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Belgeo Revue belge de géographie
1-2-3-4 | 2000 Special issue: 29th International Geographical Congress
Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/13863 DOI: 10.4000/belgeo.13863 ISSN: 2294-9135
Publisher: National Committee of Geography of Belgium, Société Royale Belge de Géographie
Printed version Date of publication: 30 December 2000 ISSN: 1377-2368
Electronic reference Belgeo, 1-2-3-4 | 2000, “Special issue: 29th International Geographical Congress” [Online], Online since 31 December 2000, connection on 07 February 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/ 13863; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/belgeo.13863
This text was automatically generated on 7 February 2021.
Belgeo est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International. 1
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Editorial: A new geographical journal Christian Kesteloot and Christian Vandermotten
Foreword Yola Verhasselt
Belgium and the Belgian State Dominique Istaz
Geography and landscape science Marc Antrop
Approaching the society-nature dialectic : a plea for a geographical study of the environment Pierre Cornut and Erik Swyngedouw
Advances in small-scale map projection research Frank Canters
Geography, public administration and governance Petr Dostál and Pieter Saey
Regional politics and economic patterns: ‘glocalisation’ and the network enterprise Peter Cabus and Martin Hess
Health and tropical geography Henri Nicolaï and Yola Verhasselt
Building a continental area: identities, differences and urban developments in Europe Christian Vandermotten
Challenges and issues of spatial planning in the European Union: European vision and supraregional co-operation Valérie Biot and Alain Colard
Base maps in Belgium Philippe De Maeyer
Belgians on the move Population distribution from a historical and modern perspective Herman Van der Haegen, Etienne Van Hecke and Sandra Savenberg
Urban studies of Belgian geographers at the turn of the millennium Walter De Lannoy and Stefan De Corte
Belgian agriculture and rural environments The spatial dimension of contemporary problems and challenges Etienne Van Hecke, Henk Meert and Charles Christians
Transport geography at the turn of the century Pierre Arnold, Jacques Charlier and Isabelle Thomas
Belgian geographers at work: the occupations of graduates in 1999 Bernadette Mérenne, Christian Kesteloot and Isabelle Thomas
The Euroregion, nodal centre of the Western European HST network Yves Rouyet
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Editorial: A new geographical journal
Christian Kesteloot and Christian Vandermotten
1 The first issue of Belgeo, the acronym for the new ‘Revue Belge de Géographie – Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Geografie – Belgian Journal of Geography’ is in your hands. The ‘Tijdschrift van de Belgische Vereniging voor Aardrijkskundige Studies – Bulletin de la Société Belge d’Etudes Géographiques’ published in Leuven and the ‘Revue Belge de Géographie’, published by the Société Royale Belge de Géographie in Brussels, have decided to merge, in order to offer a richer content and a more frequent and regular publication to their readers.
2 The new journal will mirror the multicultural Belgian society and its openness to the international scene. It also strives for high scientific quality. The Editorial Board hopes to develop the journal into an open and fertile forum for Belgian and foreign geographers. The Editorial Board is composed by members from the different Belgian universities and has appointed distinguished colleagues, mostly from foreign scientific institutions as corresponding members. From the start, the Editorial Board will be very selective in its publication policy. Every submitted paper will be examined by the Board and then anonymously proposed for advice to referees, mostly chosen among the corresponding members. The multicultural and international character of the journal is reflected in the use of four publication languages: English, French, Dutch and German.
3 The journal will cover, besides general topics, European and global issues and of course Belgian matters. The ambition is to turn Belgeo rapidly into one of the leading European geography journals on the international scene. The journal will improve the dissemination of the research results of the Belgian geographers, often at the junction of Anglo-Saxon and Latin approaches and will open its pages to the most recent developments in human as well as in physical geography. Therefore, Belgeo will be published, from the year 2001 on, in four issues a year. Two issues will be centred on themes in human geography; one issue will address a physical geography topic. The fourth issue is devoted to papers with various subjects. For each thematic issue, a guest editor, specialised in the subject will be appointed.
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4 This first volume of Belgeo appears at the occasion of the International Geography Conference in Seoul and at the eve of the third millennium. The Editorial Board of Belgeo wanted it to be a mirror of the diverse geographical practices in Belgium. It offers epistemological reflections, discussion papers, state of the art papers on Belgian research and portrays Belgium in its European context for foreign readers.
AUTHORS
CHRISTIAN VANDERMOTTEN Co-editors
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Foreword
Yola Verhasselt
1 It is now a tradition for the Belgian National Committee of Geography to present a survey of Belgian geography every four years on the occasion of the Congress of the International Geographical Union. As such at the International Geographical Congress (IGC) in Paris in 1984 the book ‘Geography in Belgium’ (edited by J. Denis) was presented. In 1988 on the occasion of the IGC in Sydney ‘Belgian Geographical Reviews’ was published. It is composed of special issues of the three Belgian Geographical journals: BEVAS/SOBEG (1988/1) with ‘Belgian physical geographers at home and in the world between 1950 and 1985’ (edited by G. De Moor); Revue Belge de Géographie (1988/1-2) with ‘Human Geography in Belgium: an epistemological survey with an extensive bibliography’; and Bulletin de la Société Géographique de Liège (1988, n°24) with ‘Belgium, a geographical introduction to its regional diversity and its human richness’ (edited by Ch. Christians and L. Daels). In 1996 at the IGC in The Hague the book ‘Geographical Research in Belgium’ (edited by J. Denis) was presented.
2 This year, in 2000, we have the privilege to present to the international geographical community the first issue of a new Belgian journal on geography, called BELGEO. It results from the merger of two previous Belgian geographical journals, the ‘Tijdschrift van de Belgische Vereniging voor Aardrijkskundige Studies (BEVAS) - Bulletin de la Société Belge d’Etudes Géographiques (SOBEG)’ and the ‘Revue Belge de Géographie’.
3 This first issue has been prepared especially for this Congress. Therefore it is written entirely in English. This special issue is not a systematic bibliographical review of the Belgian geography. The papers are editorial or state-of-the-art or epistemological contributions. Topics are related to the main geographical research activities in Belgium and cover various subdisciplines of geography.
4 It is with great pleasure that, on behalf of the Belgian National Committee of Geography, I thank most sincerely all the contributors to this special issue, and particularly the two editors responsible for the new Journal, C. Kesteloot and C. Vandermotten.
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AUTHOR
YOLA VERHASSELT President of the Belgian National Committee for Geography
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Belgium and the Belgian State
Dominique Istaz
1 Small country in the heart of the North-West of Europe, Belgium covers an area of 30,518 sq. km, with a population of about 10,200,000 inhabitants. Brussels, the capital, is an international city, the seat of the NATO and, above all, this one of the European Commission and of the main European institutions.
The Belgian Federal State
2 When it was created in 1831, Belgium was a unified constitutional monarchy, with a simple hierarchical structure on three levels: the national State, with 9 provinces and more than 2,700 municipalities under its authority. The present rather complex State structure is the result of a number of institutional reforms. These reforms began in 1962-1963 with the final definition of the language border. Following the institutional reforms of 1970, 1980, 1988-89 and 1993, Belgium is gradually being transformed into a fully Federal State. This is shown by Article 1 of the revised Constitution: ‘Belgium is a Federal State which is made up of Communities and Regions’.
3 This means that several bodies (the Federal State, the Regions and the Communities) which are equal in law, now share the powers which were formerly controlled solely by the central State.
4 In fact there is no hierarchy between these three types of authorities. Each one has its own legislative and executive bodies and, within the limitations of their competencies and territorial scope, they can pass laws (at the federal level) or decrees (at the level of the Regions and Communities; ordinances in the Region of Brussels-Capital) which have the same legal force.
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5 This absence of a hierarchy and sharing of powers between the Federal State, the Regions and the Communities constitutes the basis of Belgian federalism. The 10 provinces (the former Brabant was divided in two provinces along the linguistic border, Brussels as a specific Region not belonging to any province) and the municipalities, which represent local authorities, have been transferred to the responsibility of the Regions.
The Federal State
6 Although there are many powers which now fall to the Regions and Communities, the Federal State still retains power over foreign policy, national defence, the justice system, the army, monetary policy and the management of the national debt, social security, etc.
7 On a federal level, legislative power is exercised by the King (formally) and the Chamber of Representatives and the Senate (i.e. the Parliament). Elections take place every four years. Executive power is given to the King, although it is exercised de facto by the Federal Government.
Regions and Communities
8 Belgium has three Regions, whose territory is defined by its Constitution: the Walloon Region (the five Walloon provinces), the Flemish Region (the five Flemish provinces) and the Region of Brussels-Capital. Their powers are bound to their geographical area. These essentially relate to town and country planning, the environment, housing, regional economic policy, employment, public works, transport, agriculture, water, etc.
9 There are also three Communities, distinct from the Regions: the Flemish Community, the French Community and the German-speaking Community. Their powers are cultural and are bound to people (cultural issues, education, health and social assistance, etc.). In theory the Communities are not limited to a territory properly
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speaking, with the exception of the German-speaking Community (nine municipalities in the east of Belgium). However, it can be said that the Flemish Community covers the Flemish Region and the Flemish institutions established in the Region of Brussels- Capital, and that the French Community covers the Walloon Region (except for the German-speaking Community) and the French-speaking institutions established in the Region of Brussels-Capital.
10 The Regions and Communities have a considerable degree of autonomy, and exercise the whole powers in the areas which are allocated to them by or pursuant to the Constitution.
11 This autonomy is illustrated by the fact that each Region and Community: • has a parliament, known as a Council (of the Region or the Community) and an executive, the Government (of the Region or of the Community). The Regional and Community Councils are directly elected every five years; • passes decrees (ordinances in the case of the Region of Brussels-Capital) which have the force of statute; • control their own budget, whose considerable resources come from both fiscal and non- fiscal revenues.
Institutional asymmetry
12 The structure of institutions is not perfectly identical in the north and south of the country: • on the Flemish side there has been a ‘merger’ of the Regional and Community institutions: a single Council and a single Government exercise the powers of both the Flemish Region and the Flemish Community. This ‘merger’ illustrates the Flemish preference for a Belgium based on two large communities, with Brussels, historically a Flemish-speaking city but now with a very strong French-speaking majority, having been chosen as the common capital. • on the southern side, however, there is a Walloon Regional Council and Government and a Council and Government of the French Community. The rejection of a ‘merger’ between the French Community and the Walloon Region illustrates the preference on the Walloon side for a Belgium based on three Regions, which may be explained, among other things, by sociological differences between Wallonia and Brussels, due to the industrial history of Belgium from the XIXth century, in spite of the majority French-speaking character of the capital city. The Walloon Region has set up its capital in Namur, half-way between Charleroi and Liège (the two large Walloon conurbations), while Brussels is the seat of the French Community (and Eupen is the seat of the German-speaking one). • like the two other regions, Brussels has a Council and a Government. Due to the presence of bilingualism within its territory and its role as the capital of the country, the Region of Brussels-Capital does, however, have a special status: - it is home to both the French Community and the Flemish Community. Furthermore, a number of Brussels institutions, each of which has its own assembly and college, also exercise the powers of the Community: the Commissions of the French, Flemish and joint communities. - it passes ‘ordinances’, not decrees. These are subject to limited legal controls by the Federal authorities (in the areas of town and country planning, public works and transport). - it discharges certain responsibilities elsewhere assigned to the municipalities (fire-fighting
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and emergency medical assistance, removal and processing of waste, passenger transport for payment, coordination of municipal activities) and provincial powers.
13 The Region of Brussels Capital is narrowly limited to 19 municipalities and covers an area of 161 km², with about 950,000 inhabitants, i.e. only the central part of the Brussels metropolitan area.
Provinces and municipalities
14 The provinces and municipalities represent the local authorities and they are under the authority of the Regions. Their powers are exercised while respecting standards issued by hierarchically superior powers (the State, the Regions and the Communities) and in accordance with the public interest.
15 Each province has an assembly, the Provincial Council, and an executive body, the Permanent Deputation. Each municipality has a Municipal Council and a College of Mayor and Aldermen. Elections to provincial and municipal councils take place every six years.
16 The provinces are responsible for ‘provincial interests’. These are not otherwise clearly defined: they include everything which the provinces judge to be in the interests of their inhabitants, if the issue is not dealt with by the State, the Regions and the Municipalities. They essentially consist of education, culture, leisure, housing, health, roads and watercourses, etc.
17 Since the amalgamations in 1976 (and 1983 for Antwerp), Belgium has only 589 municipalities: 262 in the Walloon Region, 308 in the Flemish Region and 19 in the Region of Brussels-Capital. Since the Middle Ages these have had significant powers, also reinforced by the Belgian Constitution of 1831. The municipalities are responsible for municipal issues, which are also not clearly defined. Essentially they involve: • civil administration (producing civil status documents and maintaining the population registry), • maintaining order in the municipality, • anything which the municipality considers to be in the interests of its inhabitants and which is not completely taken over by a higher authority (schools, cultural and sports centres, economic and social development or development of communal areas etc.)
18 Apart from the 19 bilingual municipalities of the Brussels Region, there are municipalities with special language regimes intended to protect linguistic minorities. These municipalities, which are contiguous to another language region, are said to have ‘facilities’, since the law allows the other language to be used there in dealings between individuals and the local administration. There are six such municipalities situated on the periphery of Brussels in the Flemish Region, ten municipalities situated on both sides of the language border between Flanders and Wallonia, the nine municipalities of the German-speaking Community and two associated with it.
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AUTEUR
DOMINIQUE ISTAZ Université Libre de Bruxelles, Institut de Gestion de l’Environnement et d’Aménagement du Territoire, [email protected]
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Geography and landscape science
Marc Antrop
Introduction
1 Once the study of landscape was a core topic of geography. It was seen as a unique synthesis between the natural and cultural characteristics of a region. This synthesis embraced geo-ecological relations, spatial patterns and aesthetical properties. To study landscape, information was gathered from field surveys, maps, literature, sketches and photographs. Since the Second World War, aerial photography, and from 1970 on also satellite remote sensing, gave a completely new approach in the study of landscape. As in the beginning the study of landscape was situated mainly in departments of regional geography, these new technical disciplines were introduced here as well. They stimulated the study of landscape on a more holistic basis and in a broader multidisciplinary field. The landscape became the common framework for regional geography, historical geography, landscape ecology, as well as more applied research in land classification and evaluation for planning purposes. Since the 1960s, the quantitative approach in many sciences initiated scientific specialisation and divergence between human and natural sciences. In geography, this ‘new orientation’ considered the purely descriptive geography of regions and countries to be old- fashioned and non-scientific. In many countries the geographical curriculum was restructured and resulted in a definite split between physical geography and social geography, while regional geography, including the study of landscapes was abolished or became marginal. At the same time, interdisciplinary relations were lost or became lost.
