere be bebe Virtue: Virtue:Virtue: ‘New‘New ‘New‘New AsianAsian AsianAsian Constitutionalism’Constitutionalism’ Constitutionalism’Constitutionalism’ inin inin Thailand”, Thailand”,Thailand”,Thailand”, Australian AustralianAustralian JournalJournalJournalofofofAsianAsianAsianLawLawLaw3,3,3, no. no.no. 3 33 ( ((NovemberNovemberNovember month? month?month? 2001): 2001):2001): 236 236236–––260.260.260. 232323 2323

232323

11 The Democrats formed a government following the September 1992 election as the largest single party in parliament with 79 seats, compared with closest rival Chart Thai’s 77. In 1986 the Democrats won 100 seats; Chart Thai was the runner up with 66.

12 For the concept of “urbanized villagers” in Thailand see Naruemon Thabchumpon and Duncan McCargo, “Urbanized Villagers in the 2010 Thai Redshirt Protests: Not Just Poor Farmers?”, Asian Survey 51, no. 6 (November month? 2011): 993–1018.

13 For a relevant discussion, see Duncan McCargo, “Thailand in 2014: The Trouble with Magic Swords,” in Southeast Asian Affairs 2015 edited by Daljit Singh (Singapore: ISEAS, 2015), pp. 337–58.

14 See, for example, his public statement on 26 May 2014: “You will need to be as patient as we have been. For nine years we have witnessed conflicts that have damaged the nation. Now we will bring back happiness to the Thai people and the country, take care of foreigners, and establish social, economic and psychological stability”, available at

15 For this widely-used concept see Duncan McCargo, “Network Monarchy and Legitimacy Crises in Thailand”, The Pacific Review 18, no. 4 (2005): 499–519.

16 See ใครเป็นใครใน 'กรรมาธิการยกร่าง รธน.' พบหลายคนแนวร่วม 'นกหวีด' [Who’s who in CDC: various members aligned with the ‘Whistleblowers’] Prachatai, 11 November 2014, available at

17 See มานิจแจงไมเผย่ ร่าง รธน.ต้องให้สปช.ถกใน10 วันก่อน [Manit announces no distribution of draft constitution, must let NRC discuss for 10 days first], INN Online , 16 April 2015, available at 232323 . “Branding “Branding Dissent: Dissent: Nitirat Nitirat ,, , Thailand’sThailand’s23 For a discussion, Enlightened Enlightened see Jurists”, DuncanJurists”, Journal McCargo Journal of of andContemporary Contemporary Peeradej Tanruangporn, Asia Asia45,45, no. no. 3 3 “Branding( JulyJuly(July month? month? Dissent: 2015): 2015): Nitirat 419 419––, 18 Peopling Thailand’s 2015 Draft Constitution 351 442.See442.Thailand’s Khemthong Enlightened Tonsakulrungruang, Jurists”, Journal “Turning of Contemporary Back the Cloc Asiak: 45,Thailand’s no. 3 (July 2015 month? Constitution 2015): 419”, – Prachatai, 3 March 2015, available at . 442.18 242424 See Khemthong Tonsakulrungruang, “Turning Back the Clock: Thailand’s 2015 AuthorAuthorConstitution”, interview interview Prachatai with with ,Piyabutr 3Piyabutr March 2015, Saengkanokkul, Saengkanokkul, available at . 19 Author interview with Piyabutr Saengkanokkul, 14 December 2012. 25252519On On23 Forประชามติ partyparty a discussion, banning,orbanning, “Referendum”,or seesee Duncan Aim “ReferendumavailableAim Sinpeng,Sinpeng, McCargo on Facebook”, “Party “Partyand at Peeradej . InstitutionalizationInstitutionalizationInstitutionalization25 Thailand’s Enlightened inin in Thailand”,Thailand”, Thailand”, Jurists”,ContemporaryContemporary Journal of Contemporary Southeast Southeast Asia Asia Asia36,36, 45,no. no. no. 3 3 (December 3(December (July month? 2014): 2014): 2015): 442 442– 419– – 20 OnJudith party Shklar, banning, Legalism see (Cambridge, Aim Sinpeng, Massachusetts: “Party Harvard Banning University and Press, the Impact on Party System 66.66.Institutionalization442.1986), p. 111. in Thailand”, Contemporary Southeast Asia 36, no. 3 (December 2014): 442– 20 Judith66.21 TomShklar, Ginsburg, Legalism “Constitutional (Cambridge Afterlife:, Massachusetts The Continuing : ImpactHarvard of Thailand’s University Press, 1986), p. 111. 262626ForFor24 thePostpolitical Authorthe first first interviewknown knownConstitution”, application application with I-CON Piyabutr 7,of ofno. the the Saengkanokkul,1 term(2009): term “virtuous 84.“virtuous 14 rule” rule” December to to Thailand Thailand2012. see see Duncan Duncan McCargo, McCargo, 21 TearingTomTearing2622 Ginsburg,Andrew Apart Apart Harding, the the “Consti Land: Land: “May Islamtutional Islam there and beand afterlife: Virtue:Legitimacy Legitimacy ‘New The Asian in incontinuing Southern Southern Constitutionalism’ Thailand impactThailand inof(( Ithaca Ithaca(IthacaThailand’s,, ,NewNew Yorkpostpolitical York:: : CornellCornell Cornell ForThailand”, the first Australian known applicationJournal of Asian of Lawthe 3,term no. 3“virtuous (November rule”2001): 236–60.to Thailand see Duncan McCargo, constitution”,UniversityUniversity25 On Press, partyIPress,-CON banning,2008 7,2008 no.)),,) ,1p. p. p.(2009): see15. 15.15. AimIt ItIt has 84.hashas Sinpeng, been beenbeen elaborated elaboratedelaborated “Party Banningin inin David DavidDavid and Strec StrecStrec thekfuss,kfuss, Impact Truth Truth on on onParty Trial Trial System in in Tearing23 For Aparta discussion, the Land: see Duncan Islam McCargo and Legitimacy and Peeradej in Tanruangporn, Southern Thailand “Branding (Ithaca, New York: Cornell Thailand:Thailand:UniversityInstitutionalizationDissent: Defamation, Defamation, Press, Nitirat, 2008Thailand’s Treasonin )Treason, Thailand”,p. Enlightened 15. and andIt hasLese ContemporaryLese Jurists”, been--majeste-majeste Journal elaborated(Abingdon(Abingdon (Abingdonof Southeast Contemporary in ,David, ,Oxon. Oxon. AsiaOxon. Asia 36,Strec:: :Routledge,Routledge, Routledge, no.kfuss, 3 (December Truth 2010),2010), 2010), on pp.pp. 2014): pp.Trial 152152 152 –in442– – 22 55.Andrew55.Thailand:66.45, Harding, no. Defamation, 3 (July “May 2015): thereTreason419–42. be Virtue: and Lese ‘New-majeste Asian(Abingdon Constitutionalism’, Oxon.: Routledge,in Thailand”, 2010), Australian pp. 152– 24 Journal55. ofAuthorAsian interviewLaw 3, with no. Piyabutr 3 (November Saengkanokkul, month? 14 December2001): 236 2012.–260. 272727สมัชชาคุณธรรมแห25 สมัชชาคุณธรรมแห26 OnFor party the banning,first่งชาติ่งชาติ่งชาติ, , known ,seesee see see detailsdetails detailsAim application Sinpeng, inin in ArticleArticle Article “Party of 74. 74. the 74.Banning term and “virtuous the Impact rule” on Party to Thailand see Duncan McCargo, System Institutionalization in Thailand”, Contemporary Southeast Asia 36, no. 3 27 สมัชชาคุณธรรมแหTearing(December Apart 2014):่งชาติ the, 442–66.see Land: details Islam in Article and Legitimacy 74. in Southern Thailand (Ithaca, New York: Cornell 282828 23 My26 MyUniversity ownFor own the translation translation first Press, known here2008 here application differs) differs, p. 15. ofin in the severalIt several termhas been“virtuousrespects respects elaborated rule” from from to the theThailand, in unofficial unofficialDavid see Strec Council Councilkfuss, of of TruthState State version, onversion, Trial in Duncan McCargo, Tearing Apart the Land: Islam and Legitimacy in Southern notablynotably28 MyThailand: ownin in translating translatingtranslation Defamation, “prachachon” “prachachon”here Treasondiffers in asand as several “the “the Lese people”, people”, -respectsmajeste not notfrom(Abingdon “the “the the public”. public”. unofficial, Oxon.: CouncilRoutledge, of State 2010), version, pp. 152 – 55.Thailand (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 2008), p. 15. It has been notablyelaborated in translating in David Streckfuss,“prachachon” Truth on as Trial “the in people”,Thailand: Defamation,not “the public”. Treason 292929MichaelMichaeland Lese-majeste J. J. Montesano, Montesano, (Abingdon, “Praetorianism “Praetorianism Oxon.: Routledge, and and 2010), ‘the ‘the pp. People’ People’ 152–55. in in Late Late--Bhumibol-Bhumibol Thailand”, Thailand”, online online 27 27 paperpaper29 Michael 10สมัชชาคุณธรรมแห 10 prepared prepared J. Montesano, for ่งชาติfor the , theseesee European Europeandetails“Praetorianismdetails in inArticle Union ArticleUnion 74. andSEATIDE SEATIDE74. ‘the People’ project project in on onLate “Integration “Integration-Bhumibol in inThailand”,SoutheastSoutheast Asia:online Asia: 28 TrajectoriesTrajectoriespaper My 10 own prepared translationofof Inclusion,forInclusion, here the differsEuropean DynamicsinDynamics several Union respects SEATIDEofof from Exclusion”,Exclusion”, the unofficialproject on2015,Council2015, “Integration p.p. 12,12, in Southeastavailableavailable Asia: atat 28 of State version, notably in translating “prachachon” as “the people”, not “the TrajectoriesMypublic”. own translationof Inclusion, here differsDynamics in several of respectsExclusion”, from the 2015, unofficial p. Council12, availableof State version, at 29 notablyMichael in J. Montesano,translating “Praetorianism “prachachon” and ‘the as People’ “the people”,in Late-Bhumibol not “the Thailand”, public”. 303030ArticleArticleonline 74, 74, paper April April 10 prepared2015 2015 draft draftfor the constitution. constitution.European Union SEATIDE project on “Integration 30 29 in Southeast Asia: Trajectories of Inclusion, Dynamics of Exclusion”, 2015, p. 12, ArticleavailableMichael 74, atApril J.. Montesano, 2015 draft “Praetorianismconstitution. and ‘the People’ in Late-Bhumibol Thailand”, online 313131 The30 Thepaper ArticleThai Thai 10 term 74, termprepared April used used 2015 is foris คณะมนตรี draftคณะมนตรี the constitution. European Union SEATIDE project on “Integration in Southeast Asia: 31 31 TheTrajectoriesThe Thai Thai term term usedofused isInclusion, คณะมนตรี . Dynamics of Exclusion”, 2015, p. 12, available at 323232 32For For details,For details, details, see seesee คลอด คลอด"55 “55"55 สมัชชาคุณธรรม สมัชชาคุณธรรม"” "ปราบนักการเมืองปราบนักการเมือง [Creating[Creating[Creating “55 “55 “55 Morality“55 MoralityMorality Morality Assembly”Assembly” Assembly” toto to PunishPunish Punish Assembly” to Punish Politicians], Daily News, 23 February 2015, available at Politicians],Politicians],32 For details, seeDaily คลอดDaily "55 สมัชชาคุณธรรมNewsNews,, , " ปราบนักการเมือง232323 FebruaryFebruaryFebruary[Creating “55 2015,Morality2015,2015, Assembly”availableavailable to Punishatat 30 Article. 74, April 2015 draft constitution. <> February 2015, available at <34http://www.dailynews.co.th/politics/303180 Borwornsak and Navin, “Constitutional Drafting”, >p. 8. 333333 31 Article35 ArticleTheIbid. 74, 74,Thai April April term 2015 2015 used draft draftis คณะมนตรี constitution. constitution. 3636 TheThe group group ThaiThai Lawyers Lawyers forfor HumanHuman RightsRights arguedargued thatthat thethe relationshiprelationship betweenbetween thethe NationalNational 3336 The group Thai Lawyers for Human Rights argued that the relationship between 36 The group Thai Lawyers for HumanArticle Rights 74, arguedApril 2015that the draft relationship constitution. between the National 343434BorwornsakBorwornsak32 theFor National details, and andMorality see Navin, Navin, คลอด Assembly Constitutional "55Constitutional สมัชชาคุณธรรมand otherMoralityMorality agencies Drafting "Draftingปราบนักการเมือง AssemblyAssembly was ,highly, ,p.p. p. 8. 8. andand8. problematic.[Creating otherother agenciesagencies They “55 Moralitywaswas highlyhighly Assembly” problematic.problematic. toTheyThey Punish calledcalled forfor thethe CDCCDC toto bebe Morality Assembly and other agenciescalled was forhighly the problematic.CDC to be dissolved They called anddissolveddissolved afor new the popularly andandCDC aa tonewnew representativebe popularlypopularly representativebodyrepresentative bodybody establishedestablished toto draftdraft aa cconstitution.onstitution. SeeSee 34 dissolved and a new popularly representativeBorwornsakPoliticians],established bodytoand draft Navin,established aDaily constitution. Constitutional to draftSeeNews ศูนย์ทนายความเพื่อสิทธิฯศูนย์ทนายความเพื่อสิทธิฯ a ,c onstitution. Drafting23 , เสนอควํ่ารเสนอควํ่ารp.See 8. February่างรธน่างรธน.. จัดตัจัดตังง สสรสสร..จากประชาชนใหมจากประชาชนใหม 2015, ่่[Thai[Thaiavailable LawyersLawyers forfor HumanHumanat RightsRights CallsCalls forfor HaltHalt 353535 ้้ ศูนย์ทนายความเพื่อสิทธิฯ เสนอควํ่าร่างรธน. จัดตัIbid.Ibid.้งIbid.สสรforfor UpUp HaltHalt NewNew to CDCCDCDrafting, FromFrom Set thethe People]People],, PrachataiPrachatai OnlineOnline,, 3030 AprilApril 2015,2015, availableavailable atat to Drafting, Set Up New CDC 35FromIbid. the People], Prachatai Online, 30 April<http://www.prachatai.com/journal/2015/04/59041> 2015, available at 33 Article 74, April 2015 draft constitution.