2 However, soon this split and the loss of a holistic synthesis was missed, especially by geographers concerned with the landscape. Geography, ecology, soil science, history, archaeology, psychology and aesthetics started to study landscape more independently. A new synthesis, a new transdisciplinary approach emerged with landscape ecology. Landscape research no longer is restricted to geography alone. Therefore, it is not appropriate any more to speak about the geography of landscapes, but rather about what geography can bring to the study of landscape. The whole of the disciplines
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involved in landscape research will be referred to as landscape science, although this term was used first in 1885 by the geographers Oppel and Troll (Troll, 1950). In most countries the number of researchers studying the landscape is limited and fortunately this stimulated in the development of an international network. Many landscape researchers meet under the umbrella of the International Association for Landscape Ecology (IALE), which has national, (supra)regional groups and thematic workshops. Also important is the Standing European Conference for the Study of the Rural Landscape (Verhoeve & Vervloet, 1992). Landscape research is no longer restricted to local or regional interest groups, but has become really international. For this reason, this contribution will describe not only the activities in Belgium, but will try to present a more general overview of geography in relation to the growing landscape science in an international context.
Dealing with the landscape: a history
The early beginnings
3 Early geographical descriptions dealt with characteristics of foreign regions or countries and focused upon the landscape and the people living there. With the renaissance period in the 15th century the first painting and pictures of landscape appeared in the Western world (Troll, 1950). Kolen and Lemaire (1999) see this as the emergence of a landscape conscience. The systematic exploration and description of landscapes start with the Age of Discovery, characterised by a fast development of cartography and a growing interest of naturalists. Some locate the start of geography as a scientific discipline at the end of the 19th century (Claval, 1976, Larnoe, 1987), evolving from naturalists such as Alexander von Humboldt and Darwin. The physical- determinism that characterised the German approach was tempered and broadened by the French approach of the school of Vidal de la Blache and with the concept of possibilism as paradigm.
4 It is not the purpose of this contribution to restart these old discussions about the true nature of geography or whether landscape should be a core topic in geographical research. The main focus here is the landscape as studied nowadays and how geographers approach this study. Only the view upon the landscape of a few ‘ancient’ geographers will be discussed. Carol (1956), Zonneveld (1971) and later Saey (1990) give a more elaborate discussion of the relation between the study of landscape and geography.
5 Alexander von Humboldt gave a short and very to-the-point definition of landscape: ‘Landschaft ist das Totalcharakter einer Erdgegend’ (Zonneveld, 1995). This definition implies that regional diversification is expressed by the landscape and that landscape should be considered as a holistic phenomenon that is perceived by humans. Although von Humboldt was a pioneer in biogeography, physical geography and climatology, he always stressed in his writings the human and cultural aspects in the landscape and above all the aesthetical qualities, which he considered even as mentally healing (von Humboldt, 1814).
6 Vidal de la Blache (1922) had a more literary approach of the landscape, although he used similar techniques of annotated sketches and his prose was not so different from von Humboldt’s. The main difference is the recognition of the importance of a local
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society in organising the landscape, which results in a regional differentiation not only based upon natural conditions but also upon settlement patterns and territories. Also here, landscape is seen as a holistic unity as well expressed in the recognition of ‘pays’ each one having a proper name. The description of regions became synthetic ‘tableaux’ of idealistic landscapes (Giblin, 1978). Both von Humboldt and Vidal de la Blache implicitly include the perception of landscape and its aesthetic qualities in their work.
7 Later, Carl Troll elaborates this view and gives it a more sound methodological basis and integrates aerial photography as the new way of observing the landscape at that time (Troll, 1939, 1950, 1959, 1963). He called ‘Luftbildforschung ist zu einem sehr hohen Grade Landschaftsökologie’ (‘aerial photography is in a high degree landscape ecology’). Troll called the approach of landscape ecology an ‘Anschauungsweis’, a way of looking at the subject and he explained the birth of this idea as ‘a marriage between biology and geography’ (Zonneveld, 1995). The introduction of the term landscape ecology in this sense promoted a new holistic synthesis in landscape research and also reconfirmed the perception as an integral part of the concept of landscape. At the same time Richard Hartshorne in his ‘The Nature of Geography’ (1939) considers the term landscape with its multiple semantic meanings too confusing and abandons it at the object of study in geography in favour of concepts as region and space (Muir, 1999). During the 1960s and 1970s a deductive and rationalistic approach dominated the new orientation in geography. Based upon the optimistic development in economy and technology, the common focus of geographers upon landscape was lost and a divergence and specialisation in geography started. Gradually geographers in Western Europe lost their interest in the visual appearance and aesthetics of the landscape as subject of study temporarily.
The renewed interest and the rebirth of landscape ecology
8 Zonneveld (1980) defined the loss of the regional holistic synthesis of landscape research in geography clearly in a paper entitled ‘Het gat in de geografie’, ‘the hole in geography’. He stimulated the landscape ecological thinking, mainly from the German and Central-European schools, in the education of geography students in the Netherlands. The missing of a transdisciplinary and holistic based approach of landscape study became rapidly clear in the fast changing environment in crisis, with new challenges in natural, ecological, cultural and social issues. The changing attitude towards landscape was also clearly expressed in philosophical essays such as ‘Filosofie van het landschap’ (‘Philosophy of landscape’) by Lemaire (1970) and ‘The angst voor het nieuwe landschap’ (‘The fear of the new landscape’) by Lörzing (1982). The first attempt to restore the interdisciplinary approach of landscape research was made in the Netherlands with the creation in 1972 of the Working group landscape ecological research (Werkgroep Land-schapsecologisch Onderzoek, WLO) (Zonneveld, 1972). It grouped geographers of different kind, biologists and ecologists, as well as social scientists and planners. Less involved were historical landscape geographers who did however important work in the field of settlement geography (Renes, 1981) and the mapping and classification of historical cultural landscapes in the Netherlands (Vervloet, 1984).
9 It was the WLO that took the initiative in 1981 for an international and multidisci- plinary meeting in Veldhoven to reflect upon the future of landscape research.
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Basically, the broken link with the tradition of landscape ecology as defined by Troll in 1939 was re-established and led to the formal creation of the discipline of landscape ecology. Also contacts between the West European approach with the schools of landscape science of the Central and East European countries was renewed. Besides more national journals such as Landschap and Landscape Research, two new international journals were published focusing upon the landscape: Landscape and Urban Planning in 1986 and Landscape Ecology in 1987. In 1988 the International Association of Landscape Ecology (IALE) was created. Since then, landscape research expanded over many different disciplines. Debates are still going on about the specificity of landscape ecology and the definition of landscape. Moss (1999, p. 138) gives a simple and practical approach: ‘To me, landscape ecology is simply about the study of landscapes and of the need to derive understanding about landscapes in order to enhance our abilities to manage them more effectively. Landscape ecology is not the only field to focus on the landscape but it has emerged in the last few decades because, quite clearly, existing approaches that sought to address a whole range of landscape scale environmental issues were proving to be inadequate’. Indeed, many new environmental problems demand a better understanding of the functioning of landscape and ask for rapid solutions.
10 The new transdisciplinary approach is mainly found in the domain of the new emerging landscape ecology (Moss, 2000; Wiens & Moss, 1999; Brandt, 1999; Zonneveld, 1995; Naveh & Lieberman, 1994). Anyhow, landscape research is widening, new fundamental knowledge is needed as well as more practical applications. The integration is achieved by multiple exchanges of ideas and methods. Landscape ecology is seen by some as a transdisciplinary science (Naveh & Lieberman, 1984; Zonneveld, 1995; Moss, 1998). This means that landscape ecology is not just combining sciences (multidisciplinary), nor is ‘in between’ sciences (interdisciplinary), but is situated above different sciences, trying to integrate them with a common way of looking.
11 Figure 1 gives an impression of the historical evolution in landscape research and the interaction between disciplines. Disciplines in square boxes are the actual ones that contribute actively to the development of landscape science. The ones in bold are disciplines (mainly geography and ecology) that made the basics for the actual landscape sciences. The concepts, techniques and methods that were important for this development are underlined. Some important persons that stimulated the development are given in italics.
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Figure 1. The study of the landscape during history: influences upon the actual disciplines that form the landscape science: landscape ecology, landscape geography, land evaluation and landscape architecture.
Different developments in the world
12 When in the Western world after the Second World War most interest for the study of landscape was lost, it continued to develop in Central Europe and the Soviet Union. Different schools for landscape study emerged during the post-war period. In Russia many new concepts related to landscape classification and landscape ecology were developed (Pedroli, 1983). In Eastern Germany it was geographers who developed the theoretical concepts of what the called ‘Landschaftslehre’ (Neef, 1967; Haase, 1977). Richter and Schönfelder (1986) give a more physical-geographical approach to the study of landscape, while Smithüsen stimulated the link with biogeography. In Poland and the former Czechoslovakia emerged the Geoecology as an ecological approach of physical geography (Richling, 1996, Drdoš, 1983). Besides the Geoecology there was also an approach more oriented to human geography and problems related to urbanisation (Bartkowski, 1982). Ruziška and Miklos (1990) succeeded to introduce landscape ecological principles in the environmental legislation of Slovakia. Mazure (1983) and Drdoš (1983) stimulated the idea of landscape synthesis within a working group of the International Geographical Union, a working group, which is now active within the International Association of Landscape Ecology (IALE) (Moss & Milne, 1999).
13 In France, the study of the landscape issued from the school of Vidal de la Blache and resulted in a series of regional geographical studies with an important emphasis on the landscape (Blanchard, 1906; Peltre, 1971; Viers, 1975; Meynier, 1976; Livet, 1978; Ferras et al., 1979; Flatrès, 1980; Fénelon, 1982; Mergoil, 1982; Bouet & Fel, 1983). Gradually, the geographers in France and many other Mediterranean countries lost also their interest for the landscape research and oriented themselves more towards economic and regional planning and urbanisation. However some interesting fundamental studies. Lebeau (1972) made a comprehensive overview of the field systems in the world. Flatrès (1979) gathered the studies of the rural landscapes in Europe. Phipps (1981, 1984) introduced quantitative approaches for studying landscape patterns and dynamics and
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theoretical systems aspects including visual ones (Berdoulay & Phipps, 1985). Nowadays most of the landscape research is by non-geographers (Forman & Godron, 1986; Baudry & Merriam, 1988).
14 During the same period many geographers and ecologists from a ‘northern’ tradition were active in the Mediterranean (Daels et al., 1971; Verheye & Lootens-De Muynck; 1974; Marius, 1974; Antrop, 1982; Snacken & Antrop, 1983; Larnoe, 1987; Antrop, 1993; Vos & Stortelder, 1992; Rackham & Moody, 1996; De Dapper et al., 1997; De Vliegher et al., 1997; Vermeulen et al., 1997; Goossens et al., 1998; Sevenant, 1999).
15 In Scandinavia and the Baltic, geographers took the lead in the development of landscape ecology (Brandt, 1997; Fry, 1998; Ihse, 1996; Mander & Palang,1997). In particular the Danish national association for landscape ecology is very active and integrates intimately geographers, ecologists and planners.
16 In Britain many different approaches in landscape research developed rather independently. Geographers were mostly involved in historical studies of settlements and the cultural landscape (Baker & Harley, 1973; Roberts, 1987). This offered an important stimulus in the protection of landscapes. Ecologists focused upon diversity and dynamics of landscape and started important monitoring programs (Dover & Bunce, 1998). The British Directory of Overseas Surveys (DOS) focused upon rapid surveys of vast areas without detailed map data and developed systems of land classification based upon air photo interpretation (Mitchell, 1973), based upon an multi-scale hierarchical land systems concept. It led to the elaboration of a mainly practical and pragmatic approach for land classification and evaluation and was applied worldwide. In Oxford the MEXE-system for land classification was developed (Webster & Beckett, 1970).
17 Canada and Australia followed a similar approach as the British DOS. In Australia it was the CSIRO that stimulated land evaluation over vast areas (Aitchison & Grant, 1968; Christian & Stewart, 1964; Mabbutt, 1968; Howard & Mitchell, 1980). It gradually evolved from surveying and assessment to landscape ecology and restoration ecology (Hobbs, 1999).
18 In the U.S.A. the main interest for landscape studies grew from the relatively recent development of landscape ecology (Forman & Godron, 1986; Forman, 1998a). The approach is distinct from the European one and more oriented to the quantitative analysis of landscape patterns and problems the relation between processes and spatial structures, scale, heterogeneity (Turner, 1987 et al.). The application of models and the introduction of landscape indices or landscape metrics is an important innovation that gradually spread over the rest of the world of landscape ecology. Although much fundamental work is done, practical applications follow rapidly and are oriented towards planning and landscape architecture (Dramstad et al., 1996; Nassauer, 1997; Forman, 1998b).
19 The Asian activity related to landscape research is difficult to assess. Only the increasing number of participants from China and Japan at the IALE-meetings gives some idea how landscape ecology is approached. The IALE-conference in China (Anon, 1998) showed a clear focus upon the study of landscape types, in particular (sub)urban and industrial ones, as well as river and forest landscapes. This interest is linked to the study of changes and disturbances. The analysis of landscape structures is oriented towards planning and management, mainly for conservation purposes. There is here a clear demand for practical applications of landscape ecology. The need for gathering
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the appropriate information, for surveying and monitoring is important. In Japan, the focus is also the use of landscape ecology for environmental applications, but more quantitative structural analysis is used (Nomura & Nakagoshi, 1999). Besides this more applied orientation of landscape research, it should be noted that there is also a more philosophical and aesthetical interest for the landscape, based upon the oriental view of nature and man’s place in it (Nakagoshi, 1999).
20 As discussed earlier, the Netherlands was the cradle of the renewed landscape ecology. Dutch physical and historical geographers were very active and so were biologists and ecologists. Landscape research in the Netherlands covers a broad scale of topics. Only a few representative references are given here: typology of cultural landscapes (Meeus et al., 1990; Vervloet, 1984; Zonneveld, 1985), ecological networks and small biotopes (Opdam et al., 1986), statistical techniques for ecological analysis (Jongman et al., 1987), application of landscape ecology in nature conservation and restoration (Vos & Opdam, 1993), planning (Harms et al., 1998), and environmental impact assessment (Dijkstra, 1992), psychology and perception (Albrechts, 1983; Schöne & Coeterier, 1986; Coeterier, 1996), philosophy (Kolen & Lemaire, 1999).
21 In Belgium, geographers first followed the French tradition in studying the landscape. This resulted in many regional studies where landscape was an important topic (Tulippe, 1942; Brulard, 1962; Snacken, 1961; Daels & Verhoeve, 1979; Knaepen, 1995). Characteristic was the intimate integration between history, landscape genesis and physical geography, including soil science and geology (Snacken et al., 1975). Some more specific research followed also the general West-European tradition of the study of rural landscapes (Christians, 1982) and focusing upon specific themes in the landscape such as field patterns and hedgerows (Petit, 1942; Dussart, 1961), settlement patterns (Lefèvre, 1964; Dussart, 1957) or land use (Van der Haegen, 1982). Air photo- interpretation became also an important tool, not only for mapping (Wilmet, 1970), but also for the analysis of landscapes (Larnoe et al., 1988; Daels, Verhoeve, Antrop, 1989) and archaeological prospecting (Daels et al., 1982; Ampe et al., 1996). The historical approach to landscape evolution is given by Verhulst (1965).
22 Later, landscape research became marginal within geography since the new orientation focused upon economic development and urbanisation. Also, the contacts with historians became looser and very few joined the newly emerging landscape ecology. The gradual process of federalisation of the Belgian State stimulated this split and led to different approaches in the Flemish and Walloon region (Daels & Verhoeve, 1979; Antrop et al., 1985; Christians, 1987; Schreurs, 1986). Publications dealing with the landscapes of Belgium as a whole are becoming rare. The synthesis about Belgian geography made by Christians & Daels (1988) describes landscapes as one characteristic of the geographical regions, although a separate chapter in the bibliography is devoted to landscapes. In the major work about the geography of Belgium (Denis, 1992) no chapter is devoted to landscape; reference to landscapes are only found indirectly in the chapter of the rural areas or regions (Christians, Daels & Verhoeve, 1992). The bibliographic inventories made for I.G.U. congresses (Denis, 1996) do not have a chapter or index entry to landscape research at all. References about landscape studies should be looked for in the chapter of agriculture and rural development. This clearly shows the reduction of the broad meaning of landscape in the thinking of many Belgian geographers. Only at the University of Ghent a core of landscape researchers remained. Their work is characterised by a regional synthetic approach on an interdisciplinary
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basis (Snacken et al., 1981). Much of the work is interdisciplinary, joining (regional) geographers, archaeologists, historians, soil scientists and (landscape) ecologists in common projects. Meanwhile, the landscape became an interesting subject for other disciplines and a lot of interesting research emerged outside geography (Froment, 1999; Hermy & De Blust, 1997; Tack et al., 1993; Gysels et al., 1993).
The definition of landscape and basic concepts
23 In common language, landscape has multiple meanings and these have been discussed since the early start of the scientific study of landscape (Kolen & Lemaire, 1999; Muir, 1999; Zonneveld, 1995; Naveh & Liebermann, 1994; Antrop, 1989). Landscape does not only refer to a complex phenomenon that can be described and analysed using objective scientific methods. It also refers to a subjective observation and experience and thus has a perceptive, aesthetical and artistic meaning as well. Consequently, the perceived landscape is immediately analysed by the observer, compared and evaluated with his knowledge and previous experience. Landscape was also used in some occasions to refer to a piece of land, a region as expressed by the French term ‘pays’. Landscape can refer then to a territory or organisational territorial division. Finally, the term landscape is also used as a metaphor, such as in media landscape or political landscape.
24 Considering all these aspects, it is not surprising that the approaches to landscape are very broad and not always clearly defined. For example, Muir (1999) describes following ones: landscape history and landscape heritage, the practice of landscape history, the structure and scenery approach, landscapes of the mind, landscape, politics and power, the evaluation of landscape, the symbolic landscape, the aesthetic approach, landscape and place.
25 Three aspects are common to most definitions (Antrop, 1989): landscape is (1) a holistic entity or phenomenon, (2) a part of the land that is perceived and thus relative to the observer in understanding and valuation, and (3) a dynamic phenomenon having a unique history.
26 These different aspects will be discussed more in detail, but one should always keep in mind that, in fact, they can not be separated.
Rethinking some fundamental concepts
27 As a recently developed discipline, landscape ecology borrows many concepts and terms from other, older disciplines dealing with the landscape. Already in the early beginnings of landscape ecology, one of the first tasks was to establish a common vocabulary with well defined concepts and terms (Schroevers, 1982). Also, English became the main language in this field, so many term have been translated. Brandt (Brandt, 1998) pointed out how difficult it is to translate many fundamental concepts used in the English dominated landscape ecology to other languages. Many, subtle shifts in meaning do occur and make exact understanding and communication difficult. Zonneveld (1995) stressed the importance of the exact meaning and epistemology of words in his book Land Ecology. Indeed, correct use of concepts has to do with the purity of a discipline, the opposite is pollution and degrading. Many textbooks of landscape ecology contain extensive definitions.
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28 Holism is a bio-philosophical theory that originated with the naturalists during the early 19th century. Although Alexander von Humboldt did not use the term holism, the ‘Gestalt’-idea is always clearly present. Holism was also important for the Gestalt- psychology and in particular as a theory to explain how our perception works. It is therefore not surprising that von Humboldt in his writings emphasis the aesthetics and the emotional experience of the landscape simultaneous as the rational observation and measurement of physical variables such as temperature. The perceptive dimension in landscape is fundamental, as the concept landscape combines a piece of land with its appearance, the scenery. Interaction between perception of the environment and behaviour leads to landscaping, i.e. shaping and the organising the land according to the needs of a (local) society and according to ethic and aesthetic values. As the needs and the values change, landscape becomes a dynamic phenomenon that is in continuous transition.
29 For many researchers nowadays, holism is outdated and scientifically not to be taken seriously. Maybe this is because holism is an abstract concept and difficult to handle and apply, in particular when using so called objective quantitative methods. A useful additional concept that allows an easier practical application of holism is the concept of a holon, which was introduced by Naveh and Lieberman (1994) and made it a building block of the Total Human Ecosystem. Doing so, they placed holism also in a hierarchical scale context in studying the landscape. Hierarchical structuring of landscapes is a classic method in land evaluation of land classification (Zonneveld, 1995; Vink 1980). It offers an approach to break down the extreme complexity of landscape into more comprehensive entities that can be handled, classified, studied and managed more easily. A first and important task in all landscape studies is the definition of the scale at which the study will be done; a task that is mostly achieved indirectly by the definition of the study area, the scope of the study and the resolution of mapping. Therefore, many systems of land classification link the definition of hierarchical land units to the mapping scale (Christian and Stewart, 1964; Webster and Beckett, 1970; Howard and Mitchell, 1980; Antrop, 1989; Zonneveld, 1995) and scale becomes a core concept in landscape ecology (Forman & Godron, 1986; Turner et al., 1991).
30 According to holism the landscape should be considered as a complex whole that is more than the sum of its composing parts. This indicates that all elements in the spatial structure of the landscape are related to each other and form one complex system. The basic principles of landscape ecology rely upon these holistic concepts. Some other concepts that are frequently used in geography and spatial analysis are closely related but fundamentally different, such as structure, holon, pattern and scale.
31 Patterns are perceivable spatial arrangements of land units that are mostly defined as a combination of land form (slope), soil and land cover or land utilisation type. These spatial units are referred to as patches in landscape ecology. Patches have intrinsic properties based upon the variables that were used to define and delineate them, but also spatial properties such as size and shape and additional properties such as ownership and ground price. Patterns have also properties that can be described in many ways. Most common are concepts as heterogeneity, complexity and diversity. Most of these spatial characteristics of patches and patterns are nowadays described by quantitative variables, known as landscape indices or landscape metrics. An important axiom of landscape ecology is that heterogeneity is related to (habitat) biodiversity. From the geographical viewpoint this is too simplistic. The methods of defining land
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units and describing their characteristics determine almost completely the values of the landscape metrics, which should be correlated to one of the expressions of biodiversity.
32 A holon is defined by Naveh and Lieberman (1994) as an open system that is part of a hierarchy. It is more or less autonomous subsystem that functions and has emergent properties as a whole. It contains holons at a lower hierarchical level and regulates them, while it is also regulated by higher hierarchical levels. As holons work more or less autonomously, we do not need to gather data of ‘he whole is more than the sum of its composing parts’ (which is impossible), but only what is related to the intrinsic properties of the feature studied and its context that determines its major functioning. This defines the scope of the study. The first step in the study should be the definition of the scale and context a feature should be studied at. The ecodevice concept is closely related (van Wirdum, 1981).
33 The word structure refers to the representation or description of a certain set of relations between elements. One feature, such as landscape, can be described by many structures. Structures do not exist as real things, they are made to describe the composition or functioning of some parts of a whole we are interested in. In the landscape we can for example recognise structures related to the geology, the drainage network, the transportation system, the urban settlement, the land use patterns, and many others.
Land, property, territory and landscape
34 Landscape and land are two different concepts. Landscape refers to a common perceivable part of the earth’s surface, land has to do with soil, ground, territory (Zonneveld, 1995). In our modern civilisation, land is property; in many cases even private property. The owner decides more or less freely its use and shaping. The value of the land, the ground price, is an important factor in that decision making. It reflects the (potential) productivity and usefulness of a piece of land, which also depends upon its geographical situation. Consequently, land policy and controlling ground prices are important instruments for the realisation of planning goals. The most striking visible effect of this factor is the building of fences and enclosures and on a larger scale the creation of territories.
35 Each human settlement is a ‘control’ centre for the territory of the social group living there. It organises space around it according to ecological, economic, social, cultural and psychological rules. Most of these ‘rules’ act in an unconscious way. Generally speaking, following rules can be recognised as initial factors (Roberts, 1987; Antrop, 1988): • the land qualities which can be used must be diverse; this determines the extent and shape of the territory, so it offers a variety of natural resources, which is the best guarantee for a long lasting subsistence; • the human group tries to have a permanent overview of the land it owns, which determines the choice of the site of the settlement and the elaboration of a communication system between the centre and the periphery; • the attempts to keep peace with the neighbours and the marking and bordering of the territory.
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36 Now, in modern times, the old forms of organisation of the land, which resulted from these rules, can still be recognised in the landscape as remnants of the original structures. Further examples are discussed by Baker (1971), Roberts (1987), Unwin & Nash (1992), Antrop (1996c, 1997).
Perception, aesthetics and evaluation
37 The human perception works in a holistic way (McConnell, 1989; Naveh and Lieberman, 1994; Antrop, 1996a, 1996b) and psychological Gestalt-theory describes some rules or laws that explain how we deal with complex patterns. Some of these laws indicate how we perceive and handle landscape patterns. These aspects, mostly studied by psychologists and sociologists, offer valuable knowledge for practical applications, which are used in landscape architecture and environmental impact assessment. The number of dominant attributes that are important for landscape perception and evaluation appears to be limited and largely common between different western societies (Coeterier, 1996; Nassauer, 1997). These have been used for the assessment of the aesthetical qualities of landscapes (Antrop & Van Damme, 1995). Landscape perception is also intimately linked to identities and right (O’Neill and Walsh, 2000). Landscape evaluation is also needed in planning practice, in particular in managing agricultural systems. Here, more measurable indicators are used for the assessment (Oñate et al., 2000).
Quantification of the landscape: landscape metrics
38 Attempts to quantify the characteristics of complex spatial patterns related to landscape heterogeneity and fragmentation, resulted in the application of very different theories from other disciplines in the field of landscape ecology. In fact, these are attempts to quantify purely holistic, i.e. transcendent characteristics of landscapes. The result is the almost explosive development of the most varied types of landscape indices or landscape metrics. This development was made possible since the spatial analysis using GIS and image-processing tools became powerful enough and available. Many landscape metrics are used in comparing different situations, mostly related to changes in time and disturbances. Also, changes in state using simulation have a wide field of applications, but most often they are related to monitoring issues, such as the loss of diversity. They can be used for landscape typology in geography (Antrop & Snacken, 1999; Phipps, 1981; Kilchen-mann, 1973) and to detect and monitor structural changes using a concept like entropy (Antrop, 1998b; Phipps, 1984). Many landscape metrics are abstract and difficult to understand and to interpret. They often express immaterial, transcendent or holistic aspects of the landscape. Important ones are those dealing with fragmentation, a theme that is considered important in the global assessment of the environmental quality (Antrop et al., 1994; Gulinck et al., 1996; Dufourmont et al., 1998; Gulinck et al., 1999).
39 Anyhow, the description of landscape characteristics related to spatial patterns and the possibilities of their quantification has become an important topic in landscape ecology (Farina, 1995; Turner and Gardner, 1990; Turner et al., 1990; Hunsacker et al., 1994). The wide variety of landscape metrics or landscape indices (Farina, 1995; Martinez-Falero and Gonzalez-Alonso, 1995) has lead to a discussion about their real significance
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(Antrop, 1998b; Dramstad et al., 1998; Fry, 1998). However, the possibilities for making such quantitative analysis of spatial patterns fundamentally depend upon the availability of geographical data, preferentially as maps. Spatial analysis remote sensing imagery and raster maps offer new possibilities (Frohn, 1998). The continuous, complex and heterogeneous character of most landscapes makes the use of spatial sampling necessary (Agger & Brandt, 1984; Bunce, 1984; Hunsaker et al., 1994).