3737 34 Phonlamueang,Phonlamueang, พลเมืองพลเมือง 37 Phonlamueang, พลเมือง Borwornsak and Navin, Constitutional Drafting, p. 8. 3838 ““AA BabyBaby--Sitters’Sitters’ Charter”,Charter”, TheThe EconomistEconomist,, 2525 AprilApril 2015,2015, availableavailable atat 38 “A Baby-Sitters’ Charter”,35 Ibid.The Economist, 25 April 2015,<charter> backwards-baby-sitters01- charter>Duncan-4P.indd 351 3/12/15 2:49 pm 24 2424 24 3939 JintanaJintana PanyaarvudhPanyaarvudh “Power“Power toto thethe people”,people”, SundaySunday Nation,Nation, 1616NovemberNovember 1616 2014,2014,availableavailable atat 39 Jintana Panyaarvudh “Power to the people”, Sunday Nation, 16 November<< http://www.nationmultimedia.com/opinion/Power16http://www.nationmultimedia.com/opinion/Power 2014, available at --toto--thethe--peoplepeople--30247785.html>30247785.html> 4040 SeeSee aa detaileddetailed discussiondiscussion ofof ราชประชาสมาสัยราชประชาสมาสัย,, seesee MichaelMichael K.K. Connors,Connors, “Article“Article ofof Faith:Faith: TheThe FailureFailure 40 See a detailed discussion of ราชประชาสมาสัย, see Michael K. Connors, “Articleofof of RoyalRoyal Faith: LiberalismLiberalism The Failure inin ThailandThailand””,,JournalJournal ofof ContemporaryContemporary AsiaAsia 38,38, no.no. 11 (Fe(Februarybruary 2008):2008): 143143–– of Royal Liberalism in Thailand”, Journal of Contemporary Asia 38, no. 1 (Fe165.165.bruary 2008): 143– 165. 24 4141 Connors,Connors, “Article“Article ofof Faith”Faith”,, op.op. cit.,cit., pp.pp. 150150––51.51. 41 Connors, “Article of Faith”, op. cit., pp. 150–51. 4242 Montesano,Montesano, “Praetorianism”,“Praetorianism”, op.op. cit.,cit., p.p. 66 42 Montesano, “Praetorianism”, op. cit., p. 6 4343 McCargo,McCargo, “Alternative“Alternative Meanings”,Meanings”, op.op. cit.,cit., pp.pp. 1515––17.17. 43 McCargo, “Alternative Meanings”, op. cit., pp. 15–17. 4444 BorwornsakBorwornsak andand Navin,Navin, ConstitutionalConstitutional DraftingDrafting,,op.op. cit.,cit., p.p. 2.2. 44 Borwornsak and Navin, Constitutional Drafting, op. cit., p. 2. 4545 SuchSuch aa messagemessage waswas apparentlyapparently delivereddelivered inin 1972.1972. ItIt isis unclearunclear ifif similarsimilar royalroyal requestsrequests werewere 45 Such a message was apparently delivered in 1972. It is unclear if similarmademade royal atat anyrequestsany otherother were juncture.juncture. made at any other juncture. 4646 BorwornsakBorwornsak andand Navin,Navin, ConstitutionalConstitutional DraftingDrafting,,op.op. cit.,cit., pp.pp. 11––2.2. 46 Borwornsak and Navin, Constitutional Drafting, op. cit., pp. 1–2. 4747 Ibid.Ibid.,, p.p. 2.2. ThisThis couldcould bebe readread asas aa criticalcritical referencereference toto ththee unusualunusual twotwo monthmonth periodperiod fromfrom 2222 47 Ibid., p. 2. This could be read as a critical reference to the unusual two MaymonthMay toto period 2222 JulyJuly from 2014,2014, 22 during during whichwhich thethe NCPONCPO ruledruled withoutwithout anan interiminterim constitution.constitution. InIn 1991,1991, thethe May to 22 July 2014, during which the NCPO ruled without an interim constitution.juntajunta announcedannounced In 1991, anan the interiminterim constitutionconstitution onon 11 March,March, justjust sixsix daysdays afterafter thethe coup.coup. InIn 2006,2006, anan junta announced an interim constitution on 1 March, just six days after theinteriminterim coup. constitutionconstitution In 2006, anwaswas announcannounceded eighteight daysdays afterafter thethe coup,coup, onon 2727 September.September. ByBy contrast,contrast, moremore interim constitution was announced eight days after the coup, on 27 September.thanthan By aa yearcontrast,year elapsedelapsed more between between ThanomThanom Kittikachorn’sKittikachorn’s selfself--coupcoup inin NovemberNovember 1971,1971, andand thethe than a year elapsed between Thanom Kittikachorn’s self-coup in Novemberpromulgationpromulgation 1971, ofofand thethe the 19721972 interiminterim constitutionconstitution thethe followingfollowing December.December. promulgation of the 1972 interim constitution the following December. 4848 TheThe 19811981 casecase isis ratherrather moremore cocomplicatedmplicated thanthan thethe authorsauthors suggest.suggest. First,First, thenthen PrimePrime MinisterMinister 48 The 1981 case is rather more complicated than the authors suggest. First,GeneralGeneral then Prime PremPrem Minister TinsulanondTinsulanond waswas aa closeclose royalroyal confidante.confidante. Second,Second, thethe KingKing andand QueenQueen tooktook anan General Prem Tinsulanond was a close royal confidante. Second, the Kingactiveactive and decisionQueendecision took toto accompanyanaccompany PremPrem toto Korat,Korat, andand publiclypublicly toto expressexpress theirtheir supportsupport forfor hishis active decision to accompany Prem to Korat, and publicly to express their support for his 2525 25

36 The group Thai Lawyers for Human Rights argued that the relationship between the National Morality Assembly and other agencies was highly problematic. They called for the CDC to be dissolved and a new popularly representative body established to draft a c onstitution. See 36 ศูนย์ทนายความเพื่อสิทธิฯThe group Thaiเสนอควํ่าร Lawyers่างรธน .forจัดตั ้งHumanสสร.จากประชาชนใหม Rights argued่ [Thai Lawyers that the for relationship Human Rights between Calls for the Halt National Moralityto Drafting, Assembly Set Up Newand otherCDC Fromagencies the People]was highly, Prachatai problematic. Online, They30 April called 2015, for available the CDC at to be dissolved and a new popularly representative body established to draft a constitution. See ศูนย์ทนายความเพื่อสิทธิฯ เสนอควํ่าร่างรธน. จัดตั้ง สสร.จากประชาชนใหม่ [Thai Lawyers for Human Rights Calls for Halt

to35237 Drafting, Set Up New CDC From the People], PrachataiDuncan Online McCargo, 30 April 2015, available at Phonlamueang, พลเมือง

38 Up New CDC from the People], Prachatai Online, 30 April 2015, available at .“A Baby-Sitters’ Charter”, The Economist, 25 April 2015, available at 3737 The Economist, 25 April 2015, available at .A Baby-Sitters’ Charter”, The Economist, 25 April 2015, available at 39 <39http://www.economist.com/news/asia/21649542 JintanaJintana Panyaarvudh Panyaarvudh, “Power “Power toto thethe people”, People”, SundaySunday-thailand Nation,Nation, -16takes16 NovemberNovember-big-constitutional 16 2014, available-step- at backwards -to-the-people-30247785.html> people-30247785.html>. 4040 SeeSee a adetailed detailed discussion discussion of ราชประชาสมาสัย, seesee Michael K. K. Connors, Connors, “Article “Article of of Faith: The Failure 39ofJintana RoyalFaith: LiberalismPanyaarvudhThe Failure inof Thailand “PowerRoyal Liberalism” to, Journal the people”,in ofThailand”, Contemporary Sunday Journal Nation, Asiaof Contemporary 38, 16 no.November 1 (Fe bruary 16 2014,2008): available143– at Asia 38, no. 1 (February 2008): 143–65. <165.http://www.nationmultimedia.com/opinion/Power-to-the-people-30247785.html> 41 Connors, “Article of Faith”, op. cit., pp. 150–51.