Thinking of the future landscapes
Dynamics: landscape genesis and change
40 The 18th century initiated revolutionary changes in society and technology that caused fundamental and rapid change in traditional rural landscapes (Antrop, 2000a). This ‘Age of Revolutions’ started in the western world with the Industrial Revolution, which provided new technology and social structures for the change, the American and French Revolution, which triggered major social and political changes. The formation of national states were a remodelling with devastating wars that rapidly wiped away traditions, in particular the ones that governed the rural countryside. The rapid growth of industrial centres, associated with urban centres, and new modes of transportation disrupted even more the old relationship between town and countryside (Antrop, 2000b). After the Second World War, the rebuilding of society and economy could almost begin without any reference to the past. Quickly the scale of the development increased and became global. Political institutions, such as the emerging European Union, followed these processes of globalisation and stimulated the changes in landscape even more. Changing land use patterns are nowadays of prime concern to all dealing with the landscape (Jongman, 1996).
The future of the landscape
41 Many authors have a pessimistic view of the future of the landscape. This is not only the case in the highly urbanised and industrialised western world (Dessylas, 1990; Stanners and Bourdeau, 1995; Froment, 1999; Kolen & Lemaire, 1999) but also globally as expressed by the many concerns related to environmental and land degradation and desertification (Goudie, 2000) and sustainable development. The fast and profound transformation of most landscapes after the Second World War is generally characterised by a loss of diversity, increasing homogeneity and fundamental breaking with the past. New landscapes are created without history and without links to the natural substrate.
42 Urbanisation is a complex process that gradually transforms rural landscapes in new landscape types. Urbanisation has rapidly gained the world-wide interest of geographers, planners and landscape ecologists. Urban fringe landscapes have their own dynamics (Antrop, 1994), specific problems of perception (Smardon, 1988; Sullivan, 1994; Nassauer, 1997; Zmyslony & Gagnon, 1998) and of ecology and environment (Richter, 1984; Mc Donald & Brown, 1984; Rogers & Rowntree, 1988; Yokohari et al., 1994). Urbanisation is a complex process that can affect even remote regions in the countryside (Lucy & Philips, 1997; Antrop, 1998a) and accessibility becomes an increasingly important factor in understanding changes in the landscapes of the
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countryside (Lewis & Maund, 1976; Lewis, 1979; Antrop, 1999). Also the rural areas that are confronted with new problems, such as depopulation, continuity of farms in highly urbanised landscapes, were studied for Flanders by De Klerck (1993) and Lhermitte (1993) and in the Walloon region by Christians (1989).
43 A similar consideration can be made for the new landscapes created by all kinds of transportation and communication networks. Some call these new landscapes ‘non- places’ or ‘non-lieux’ (Kolen & Lemaire, 1999). Neddens & Wucher (1987) called it the ‘genius loci is lost’. It stresses the importance of recent loss, due modernisation of all kind, of the spiritual, symbolic and religious character and values that once were vital. The interest of studying such road corridor landscapes is still very recent (Forman, 1998a, 1998b).
Landscape planning and maintenance of the natural and cultural heritage
44 The loss of biodiversity is related to a loss in landscape heterogeneity and the loss of gradients between different landscapes (Green et al., 1996). Generally, the landscapes in the world are rapidly uniforming globally, a process referred to by some as macdonaldisation (Kolen & Lemaire, 1999). The process is related to rationalisation in agriculture, increased urbanisation (Antrop, 1998a, 2000) and changing patterns in transportation and mobility (Forman, 1998; Antrop, 1999; Kolen & Lemaire, 1999). Consequently, landscape heterogeneity, fragmentation, disturbance and changing land use, urbanisation of the countryside, transportation and networking, interaction between spatial structure and functioning of the landscape become new key concepts in the study of the landscape.
New thoughts for landscape architecture
45 Landscape architecture evolved from the garden architecture of palaces, in particular in Western Europe since the Renaissance (Troll, 1950; Antrop, 1989). Kolen and Lemaire (1999) consider the Renaissance as the first emergence of what they call ‘landscape conscience’. It was closely related to new urban planning as realised in the founding of some new residential cities. The first association was founded in the USA in 1919 (Jellicoe, 1975). Many concepts and principles of the ‘landscape gardening’ were applied in the modern urban and spatial planning, in particular during the post-war rebuilding and the creation of new towns. During the seventies and eighties less attention was give to the shaping of landscape as part of planning policy. Since the nineties, landscape architects are involved again in spatial planning, in particular for ‘finishing’ and ‘integrating’ new infrastructures and reshaping congested urban centres. Gradually, also landscape ecological principles were integrated into landscape architecture and planning (Nassauer, 1992, 1995, 1997).
The landscapes in Belgium. A small country, a high diversity of landscapes
46 The regional and landscape diversity is very large in the small geographic territory of Belgium (Christians & Daels, 1998; Antrop, 1994, 1996). This is explained by its physical
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structure, which is very varied and which is amplified by very diverse cultural influences during a long history, sometimes described as the battlefield of Europe and finally resulting in the creation of Belgium as a buffer state. The physical structure gives the basis for the classification of geographical regions and of the traditional landscapes (Antrop, 1997). In a densely populated and highly industrialised country, the pressure upon the geographical space is high and the changes are rapid.
Highly urbanised and at the cross-roads of Europe
47 The landscapes in Belgium show a wide variety of changes due to urbanisation and fragmentation due to transport infrastructures. In fact, the development of the new mode of transportation by the railway started in 1835 (Van der Haegen, 1992). The problem of distinguishing between urban and rural can be illustrated very well with the Belgian situation. The Global Report on Human Settlements (United Nations Centre for Human Settlement (HABITAT), 1996) gives for Belgium the misleading figure of 97% for the urban population in 1995. In the most urbanised part, i.e. the region of Flanders, the average population density was about 431 inhabitants per square kilometre in 1993 (Van Hecke & Dickens, 1994). Urban centres are defined and classified according to many criteria such as: the concentration of population, the multi-functionality of the centre and its sphere of influence, the heterogeneity of the population and the building density. It is more sensible to say that Belgium has 15 urban regions of at least 80,000 inhabitants, grouping about 53% of the total population. Besides the main cities there are many other (large and small) towns and urbanised villages. The urban fringes occupy vast areas. The urbanisation of the countryside occurs in many different forms and is the most important factor in the transformation of the landscapes of Belgium (Antrop, 1994, 1998a).
Geography and landscape science in a federal state
48 Gradually, Belgium has become a federal state with three regions (Flanders, Wallonia and Brussels-Capital) and three communities (Flemish, French and German-speaking). Policy in different aspects was decentralised accordingly. Spatial and urban planning, environmental planning, nature conservation and protection of landscapes and monuments became the responsibilities of the regions and communities. Agriculture remains a federal matter, but will be regionalised probably in the near future.
49 The consequences for a comprehensive study of the Belgian landscapes are important. First, the natural landscape gradients (soils, geology, relief) in Belgium are almost all west-east oriented zones varying from the north to the south. The hydrological system is completely oriented from south to north. The political borders divide the whole of this natural pattern. The results are differences in policy, legislation, data collection and monitoring. Second, most research nowadays is funded on an international (European) or regional basis, not on a federal of interregional one. Studies covering the whole of Belgium and dealing with landscapes are rare (Christians & Daels, 1988; Christians, Daels & Verhoeve, 1992).
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Taking care of the landscape
50 In the 19th century the new state of Belgium followed the international trend of protecting areas for their natural, and aesthetical quality (Van Hoorick, 1999). This resulted in laws concerning the protection and classification of monuments and landscapes. Landscapes could be protected for their ‘scientific, cultural-historical and aesthetical value of national importance’. After the federalisation of the Belgian State, protection of the landscape became the responsibility of the Regions. Today, the three regions of Belgium have their own legislation. Gradually, objectives, interests and legislation of nature conservation and landscape protection diverged, not only between the federal regions but also within. In Flanders for example, visions about the landscape are found in the legislation for landscape protection, but also in the ones concerning nature conservation and spatial planning. Although the three decrees focus upon different aspects of the landscape, they are not always concerted and makes an integrated holistic approach of the landscape management difficult. However, in Belgium, there is a growing interest in grouping and organising the many local thematic initiatives for the protection of the cultural heritage in the landscape.
51 In Flanders, a survey has started to map the relics of the traditional landscapes based upon the orthophotomaps of 1990 (Antrop & Van Nuffel, 1997). For each province, an atlas was created with maps at a scale of 1/50,000. These indicated the cultural and aesthetical relics that were complementary to the natural ones already mapped in the Biological Valuation map (De Blust et al., 1985). Relics are not classified according to their age or nature, but to their spatial properties. Thus, relic zones, anchor places, lines, points and views are distinguished and mapped in a GIS linked to a relational database. The finalisation of this atlas will be achieved in 2000. It gives for the first time a complete coverage of remaining landscape values in the highly urbanised and fragmented Flemish landscape. The atlases are to be used intensively for further landscape protection, spatial and environmental planning and environmental impact assessment.
52 Important are also are non-governmental initiatives, such as the ones by the Flemish Contact Commission for Monument Care (Vlaamse Contactcommissie Monumentenzorg VCM), and the Foundation of Flemish heritage (Stichting Vlaams Erfgoed SVE), both private organisations (Balthazar, 1998). The first organises meetings and conferences to bring all interests together in as much an interdisciplinary approach as possible. The second promotes restoration and will organise from now on the successful Open Monuments Day.
53 In the Walloon Region, the work of Neuray (1982) was fundamental for an integrated and multidisciplinary approach to the assessment, evaluation and appreciation of landscapes as a basis for planning and landscape management. Associations to promote active protection of sites, heritage values of the rural countryside were created. These include the Walloon Village Quality (Qualité Village Wallonie) and the Rural Foundation of Wallonia (Fondation rurale de Wallonie) (Matthys, 1998). However, their approach is somewhat different to the one of Flanders. Here, much of the deterioration of landscape and the cultural heritage it contains, is caused by an increasing depopulation of the countryside and by strongly localised pressures from recreation and tourism. The general question here becomes clear: who will maintain the future landscape of the countryside?
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Issues of environmental and spatial planning and monitoring
54 Care for the landscape is explicitly mentioned in the spatial and environmental planning policies of the different regions of the federal state of Belgium. Because of the different conditions of the landscapes and because of differences in policy and legislation, the approach to landscape management is different too (Van den Bergh 1999). In Flanders, policy rules related to the landscape are found in both the spatial planning (‘Ruimtelijk Structuurplan Vlaanderen’ RSV) and in the environmental planning (Mina-plan2). Both plans explicitly refer to the landscape in different aspects. The ‘quality of space’, which implies environmental quality as well as spatial organisation and physical planning, is considered insufficient and should be improved. It is believed that a structural change will improve many functional aspects. Considering the landscape, attention is given to the conservation of (remnants of) undisturbed traditional landscapes, keeping recognisable structural relief forms and transitions between different landscape types and regions, stressing of the perceptive importance of visual landmarks in structuring geographical space and making buffer corridors of open landscape between urban zones. The main problems are defined by the important suburbanisation and the high density transportation infrastructure, both causing severe fragmentation of the countryside with important losses or degradation of both the natural and cultural values of the landscape. As another core problem, the rapid homogenisation of these landscapes is recognised, as well as the related loss of their identity and the diversity of natural, ecological and cultural values. Therefore, surveys and inventories of landscapes and environmental qualities are considered of high importance. Also, the setting up of integrated monitoring systems is considered.
55 In the Walloon region, the spatial planning policy is based upon the ‘Code Wallon de l’Aménagement du Territoire, de l’Urbanisme et du Patrimoine’ (CWATUP) and realised by a spatial schemes called ‘Schéma de Développement de l’Espace Régional’ (SDER). Development means here also the improvement of the quality of living. The Walloon territory is seen as ‘a collective heritage for its inhabitants’. Urban and rural landscapes are considered and both are valued for having a great diversity, which is important for the environmental quality and for cultural and territorial identity. Urbanisation processes are important but localised and major population migration is an important factor in landscape change. Specific problems are the poor integration of recreation and tourism in the landscape, with local overcrowding and ecological problems. Degraded landscapes are considered as bad for the image of the Walloon region.
Conclusion
56 The study of the landscape spread from a core topic in geography to many other disciplines. Landscape is a dynamic synthesis between the natural and cultural environment of a region and has strong holistic properties. Consequently, many approaches are possible and needed. Important ones are the typological and chonological classification of landscape as also used in land evaluation. Historical geography and geo-archaeology emphasised the unique history of landscapes as a fundamental aspect their identity. In the beginning of landscape ecology brought the ecologists to a higher scale of observation. Gradually, landscape ecology became a
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multidisciplinary and is still widening towards transdisciplinarity. This was important to keep the scientific interest upon the landscape as an important aspect of our environment. Also, this shift clearly shows a growing interest for practical applications, especially in different forms of planning.
57 The landscape research in Belgium started also within geography, in particular regional geography. The cultural landscape was studied in a multiple approach, using soil science, physical geography, history and archaeology. The landscape genesis and historical evolution was more studied by the Flemish researchers, while the Walloon ones also used socio-economic development of the regions to characterise landscape. During the 1970s, the interest for regional geography decreased in favour of a polarisation between physical and socio-economic geography. The interest for landscape research diminished as well. Since the 1980s many geographers and ecologists from Belgium found new mutual interests in landscape ecology, with strong emphasis for practical applications towards planning and management. However, Belgium becoming gradually a federal state, enforced the different approaches in landscape research between the Flemish region and the Walloon region, while no proper interest emerged in the Brussels Capital region. This is particularly important nowadays, as these regions make their own new legislation and have different policies concerning the landscape. This causes a growing divergence of the focus and interest in landscape research for practical applications between these regions. The actual trend is a growing interest of Belgian landscape researcher to participate at the international level, in particular the rapidly vanishing cultural and natural landscapes of Europe.