42 4041 Connors,Montesano, “Article “Praetorianism”, of Faith” , op.op. cit.,cit., p. pp. 6.150–51. 43 SeeMcCargo, a detailed “Alternative discussion Meanings”, of ราชประชาสมาสัย op. cit., pp., see 15–17. Michael K. Connors, “Article of Faith: The Failure of44 Royal Liberalism in Thailand”, Journal of Contemporary Asia 38, no. 1 (February 2008): 143– 42 Montesano,Borwornsak “Praetorianism”,and Navin, “Constitutional op. cit., p.Drafting”, 6 op. cit., p. 2. 165.45 Such a message was apparently delivered in 1972. It is unclear if similar royal 43 McCargo,requests were “Alternative made at anyMeanings”, other juncture.op. cit., pp. 15–17. 4146 Connors,Borwornsak “Article and Navin, of Faith” “Constitutional, op. cit., Drafting”,pp. 150– op.51. cit., pp. 1–2. 4744 BorwornsakIbid., p. 2. This and couldNavin, be Constitutionalread as a critical Drafting reference, op.to thecit., unusual p. 2. two-month 42 Montesano,period from “Praetorianism”, 22 May to 22 July op.2014, cit., during p. 6 which the NCPO ruled without an interim constitution. In 1991, the junta announced an interim constitution 45 Suchon 1 aMarch, message just wassix daysapparently after the delivered coup. In 2006,in 1972. an interim It is unclear constitution if similar was royal requests were 43madeMcCargo,announced at any “Alternativeother eight juncture. days after Meanings”, the coup, onop. 27 cit.,September.pp. 15 By–17. contrast, more than a year elapsed between Thanom Kittikachorn’s self-coup in November 1971, and government;government;46government;government;the promulgation h had adh had they adthey they they ofnot not not thenot done done done 1972done so, so, so, interim so,the the the thecoup coup coup coupconstitution might might might might have have have thehave become become followingbecome becomeaa fait afaitDecember.a fait fait accompli. accompli. accompli. accompli. In In In 1991, In1991, 1991, 1991, 2006 2006 2006 2006andandandand 44 BorwornsakBorwornsak and Navin, Constitutional Constitutional Drafting Drafting, op., op. cit., cit., pp. p.1– 2. 2014482014 20142014 Thethe the the themonarchy 1981monarchy monarchy monarchy case isdid did ratherdid did not not not not take moretake take take any anycomplicated any any comparable comparable comparable comparable than action actionthe action action authors to to to supporttosupport support supportsuggest. an an an elected First,anelected elected elected then government. government. government. government. 47 Prime Minister General Prem Tinsulanond was a close royal confidante. Second, 45494949Ibid., p. 2. This could be read as a critical reference to the unusual two month period from 22 49 BorwornsakSuchBorwornsakBorwornsaktheBorwornsak aKing message and and and and andQueen Navin, Navin, wasNavin, Navin, took apparentlyConstitutional Constitutional Constitutional anConstitutional active decisiondelivered Drafting Drafting Drafting Drafting to accompany,in,,op.op., ,1972.op.op. cit., cit., cit., cit., p. p.ItPrem p. 6.p.6.is 6. 6. unclear to Korat, ifand similar royal requests were madeMaypublicly atto any22 July expressother 2014, juncture. their during support which for histhe government;NCPO ruled had without they not an doneinterim so, constitution.the In 1991, the 5050junta50The50TheThecoupThe announcedRuralRural Rural mightRural Doctors’Doctors’ Doctors’ haveDoctors’ an become interim GroupGroup Group Group a faithasconstitutionhas has has accompli beenbeen been been pushingpushing .pushing Inpushingon 1991, 1 forforMarch, for 2006 for thesethese these theseand just assembliesassemblies 2014,assemblies assembliessix thedays monarchy sincesince aftersince since the the the the the draftingdrafting coup.drafting drafting In ofof of 2006, 1997of1997 1997 1997 an did not take any comparable action to support an elected government. 46Constitution,Constitution,interimConstitution,Constitution, constitution asasas as was aa a announca “political“political“political“politicaled eight mappingmapping daysmappingmapping after theofofof coup,of thethe theon the 27 citizen’scitizen’s September.citizen’scitizen’s sector”. sector”.Bysector”.sector”. contrast, SeeSee SeemoreSee 49 Borwornsak and Navin, Constitutional Drafting, op. cit., pp. 1–2. <>The>> Rural ofDoctors’ the 1972 Group interim has beenconstitution pushing thefor followingthese assemblies December. since the 47 Ibid.drafting, p. 2. of This 1997 couldConstitution be read as aas “political a critical mapping reference of the to citizen’s the unusual sector”. two month period from 22 See .The CDC’sCDC’s CDC’s CDC’s viewsviews views views closelyclosely closely closely resembleresemble resemble resemble thethe the the royalroyal royal royal conceptionconception conception conception ofof of citizenshipofcitizenship citizenship citizenship discusseddiscussed discussed discussed byby by byConnorsConnors Connors Connors... . . juntaGeneral announced Prem Tinsulanond an interim was constitution a close royal on confidante.1 March, justSecond, six thedays King after and the Queen coup. took In 2006,an an see51see seesee MichaelMichael TheMichael Michael CDC’s K.K. K. views K.Connors,Connors, Connors, Connors, closely DemocracyDemocracy resembleDemocracy Democracy the andand royaland and NationalNational Nationalconception National IdentityIdentity Identity ofIdentity citizenship inin in ThailandinThailand Thailand Thailand discussed((Copenhagen:Copenhagen:(Copenhagen:( Copenhagen: NordicNordic Nordic Nordic interimInstituteInstituteactiveInstituteInstituteby constitutiondecisionMichaelof of of Asian ofAsian Asian Asian K. Studies, toStudies, Studies,Connors. Studies, accompanywas 2007), announc2007), 2007), See2007), pp. Michaelpp.Prem pp. edpp. 132 132 132eight 132to– –33.K.33. –– Korat,33. 33.Connors,days afterand Democracy publiclythe coup, andto on expressNational 27 September. their support By contrast, for his more than Identitya year inelapsed Thailand between (Copenhagen: Thanom Nordic Kittikachorn’sInstitute of Asian self Studies,-coup 2007), in November 1971, and the 52525252 pp. 132–33. promulgation25Article ArticleArticleArticle 28 28 28 28of of ofof theofthe the theApril April April1972 April 2015 2015 2015 interim2015 draft draft draft draft constitution constitution constitution constitution?? ?the? following December. 52 Article 28 of the April 2015 draft constitution. 53535353 4853 คําสังTheคําสังคําสังคําสัง__ 1981สํานักนายกรัฐมนตรี_สํานักนายกรัฐมนตรี_สํานักนายกรัฐมนตรีสํานักนายกรัฐมนตรี case is ทีratherที_ที_ที_๖๖_๖๖_๖๖//๒๕๒๓๖๖๒๕๒๓ /more๒๕๒๓/๒๕๒๓เรืเรืเรื __coเรื_องเรือง__องmplicatedนโยบายการตนโยบายการตองนโยบายการตนโยบายการตอ่ อ่่ สู้ อ่สู้thanพือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์อ่พือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์สู้สู้พือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์พือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์ the authors, ,23,,2323 , suggest.April,23 April23 April April April1980. 1980. 1980. 1980.First, 1980. Order Order Order thenOrder 66/2523 66/2523 66/2523Prime 66/2523 Minister markedmarkedmarkedmarkedOrder thethe the the66/2523 beginningbeginning beginning beginning marked ofof of theofthe thethe the Thai Thaibeginning Thai Thai military’smilitary’s military’s military’s of the “political“political Thai“political “political military’s offensive”offensive” offensive” offensive” “political againstagainst against againstoffensive” communism,communism, communism, communism, inin in effect ineffect effect effect aa a a Generalagainst Prem communism, Tinsulanond in effect was a recognitiona close royal that theconfidante. insurgency Second,could not the be King and Queen took an activerecognitionrecognitionrecognitionrecognition decision that that that that the the theto theinsurgency insurgency insurgencyaccompany insurgency could could could could Prem not not not not be be beto defeated bedefeated defeated Korat,defeated by by byand security bysecurity security security publicly approaches approaches approaches approaches to express alone. alone. alone. alone. While While theirWhile While the the supportthe the1980 1980 1980 1980 for his OrderOrderOrderOrder did did did did invoke invoke invoke invoke “the “the “the “the people”, people”, people”, people”, it it did itdid it did did not not not not introduce introduce introduce introduce a a change achange a change change in in inthe thein the thenational national national national maxim. maxim. maxim. maxim. For For For For an an an analysis, ananalysis, analysis, analysis, seeseeseesee Chai Chai ChaiChai--AnanAnan-Anan-Anan Samudavanija, Samudavanija, Samudavanija,Samudavanija, Kusma Kusma KusmaKusma Snitwongse Snitwongse SnitwongseSnitwongse and and andand Suchit Suchit SuchitSuchit Bunbongkarn, Bunbongkarn, Bunbongkarn,Bunbongkarn, From From FromFrom Armed Armed ArmedArmed 25SuppressionSuppressionSuppression Suppression toto to PoliticaltoPolitical Political Political OffensiveOffensive Offensive Offensive(Bangkok:(Bangkok:(Bangkok:(Bangkok: ISIS,ISIS, ISIS, ISIS, 1990),1990), 1990), 1990), especiallyespecially especially especially pp.pp. pp. pp. 127127 127 127––63.63.––63.63. TheThe The The authors’authors’ authors’ authors’ discussiondiscussiondiscussiondiscussion oo f fo ofmilitarymilitary f militarymilitary preferencespreferences preferencespreferences forfor for for “selection“selection “selection“selection andand andand protectionprotection protectionprotection ofof of of‘suitable’‘suitable’ ‘suitable’‘suitable’ premierspremiers premierspremiers andand andand governments”governments”governments”governments” and and and and for for for fora a “strong a“strong a “strong “strong appointed appointed appointed appointed Upper Upper Upper Upper House” House” House” House” (p. (p. (p. (p.154) 154) 154) 154) remains remains remains remains remarkably remarkably remarkably remarkably up up up -up-toto--to--date.todate.-date.-date.

545454For54ForForFor thethe the the officialofficial official official orderorder order order announcingannouncing announcing announcing thethe the the change,change, change, change, seesee see see อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบกอุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก[Guiding[Guiding[Guiding[Guiding PrinciplesPrinciples Principles Principles forfor for for 01 Duncan-4P.indd 352 3/12/15 2:49 pm ArmyArmyArmyArmy Troops], Troops], Troops], Troops], Bangkok: Bangkok: Bangkok: Bangkok: Royal Royal Royal Royal Thai Thai Thai Thai Army, Army, Army, Army, 12 12 12 12 FebruaryFebruary February February 2541 2541 2541 2541 (1998). (1998). (1998). (1998).

55555555 ““งง)“)“ง)ง) ให้เกให้เกให้เกให้เกียรติกียรติกี ียรติกียรติกบประชาชนและสังคมั บประชาชนและสังคมัั บประชาชนและสังคมั บประชาชนและสังคมั โดยการเข้าสมาคมโดยการเข้าสมาคมโดยการเข้าสมาคมโดยการเข้าสมาคม กกบประชาชนทัั บประชาชนทััักบประชาชนทักั บประชาชนทัั วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่่ วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ เพื่อให้เกเพื่อให้เกเพื่อให้เกเพื่อให้เกเพื่อให้เกิดความรู้สึกวิดความรู้สึกวิ ิดความรู้สึกวิดความรู้สึกวากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่ ากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่่ ากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่ ากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่ พร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุพร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุพร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุพร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุกสถานการณ์กสถานการณ์กสถานการณ์กสถานการณ์.”.”.” .” .” อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบกอุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบกอุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก [[GuidingGuiding[Guiding[Guiding Principles Principles Principles Principles of of of Army ofArmy Army Army Troops], Troops], Troops], Troops], p.13. p.13. p.13. p.13.

56565656ProminentProminentProminentProminent legal legal legallegal academic academic academicacademic and and andand leading leading leadingleading Nitirat Nitirat NitiratNitirat member member membermember Worachet Worachet WorachetWorachet Pakeerat Pakeerat PakeeratPakeeratarguedarguedarguedargued that that thatthat independentindependentindependentindependent agencies agencies agencies agencies under under under under the the the thenew new new new constitution constitution constitution constitution would would would would lack lack lack lack accountability accountability accountability accountability to to tothe theto the thepeople. people. people. people. See See See See วรเจตน์ วรเจตน์ วรเจตน์ วรเจตน์ ภาคีรัตน์ภาคีรัตน์ภาคีรัตน์ภาคีรัตน์วิจารณ์รวิจารณ์รวิจารณ์รวิจารณ์ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ่างรัฐธรรมนูญ่ ่างรัฐธรรมนูญ่างรัฐธรรมนูญ(1)(1)(1) (1) ““ หนักกวหนักกว ““หนักกวหนักกวา่ า่่ 2550”า่ 2550”า่ 2550”2550” [Worachet[Worachet [Worachet[Worachet PakeeratPakeerat PakeeratPakeerat CritiquesCritiques CritiquesCritiques DraftDraft DraftDraft ConstitutionConstitution ConstitutionConstitution (1):(1): (1):(1): “Tougher“Tougher“Tougher“Tougher thanthanthanthan 2007”],2007”],2007”],2007”], PrachataiPrachataiPrachataiPrachatai, ,, , , 29292929 29 AprilAprilAprilAprilApril 2015,2015,2015,2015,2015, availableavailableavailableavailable atat at at

575757SeeSee57SeeSeeวรเจตน์วรเจตน์วรเจตน์วรเจตน์ภาคีรัตน์ภาคีรัตน์ภาคีรัตน์ภาคีรัตน์วิจารณ์รวิจารณ์รวิจารณ์รวิจารณ์ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ่างรัฐธรรมนูญ่ ่างรัฐธรรมนูญ่างรัฐธรรมนูญ(2):(2):(2):(2): ‘‘ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทย ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทย‘ ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทย‘ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทย’’เข้มข้น’เข้มข้นเข้มข้น’เข้มข้นเข้มข้น[Worachet[Worachet[Worachet[Worachet PakeeratPakeerat Pakeerat Pakeerat CritiquesCritiques Critiques Critiques DraftDraft Draft Draft ConstitutionConstitutionConstitutionConstitution (2):(2): (2):(2): IntensifiedIntensified IntensifiedIntensified ‘Thai‘Thai ‘Thai‘Thai StyleStyle StyleStyle Democracy’],Democracy’], Democracy’],Democracy’], PrachataiPrachatai PrachataiPrachatai, ,, 1,11 , 1 May1MayMay MayMay 2015,2015,2015, 2015,2015, availableavailable availableavailable atat at at

262626 26

government;government;government;government;government; h adh adh theyad they h they adh notad notthey theynotdone done notdone not so, doneso, done theso, the so,thecoup so, coup thecoup the might coupmight coup might havemight havemight have become havebecome havebecome become becomea faita afait faitaccompli. aaccompli. a faitaccompli. fait accompli. accompli. In In 1991, In 1991, 1991, In In 2006 1991, 20061991, 2006and 2006and 2006and and and 201420142014 the 2014the2014 themonarchy monarchy themonarchy the monarchy monarchy did did didnot not did not takedid take nottake notany anytake takeany comparable comparable any comparableany comparable comparable action action action toaction actionto support to support support to to support ansupport an electedan elected electedan an elected government.elected government. government. government. government.