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ABSTRACTS
The study of the landscape was once the main subject of study in geography. Now, it is a core topic in many disciplines, such as geography and ecology, soil science and land survey, landscape architecture and planning, psychology and philosophy, history and archaeology. This essay analyses how this evolution came about in Europe in general and focuses then upon the Belgian situation. Landscape is still seen as a dynamic synthesis between the natural and cultural environment of a region. At the same time it is the expression of the consecutive human attitudes towards the occupied and organised land. Landscapes have a unique history that is part of their identity. The meaning of the word landscape is multiple and so is the research related to the landscape. From local and regional monographs the study of landscape became transdisciplinary and landscape science emerged as an international network of researchers of very different training but sharing the same interest. All are trying to understand the complex interactions between structured landscapes elements and relational processes and their significance for human valuation and attempts to organise and maintain the land in a sustainable fashion.
Le paysage, qui fut autrefois le principal sujet d’étude en géographie, se trouve aujourd’hui au coeur de nombreuses disciplines où interviennent géographes et écologues, géologues et géomètres, architectes paysagistes et aménageurs, psychologues et philosophes, historiens et archéologues. Cet article analyse comment cette évolution s’est produite en Europe en général avant de se pencher sur le cas de la Belgique. Le paysage est toujours vu comme une synthèse dynamique entre environnement naturel et culturel d’une région, reflétant également les attitudes successives des hommes par rapport au territoire occupé et organisé. Les paysages ont une histoire unique qui fait partie de leur identité. La signification même du mot paysage est multiple, ainsi que la recherche dans cette matière. Initialement limitée aux monographies locales et régionales, l’étude du paysage est devenue interdisciplinaire. Quant à la science paysagère, elle rassemble aujourd’hui un réseau international de chercheurs diversement formés mais partageant un même intérêt. Tous ont pour souci de comprendre les interactions complexes entre les éléments paysagers structurés et les processus relationnels, ainsi que leur poids dans les estimations et les tentatives humaines d’organiser et de conserver le territoire de façon durable.
INDEX
Mots-clés: géographie, science paysagère, écologie du paysage Keywords: geography, landscape science, landscape ecology
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AUTHOR
MARC ANTROP Department of Geography, University Ghent, Krijgslaan 281, S8, B-9000 Gent, Belgium, [email protected]
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Approaching the society-nature dialectic : a plea for a geographical study of the environment
Pierre Cornut and Erik Swyngedouw
1 In the fall of 1998, the South-East Asian financial and economic bubble imploded as stock markets crashed, currencies devalued and panicking investors packed up their capital and whizzed it out to more secure places. Just a few months later, the media reported that malaria and dengue were spreading rapidly throughout Jakarta, while homeless children roamed the streets and the number of women and children prostitutes expanded with frightful speed. It seemed as if the geo-politics of uneven development had fused with bacteria, epidemic disease vectors and gender inequalities in an urban environment that increasingly looked like the first post post-industrial landscape. Indeed, as capital fled, dozens of unfinished skyscrapers were dotted over the urban map, providing great ecological niches for a thriving mosquito population that proliferated happily when the abundant monsoon rains poured down over a socially disintegrating Jakarta. Yet, in the geographical literature, very little if any attention has been paid to excavating the disturbing geographies of this process despite its outright geographical character. Medical and epidemiological geography could successfully combine with climatology, studies of global environmental change, economic geography, gender and social geography and the like, in a way that would turn geography into one of the most exciting and relevant disciplines in the academic division of labour. Moreover, if we were to engage in such work, we might come somewhat closer not only to living up to the expectations and images that geography and geographers so often like to present of themselves in their glossy departmental brochures and popular magazines, but also to filling the gaping holes in our knowledge and understanding of ‘environmental’ change in which human and physical processes fuse together in new and often unexpected manners. Furthermore, the human/ environment interaction is exactly the very foundation on which geography legitimises itself and claims its own niche in the academic world. This task becomes all the more
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pressing if we consider the relentless rise of the ‘environmental’ problem on the political agenda.
2 Indeed, for more than ten years now, the environment – and its apparently ever- deepening crisis – has been a major political and socio-economic issue. Today, more than ever, we question our way of ‘living on Earth’, our interactions with the ‘natural’ world and the ‘sustainability’ of our future.
3 The environmental debate, at first very marginal and mainly focused on a rather uncritical rejection of the present economic mode of development, has gradually become more subtle in its analysis and more constructive in its agenda setting. This coincided with a greater attention from both the scientific world and the public at large for the environmental problematic. It is rather surprising that geography, among all the disciplines that have begun to invest intellectual and creative energy in this debate, has remained largely absent from the core of these endeavours. Clearly, geography and geographers work on matters ‘environmental’, but have – at least since the quantitative revolution of the 1950s – systematically severed the traditional geographical mode of enquiry (which insisted on relating the human to the physical world) and increasingly inserted themselves in the hegemonic view that the natural sciences are (and should be) distinct from the social sciences and the humanities. Although lip-service is still paid to the integration of both, the practice of much of contemporary geography reveals nothing else than a growing (and often institutionalised) separation between human and physical geography. The middle (i.e. the site where ultimately the ‘environment’ becomes constructed) has been increasingly emptied out. In fact, at a time when lawyers, economists, historians, or engineers can prepare a doctoral thesis on a question such as « what is a forest ?’ in a way that merges physical and social perspectives, geographers seem to miss the conceptual tools required for this task. The division of geography into two compartimentalised poles, the physical and the human, has prevented geographers from building bridges between the natural and the social. Very few physical geographers seem to care about the socio-economic structures that produce the pollution, erosion, climatic, and other processes they study. Very few human geographers seem to care about the ecological implications of the human structures they claim as their area of expertise. Much of contemporary geography is just content trotting the well-know path charted a few decades ago and whose dogma insisted on separating the natural from the social.
4 In recent years however, the nature-society problematic in geography has seen something of a revival, not surprisingly exactly at a time when the traditional binary visions of the world (society-environment, nature-culture, men-women, etc.) are being questioned. One of the possible perspectives that attempt to illuminate the particular way in which social affairs interpenetrate with physical processes is ‘political ecology’. Although there is by no means any consensus as to what exactly constitutes ‘political- ecology’, its practitioners nevertheless share a concern with demonstrating how relations of social power infuse with natural processes and, in doing so, produce particular ‘environments’ that are characterised by a distinct configuration of natural elements as well as a distinct configuration of human attributes. For example, soil erosion, desertification, or deforestation become the result of processes that are shaped by ecological, biological, chemical, and physical processes in interplay with practices of, for example, peasants engaged in survival strategies in the context of particular local, national and international political and economic power configurations. To put
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some more flesh on this, we shall in what follows elaborate on some of its aspects. First, we shall demonstrate why the modern representation of nature is necessarily limited in terms of understanding contemporary environmental problems. Alternative formulations, mainly coming from an historical-geographical materialist perspective, will be presented. In the final part, we shall briefly recapitulate the historical representations of nature as it developed in geography in order to draw attention to the major concepts that can still be valuably used today. We shall on occasion take ‘water’ as our entry into exemplifying some these arguments. Water is perhaps the most basic and simple example to illustrate the recasting of the nature/society relationship that we are arguing for.
Hybrid worlds
5 The common sense use of the term ‘nature’ refers to nature as ‘the environment’ ; a term which in itself implies a distance, a separation between that ‘world’ and the social sphere. This particular discursive use reveals a particular representation of nature – an ‘ideology of nature’ (see N. Smith (1984)) – which is deeply associated with the modern western world1. It is based on a double principle : on the one hand, nature is seen as external to society, at times wild and uncivilised or as embodying healing, spiritual and a moral superiority. While nature has to be tamed and controlled, it is as often invoked as the source for revival re-creation and for legitimising all manner of moral acts (varying from competition to mutual aid). On the other hand, of course, nature is seen as universal, as possessing and expressing general applicable laws and dynamics to which everything and everyone is inevitably subject to. From the latter’s perspective, Man is of course an integral part of nature. This contradictory ideology of nature originates with the Enlightenment. Science and engineering has made major strides forward as the principle of separation enabled a scripting and a particular understanding of nature as separate from man, while its universality permitted man to transform the very nature of which he or she was and is part. Ironically, as the work of scientists further re-enforced the nature-society split, the world became increasingly more filled with things that were unmistakingly hybrid in character, in which the social and the natural are both produced outcomes of a socio-ecological process. The textbook example of the latter is of course genetic engineering as a social process that literally recasts nature to produce a proliferating set of new natures. The enlightenment visioning of the world, framed by new social forms of organisation (principally capitalism and the modern State), led to ever more complex forms of mastering nature. Until recently, the Western world largely benefited from this particular way of relating to and of transforming nature, but in recent times, it is becoming increasingly apparent that the modernist mastering of nature, confronted as we are with energy, pollution and waste problems in addition to serious social conflicts and global/local inequalities, is showing serious problems and fractures. The mastering of nature, which was intended to free humanity from the constraints imposed by external nature has de facto produced new forms of nature ; new forms of nature that still hide serious consequences from humans. In fact, the modern enterprise has resulted in the proliferation of Hybrids, things that are simultaneously natural and social, but without discrete boundaries.
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6 Indeed, the desire of scientists to purify the world into two separate poles seems to have lost much of its explanatory and political power in an era when it is becoming increasingly apparent that things ‘natural’ and things ‘cultural’ do not exist side by side as the two opposite poles of a dialectical unity. As Bruno Latour suggests (1993), the separation between nature and society that was generated by the practices of the scientists permitted precisely the proliferation of socio-natural ‘things’, hybrids or quasi-objects. ‘Dolly’, the cloned sheep invented/produced by Scottish researchers in 1997, or Oncomousetm, a mouse genetically modified to get cancer, have become canonical examples of this (Haraway, 1994 ; Haraway, 1997). Similarly, urban and regional landscapes, climate change, Ozone depletion in the stratosphere and Ozone overconcentration in the troposphere, El Niño and the forest fires in Indonesia, prions and BSE, the threat of perennially polluted drinking water, testify to the myriad ways in which the natural and the social have transgressed and continue to blur the boundaries that modern science, including geography, have tried to spin around the ‘natural’ and ‘social’ worlds.
7 Indeed, on closer inspection, the city, Ozone, BSE, ‘Dolly’ or human bodies are networks of interwoven processes that are simultaneously human and natural, real and fictional, mechanical and organic. There is nothing ‘purely’ social or natural about them, even less a-social or a-natural ; these ‘things’ are both natural and social, real and fictional. Society and nature, representation and being are inseparable, integral to each other, infinitely bound up. Simultaneously, these hybrid socio-natural ‘things’ are full of contradictions, tensions and conflicts.
8 Historical geographical materialist analysis may provide powerful explanatory insights in this process of hybridisation. In Grundrisse and in Capital, Marx insisted on the ‘natural’ foundations of social development. Clearly, any materialist approach necessarily adheres to a perspective, which insists that ‘nature’ is an integral part of the ‘metabolism’ of social life. Social relations operate in and through metabolising the ‘natural’ environment and, consequently, transform both society and nature. New socio-natural forms are continuously produced as moments and things in this metabolic process (see Grundman, 1991 ; Benton, 1996). While nature provides the foundation, the dynamics of social relations produce nature’s and society’s history. Of course, the ambition of classical Marxism was wider than reconstructing the dialectics of historical socio-natural transformations and their contradictions. It also insisted on the ideological notion of ‘nature’ in bourgeois science and society and claimed to uncover the ‘real’ Truth through the excavation of ‘underlying’ socio-ecological processes (Schmidt, 1971 ; Smith, 1984 ; Benton, 1989). However, by concentrating on the labour process per se, Marxist analysis tended to replicate the very problem it meant to criticise. In particular, by rendering nature to the substratum for the unfolding of social relations, in particular of labour relations, it maintained the material basis for social life, while relegating ‘natural processes’ to a realm outside the social. Ironically, this is almost exactly identical to the hegemonic modern ideology that views nature as external to society, yet universal in its functioning (see above). In recent years, attempts have been made to re-dress this apparent Prometheniasm, a view that assumes man’s role in mastering and controlling nature.
9 Neil Smith (1984), for example, insisted that nature is an integral part of a ‘process of production’. The latter concept, borrowed from Henri Lefebvre ((1974)1991), suggests that nature itself is a historical-geographical process (time/place specific), insists on
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the inseparability of society and nature and maintains the unity of socio-nature as a produced thing. In brief, both society and nature are produced, hence malleable, transformable and transgressive. Smith does not suggest that all non-human processes are socially produced, but argues that the idea of some sort of pristine nature (First Nature in Lefebvre’s account) becomes increasingly problematic as historical socionature produces entirely new ‘nature’ over space and time and the number of hybrids and quasi-objects proliferates and multiplies. This process embodies both (and simultaneously) social and physical transformations and changes. Indeed, from the very beginning but accelerating as ‘modernisation’ heated up, the objects and subjects of daily life became increasingly more socionatural. Consider, for example, the transformations of entire ecological systems (through agriculture, for example), the proliferation of tropical diseases in Jakarta under the twin impulse of global capital and global climatic oscillations, sand and clay metabolised into concrete buildings, or the contested production of new genomes. Anthony Giddens (1997) suggests in this context that we have reached ‘The End of Nature’. Of course, he does not imply that nature has disappeared, but rather that there is nothing out there any more that has not been transformed, tainted, metabolised by society/culture. Whereas pre-modernity was undergoing the consequences of nature, modernity announced the consequent attack on nature through transforming nature. The ‘End of Nature’ implies, therefore, the construction of a new nature, a nature that still hides serious threats. This is the theme Ulrich Beck (1992, 1995) elaborates. The possibility of producing ‘new’ nature, ranging from nuclear installations to dams, entails the proliferation of ‘risk’. Risk should be understood here not in terms of hazards, but in terms of the unexpected and unknowable implications of producing new nature and the problems that individuals, states, and science face in the process. A new modernity looms around the corner, one that is still rift with tension and conflict, but also holds the promise of fabricating socio-nature more in tune with the desires, aspirations and demands of humans.