49 49 49 49 49 government; government; h adhad they they not not done done so, so, the the coup coup might might have have become become become a afait a faitfait accompli. accompli. accompli. In In In 1991, 1991, 1991, 2006 20062006 and andand Borwornsak Borwornsak Borwornsak Borwornsak Borwornsak and and and Navin, Navin, and Navin, and Navin, Constitutional Navin, Constitutional Constitutional Constitutional Constitutional Drafting Drafting Drafting Drafting Drafting , op. , op. , op. cit., cit., , op., cit., p.op. p. cit.,6. p.cit., 6. 6. p. p. 6. 6. government; had they not done so, the coup might have become a fait accompli. In 1991, 2006 and 2014 2014 the the monarchy monarchy did did not not take take any any comparable comparable government; action action h ad to to they support support support not donean anan elected so,electedelected the government.coup government.government. might have become a fait accompli. In 1991, 2006 and government;government; government; government; hh ad adh had ad theythey they they not not not not donedone done done so,so, so, so, thethe the the coupcoup coup coup mightmight might might havehave have have becomebecome become becomeaa afaitfaita fait fait accompli.accompli. accompli. accompli. InIn In 1991,In1991, 1991, 1991, 20062006 2006 2006andandandand 2014 the monarchy did not take any comparablegovernment; actiongovernment; to had supportgovernment; they h notad angovernment; they done elected h not ad so, they 50 done the government. 50 h50 not coupad so, 50 they done 50 the might notcoup so, done havethe might coup so,become have the might coup become a fait have might accompli. becomea fait have accompli. becomeaIn fait 1991, accompli. In a 2006 fait 1991, accompli. and In 2006 1991, 2014 and In 2006 the 1991, monarchy and 2006 and did not take any comparable action to support an elected government. government; had they not done so, the coup might have become a fait accompli.2014 theIn 1991, monarchyTheThe The 2006Rural RuralThe The Ruraldidand Doctors’Rural not Doctors’Rural Doctors’ take Doctors’49 Doctors’ 49anyGroup Group Groupcomparable Grouphas Grouphas hasbeen been has beenhasaction pushing been pushing beenpushing to pushingsupport pushingfor for forthese these an forthese for elected assembliesthese assembliesthese assemblies government.assemblies assemblies since since since the since thesince thedrafting drafting the draftingthe drafting draftingof of 1997of 1997 1997of of 1997 1997 2014 the2014 monarchy the2014 monarchy did the not20142014 monarchy2014 government;takedid thethe not anythe monarchymonarchy take did monarchycomparable nothanyad take didtheydidcomparable did not notanynotaction not take takedonecomparable take to anyactionany 49 so,supportBorwornsak any Borwornsak comparablethecomparable comparableto coupaction supportan electedmight toand action action andsupportan actionhaveNavin, government.elected Navin, toto become supportantosupport Constitutional government.support electedConstitutionala ananfait government.an electedelected accompli. elected Drafting government.Draftinggovernment. government. In 1991,, op.,, op. 2006 cit., cit., andp. p.p. 6. 6.6. 2014 the monarchy did not take any comparable action to support an elected government. 49 49 Constitution,Constitution,Constitution,Constitution,Constitution, asas as aas aas a “politicala“political a“political “political“political mappingmapping mapping mappingmapping ofof of theoftheofBorwornsak the thecitizen’sthecitizen’s citizen’s citizen’sandcitizen’s Navin, sector”.sector”. sector”. Constitutionalsector”. sector”. SeeSee See See DraftingSee , op. cit., p. 6. Borwornsak and Navin, Constitutional Drafting, op. cit., p. 6. 494949492014 the monarchy did not take any comparable action to support an elected government. 49 49 49 49 BorwornsakBorwornsakBorwornsakBorwornsak >508> and508> Navin,> Constitutional Drafting, op. cit., p. 6. The Rural Doctors’ Group has been pushing for these assemblies since the drafting of 1997 50505050 Constitution,Constitution, asas a a “political“political mappingmapping ofof thethethe citizen’scitizen’scitizen’s sector”.sector”.sector”. SeeSeeSee The Rural Doctors’ Group has been pushing50 for50 these 50assemblies50 TheThe ThesinceThe RuralRural Rural Ruralthe Doctors’ Doctors’ draftingDoctors’ Doctors’ GroupGroup ofGroup Group 1997 hashas has has beenbeen been been pushingpushing pushing pushing forfor for for thesethese these these assembliesassemblies assemblies assemblies sincesince since since thethe the the draftingdrafting drafting drafting ofof of of19971997 1997 1997 50 The RuralThe Doctors’ RuralThe Doctors’ RuralGroupThe Doctors’ hasGroupRural been Doctors’ hasGroup pushing been hasGroup pushing for been these has pushingfor beenassemblies these pushingfor assemblies these since for assemblies thethese since drafting assemblies the since drafting of 1997the since draftingof Constitution, 1997the drafting of 1997 of as1997 a “political mapping of the citizen’s sector”. See Constitution,The Rural Doctors’ as Groupa has“political been pushing mapping for these assembliesof the sincecitizen’s the drafting5151 51 sector”.51 of51 1997 See< https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=1057870517573438&id=142436575783>the citizen’s sector”. See in Thailand Thailandinsector”. in Thailand Thailand(Copenhagen: (Copenhagen:(Copenhagen:See(Copenhagen:( Copenhagen: Nordic Nordic Nordic Nordic Nordic 508508>> 508508<>>https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=1057870517573438&id=142436575783InstituteInstituteInstitute of of Asian Asian of AsianStudies, 51Studies,51 Studies, 2007), 2007), 2007), pp. pp. 132 132 pp.–33.– 13233. –33. 508> 508> 508> 508> InstituteInstitute of Asian of Studies,Asian51The Studies,The 2007), CDC’s CDC’s 2007),pp. views views132 pp.– closely33. closely132–33. resemble resemble the the royal royal conception conception of ofof citizenship citizenshipcitizenship discussed discusseddiscussed by byby Connors ConnorsConnors. .. 508> 508> 51 The CDC’s views closely resemble the royal conception of citizenship discussed by Connors. 51 51515151 The CDC’s views closely resemble the royal51 conception51 51 of citizenship51 TheTheTheThe CDC’sCDC’s discussedCDC’s 52CDC’s5252 viewsviews views52 views52 by closelyclosely Connorsclosely closely resembleresemble resemble seeresemble. see Michael Michael thethe the the royalroyal royal royalK. K. conceptionconceptionConnors, conception Connors,conception Democracy of of Democracyof ofcitizenshipcitizenship citizenship citizenship and anddiscusseddiscussed discussed discussedNational National byby by by ConnorsIdentityConnors ConnorsIdentity Connors ..in .inin . Thailand ThailandThailand(Copenhagen:((Copenhagen:Copenhagen: Nordic NordicNordic 51 The CDC’sThe viewsCDC’sThe closely viewsCDC’sThe resembleclosely viewsCDC’s Articleresembleclosely ArticleviewstheArticle royalArticle 28resemblecloselyArticle 28the of28conception ofroyalthe of28 theresemble28 the Apriltheof conceptionAprilof theAprilroyalthe of2015 April 2015thecitizenshipApril conception2015 royaldraft 2015ofdraft 2015 draftcitizenship constitutionconception draftconstitutiondiscussed draftconstitutionof citizenship constitution constitution discussed of ?by ?citizenship Connors? discussed? by? Connors. discussedsee by Michael Connors. by ConnorsK.. Connors,. Democracy and National Identity in Thailand (Copenhagen: Nordic The CDC’s views closely resemble the royal conception of citizenship discussed51 by Connors. InstituteInstitute of of Asian Asian Studies, Studies, 2007), 2007),2007), pp. pp.pp. 132 132132–33.–33. see Michael K. Connors, Democracy and Nationalsee Identity Michaelsee inMichael K. Thailand seeseeseeConnors,seesee Michael MichaelMichael K.TheMichael Michael Connors, ( CDC’sCopenhagen:Democracy K.K.K. K. K. Connors, Connors,Connors,views Connors, DemocracyConnors, andclosely Nordic Democracy Democracy NationalDemocracy Democracy andresemble National Identity andand theand and National National royal IdentityNational inNational Thailand conception IdentityIdentityin Identity IdentityThailand(Copenhagen: of inin in citizenship inThailandThailand Thailand (Copenhagen:Thailand NordicInstitute (((discussedCopenhagen:Copenhagen:(Copenhagen:(Copenhagen: Nordic of byAsian Connors NordicNordic Nordic Studies,Nordic . 2007), pp. 132–33. see Michael K. Connors, Democracy and Nationalsee Michael Identity K. in Connors,Thailand Democracy(Copenhagen: and Nordic National Identity in Thailand (Copenhagen: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, 2007), pp. 132–33. InstituteInstituteInstituteInstitutesee Michael ofof53 of 53ofAsianAsian Asian53 Asian K.53 Studies,53Studies, Connors,Studies, Studies, 2007),2007), 2007), Democracy2007), pp.pp. pp. pp. 132132 132 132 –and–33.33.––33. 33.National Identity in Thailand (Copenhagen: Nordic InstituteInstitute of AsianInstitute of Studies, AsianInstitute of Studies, 2007), Asian of pp. Studies,2007), Asianคําสัง 132คําสังคําสัง_ – pp._สํานักนายกรัฐมนตรี Studies,33.2007),คําสัง_สํานักนายกรัฐมนตรี คําสัง132สํานักนายกรัฐมนตรี__ สํานักนายกรัฐมนตรี–pp. 33.สํานักนายกรัฐมนตรี2007), 13252ที –52pp.33._ที ที_๖๖ 132_๖๖/๒๕๒๓ที๖๖/๒๕๒๓–ที_/33.๒๕๒๓_๖๖๖๖เรื/๒๕๒๓_/เรื๒๕๒๓อง_เรือง_นโยบายการตองนโยบายการตเรื_เรืนโยบายการตอง_องนโยบายการตนโยบายการตอ่ สู้อ่ พือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์สู้อ่ พือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์สู้พือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์อ่ อ่สู้พือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์สู้พือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์, 23, 23, April23 April, April23, 23 1980. April 1980. April 1980. Order 1980. Order1980. Order 66/2523Order 66/2523Order 66/2523 66/2523 66/2523 Institute of Asian Studies, 2007), pp. 132–33. Institute of Asian Studies, 2007),Article pp.Article 132 28– 33.28 of ofthethethe April AprilApril 2015 20152015 draft draftdraft constitution constitutionconstitution52 Article? ? 28 of the April 2015 draft constitution? 52 52525252 markedmarkedmarkedmarked themarked the thebeginning beginning thebeginning the beginning beginning of of theof the theThaiof ofThai theThai the military’s Thaimilitary’s Thaimilitary’s military’s military’s “political “political “political “political “political offensive” offensive” offensive” offensive” offensive” against against against against communism,against communism, communism, communism, communism, in in effect in effect effect in in aeffect aeffect a a a Article 28 of the April 2015 draft constitution52 Article? 52 28Article of52the 28Article April of 52the 201528Article ArticleAprilArticle ofArticle draftthe 2015 2828 April 28 constitution 28 ofof draftof theofthethe 2015thethe April AprilAprilconstitution April Aprildraft? 201520152015 2015 constitution2015 draftdraftdraft? draft draft constitutionconstitutionconstitution constitution constitution? ???? 52 Article 28 of the April 2015 draft constitution? 52 recognitionrecognitionrecognitionrecognitionrecognition that that that the the that theinsurgencythat 53insurgency 53theinsurgency the insurgency insurgency could could could not could notcould notbe be defeated notbe notdefeated defeated be be defeated defeated by by securityby security securityby by security securityapproaches approaches approaches approaches approaches alone. alone. alone. Whilealone. alone.While While theWhile Whilethe the1980 1980 the1980 the 1980 1980 Article 28 of the April 2015 draftคําสังคําสัง_ constitution_สํานักนายกรัฐมนตรีสํานักนายกรัฐมนตรี? ที ที_ _๖๖๖๖/๒๕๒๓//๒๕๒๓เรื_เรืเรือง_องนโยบายการตนโยบายการต53 _อ่ สู้อ่อ่ พือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์สู้พือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์_ ,/23,,2323 April AprilApril_ 1980. 1980.1980. Order OrderOrder่ 66/2523 66/252366/2523 , 23 April 1980. Order 66/2523 53535353 คําสัง สํานักนายกรัฐมนตรี ที ๖๖ ๒๕๒๓ เรื อง นโยบายการตอ สู้พือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์ 53 53 53 53 53 คําสังคําสังคําสังคําสัง___สํานักนายกรัฐมนตรีสํานักนายกรัฐมนตรี_สํานักนายกรัฐมนตรีOrderสํานักนายกรัฐมนตรีOrderOrder didOrder didOrder didinvoke ทีinvokeที ที_did_invoke ทีdid_๖๖๖๖_ ๖๖ invoke//“the๖๖๒๕๒๓ ๒๕๒๓invoke/ ๒๕๒๓“the/๒๕๒๓ “the people”,เรื เรื people”,“the__เรื people”,“theองเรือง__องนโยบายการตนโยบายการตอง people”,นโยบายการต people”,นโยบายการต it itdid itdid didอ่notอ่ it สู้อ่สู้not พือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์อ่it พือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์สู้ did notintroduceสู้พือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์ did พือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์introduce notintroduce not introduce introduce a changea changea,, change2323, ,23a 23 AprilaAprilchange in Aprilchange Aprilin the in the 1980.1980. the1980.national in1980. nationalin thenational OrderOrderthe Order Ordernational nationalmaxim. maxim.66/252366/2523 66/2523maxim. 66/2523 maxim. Formaxim. For For an an Foranalysis, an Foranalysis, analysis, an an analysis, analysis, 53 คําสัง_ สํานักนายกรัฐมนตรี ที _ ๖๖/๒๕๒๓ เรื_อง นโยบายการตคําสังอ่ _สู้พือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์สํานักนายกรัฐมนตรีคําสัง_ สํานักนายกรัฐมนตรีคําสัง_ที _สํานักนายกรัฐมนตรี,๖๖23คําสัง/๒๕๒๓ Aprilที__สํานักนายกรัฐมนตรี๖๖เรื 1980./_๒๕๒๓องทีนโยบายการต_ ๖๖Orderเรื_/๒๕๒๓องทีนโยบายการต_ อ่66/2523๖๖สู้เรืพือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์_/๒๕๒๓อง นโยบายการตmarkedอ่ สู้markedเรืพือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์_อง นโยบายการต อ่ theสู้ theพือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์, 23beginning beginning Aprilอ่ สู้พือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์, 23 1980. April of of the,Order 23 the1980. ThaiApril Thai 66/2523 ,Order 23military’s 1980. military’s April 66/2523 Ordermarked 1980. “political “political66/2523 Orderthe beginning 66/2523 offensive” offensive” of the against againstagainst Thai communism,military’s communism,communism, “political in inin effect effecteffect offensive” a aa against communism, in effect a คําสัง_ สํานักนายกรัฐมนตรี ที _ ๖๖/๒๕๒๓ เรื_อง นโยบายการตอ่ สู้พือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์ , 23 April53 1980.คําสังPeopling_seeสํานักนายกรัฐมนตรี Ordersee see Chai Thailand’sChai see 66/2523Chaisee- Anan- ChaiAnan-ChaiAnanที _ 2015-๖๖AnanSamudavanija, -AnanSamudavanija,/ ๒๕๒๓ Samudavanija,Draft Samudavanija,เรืSamudavanija, _Constitutionอง นโยบายการต Kusma Kusma Kusma อ่ สู้ Kusma พือเอาชนะคอมมิวนิสต์KusmaSnitwongse Snitwongse Snitwongse SnitwongseSnitwongse and , 23and and AprilSuchit andSuchit andSuchit 1980. 353 SuchitBunbongkarn, SuchitBunbongkarn, OrderBunbongkarn, Bunbongkarn, Bunbongkarn,66/2523 From From From FromArmed FromArmed Armed ArmedArmed marked the beginning of the Thai military’smarked “political markedthe offensive”beginning markedthe beginning of againstmarkedthemarked themarkedmarked beginning Thai of communism, the the the the military’sthe beginning beginningThai beginning ofbeginning the military’s “politicalThai in ofof of effect theof themilitary’s the the “political ThaiThai offensive”Thai arecognitionThai recognition military’smilitary’s military’s “politicalmilitary’s offensive” against that “political“political that“politicaloffensive” “political the communism,against the insurgency insurgency offensive”offensive” offensive” communism,offensive”against in could communism,against effectcouldagainstcould against against notin anotnot communism,effectcommunism, berecognitioncommunism, communism,bebe defeated in defeated defeateda effect that inby ina byin by effectinsecurityeffect the effect security securityeffect insurgency aa a aapproaches approachesapproaches could alone. not alone.alone. be Whiledefeated WhileWhile the the theby 1980 security 19801980 approaches alone. While the 1980 marked the beginning of the Thai military’s “political offensive” against recognitioncommunism,markedSuppression theSuppression Suppressionthat beginning inSuppression theeffectSuppression insurgency to aofto Politicalto thePolitical Politicalto Thaito couldPolitical Political Offensivemilitary’s Offensive not Offensive be Offensive Offensivedefeated “political(Bangkok:(Bangkok:(Bangkok: by(Bangkok: (Bangkok:offensive” security ISIS, ISIS, ISIS, 1990),approachesISIS, against1990),ISIS, 1990), 1990), especially 1990),communism,especially especiallyalone. especially especially Whilepp. pp. in pp.127 theeffect127 pp. 127–pp. 198063.– 63.127– a 127 63.The –The 63.–The 63.authors’ authors’The Theauthors’ authors’ authors’ recognition that the insurgency could not be recognitiondefeatedrecognition by that security recognitionthe insurgencythat approaches recognitiontherecognitionrecognitionrecognition insurgencythat could the alone. insurgencythat thatthat not thatcould the the theWhilebe the insurgency defeatedinsurgencyinsurgency not insurgencycould the be 1980defeated bynot could couldcouldsecurityOrder be Ordercould defeated by not notnot did security notapproachesdid be bebe invoke defeatedbe defeated invokedefeatedby defeated securityapproaches “the “thealone. by byby people”, bysecurity securityapproachessecurity people”, Whilesecurity alone. approaches approachesit approachesthe itWhileitdid approaches alone. diddid1980 not notnot the introduceWhileOrder alone. introducealone.introducealone.1980 alone. the did While WhileWhile 1980 ainvokeWhile changeaa changechange the the the the “the1980 19801980 in 1980 inin thepeople”, thethe national nationalnational it did maxim. maxim.notmaxim. introduce For ForFor an anan aanalysis, changeanalysis,analysis, in the national maxim. For an analysis, recognition that the insurgency could not be defeated by security approachesOrderOrderOrderrecognition alone. did did diddiscussion invokeWhiledefeated discussioninvoke invokediscussion that discussionthe “thediscussion the“theby “the 1980 osecurityinsurgencypeople”, fpeople”,o people”,f omilitary fmilitary omilitaryapproachesfo it f it military didcouldit militarydid preferencesdid notpreferences not preferencesnot introducealone. introduce preferencesbeintroducepreferences defeated While for afor a change fora thechange“selection bychange “selection for 1980“selectionsecurityfor in “selectionin in“selectiontheOrder the the approachesandnational nationaland nationaldidand protection invokeprotection and andmaxim.protection maxim. maxim.alone. protection“theprotection For of While For Forof anof‘suitable’ an ‘suitable’ ananalysis, the of‘suitable’analysis, analysis,of 1980 ‘suitable’‘suitable’ premiers premiers premiers premierspremiers and and and and and Order did invoke “the people”, it did not introduceOrder didaOrder change invoke didOrder in “the invoke the people”,did nationalOrder “the invoke people”,did it maxim. did“the invoke not people”, it introduceFordid “the notan people”, it analysis, introduce did a change not itit seeintroduce diddid seea inchange notnotChai theChai introduceintroduce national -aAnan in-changeAnan the national Samudavanija,maxim.a a in Samudavanija,changechange the national maxim.For inin theanthe analysis, nationalnationalmaxim.ForKusma Kusma an analysis, maxim.Formaxim. seeSnitwongse Snitwongsean Chai analysis, ForFor-Anan anan analysis,analysis, and andSamudavanija, Suchit SuchitSuchit Bunbongkarn, Bunbongkarn,Bunbongkarn, Kusma Snitwongse From FromFrom Armed ArmedArmedand Suchit Bunbongkarn, From Armed Order did invoke “the people”, it did not introduce a change in the nationalseesee seemaxim.seeOrder Chai Chai ChaiChai did- governments”-ForAnanAnanpeople”,-governments”Anan- invokeAnangovernments” an governments”analysis,Samudavanija, Samudavanija, governments” Samudavanija,it Samudavanija,“the did people”,notand and introduceand for for and foritaKusma andKusma dida“strongKusma Kusmafora“strong a fornot“strong change a aSnitwongse introduce“strongSnitwongse appointedSnitwongse“strong Snitwongseappointed inappointed the appointed aappointed national change Upperand and Upper and andUpper Suchit Suchitinmaxim. UpperHouse”Suchit SuchitUppertheHouse” House” national Bunbongkarn, ForBunbongkarn,House” Bunbongkarn,(p.House”Bunbongkarn, (p.an 154)(p. maxim.analysis,154) 154)(p. (p.remains 154)remains 154) remainsForFrom From From remainsFroman remainsremarkably analysis, remarkablyArmed Armedremarkably ArmedArmed remarkably remarkably up up- toup-to--date. toup- date.up--date.to-to-date.-date. see Chai-Anan Samudavanija, Kusma Snitwongsesee Chaisee-Anan andChai seeSamudavanija,-SuchitAnan Chai see Samudavanija,-Bunbongkarn,Anan Chai Samudavanija,-KusmaAnansee Chai-Anan Samudavanija,KusmaSnitwongseFrom Samudavanija, KusmaArmedSnitwongse andSuppression KusmaSuppressionSnitwongse Suchit Kusmaand Snitwongse SuchitBunbongkarn,Snitwongse to andto Political Political Bunbongkarn,Suchit and Offensive Suchit FromBunbongkarn,SuchitOffensive Bunbongkarn, ArmedFromBunbongkarn,(Bangkok:(Bangkok:(Bangkok: ArmedSuppressionFrom From ISIS, Armed ISIS,ISIS,From 1990),to 1990),1990), ArmedPolitical especially especially especially Offensive pp. pp.pp. (Bangkok:127 127127–63.––63.63. The ISIS,TheThe authors’ authors’authors’1990), especially pp. 127–63. The authors’ see Chai-Anan Samudavanija, Kusma Snitwongse and Suchit Bunbongkarn,SuppressionSuppressionSuppressionsee Chai From- Ananto to toPolitical Political PoliticalArmedSamudavanija, Offensive Offensive Offensive Kusma(Bangkok:(Bangkok:(Bangkok: Snitwongse ISIS, ISIS, ISIS, 1990), 1990), 1990),and especially Suchitespecially especially Bunbongkarn, pp. pp. pp. 127 127 127–63.––63.63. FromThe The The authors’ authors’ Armedauthors’ SuppressionSuppression to SuppressionPolitical to PoliticalSuppression Offensive to Political OffensiveArmed(Bangkok: to Political OffensiveSuppression(Bangkok: ISIS, Offensive(Bangkok: 1990),to ISIS, discussionPoliticaldiscussion (Bangkok:(Bangkok: especially1990), ISIS, Offensive oespecially 1990),fo ISIS,fISIS,pp.military military(Bangkok: 127 especially 1990),1990), –pp. 63.preferences preferences127preferences InstituteespeciallyTheespecially –pp.63. authors’ 127 Theof –forSecuritypp. pp. 63.forforauthors’ discussion127 127“selection The“selection“selection –and 63.authors’ The oand f authors’ andandmilitary protection protectionprotection preferences of ofof ‘suitable’ ‘suitable’‘suitable’ for “selection premiers premierspremiers and and andandprotection of ‘suitable’ premiers and SuppressionSuppression to toPolitical Political Offensive Offensive(Bangkok:(Bangkok: ISIS, ISIS, 1990), 1990), especially especially pp. Suppression127 pp.– 63.1275454 The54–63. to 54authors’ 54PoliticalThe authors’ Offensive (Bangkok: ISIS, 1990), especially pp. 127–63. The authors’ discussiondiscussion of militarydiscussion of military discussiondiscussionpreferencesdiscussion discussionof militarypreferences International o oForff forfo For of militarymilitary militaryfFor preferences themilitary“selection militarytheFor theofficialForfor officialStudies, the preferencesofficial preferences preferencesthe“selection preferences preferences official andfororderofficial 1990),order order“selectionprotection announcing order and especiallyforforannouncing fororder forannouncingfor “selection“selectionprotection “selectionannouncing “selection announcing“selectionandof pp. the‘suitable’ protectionthe127–63. thechange,andandof and change,and andthechange, ‘suitable’ the protectionprotection protectionThe protectionpremiers change, protection ofchange,see authors’ see ‘suitable’ seeอุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก premiersอุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก seeofอุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก ofandof see discussionof of ‘suitable’‘suitable’อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก ‘suitable’ อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก‘suitable’governments”premiers‘suitable’ and of premierspremiers premiers premiersandpremiers[Guiding [Guidingand[Guiding andforand and[Guiding and[Guidingand a Principles “strong Principles Principles Principles Principlesappointed for for for for Upperfor House” (p. 154) remains remarkably up-to-date. discussiondiscussion o f omilitaryf military preferences preferences for for“selection “selection and andprotection protection of ‘suitable’ discussionof ‘suitable’ premiers of militarypremiers and preferences andgovernments” governments” for “selection and and for for anda a“strong “strongprotection appointed appointed of ‘suitable’ Upper Upper House”premiers House” (p. (p.(p.and 154) 154)154) remains remainsremains remarkably remarkablyremarkably up upup-to--toto-date.