10 In sum, the ‘world’ is a complex, variegated, diversified historical-geographical process of perpetual metabolism in which ‘social’ and ‘natural’ processes combine in a historical-geographical ‘production process of socionature’ whose outcome (historical nature) embodies chemical, physical, social, economic, political and cultural processes in highly contradictory but inseparable manners. Every body and thing is a cyborg, a mediator, part social part natural but without discrete boundaries and internalises the multiple contradictory relations that re-defines, re-works every body and thing. In other words, nature and society are dialectically linked to each other (Ost, 1995). They are not separated, as modernists claim, neither do they form a single entity as post- modern deep ecologists suggest (Pepper, 1993). They are different from each other but they define each other, just like men and women, life and death or other conceptual/ material binary entities. There is some social in nature and some natural in society : every modification of one entails modification of the other. This perspective has rather important implications in terms of interpreting and dealing with contemporary environmental problems.
11 Firstly, thinking about socio-nature avoids invoking an external and universal ‘nature’ as the ultimate and unquestionable legitimisation of the world’s environmental condition, from droughts to differences in human intelligence or sexuality. Too frequently, environmental crises are presented as fatalities we must cope with, as facts for which no one is responsible and against which we are just powerless (such as famines, floods, or droughts). However, these crises always contain socio-economic
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tensions and power relationship on which the production of nature is based. For example, Mike Davis suggests how nature and society become materially and discursively constructed in and through the dialectics of Los Angeles’ urbanisation process and of the multiple social struggles that have infused and shaped this process in deeply uneven, exclusive and empowering/disempowering ways (Davis, 1992 ; Davis, 1995). Homelessness and racism combine with pollution, earthquakes and water scarcity as the most acute socio-ecological problems that have been produced through the particular form of post-industrial capitalist development that has shaped LA’s becoming as the Third World Megalopolis.
12 Secondly, this approach permits to reveal the historical production of socio-natural hybrids, and hence to help understand their crisis. In fact, our society has increasing difficulties to manage proliferating crises that are neither purely natural or social, such as, for example, BSE, air or water pollution, dioxines in chicken, genetically modified crops, or global warming. The stability of human edifices based on the transformation of nature is the result of historical processes. In order to manage instability, one has to understand how the socio-natural mechanisms have been implemented and how they have evolved. More importantly, if the environment is an historical product, then the key political question becomes one of who constructs what sort of environment for whom.
13 Let us consider for a moment the example of potable water. Drinking tap water combines the circulation of productive, merchant and financial capital with the production of land rent and their associated class relations ; the ecological transformation of hydrological complexes and the bio-chemical process of purification with the libidinous sensation and the physiological necessity of drinking fluids ; the social regulation of access to water with images of clarity, cleanliness, health and virginity. Although we cannot separate these ‘concepts’ and practices from each other in the flow of water, it does not take much to identify the profound social, cultural, political and ecological forces, struggles and power relations at work in this perpetual metabolising circulation process of flowing water. The deepening water crisis world wide (in terms of accessibility, of quantity and quality, of presence and absence and the myriad of social struggles unfolding over it, from localised water conflicts to international water wars) are the outcome of a multiplicity of relationships that become embodied and expressed by the socio-natural flow of water. Water problems are mostly the result of multiple factors : natural processes, technological strategies, political decisions taken under scientific uncertainty, power relationship between lobbies, social protest based on scientific, cultural, social or political factors. Multidisciplinary is of course not new in the environmental debate, but it must be enhanced, for it cannot be happily achieved by adding up the findings of the different particular scientific perspectives : a new language must be found, based on a real socio- nature dialectic, based on the disclosure of the socio-natural networks through which a particular water cycle becomes constituted or produced. And what about the geographer ? Is he/she capable of developing such a dialectical language ?
Geography, nature and water
14 To understand why geography did not take the lead in the proliferation of environmental studies like other sciences, we wish to summarise briefly some of the
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geographical approaches of nature, notably through the case of water. As Matless notes, late nineteenth and early twentieth century geography was deeply linked to the modernist project of mastering and transforming nature through technology in the pursuit of an ideal of social progress (Matless, 1992). However, although much of this work legitimated a profound mastering of nature, many perspectives did invoke notions of harmony and aesthetics. Consider, for example, Olmsted’s masterly crafted Central Park in New York, or the anarchistic ecological utopias of Kropotkin. Moreover, some authors even developed embryonic forms of a dialectical representation of the nature-society relationship : Geddes and Reclus, for example, conceived nature not as a passive receptacle to human will, but as an active element in the process of socio- environmental transformation. The latter was of course in stark contrast to other early academic geographies, which were partially or wholly built on determinist concepts. In studying the influence of soil, climate or vegetation on human facts, the discipline forged and imposed itself as a scientific valuable subject (Decroly, 1995). In particular, many geographers linked planning or social structures to Darwin’s and Lamarck’s theories on the evolution of species, in order to merge together nature and society in a unique, but rather singular and often deterministic explanation (Livingstone, 1992).
15 French geographers, led by Paul Vidal de la Blache, developed another approach, usually called ‘possibilism’, which considered natures as one factor among many that explain human socio-spatial diversity. Nature provides opportunities to societies, which, in turn, exploit them in diverse manners. Although more flexible and pluralistic, possibilism was content to state that different societies related in different ways to the possibilities and constraints nature posed. However, the two remained as a-priori and separate entities with their own separate dynamics. In addition, the actual functioning of these societies as well as the processes of environmental change and transformation remained largely outside the geographer’s field of vision.
16 Water, of course, has not escaped the debates between determinists and possibilists. An abundant literature shows how geographers have interpreted rural and urban landscapes, social and political structures or region boundaries, either as a direct consequence of, or as an opportunist social response to, water configuration (Cornut, 2000).
17 The importance, of course, of these perspectives in the contemporary context is that they are still widely held. Indeed, determinist and possibilist concepts are still part of present debates, in the social and in the natural sciences as well as among the wider public (Decroly, 1995). ‘Limits to Growth’ theses, the ‘Population Bomb’-menace, famine in the third-world often implicitly or explicitly invoke Malthusian and other environmentally deterministic interpretations. At best, some sort of social Darwinism often lurks behind many of the approached dealing with the above issues. This provides an opening for geographic investment in the environmental debate, for geographers, more than anyone else, should be sensitive to shortfalls of and intrinsic problems associated with both simplistic determinist models and the self-evident truisms of possibilism. This is of a particular importance for, as Grundman notes about sociologists, it is very difficult to overcome the nature-society separation without falling in the mistakes of the past, especially in an academic context that is globally unfavourable to socio-natural bridges (Grundman, 1999).
18 Unfortunately, the present overspecialisation in geography leads to a situation in which many find themselves uncomfortable in studying the interactions between
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nature and society. It seems as if most wish to forget that it has been the discipline’s main objective during nearly a century.
19 Indeed, the 1950s witnessed a progressive academic marginalisation of geography (Livingstone, 1992). On the first hand, the eternal description of the causal relationships between ‘man’ and nature had finally come to a social and scientific disinterest. On the second hand, the scientific specialisation that characterises the era made geography at odd within the academic context : final outcome of the modernist purification process, it is now inconceivable to study nature and society at the same time. Geography evolved then towards an ever more specialised scope. Firstly, physical geography has individualised itself : geomorphology or climatology is then studied alone, without any link to society, except possibly as a perturbative agent. For example, water is approached only under its ‘natural’ aspect : sediment, erosion, coastal shapes, etc. Secondly, human geography has also eliminated the physical facts from its analysis. Either neo-positivist geography or radical/marxist geography have stayed away from the society-nature interactions. Space is explained by mathematical/physical models, or by socio-economic contradictions and conflicts. Nature (and water) has no place in that scheme, for studying ‘hybridity’ bears the danger of falling into the old no-way debates (i.e. determinism and possibilism).
20 Consequence of that overspecialisation : ecological concepts have been incorporated very late in the discipline and, moreover, very often in a manner that was silent on the political and social conflicts inherent in environmental degradation (Demeritt, 1994 ; Cornut, 2000).
21 Only recently, nature and society have been linked together again in some geographical arguments : the so-called ‘political ecology’ has found a fertile ground in geography, mainly in the anglo-saxon world. Political ecology is a kind of mix between political economy and ecology. It inserts nature in theorising the particular modes in which societies politically organise their economic life : production, consumption, exchange, work division, etc. (Peet & Watts, 1996). From a political-ecological perspective, water has been the subject of geographical enquiry. For example, Nevarez has shown how the ‘natural’ water scarcity of the second part of the 1980s in Santa Barbara County has been (socially) produced and used by industrial lobbies to force the extension of the California State Water Project to the County in order to favour local industrial growth (Nevarez, 1996). Matthew Gandy has linked environmental and public health quality to socio-economic changes in New York City, by studying how water management reveals the long-term evolution of municipal power, capital investment strategies, the sociological transformation of U.S. society and the environmental degradation in metropolitan areas (Gandy, 1997). Karen Bakker has deconstructed the social and natural mechanisms that have produced the 1995 severe Yorkshire drought, showing how nature and society combine to yield the structural basis of the water crisis (Bakker, 1999).
22 These are powerful examples on how socio-natural mechanisms can be dialectically interpreted.
Conclusion
23 The human/environment relationship has been scripted into the core of geography from its inception as an academic discipline in the late 19th century. From Elisée
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Reclus’ proto-anarchist rendition of the society/environment interaction to Vidal de la Blache’s possibilism and its continuation in Braudel’s or Febvre’s scripting of historical- geographical change, nature and culture, society and environment figured prominently in geography’s core endeavour to excavate the culture/nature relationship. Similarly, German geo-politicians like Ratzel and later Wittfogel developed canonical interpretations that laid the foundation for more or less subtle forms of environmental determinism. It would of course be the socio-biological and social Darwinist visions that underpinned Nazi-ideology that would eventually discredit these early environmentalist views. Moreover, the academic overspecialisation after World War Two marginalised the study of the links between nature and society. The environmental question, both scientifically and politically discredited, was subsequently relegated to the back-burner of geographic inquiry and yoked geographers under the dominance of a nomothetic, ‘scientific’ and positivist tradition that has haunted and plagued the discipline ever since. While geography and geographers, on both sides of the Atlantic, veered away from a real engagement with the ‘environmental question’, the latter pushed itself continuously higher on the political, social and academic agenda. It were, however, biologists, chemists, physicists, engineers and political scientists that became the key academic bearers of the environmental programme, while environmental activists kept the issue burning politically.
24 Undoubtedly, geography has things to offer to the environmental research. Firstly, its tradition is helpful to avoid past ‘mistakes’ explaining simplistically nature-society interactions. Secondly, it can fuel the argument with a spatial perspective, which sometimes lacks from environmental analysis. Dialectical relationship between nature and society takes place within specific spaces and places. These are defined both naturally, by physical factors, and socially, by human groups. Many places coexist, interfere with and overlay on each other : this spatial conflict is inherent to the society- nature dialectic. Space remains central to the analysis, understanding and politics associated with environmental changes and with the imagining and scripting of possible alternative worlds and environments.
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CASTREE N. (1995), ‘The nature of produced nature : materiality and knowledge construction in marxism’, Antipode, 27, 1, pp. 12-48.
CORNUT P. (2000), Water circulation through Belgium and Brussels : social aspects of a natural resource management (written in French : La circulation de l’eau potable en Belgique et à Bruxelles : enjeux sociaux de la gestion d’une ressource naturelle ), Brussels University, unpublished PhD thesis, 298 p.
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FOUREZ G. (1992), La construction des Sciences : les logiques des inventions scientifiques. Introduction à la philosophie et à l’éthique des sciences, 2e éd., Coll. Sciences-Ethiques-Sociétés, Bruxelles, De Boek – Université, 290 p.
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GRUNDMAN R. (1999), ‘Common pool ressources, uncertainty, and the problem of collective action’, Texte présenté à la conférence : Sustainability, Risk and nature : the political ecology of water in advanced societies, Oxford (15-17 April 1999).
HARAWAY D. (1994), ‘Mice into wormholes : a technoscience fugue in two parts’, mimeographed paper, University of California, Santa Cruz.
HARAWAY D. (1997), [email protected](c)- Meets_OncoMouseTM, London, Routledge.
LATOUR B. (1993), We have never been modern, London, Harvester Wheatsheaf. (French edition : (1991), Nous n’avons jamais été modernes : essai d’anthropologie symétrique, Paris, La Découverte, 220 p).
LEFEBVRE H. ((1974) 1991), The production of space, Oxford, Blackwell.
LIVINGSTONE D. (1992), The geographical tradition : episodes in the history of a contested entreprise, Oxford, Blackwell.
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MATLESS D. (1992), ‘A modern stream : water, landscape, modernism and geography’, Environment and planning D, Society and Space, 10, pp. 569-588.
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NOTES
1. See (Benton, 1989 ; Castree, 1995 ; Demeritt, 1994 ; Fourez, 1992 ; Gandy, 1996 ; Gerber, 1997 ; Latour, 1993 ; Livingstone, 1995 ; Ost, 1995 ; Pepper, 1993 ; Smith, 1984 ; Swyngedouw, 1996).
ABSTRACTS
At a time when the environmental problem is becoming one of the major political and socio- economic issues, geography seems to face difficulties in approaching the subject. Although the study of society-nature interactions was the very foundation on which geography built itself as an academic discipline at the end of the previous century, today’s geographical work reveals a deep gap in the representations of physical and human processes. We shall discuss the historical production of this gap through an explanation of the rise of modern sciences and a brief history of geographical approaches of nature. In doing so, the paper tries to draw attention to the major concepts that could help combining physical and human geographies in a new and more promising manner. Using ‘political ecology’ and ‘historical materialism’, we shall demonstrate how society and nature can be seen as dialectically linked to each other, and how geography is able to analyse the socio-ecological processes that shape the ‘world’. This analysis merges together space, society and nature in a single framework without falling into the earlier dualist perspectives (i.e. determinism and possibilism).