--date.date. governments”governments” andgovernments” for aand governments”“stronggovernments”governments” forgovernments” aand “strongappointedArmy militaryforArmyArmy a andand appointed“strongandTroops], Armyand Troops],Army Upper forpreferencesfor Troops],for for aa Troops], appointed “stronga “strong Troops],a House” “strongBangkok: Upper“strong Bangkok: Bangkok:for appointedappointed House”Bangkok:(p. appointed“selection UpperBangkok:appointed 154)Royal Royal RoyalHouse”(p. remains Upper Upper andThai RoyalUpper154) UpperRoyalThai Thaiprotection House”(p.Army,House”remains remarkablyHouse”ThaiArmy, House” Thai154)Army, Army, 12 (p. remains(p. Army,remarkablyof 12(p. February(p.12 154)154) ‘suitable’ Februaryup154) 154)February12 - 12 toremainsremarkablyremains Februaryremains- date.remainsFebruary 2541uppremiers 2541- to 2541 remarkablyremarkably -(1998).remarkablydate. remarkably 2541 (1998). up2541 and(1998).-to (1998).- date.(1998). upup up --up-tototo-to---date.todate.-date.-date. governments”governments” and and for for a “strong a “strong appointed appointed Upper Upper House” House” (p. 154) (p. 154)remains remains remarkablygovernments” remarkablygovernments” up -andto- date. upfor - andtoa “strong-date. for a appointed“strong appointed Upper House” Upper (p.House” 154) (p.remains 154) remainsremarkably up-to-date. 5454 54 For the official order announcing the change, see อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก [Guiding Principles for 54545454 remarkably up-to-date. ForFor the the official official order order announcing announcing the the change, change, see see อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบกอุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก[Guiding[Guiding[Guiding Principles PrinciplesPrinciples for forfor 54 54 54 54 ForForForFor thethe the the55 officialofficial55 official 55official55 55 orderorder order order announcingannouncing announcing announcing thethe the the change,change, change, change, seesee see see อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบกอุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก[Guiding[Guiding[Guiding[Guiding PrinciplesPrinciples Principles Principles forfor for for 5454 For the Forofficial the Forofficialorder the announcing Forofficialorder54 54 the announcing orderofficialFor the the announcingchange, officialorder “theง“) ง “ announcing)change,seeorderง) “ theงอุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก“ )งannouncing)Army change,ให้เกseeให้เก ียรติกให้เกtheอุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก ียรติกTroops], ียรติกให้เก บประชาชนและสังคมั change,seetheให้เกบประชาชนและสังคมั ียรติกบประชาชนและสังคมั ีchange,ยรติกอุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก บประชาชนและสังคมั Bangkok: บประชาชนและสังคมัsee[Guiding see อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก [Guiding RoyalPrinciples โดยการเข้าสมาคม[GuidingThai โดยการเข้าสมาคมPrinciplesโดยการเข้าสมาคม for Army,โดยการเข้าสมาคม [Guidingโดยการเข้าสมาคม Army[GuidingPrinciples for12 Troops], February Principles forกบประชาชนทัั ก Bangkok:บประชาชนทัั ก 2541บประชาชนทัั forกบประชาชนทััก บประชาชนทัั (1998).วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ Royalวไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ Thai Army, 12 February 2541 (1998). ForFor the the official official order order announcing announcing the thechange, change, see อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบกsee อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบกArmyArmyArmy[GuidingArmyFor Troops],Troops], [GuidingTroops], Troops],the Principles official Bangkok:Bangkok: Bangkok: PrinciplesBangkok: order for Royal Royal announcingRoyal Royal for ThaiThaiArmy Thai Thai Army,Army, theArmy, Troops],Army, change, 1212 12 12 FebruaryFebruary FebruaryBangkok: Februarysee อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก 25412541 2541 2541Royal (1998).(1998). (1998). (1998). Thai Army,[Guiding 12 February Principles 25412541 for (1998).(1998). Army Troops],Army Troops], Bangkok:Army Troops], Bangkok:Army Royal Troops], Bangkok: Thai RoyalPrinciplesเพื่อให้เก เพื่อให้เกArmy, Bangkok: Thai ิดความรู้สึกวRoyalเพื่อให้เกิดความรู้สึกว 12for Army, FebruaryThaiArmyิดความรู้สึกว Royalากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่ ากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่12 Army,Troops] February Thai ากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่2541 12 Army,(Bangkok: (1998).February 2541 12 (1998). FebruaryRoyal 2541 พร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุ Thai(1998).พร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุ 2541 Army,พร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุ (1998). 12 February 2541กสถานการณ์กสถานการณ์ กสถานการณ์.” .”.” อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก.”อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก.” อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก ArmyArmy Troops], Troops], Bangkok: Bangkok: Royal Royal Thai Thai Army, Army, 12 February 12 February 2541 2541 (1998). (1998).Army Troops],เพื่อให้เกิดความรู้สึกวเพื่อให้เก Bangkok:ิดความรู้สึกวากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่ Royalากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่ Thai Army, 12 Februaryพร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุ พร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุ2541 (1998). 55 กสถานการณ์กสถานการณ์อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบกอุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก (1998)). 5555 “ง) ให้เกียรติกบประชาชนและสังคมั โดยการเข้าสมาคม กบประชาชนทัั วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ 55555555 [Guiding[Guiding[Guiding[Guiding[Guiding Principles Principles Principles Principles Principles of of Army of Army Army of of Troops],Army Troops],Army“ งTroops],“)ง) Troops], Troops], p.13. p.13. p.13.ให้เก ให้เกให้เก p.13. ียรติกp.13. ียรติกียรติกบประชาชนและสังคมั บประชาชนและสังคมัั โดยการเข้าสมาคมโดยการเข้าสมาคมโดยการเข้าสมาคม กบประชาชนทัั กกบประชาชนทัับประชาชนทัั วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ 55 55 55 55 55 ““งง“))) “ง)ง) ให้เกให้เกให้เกให้เกียรติกียรติกียรติกียรติกบประชาชนและสังคมับประชาชนและสังคมั บประชาชนและสังคมั บประชาชนและสังคมั โดยการเข้าสมาคมโดยการเข้าสมาคมโดยการเข้าสมาคมโดยการเข้าสมาคม กกบประชาชนทัับประชาชนทัักบประชาชนทักั บประชาชนทัั วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ 5555 “ง) “ง) ให้เกียรติก“55ง)บประชาชนและสังคมั ให้เกียรติก“ง)บประชาชนและสังคมั“ให้เก) ียรติกบประชาชนและสังคมั ให้เกียรติกี โดยการเข้าสมาคมบประชาชนและสังคมั ั โดยการเข้าสมาคมโดยการเข้าสมาคมกบประชาชนทัั โดยการเข้าสมาคมกบประชาชนทัั วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ กบประชาชนทัั วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ กเพื่อให้เกบประชาชนทัั วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ั ิดความรู้สึกววไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ ากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่ พร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุกสถานการณ์.” อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก “ง)“ง) ให้เกให้เกียรติกียรติกบประชาชนและสังคมั บประชาชนและสังคมั โดยการเข้าสมาคมโดยการเข้าสมาคม กบประชาชนทัั กบประชาชนทัั วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ ง วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ ให้เกยรติกบประชาชนและสังคมเพื่อให้เกเพื่อให้เกเพื่อให้เกิดความรู้สึกวิดความรู้สึกวิ ากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่ ากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่ากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่ โดยการเข้าสมาคม พร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุ.”.”กพร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุบประชาชนทั วไปด้วยความจริงใจ่ กสถานการณ์กสถานการณ์กสถานการณ์.”.” .” อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบกอุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบกอุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก เพื่อให้เกเพื่อให้เกเพื่อให้เกเพื่อให้เกิดความรู้สึกวิดความรู้สึกวิดความรู้สึกวิดความรู้สึกว565656ากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่ากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่ ากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่ 56ากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่ 56 พร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุพร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุพร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุพร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุ.” .” กสถานการณ์กสถานการณ์.”กสถานการณ์ กสถานการณ์.”.”.” .” อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบกอุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบกอุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบกอุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก เพื่อให้เกิดความรู้สึกวเพื่อให้เกิดความรู้สึกวากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่ เพื่อให้เกิดความรู้สึกวากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่ เพื่อให้เกเพื่อให้เกิดความรู้สึกวากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่ ิดความรู้สึกวProminentากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่ Prominentพร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุProminentากองทัพบกเป็นของประชาชนและ่ ProminentProminentพร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุ legal [Guidinglegal legal พร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุacademic legalacademiclegal Principlesacademic academicพร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุกสถานการณ์academicพร้อมที่จะยืนเคียงข้างประชาชนในทุ and forand and กสถานการณ์Armyleading andleading andleading อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบกTroops], กสถานการณ์ leading leadingNitirat Nitirat อุดมการณ์กําลังพลกองทัพบก Nitiratp. กสถานการณ์13. 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Duncan Duncan agencies See McCargo, McCargo, under the “Competing new “Competing constitution Notions Notions would lack of of accountability Judicialization Judicialization วรเจตน์ ภาคีรัตน์ to the in in people. วิจารณ์ร Thailand” Thailand” ่ างรัฐธรรมนูญ See วรเจตน์, , Contemporary Contemporary หนักกว า่ independent agencies under the new constitution would lack accountabilityภาคีรัตน์ภาคีรัตน์ภาคีรัตน์ภาคีรัตน์วิจารณ์รวิจารณ์ร toวิจารณ์รวิจารณ์ร tothe่ างรัฐธรรมนูญ่างรัฐธรรมนูญthe่างรัฐธรรมนูญ people.่างรัฐธรรมนูญ people.วรเจตน์ See (1)(1)See(1)(1) ““ หนักกวหนักกว ““หนักกวหนักกว า่า่ า่2550”2550”า่ 2550”2550” [Worachet[Worachet [Worachet่ [Worachet PakeeratPakeerat Pakeerat(1) Pakeerat(1)(1)(1) “ ““ CritiquesCritiques CritiquesCritiques่ 2550”2550”2550” [WorachetDraftDraft Draft[WorachetDraft [Worachet ConstitutionConstitution Constitution Constitution Pakeerat Pakeerat (1):(1): (1):(1): Critiques CritiquesCritiques Draft DraftDraft Constitution ConstitutionConstitution (1): (1):(1): ภาคีรัตน์ วิจารณ์รภาคีรัตน์่างรัฐธรรมนูญวิจารณ์รภาคีรัตน์่างรัฐธรรมนูญวิจารณ์ร(1)ภาคีรัตน์ “่หนักกวางรัฐธรรมนูญ58วิจารณ์ร(1)5858า่ “2550”หนักกว่างรัฐธรรมนูญ(1)า่ [Worachet“2550”หนักกว(1) า่(1) [Worachet“2550”วรเจตน์หนักกว “Pakeeratภาคีรัตน์ า่ภาคีรัตน์[Worachet2550” 2550”Pakeerat วิจารณ์รCritiquesวิจารณ์ร [Worachet [Worachet างรัฐธรรมนูญPakeerat่ างรัฐธรรมนูญ่างรัฐธรรมนูญCritiques Draft Pakeerat CritiquesPakeeratConstitution Draftหนักกว หนักกว Critiques Constitution CritiquesDraftา า่า่ (1): Constitution Draft “TougherDraft (1): Constitution Constitution (1): than (1): (1): 2007”], Prachatai, 29 April 2015, available at ่ (1) “ ่ 2550” [Worachet Pakeerat Critiques Draftภาคีรัตน์ SoutheastConstitutionSoutheastDuncan วิจารณ์รPakeeratDuncanDuncan ่างรัฐธรรมนูญ Critiques Asia McCargo,AsiaMcCargo,McCargo, (1):36,36, Draft no.no. หนักกว “CompetingConstitution 3“Competing3“Competing ((Decemberา่December (1): Notions “Tougher2014):2014):NotionsNotions 417 417than ofofof– – 27.2007”], Judicialization27.JudicializationJudicialization Prachatai, 29 in inAprilin Thailand”Thailand”Thailand” , ,, ContemporaryContemporaryContemporary ภาคีรัตน์ วิจารณ์รางรัฐธรรมนูญ (1)หนักกว “ า 2550” [Worachet Pakeerat Critiques“Tougher“Tougher“Tougher“Tougher Draft Constitution than than than than 2007”], 2007”], 2007”], 2007”], (1): “Tougher “Tougher Prachatai Prachatai Prachatai Prachatai , than , , than , 29 29 29 29 2007”], 2007”], April April April April Prachatai 2015, 2015, Prachatai2015, 2015, , available available , , available available 29 29 29 April at at April Aprilat at 2015, 2015, 2015, availableavailableavailable atat at ภาคีรัตน์ วิจารณ์ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ หนักกวา่ “Tougher“Tougher than“Tougher than“Tougher2007”], “Tougherthan 2007”], 2015, Prachatai than 2007”], available than Prachatai , 2007”], at 2007”], . 29 Prachatai , April 29 Prachatai , Prachatai April 29 2015,, , April 29 292015, available April April 2015, available 2015, at 2015, available at available available at at at “Tougher than 2007”], Prachatai, 29 April 2015, SoutheastSoutheast58 Southeast58 58 58 available Asia Asia Asia 36, 36, at36, no. no. no. 3 3 3 ( December ( ( December December 2014): 2014): 2014): 417 417 417 – –27. – 27. 27. “Tougher than 2007”], Prachatai, 29 April 2015,58 57 DuncanDuncan57Duncan57 available5757 McCargo,McCargo,McCargo, at “Competing“Competing“Competing NotionsNotionsNotions ofofof JudicializationJudicializationJudicialization ininin Thailand”Thailand”Thailand”,,, , ContemporaryContemporaryContemporaryContemporary 585858595859KrisSeeKrisDuncanDuncanSeeSee BhromsuthiSeeBhromsuthiวรเจตน์วรเจตน์See วรเจตน์SeeMcCargo,McCargo,ภาคีรัตน์ วรเจตน์ภาคีรัตน์วรเจตน์ภาคีรัตน์,, “Charterวิจารณ์รภาคีรัตน์“Charter วิจารณ์รภาคีรัตน์ วิจารณ์ร“Competing“Competing่างรัฐธรรมนูญวิจารณ์ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญวิจารณ์ร ่างรัฐธรรมนูญ draftersdrafters่างรัฐธรรมนูญ่างรัฐธรรมนูญ(2): Notions face(2):Notionsface(2): ‘(2):ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทย ‘ the(2):ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทยthe ‘(2):ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทย heat heat‘of‘of ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทย‘ ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทย Judicialization atJudicializationat FCCTFCCT’ เข้มข้น’ เข้มข้น’ event”,event”,เข้มข้น[Worachet’’ ’เข้มข้น[Worachet เข้มข้น[Worachetinin TheThe [WorachetThailand”Thailand” [Worachet NationNation Pakeerat Pakeerat Pakeerat,, ,9 ,9 Pakeerat AprilContemporaryPakeeratAprilContemporary Critiques Critiques Critiques 2015.2015. Critiques Critiques Draft Draft Draft Draft Draft SoutheastSoutheastSoutheast[WorachetDuncanDuncan Asia AsiaAsia McCargo,McCargo,Pakeerat36,36,36, no. no.no. Critiques 3 33 “Competing “Competing ( ((DecemberDecemberDecember Draft Constitution 2014): 2014):2014):NotionsNotions 417 417417 –of(2):–of–27.27.27. JudicializationJudicializationIntensified ‘Thai in inStyle Thailand”Thailand” ,,, ContemporaryContemporaryContemporary 595959 ConstitutionConstitutionConstitutionConstitutionConstitution (2): (2): (2): Intensified Intensified(2): (2):Intensified Intensified Intensified ‘Thai ‘Thai ‘Thai Style‘Thai ‘ThaiStyle Style Democracy’],Style Democracy’],Style Democracy’], Democracy’], Democracy’], Prachatai Prachatai Prachatai57 Prachatai Prachatai, ,1 ,1 May 1May , May,1 12015, May 2015, May2015, 2015,available 2015,available available available available at at at at at SoutheastSoutheastSoutheastKrisKrisKrisDemocracy’], Bhromsuthi BhromsuthiBhromsuthi Asia AsiaAsia Prachatai36,36,36,, ,“Charterno.,no. no.“Charter“Charter 3, 3 3 1( ( December(DecemberDecemberMay drafters draftersdrafters 2015, face2014): available2014): 2014):faceface the thethe 417 417 417heatat heatheat ––journal/2015/05/59064>.“Draftภาคีรัตน์“Draftภาคีรัตน์ภาคีรัตน์ภาคีรัตน์ วิจารณ์รวิจารณ์ร วิจารณ์รCharterวิจารณ์รCharter่างรัฐธรรมนูญ่างรัฐธรรมนูญ่างรัฐธรรมนูญ่างรัฐธรรมนูญ Steals57Steals57(2):(2):(2):(2): ‘‘ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทย ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทยdemocracy”,‘ democracy”,ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทย‘ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทย ’’Bangkokเข้มข้นBangkok’เข้มข้น’เข้มข้นเข้มข้น[Worachet[Worachet[Worachet[Worachet PostPost, , PakeeratPakeerat Pakeerat 9Pakeerat9 MarchMarch CritiquesCritiques Critiques Critiques 2015,2015, DraftDraft Draft Draft availableavailable atat 57 See วรเจตน์Seeภาคีรัตน์วรเจตน์Seeวิจารณ์รภาคีรัตน์วรเจตน์่างรัฐธรรมนูญSeeวิจารณ์รภาคีรัตน์Seeวรเจตน์59595959่างรัฐธรรมนูญวรเจตน์(2):วิจารณ์รภาคีรัตน์ ‘ภาคีรัตน์ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทย่างรัฐธรรมนูญ(2):วิจารณ์รวิจารณ์ร ‘ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทย่างรัฐธรรมนูญ(2):่างรัฐธรรมนูญ ‘’ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทยเข้มข้นSee(2):See(2):[Worachet ‘วรเจตน์’ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทย เข้มข้นวรเจตน์‘ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทยภาคีรัตน์[Worachetภาคีรัตน์’ เข้มข้นPakeeratวิจารณ์รวิจารณ์ร[Worachet’ เข้มข้น’Pakeerat่างรัฐธรรมนูญ เข้มข้นCritiques่างรัฐธรรมนูญ่างรัฐธรรมนูญ[Worachet[Worachet Pakeerat Critiques (2):Draft(2):(2): ‘Pakeerat ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทย CritiquesPakeerat‘‘Constitutionประชาธิปไตยแบบไทย Draft Critiques Critiques Draft (2): ’ เข้มข้น ’’Draft Draftเข้มข้นเข้มข้นIntensified[Worachet [Worachet[Worachet ‘Thai Pakeerat PakeeratPakeerat Style Democracy’],Critiques CritiquesCritiques Draft DraftDraft Prachatai , 1 May 2015, available at See วรเจตน์ ภาคีรัตน์ วิจารณ์ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ (2): ‘ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทย’ เข้มข้น [Worachet Pakeerat59 KrisCritiques Bhromsuthi Draft , “Charter drafters face the heat at FCCT event”, The Nation, 9 April 2015. 57 ConstitutionConstitutionConstitutionConstitution60 6060<May - 2015, 2015,- The tealsTheTheteals 2015,2015,, Nation Nation- Nation -democracyavailabledemocracyavailable availableavailable,,, , 9 999 April April April Aprilatat >> at at 2015. 2015.2015.2015. See วรเจตน์ ภาคีรัตน์ วิจารณ์ร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ (2): ‘ประชาธิปไตยแบบไทยConstitutionConstitution’ (2):เข้มข้นConstitution Intensified[Worachet (2):Constitution IntensifiedConstitution (2): ‘ThaiPakeerat59595959 KrisKris“DraftIntensifiedKris“Draft “Draft Style(2):‘Thai Bhromsuthi BhromsuthiBhromsuthi (2):Critiques Intensified Democracy’],Charter CharterStyle CharterIntensified‘Thai DraftDemocracy’], , ,, , Style“Charter “Charter“CharterSteals“Charter‘ThaiStealsSteals Constitution ‘Thai Constitution PrachataiDemocracy’], Style democracy”, drafters draftersdraftersStyledraftersdemocracy”,democracy”, PrachataiDemocracy’], , Democracy’],(2):1 face faceface(2):faceMay PrachataiIntensified ,the thethe Intensifiedthe 1Bangkok2015, Bangkok Bangkok heat heatMayheat heatPrachatai Prachatai , atavailable atat1at2015, ‘ThaiFCCT FCCTFCCT May FCCT ‘ThaiPostPostPost , available ,1 2015,, Style event”, event”, event”,1at,event”,, StyleMay 9May9 9 MarchavailableDemocracy’], 2015,March March Democracy’],The Theat2015,The Nation NationNation available available2015,at2015,2015, ,,, , 9 999Prachatai April AprilAprilavailablePrachatai AprilPrachataiatavailableatavailable 2015. 2015.2015.2015., , 1, at 11atMayat May May 2015, 2015,2015, available availableavailable at at at Constitution (2): Intensified ‘Thai Style Democracy’], Prachatai, 1 May 2015,Contemporary available atSoutheast Asia 36, no. 3 (December 2014): 417–27. Constitution (2): Intensified ‘Thai Style Democracy’], Prachatai, 1 -charter--chartercharter-teals--tealsteals-democracy--democracydemocracy>>> 60 6161Kris“Draft“Draft“Draft Bhromsuthi, CharterCharterCharter “Charter StealsStealsSteals Drafters democracy”,democracy”,democracy”, Face the Heat BangkokBangkokBangkokat FCCT Event”, PostPostPost ,The,, , 999 9 Nation MarchMarchMarchMarch, 2015,2015,2015,2015, availableavailableavailable atatat 60606060 จุดยืนจุดยืน!!สภาพัฒนาการเมืองสภาพัฒนาการเมืองไมไม เห็นชอบร่ เห็นชอบร่ ่างรธน่างรธน."."ธีรภัทร์ธีรภัทร์""อัดอัดเนืเนื้อหาล้าหลัง้อหาล้าหลัง--ศรีธนญชัยศรีธนญชัย,, [Principles! [Principles! Political Political Development Development <<>available>availableavailable atatat 616161CouncilจุดยืนCouncil! !สภาพัฒนาการเมือง! Disagrees Disagrees with ไมwithเห็นชอบร่ ่ ่ Draft Draft่างรธน่ ่Constitution, Constitution,."."."ธีรภัทร์"""อัด เนืTheraphat: Theraphat:อหาล้าหลัง-ศรีธนญชัย--ProposalsProposals, [Principles!,, [Principles![Principles! Dated, Dated, Srithanonchai], Srithanonchai], Political PoliticalPolitical Development DevelopmentDevelopment Matichon Matichon , , 61 <<>> CouncilCouncil61Council61619619 MayMay Disagrees 2015, 2015,DisagreesDisagrees availableavailable with withwith Draft DraftatDraftat <>, ,, จุดยืนจุดยืนจุดยืนจุดยืนwww.bangkokpost.com/lite/topstories/491554/draft-charter-teals-democracy>.!!!!สภาพัฒนาการเมืองสภาพัฒนาการเมืองสภาพัฒนาการเมืองสภาพัฒนาการเมืองไมไมไมไมเห็นชอบร่่เห็นชอบร่เห็นชอบร่เห็นชอบร่่เห็นชอบร่ ่่างรธน่างรธน่างรธน่่่างรธน."."."."ธีรภัทร์ธีรภัทร์ธีรภัทร์ธีรภัทร์""""อัดอัดอัดอัดเนืเนืเนืเนืเนื้้อหาล้าหลัง้อหาล้าหลัง้อหาล้าหลัง้้้อหาล้าหลัง----ศรีธนญชัยศรีธนญชัยศรีธนญชัยศรีธนญชัย,,, , [Principles! [Principles![Principles![Principles! 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Over-idealistic,( ) Meaningwsid=1431244770wsid=1431244770wsid=1431244770 Obscure], Matichon>>[Withayakon> , 11 May says draft constitution overover63over63วิทยากรวิทยากรวิทยากรวิทยากร----idealistic,idealistic,idealistic,idealistic,สะท้อนสะท้อนสะท้อนรธน รธน รธน รธน...meaningฉบับอุดมคติmeaning.ฉบับอุดมคติmeaningmeaningฉบับอุดมคติ ( ((เก(เกเกเกเกินินิิิิobscure],ิobscure],นobscure],)obscure],)))และเสียงถึงคนรุและเสียงถึงคนรุและเสียงถึงคนรุและเสียงถึงคนรุ ่ น่ ่่่น ่ ่นฉันจึงมาหาความหมายฉันจึงมาหาความหมายฉันจึงมาหาความหมายMatichonMatichonMatichon,,, , 11111111[Withayakon[Withayakon[Withayakon[Withayakon MayMayMayMay 2015, 2015, 2015, 2015,says sayssayssays draft draftdraftdraftavailableavailableavailable constitution constitutionconstitutionconstitution atatat 2015,ไพบูลย์ไพบูลย์ availableชงแกชงแกบทเฉพาะกาล้ บทเฉพาะกาล้ at .ทําประชามติหลังใช้ทําประชามติหลังใช้ รธนรธน.. 9090 วันวัน [Paiboon[Paiboon proposesproposes technicaltechnical amendment,amendment, holdhold overoverover---idealistic,-idealistic,idealistic,idealistic, meaningmeaningmeaningmeaning obscure],obscure],obscure],obscure], MatichonMatichonMatichon,,, , 11111111 MayMayMayMay 2015,2015,2015,2015, availableavailableavailable atatat 646363<63<>> Technical, , technical 6technicaltechnical6 MayMay 2015,amendment, 2015,amendment,amendment, availableavailable hold holdhold atat <<>> Online, constitutionalconstitutional63constitutional6363<63 > . 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PaiboonPaiboonPaiboonPaiboon conservative, waswaswaswas knownknownknownknown he had forforforfor also makingmakingmakingmaking recently provocativeprovocativeprovocativeprovocative supported proposals;proposals;proposals;‘'บวรศักดิ์'บวรศักดิ์'’ ' althoughยํalthoughยํalthough้าต้องทําประชามติรัฐธรรมนูญฉบับใหม้าต้องทําประชามติรัฐธรรมนูญฉบับใหม generallygenerallygenerally regardedregardedregarded่ ่ [Borwornsak [Borwornsak [Borwornsak asasas highlyhighlyhighly conservative,conservative,conservative, repeatsRepeatsrepeats needneedNeed hehehe for for hadforhadhad referendumreferendum alsoalsoalso recentlyrecentlyrecently onon supportedsupportednewsupportednew draftdraft proposals;proposals;immediatelyproposals;Referendum althoughalthoughalthough pardoningon New generally generallygenerallyDraft all Constitution],redshirt regardedregardedregarded prisoners. Prachatai asasas highlyhighlyhighly, 8 conservative,Mayconservative,conservative, 2015, available hehehe had hadhadat alsoalsoalso recentlyrecentlyrecently supportedsupportedsupported 6464immediately64immediatelyimmediatelyconstitution],immediatelyconstitution], pardoning pardoningpardoningpardoning Prachatai,Prachatai, a aaallllllll redshirt redshirtredshirtredshirt prisoners. prisoners.prisoners.prisoners.88 MayMay 2015,2015, availableavailable atat immediatelyimmediatelyimmediatelyimmediately'บวรศักดิ์'''.บวรศักดิ์บวรศักดิ์' '''ยํ้าต้องทําประชามติรัฐธรรมนูญฉบับใหมยํยํ้าต้องทําประชามติรัฐธรรมนูญฉบับใหม้้าต้องทําประชามติรัฐธรรมนูญฉบับใหม้ pardoning pardoningpardoningpardoning a aaallllllll redshirt redshirtredshirtredshirt prisoners. prisoners.prisoners.prisoners.่ [Borwornsak่่่่ [Borwornsak[Borwornsak repeats repeatsrepeats need needneed for forfor referendum referendumreferendum on onon new newnew draft draftdraft constitution],constitution],64constitution],646464 Prachatai,Prachatai,Prachatai, 888 MayMayMay 2015,2015,2015, availableavailableavailable atatat ''บวรศักดิ์''บวรศักดิ์'บวรศักดิ์''''' ยํยํยํยํ้้าต้องทําประชามติรัฐธรรมนูญฉบับใหม้าต้องทําประชามติรัฐธรรมนูญฉบับใหม้าต้องทําประชามติรัฐธรรมนูญฉบับใหม้้าต้องทําประชามติรัฐธรรมนูญฉบับใหม้ ่่่่่่่ [Borwornsak[Borwornsak[Borwornsak[Borwornsak repeatsrepeatsrepeatsrepeats needneedneedneed forforforfor referendumreferendumreferendumreferendum onononon newnewnewnew draftdraftdraftdraft 646464 64 constitution],constitution],constitution],'''บวรศักดิ์'บวรศักดิ์'บวรศักดิ์'''''ยํยํยํ้าต้องทําประชามติรัฐธรรมนูญฉบับใหมยํ้าต้องทําประชามติรัฐธรรมนูญฉบับใหม้้้้าต้องทําประชามติรัฐธรรมนูญฉบับใหม้าต้องทําประชามติรัฐธรรมนูญฉบับใหม Prachatai,Prachatai,Prachatai, ่่่่่่ ่[Borwornsak[Borwornsak[Borwornsak[Borwornsak888 MayMayMay repeatsrepeatsrepeatsrepeats needneedneedneed2015,2015,2015, forforforfor referendumreferendumreferendumreferendumavailableavailableavailable onononon new newnewnew draftdraftdraftdraftatatat

constitution],constitution],65constitution],65ForFor aa summarysummary ofof Prachatai,thePrachatai,thePrachatai, changes,changes, seesee ถอยไมถอยไม888 สุดซอย่ สุดซอย่ [Backing[BackingMayMayMay Out,Out,2015, 2015, But2015,But Not Not Completely],Completely],availableavailableavailable Thai Thai RathRathatatat, , 6565 65 27 For27ForFor JulyJuly a aasummary summary 2015,summary2015, available available of ofof the thethe changes, at atchanges,changes, <> Completely], Completely],Completely], Thai ThaiThai Rath RathRath, ,, ถอยไมถอยไมถอยไมสุดซอย่ สุดซอย่่สุดซอย่่ 27276527656565 July JulyJuly 2015, 2015,2015, available availableavailable at atat < >> ForForFor aaa summarysummarysummary ofofof thethethe changes,changes,changes, seeseesee ถอยไมถอยไมถอยไมถอยไมสุดซอย่่สุดซอย่สุดซอย่่่สุดซอย่ [Backing[Backing[Backing[Backing Out,Out,Out,Out, ButButButBut NotNotNotNot Completely],Completely],Completely],Completely], ThaiThaiThai RathRathRath,,,, 65656565 01 Duncan-4P.indd 353ForForFor a aa summary summarysummary of ofof the thethe changes, changes,changes, see seesee ถอยไม ถอยไมถอยไมสุดซอย่สุดซอย่่่่่ สุดซอย่ [Backing[Backing[Backing[Backing Out, Out,Out,Out, But ButButBut Not NotNotNot 3/12/15 Completely], Completely],Completely],Completely], 2:49 pm Thai ThaiThai Rath RathRath,,,, 27 2727 July JulyJuly 2015, 2015,2015, available availableavailable at atat < <>> 2727662766 AekarachJuly JulyAekarachJuly 2015, 2015,2015, Sattaburuth, Sattaburuth,availableavailable available at atat <“ <“>> BangkokBangkok PostPost,, 88 OctoberOctober 6666 66 2015. Aekarach2015.AekarachAekarach Sattaburuth, Sattaburuth,Sattaburuth, “ Tough““ToughTough Task TaskTask Awaits AwaitsAwaits Meechai: Meechai:Meechai: Borwornsak”, Borwornsak”,Borwornsak”, Bangkok BangkokBangkok Post PostPost, ,8, 8 8October OctoberOctober