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A l’heure où l’environnement devient l’un des principaux problèmes politiques et socio- économiques, la géographie semble confrontée à certaines difficultés dans son approche de la question. Si l’étude des interactions entre société et nature a été la base même sur laquelle la géographie s’est érigée en tant que discipline universitaire à la fin du siècle dernier, l’oeuvre des géographes d’aujourd’hui révèle une profonde distorsion entre les représentations des processus physiques et des processus humains. Nous nous pencherons sur la production historique de ce déséquilibre en nous basant sur une explication du développement des sciences modernes ainsi que sur un bref historique des approches géographiques de la nature. Le présent article a pour but d’attirer l’attention sur les concepts majeurs permettant de combiner géographie physique et géographie humaine d’une manière inédite et plus prometteuse. Par le biais de l’ ‘écologie politique’ et du ‘matérialisme historique, nous démontrerons comment société et nature peuvent être vues comme dialectiquement liées l’une à l’autre et comment la géographie permet d’analyser les processus socio-écologiques qui façonnent le ‘monde’. Notre analyse fusionne espace, société et nature dans un cadre unique en évitant les perspectives dualistes du passé (déterminisme et possibilisme).
INDEX
Mots-clés: géographie, théories géographiques, représentations de la nature, matérialisme historique, écologie politique, eau, environnement Keywords: geography, geographical theories, representations of nature, historical materialism, political ecology, water, environment
AUTHORS
PIERRE CORNUT Université Libre de Bruxelles, IGEAT, Campus de Parentville, CP 900, Rue de Villers, 227, B – 6010 Charleroi, Belgium, [email protected]
ERIK SWYNGEDOUW University of Oxford, School of Geography, Mansfield Road, Oxford OX1 3TB, United Kingdom, [email protected]
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Advances in small-scale map projection research
Frank Canters
1 From the early days of map making to the present time, the challenge of representing the round Earth or part of it on a flat piece of paper without introducing excessive distortion has attracted the attention of many geographers, physicists, astronomers, mathematicians, and mapmakers. Putting aside the Medieval period, when representations of the Earth’s surface were influenced by religious ideology and loaded with symbolic meaning (e.g. the famous East-oriented T-O maps that depict the Earth as a round disk, subdivided in three continents by a T-shaped sea and surrounded by an O- shaped ocean), the accurate representation of the Earth as it is known at a particular time has always been an important objective of contemporary map making. This does not imply that the subject of map projection has received an equal amount of interest from the ancient Greek period, when Claudius Ptolemy wrote his famous Geography, all the way up to the twentieth century. Major breakthroughs in the history of map projections were prompted by various external factors like, for example, the increasing geographical knowledge during the Renaissance, which led to modifications of earlier map projections and the development of a whole series of new map projections suitable for displaying the entire globe, or the development of the calculus (first applied to map projections by Johann Heinrich Lambert in the late eighteenth century), which gave the cartographer or mathematician the necessary tools for the development of new map projections that fulfil certain general conditions, the most important of these being the preservation of angles and area.
2 The introduction of modern computers marks a new era in the evolution of map projection science. Being dominated for almost two centuries by the formulation of analytical solutions to increasingly complex map projection problems, the computer cleared the way for a numerical treatment of map projection. Numerical approaches have been used to solve various practical problems related to map projection, including the efficient transfer of data from one map projection to another (Doytsher and Shmutter, 1981; Wu and Yang, 1981; Snyder, 1985; Kaltsikis, 1989; Canters, 1992) and the automated identification of map projection type and/or map projection parameters
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for maps for which this information is not known (Snyder, 1985). The computer has also been used to evaluate and compare distortion on various map projections (Tobler, 1964; Francula, 1971; Peters, 1975; Canters and Decleir, 1989; Laskowski, 1998; Canters, 1999) and to automatically determine the value of the parameters of standard map projections so that overall scale error is reduced (Snyder, 1978; Snyder, 1985). One of the most stimulating outcomes of computer-assisted map projection research so far has been the development of new map projections with distortion patterns that are closely adapted to the shape of the area to be mapped, guaranteeing minimum overall scale error within the approximate boundaries of the area (Reilly, 1973; Lee, 1974; Snyder, 1984, 1986, 1988; Canters and De Genst, 1997; González-López, 1997). Although the theoretical foundations for the development of these projections, and the first simple applications of the minimum-error principle, date from the pre-computer age (Laborde,1928; Miller, 1953), a more complicated use of the technique requires extensive numerical processing, practical only in a digital setting.
3 The digital revolution also had a large impact on the everyday use of map projections. As computer-based mapping tools make it possible for an ever growing group of people without any formal cartographic background to make their own maps, it also gives them the freedom to become more creative with map projections. Complicated map projections that are difficult to draw manually, and for that reason were seldom used in the past, can now be plotted quickly using map projection software libraries or map projection tools that come with standard GIS software. Projection parameters can easily be changed, making it possible to experiment with alternative views of the same geographical area with very little effort. Although this may lead to a greater awareness of the advantages and disadvantages of using a particular map projection for a given purpose, it also creates much opportunity for misuse. This author is not aware of the existence of any commercially available map projection tool that offers the user some basic guidance in choosing a proper map projection for a particular mapping task. The lack of such tools is very unfortunate, especially in small-scale mapping where the user often has a large number of potential map projections at his or her disposal, and the choice of projection may determine to a large extent if data are portrayed adequately in relation to the purpose of the map and, accordingly, if the map fulfils its role as a communicative device or not (see e.g. American Cartographic Association, 1991). Examples of bad map design are indeed quite common, in print journalism as well as in the electronic media (Gilmartin, 1985; Monmonier, 1989). Offering the mapmaker some assistance in selecting a proper map projection for a small-scale map is therefore recommended. A few attempts have been made to automate (or partly automate) the map projection selection process (Jankowski and Nyerges, 1989; Mekenkamp, 1990; De Genst and Canters, 1996). They will be discussed in the last part of this paper.
4 The main objective of this paper is to review previous and current studies in small- scale map projection research, and to discuss the research that has been done by this author in relation to similar work by others. It is by no means this author’s intention to provide a comprehensive review of all the work that has been done in the different research areas that will be mentioned. Only some of the most significant contributions in each sub-area of research will be discussed, in order to define a suitable framework for discussion. It is hoped that this paper will give the reader a good impression of the marked evolution of map projection science over the last forty years, of changes in the
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way map projections are used (or will be used in the near future), and of the important role the rapidly increasing, widespread use of computers has played in this process.
Evaluation of map projection distortion
5 The projection of a curved surface on a plane map always introduces distortion. As a result of this distortion map scale varies from one location to another and is generally different in every direction. When trying to represent the Earth on a plane our primary concern is to choose a map projection on which distortion is a minimum. Accomplishing this necessitates an understanding of how map projection distortion takes place and how it is distributed over the entire map area. Tissot (1881) demonstrated that at an infinitesimal scale every map projection is an affine transformation. When applying a map projection, each infinitesimal circle, centred around a point p on the sphere, is transformed into an ellipse, which is called the indicatrix of Tissot (figure 1). The indicatrix offers a complete description of the distortion characteristics of the projection for a particular location on the map. Its semi-diameters a and b represent the maximum and minimum value of the local scale factor in the immediate vicinity of the point. A scale factor equal to one means no distortion, a scale factor smaller or larger than one points to linear compression or linear stretching respectively. Once the semi-diameters a and b of the ellipse and its orientation are known, various distortion measures can be calculated, including the distortion of angles, the distortion of area and the local scale distortion in an arbitrary direction. Distortion characteristics of a projection can be visualised by mapping Tissot’s indicatrix for selected positions on the graticule (the framework of meridians and parallels that determines the appearance of the projection), or by calculating distortion measures for a large number of graticule intersections and constructing isocols (lines of equal distortion) (figure 2).
Figure 1. Elementary circle in the tangent plane on the sphere (a), and corresponding ellipse of distortion in the mapping plane (b).
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Figure 2. Low-error polyconic projection with two-fold symmetry, equally spaced parallels and a correct ratio of the axes (Canters projection) with lines of constant area scale (a), and lines of constant maximum angular distortion (b).
6 Although graphic representations of local distortion characteristics, as shown in figure 2, offer a clear and detailed insight in the spatial distribution of map projection distortion, they do not permit a quick comparative evaluation of distortion for a large set of map projections. They also do not give us information about the optimal choice of parameter values (e.g. the position of the centre of the projection, the latitude of the standard parallel(s)) for a particular map. Both comparative evaluation and optimisation of map projection parameter values require that distortion for the entire area of the map (or at least one aspect of it, e.g. angular, area of distance distortion) is characterised by a single value. While some authors have suggested to characterise the distortion of a map projection by the maximum amount of distortion attained over the mapped area (Tissot, 1881; Bludau, 1891; Wagner, 1962), most studies are based on the use of average distortion values. A large part of the work on the comparative evaluation of map projection distortion concentrates on the mapping of the whole planisphere (see e.g. Francula, 1971; Peters, 1975; Canters and Decleir, 1989; Laskowksi, 1998; Canters, 1999). The large variety of map projections that is available for world
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maps has indeed tempted many cartographers to find an objective means of deciding which one of these projections can be considered the best. Of course, the outcome of any study of this kind will depend on how the average distortion value for a projection is calculated. Over the years a multitude of distortion measures and algorithms for calculating average distortion values have been proposed. A clear distinction should be made between two fundamentally different ways of defining and characterising map projection distortion, i.e. at the local scale or at the finite scale.
7 The most traditional way of calculating an average distortion value for a projection is to divide the area to be mapped into a large number of small plots, calculate the value of a local distortion measure for the midpoint of each plot, and average the obtained values, using the area of each plot as a weight factor. This approach is entirely based upon the classical theory of map projections, and the concept of Tissot’s indicatrix, which enables us to describe the distortion characteristics of a projection for each individual location on the map. One of the best-known early examples of the use of this technique is the study by Behrmann (1909), in which he compares map projection distortion for different equal-area projections by calculating the maximum distortion of angles for equal increments of longitude and latitude, and deriving a mean angular distortion value for each projection. For obvious reasons, however, it was only after the invention of modern computers that the technique reached its full potential, and could be applied in a more systematic way to analyse and compare distortion for a large number of map projections (see e.g. Francula, 1971; Canters and Decleir, 1989). The traditional method of calculating map projection distortion in a point-wise manner, however, has its limitations when it comes to characterising distortion for larger areas. This is especially true for world maps. A critical evaluation of map projection rankings based on average local distortion values indicates that, although in general map projections with well-balanced distortion patterns have the lowest average distortion values, there are some notable examples of map projections with less favourable distortion characteristics that score remarkably well (Canters, 1999). This is particularly the case for cylindrical projections, which are known for their extreme and visually disturbing rate of distortion away from the standard parallels, and are usually not recommended for world maps (American Cartographic Association, 1989).
8 The major reason why an evaluation that is based on the point-wise calculation of local distortion values does not produce map projection rankings as expected lies in the fact that a simple averaging of distortion values for a discrete set of locations does not take account of the spatial variation of distortion typical of each projection. Obviously it is the cumulative effect of scale distortion over finite distances that will determine how well large-size geographical features are represented on a small-scale map. One may therefore expect to be more successful in evaluating the departure of a feature’s representation on the map from its original representation on the globe by measuring map projection distortion at the finite scale. One of the first attempts to quantify map distortion in the large was by Fisher and Miller (1944). By defining twenty equilateral spherical triangles on the globe and comparing these with their mapped versions, obtained by connecting the projected vertices of the original triangles with straight lines, they calculated the linear scale ratio (map distance over spherical distance) for each side, the areal scale ratio (plane area over spherical area) for each triangle, and the angular difference (plane value minus spherical value) for each pair of sides. From the calculated ratios the maximum, minimum and mean value was derived, as well as the standard deviation. With the advent of modern computers finite distortion
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measures could be calculated for much larger samples. In a study of 1964, Waldo Tobler, a pioneer in the development of numerical solutions to map projection problems, adopted the approach described by Fisher and Miller. However, instead of working with a small number of a priori defined spherical triangles, Tobler calculated mean linear scale ratio, mean areal scale ratio and mean angular difference for a variety of map projections and for areas of different size, using samples of 300 to 500 randomly selected triplets of latitude and longitude, depending on the size of the area (Tobler, 1964).
9 Other studies on finite map projection distortion that follow deal with the definition of suitable measures and algorithms to quantify the average distortion of finite distance on a map projection (Gilbert, 1974; Peters, 1975; Albinus, 1981; Canters, 1989). The idea behind these studies is that all types of distortion that occur on a map can be considered the result of a distortion of scale that changes continuously with location and direction. As such the average distortion of finite distance will give a good indication of the extent to which the plane map differs from the surface that is projected. In all four studies that are listed above the average distortion of distance is calculated for a large number of randomly selected pairs of points. Alternative solutions that are proposed differ in two ways: (a) the definition of the index that is used to quantify the average distortion, (b) the method (algorithm) that is used for the selection of the random pairs of points. Recently Canters (1999) presented a new method to measure the deviation from true area proportions and the distortion of shape on small-scale maps, and applied it to quantify finite distortion for a large set of map projections that are commonly used for world maps. The proposed method measures relative differences in area and shape for a randomly selected set of spherical circles that are homogeneously distributed over the area of interest, by comparing each circle on the globe with its representation on the map, and averaging the obtained distortion values. The study indicates an inverse relationship between the mean deviation from true area proportions and the mean distortion of shape. Projections with a low distortion of finite distances prove to have favourable distortion characteristics (a moderate distortion of shape and proportions), which confirms that the average distortion of finite distance is an appropriate indicator for the joint effect of the two most important aspects of map projection distortion at the small scale, i.e. the distortion of correct area proportions and the distortion of shape.
10 Acknowledging that map projection distortion can present itself in many different ways (local distortion of scale in a particular direction, distortion of distance, angles, azimuth, shape, absolute area, relative area proportions,…), some authors have also proposed the use of combined distortion measures, which provide a general assessment of the combined impact of two, three or even more different aspects of distortion. Some of these measures, especially those referring to various aspects of distortion at the local scale, already have a long history (Airy, 1861; Jordan, 1896; Kavrayskiy, 1958), others have been proposed more recently (Canters and Decleir, 1989; Laskowski, 1991; Bugayevskiy and Snyder, 1995). One of the major difficulties in the definition of combined distortion measures is that not all aspects of distortion are expressed in the same units, and therefore cannot be directly compared. Overcoming this problem requires that measurements of different aspects of distortion are properly calibrated. Only recently Laskowski (1998) proposed a method for the standardisation of different distortion measurements that offers a partial solution to the problem of unlike units.
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However, the more fundamental problem of weighting different aspects of distortion equally is far from solved and remains an interesting area for future research.