2015.2015.662015.666666 6767AekarachAekarachForAekarachFor fourfour rather Sattaburuth,ratherSattaburuth,Sattaburuth, lessless convincingconvincing “““ToughToughTough TaskTask Task reasonsreasons AwaitsAwaitsAwaits offeredoffered Meechai:Meechai:Meechai: byby NRCNRC Borwornsak”,Borwornsak”,Borwornsak”, membermember DrDr BangkokBangkok BangkokNiranNiran PitakwatcharaPitakwatchara PostPostPost,,, , 8888 OctoberOctoberOctoberOctober,, seesee 66666666AekarachAekarachAekarach Sattaburuth, Sattaburuth,Sattaburuth, “ ““ToughToughTough Task TaskTask Awaits AwaitsAwaits Meechai: Meechai:Meechai: Borwornsak”, Borwornsak”,Borwornsak”, Bangkok BangkokBangkok Post PostPost,,, , 8 888 October OctoberOctoberOctober 67672015.672015.นิรันดร์2015.นิรันดร์''โวโว44เหตุหลักทําเหตุหลักทําสปชสปช..ควํ่ารควํ่าร่างฯ่างฯ[Niran:[Niran: 44 mainmain reasonsreasons NRCNRC rejectedrejected draft],draft], ThaiThai RathRath,,66 SeptemberSeptember 2015.2015.2015.ForForFor four fourfour rather ratherrather less lessless convincing convincingconvincing reasons reasonsreasons offered offeredoffered by byby NRC NRCNRC member membermember Dr DrDr Niran NiranNiran Pitakwatchara PitakwatcharaPitakwatchara, ,see, seesee นิรันดร์นิรันดร์นิรันดร์2015,672015,' โว''' โวโวavailable4available44เหตุหลักทําเหตุหลักทําเหตุหลักทํา atatสปช สปชสปช <.>. draft], draft],draft], Thai ThaiThai Rath RathRath, ,6,6 6September SeptemberSeptember นิรันดร์67676767ForForFor โว โว fourfourfourเหตุหลักทําเหตุหลักทํา ratherratherrather lesslessสปชless ควํ่าร ควํ่ารconvincingconvincingconvincingางฯ่างฯ reasonsreasonsreasons offeredofferedoffered bybyby NRCNRCNRC membermembermember DrDrDr NiranNiranNiran PitakwatcharaPitakwatcharaPitakwatchara,,, , seeseeseesee 2015,2015,672015,676767 availableavailableavailable at atat < .>.>. นิรันดร์นิรันดร์ นิรันดร์ ForForFor''''' โว โวโวfourโว fourfour444เหตุหลักทําเหตุหลักทําเหตุหลักทํา เหตุหลักทําเหตุหลักทํา rather ratherrather less lessสปชสปชlessสปชสปช. . .ควํ่าร.convincingควํ่าร ควํ่ารconvincingควํ่ารconvincing่่างฯ่างฯ่างฯ่่่างฯ[Niran:[Niran:[Niran:[Niran: reasons reasonsreasons 4 444 main mainmainmain offered offeredoffered reasons reasonsreasonsreasons by byby NRC NRCNRCNRC NRC NRCNRC rejected rejectedrejectedrejected member membermember draft], draft],draft],draft], Dr DrDr Niran Niran Niran Thai ThaiThai Pitakwatchara RathPitakwatcharaRathRathPitakwatchara,,,,666 SeptemberSeptemberSeptember,,, , see seeseesee นิรันดร์นิรันดร์นิรันดร์'''''โวโวโวโว444เหตุหลักทําเหตุหลักทําเหตุหลักทําเหตุหลักทําเหตุหลักทําสปชสปชสปช...ควํ่าร.ควํ่ารควํ่ารควํ่าร่างฯ่่่่างฯ่างฯ่างฯ[Niran:[Niran:[Niran:[Niran: 4 444 main mainmainmain reasons reasonsreasonsreasons NRC NRCNRCNRC rejected rejectedrejectedrejected draft], draft],draft],draft], Thai ThaiThai Rath RathRath,,,,666 September SeptemberSeptember 2015, 2015,2015,availableavailableavailable at atat < <.>.>. 2015,2015,682015,68 MichaelMichaelavailableavailableavailable H.H. at atNelson,atNelson, < <.Abusive>.>. ConstitutionConstitution--MakingMaking ofof anan 6868 68 Authoritarian AuthoritarianMichaelMichaelMichael H. H.H. Nelson, Regime”, Regime”,Nelson,Nelson, “Thailand’s “Thailand’s “Thailand’spaperpaper presentedpresented 2015 20152015 atDraft at Draft Draft SoutheastSoutheast Charter: Charter:Charter: AsiaAsia Abusive Abusive Abusive ResearchResearch Constitution ConstitutionConstitution Centre,Centre, CityCity-Making--MakingMaking UniversityUniversity of ofof an an an of of

AuthoritarianAuthoritarianAuthoritarianHongHong Kong,Kong, Regime”, 19 19Regime”,Regime”, OctoberOctober paper paper paper 2015.2015. presented presentedpresented at atat Southeast SoutheastSoutheast Asia AsiaAsia Research ResearchResearch Centre, Centre,Centre, City CityCity University UniversityUniversity of ofof 68686868 MichaelMichaelMichael H.H.H. Nelson,Nelson,Nelson, “Thailand’s“Thailand’s“Thailand’s 201520152015 DraftDraftDraft Charter:Charter:Charter: AbusiveAbusiveAbusive ConstitutionConstitutionConstitution----MakingMakingMaking ofofof ananan HongHong68Hong686868 Kong, Kong,Kong, 19 1919 October OctoberOctober 2015. 2015.2015. AuthoritarianAuthoritarianAuthoritarianMichaelMichaelMichael H.H.H. Regime”,Regime”, Regime”, Nelson,Nelson,Nelson, paper“Thailand’spaper“Thailand’spaper“Thailand’s presentedpresentedpresented 201520152015 atatat DraftSoutheastDraftSoutheastSoutheastDraft Charter:Charter:Charter: AsiaAsiaAsia Abusive AbusiveResearchResearchAbusiveResearch Constitution Constitution ConstitutionCentre,Centre,Centre, CityCityCity---Making- Making MakingUniversityUniversityUniversity ofofof anofanofanof AuthoritarianAuthoritarianAuthoritarian Regime”,Regime”,Regime”, paperpaperpaper presentedpresentedpresented atatat SoutheastSoutheastSoutheast AsiaAsiaAsia ResearchResearchResearch Centre,Centre,Centre, CityCityCity UniversityUniversityUniversity ofofof HongHong27Hong27 Kong, Kong,Kong, 19 1919 October OctoberOctober 2015.2015.2015. HongHongHong Kong, Kong,Kong, 19 1919 October OctoberOctober 2015. 2015.2015. 272727

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354 Duncan McCargo ถอยไม่สุดซอยนิรันดร์ 66 For a summary of the changes, see ถอยไม่สุดซอย [Backing Out, But Not Completely], Thai Rath, 27 July 2015, availableถอยไม่สุดซอยนิรันดร์ at . โว

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01 Duncan-4P.indd 354 3/12/15 2:49 pm