Low-error map projections
11 Distortion measures that allow us to quantify one aspect of distortion (or the combined effect of different types of distortion, see above) for a complete area, are not only useful to compare distortion on different map projections. They can also be used to optimise the parameters of one particular projection, so that minimum overall distortion is guaranteed within the boundaries of the area to be mapped. In most studies on map projection optimisation, optimal values for the parameters of the projection of interest are obtained by minimising the sum of the squares of the errors in local scale along the two axes of Tissot’s indicatrix (corresponding with the two directions along which local scale reaches its maximum and minimum value respectively, see above). Projections that are derived in this manner are usually referred to as minimum-error projections. The majority of papers on minimum-error projections has been published between 1850 and 1950, before modern computers were available. In these studies the problem of optimisation is necessarily limited to a small number of map projection parameters (mostly one), and to map projections with simple mathematics (azimuthal, cylindrical and conical projections) (Airy, 1861; Young, 1920; Tsinger, 1916; Kavrayskiy, 1934).
12 The introduction of computers created new opportunities for research into minimum- error projections that before then had been impossible to think of. A good example of this is the work that has been done on the development of new low-error conformal map projections. In 1856 Chebyshev stated that a conformal projection has the least possible overall distortion if the sum of the squares of local scale errors over the region is a minimum, and that this results if the region is bounded by a line of constant scale. Mathematical proof of this statement was given by Grave in 1896. Inspired by Chebyshev’s theorem several authors have developed new low-error conformal graticules, with sometimes very complicated patterns of isocols (lines of equal distortion), following the outline of the region to be mapped. All these graticules are obtained by applying the following complex-algebra polynomial transformation to the x, y - co-ordinates of a standard conformal map projection, and optimising the value of the polynomial coefficients so that overall scale error is reduced:
13 One of the best known examples of the use of the technique is the study by Miller (1953), in which he presents a new low-error conformal map projection for Eurafrica. Applying (1) with n=3 he transformed an oblique stereographic projection of the area, changing the lines of constant scale from circles to ovals with the major axis lying along the central meridian. Later he adapted the transformation to derive new conformal projections with oblique oval-shaped isocols for Central Asia and Australia (Miller, 1955; see also Sprinsky and Snyder, 1986). While Miller applied a third-order polynomial to obtain projections with oval isocols, other authors have used higher-
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order transformations to derive map projections with isocols of more irregular shapes. Reilly (1973) used a sixth-order polynomial for the development of a new conformal map projection for the topographic mapping of New Zealand. Starting from the regular Mercator, he developed a graticule with lines of constant scale roughly following the outlines of the two main islands. Snyder (1984) took a similar approach to develop a new low-error conformal projection for a 50-state map of the United States, using a tenth-order polynomial. Optimal coefficients for these more complex transformations are obtained by minimising overall scale error using the method of least-squares. This requires iterative solution of a set of simultaneous equations, the number of equations depending on the order of the polynomial (see Snyder, 1985, pp. 86-90).
14 Instead of minimising the sum of the squares of the errors in local scale, some authors preferred to work with finite distortion measures. In 1977 Waldo Tobler presented a new low-error projection for the United States. The projection was obtained by minimising the root-mean-square error for all great-circle distances between selected points on a regular grid covering the area. It has no formulas in the usual sense, but is defined by rectangular co-ordinates for the points used in the analysis. Peters (1978), also a pioneer in the work on finite distortion, optimised parameter values for various world map projections by minimising average distortion for 30,000 distances, connecting randomly chosen pairs of points with uniform probability distribution over the continental surface. In 1989 Canters presented a new method for the development of world map projections with low distortion. Expressing the relationship between the co-ordinates in the map plane and the co-ordinates on the globe by the following two polynomials:
15 with x, y the map projection co-ordinates λ and ϕ the geographical longitude and latitude, and Cij and C’ij the polynomial coefficients defining the properties of the graticule, he presented a whole set of new projections with intermediate distortion characteristics (neither conformal, nor equal-area) that are suited for global mapping purposes (see also Canters, 1999). All graticules were obtained by minimising the average distortion of finite distances, using a modified version of Peters’ distortion measure, and a well-considered strategy for the selection of distances. The attractiveness of the method lies in its use of polynomial type equations, which makes it very easy to impose useful restrictions on the geometry of the graticule (shape of the parallels and the meridians, spacing of the parallels, ratio of the axes, length of the pole line,.…) Figure 2 shows an example of a low-error polyconic projection with two-fold symmetry, equally spaced parallels and a correct ratio of the axes, also referred to as the Canters projection, with lines of constant area scale and lines of constant maximum angular distortion superimposed. The Canters projection is used in Belgian geography
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textbooks and atlases, and has also been adopted for the production of wall maps by Belgian organisations that are active in development co-operation (ABOS, NCOS).
16 Just like the complex-algebra transformation described above (eq. (1)) is used to produce low-error conformal projections, transformation functions can be defined that allow us to modify the distortion pattern of a standard equal-area projection so that it better fits the shape and orientation of the area to be mapped. The easiest way to accomplish this is by a simple linear stretch of the graticule along one of the co- ordinate axes, followed by a compression of equal magnitude along the perpendicular axis to maintain the equal-area property. Applied to Lambert’s oblique azimuthal equal-area projection it changes the circular isocols into ovals, which can be given any arbitrary orientation by a simple rotation of the co-ordinate axes prior to the transformation. A good choice of the affine coefficient and a proper orientation of the axes will lead to less variation of scale and angular distortion for elongated areas. Tobler (1974) presented examples of this simple equal-area transformation for areas of different size. A more complicated transformation of the oblique azimuthal equal-area projection that uses sine functions to alter the spacing of the original graticule in the x- and y direction was proposed by Snyder (1988). It allows the mapmaker to create equal- area graticules with oval, rectangular or rhombic isocols that have less distortion of angles and scale for non-circular regions. Snyder presented examples with oval isocols of different eccentricity for the mapping of the Atlantic Ocean as well as a map of the conterminous United States with rectangular isocols. Canters (1991) proposed two simple polynomial transformations, with appropriate constraints on the value of the polynomial coefficients to make sure that the general condition for an equal-area transformation in the plane is satisfied. Applied separately or in combination these transformations make it possible to derive a variety of low-error equal-area graticules with alternative geometry, starting from any standard equal-area projection. The proposed transformations were used for the development of various new equal-area graticules, useful for maps at the global as well as at the continental scale. Special attention was paid to the development of a new low-error equal-area projection for the fifteen member states of the European Union (Canters and De Genst, 1997; Canters, 1999). Except for Rodos and the easternmost part of Finland, scale error on this new projection is well below 1% for the entire EU (figure 3).
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Figure 3. Fifth-order low-error transformation of the oblique azimuthal equal-area projection for the European Union, with lines of constant maximum scale error (%).
Map projection selection
17 The selection of a suitable map projection is an important issue in small-scale map design, especially for the mapping of large areas, where map projection distortion exceeds the threshold of visibility. Over the years a great number of map projections have been proposed. Even for the skilled cartographer, who has a good knowledge of map projection principles, choosing among this variety of existing projections is not an easy task. Map projection selection interferes with several other variables in map design. As such it is not possible to compile a magic table telling us unambiguously what type of map projection is best for a given application. With the increasing use of geographical information systems and the development of new mapping software for personal computers cartographic tools are coming within the reach of an ever growing group of users that are unfamiliar with the principles of cartographic design. This has led some cartographers to determine what is currently known about map design from years of theoretical and practical research and to try to translate this knowledge into a set of rules that can be built into microcomputer-based software. A few researchers have addressed the problem of automated (or semi-automated) map projection selection, taking into account the limitations imposed by the digital medium, as well as the new opportunities for map projection development that are offered by the computer (see above).
18 The choice of a map projection is strongly related to the purpose of the map. The area that will be covered, the ways in which the map is going to be used and the intended audience for whom the map is targeted are all major elements in the decision process. Hence selection should start with the definition of a unique set of requirements that best suits the purpose of the mapping, and that can be translated into a set of map projection properties. Based on these properties a proper choice should be made. In spite of the practical importance of map projection selection only very few authors have treated the subject in any detail. Knowledge on map projection selection mostly appears as a heterogeneous and partly inconsistent collection of rules, repeatedly
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found in general textbooks on cartography or map projection. Many authors only provide a summary of the map projections that are most frequently used for the mapping of various areas and for different map purposes. These listings are of limited use to a novice cartographer, since they do not provide any insight in the reasoning that brings the cartographer to choose for a particular projection.
19 Snyder (1987, p. 34) is one of the few authors who treat the problem of map projection selection in a systematic way. To facilitate the selection process, he presents a decision tree that is based on: (a) size, shape, orientation and location of the region to be mapped, (b) special distortion properties (conformal, equal-area, equidistant, correct scale along a chosen great-circle), and (c) application-specific considerations (e.g. straight rhumb lines, straight great-circle routes, interrupted designs). Snyder also recognises that world maps cannot be satisfactorily represented by means of conic type projections, and that other selection criteria may be involved in global mapping than in continental or regional mapping (e.g. the decision to interrupt the graticule or not). He therefore makes a clear distinction between world maps and maps of smaller areas. For world maps many types of projections are listed, depending on the type of application. For smaller areas he recommends the use of conic type projections (azimuthal, conical or cylindrical projections). Maps of a hemisphere, which usually have a circular outline, are also treated as a separate class. For these maps Snyder recommends the use of azimuthal projections.
20 Nyerges and Jankowski (1989) adopted Snyder’s scheme to develop a knowledge base for map projection selection. The formalised knowledge was implemented in a prototype expert system for map projection selection, known as MaPKBS or Map Projection Knowledge-Based System (Jankowski and Nyerges 1989). MaPKBS, as it was presented in 1989, cannot be regarded as a definite solution to the problem of automated map projection selection. It takes into account only a fraction of the criteria that may be involved in the selection process. However, the development of the system proves that some of the trade-offs involved in map projection selection can be managed by an automated system if appropriate heuristics are defined, with or without the use of AI techniques. Two other attempts to develop expert systems for map projection selection have been reported, one by Smith and Snyder (1989) and one by Kessler (1991). The first attempt has not been described in sufficient detail to review it, the second has never been officially published. According to Snyder (1993, p. 276) MaPKBS, as well as the other two attempts, have been aborted in the research stage because the principals became involved in other projects.
21 Mekenkamp (1990) presents a very simple procedure for automated map projection selection that is based on a set of no more than eleven projections, all belonging to the conic group. For Mekenkamp the selection process consists of answering two fundamental questions: (a) what is the shape of the region to be mapped?, and (b) what is the purpose of the map? He distinguishes between one-point (round), two-point (rectangular) and three-point (triangular) regions, leading to the choice of an azimuthal, a cylindrical and a conical projection respectively. Mekenkamp only considers oblique aspects, since these produce the least distortion for a given area. By letting the position of the meta-pole move without any restriction the general location of the area (near the pole, near the equator, at mid-latitude), which is one of the main criteria in Snyder’s scheme, becomes irrelevant to the selection. This strongly simplifies the selection process. Mekenkamp also considers a functional argument in deciding on the
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type of region. If attention has to be focused on one point (e.g. the location of an airport) or if the relation between two points is to be emphasised (e.g. the traffic flow between two cities), then the region to be mapped will be designated as a one-point region or a two-point region respectively, and the projection class will be chosen accordingly.
22 Next to the type of region the user must select the map property that best suits the purpose of the map (conformal, equal-area, equidistant, straight great-circles, orthographic view). Mekenkamp’s procedure is straightforward, it can be easily implemented, and it always produces a unique solution, which is not so for the decision model proposed by Snyder. Still the method has some important restrictions. First, it is not always easy to characterise the shape of a region as round, rectangular or triangular, especially not for large and/or fragmented areas (e.g. different landmasses). Second, the restriction to conic type projections makes that Mekenkamp’s approach cannot be used for global mapping purposes without introducing excessive distortion. Finally, since the choice is restricted to oblique aspects of conic projections, the user is not allowed to specify geometric properties that dictate the position of the meta-pole and/or the type of projection, e.g. a straight central meridian, a straight equator, straight parallels... While geometric properties are seldom mentioned in connection with map projection selection, they prove to be very important criteria that are often applied in cartographic practice, although mostly the mapmaker is not conscious of the fact that he or she is actually applying them (see Canters, 1999, pp. 225-228).
23 Canters and De Genst propose a semi-automated strategy that allows the mapmaker to interactively change the geometry and the properties of the projection until a satisfying solution is obtained (Canters, 1995; De Genst and Canters, 1996; Canters, 1999). In their view the selection process consists of two parts (figure 4). In the first part of the selection process map projection requirements are formulated, and a list of candidate projections is defined. To reduce the complexity of the decision process the total number of map projections from which a choice can be made is kept to a strict minimum. Projections included in the selection procedure are chosen in such a way that each possible combination of map projection properties that can be set, is satisfied by at least one projection. This guarantees that, once properties have been stated, the list of candidate projections will be limited to one or maximally a few projections. If the list contains more than one projection, all candidate projections are ranked by applying a simple set of decision rules. The projection that gets the highest score is selected. In the second part of the process the parameters of the projection that are free to choose are optimised, using an appropriate technique for error reduction. Once the optimised projection is obtained the result is evaluated by the mapmaker, who ultimately decides if the projection is accepted or not. A quick visualisation of the graticule, with isocols showing the distribution of distortion, as well as a brief error report, is essential to allow the mapmaker to perform this evaluation. If parameter optimisation does not produce the expected result, the mapmaker can decide to apply a polynomial transformation to the obtained graticule to achieve a further reduction of distortion (see also section on low-error projections). If this does not lead to a major improvement the original map projection requirements are re-defined and the process is resumed. It is clear that in this approach map projection selection is seen as a dynamic process that can only be partly automated and still requires a great deal of human intervention.
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Figure 4. Semi-automated map projection selection (Canters, 1999).
24 Typical for all approaches that have been presented is that the specification of map projection features forms the entry to the selection process. This is not always an easy task. In an ideal situation, a procedure for map projection selection should be able to identify the required features automatically from the type of application, or at least assist the mapmaker in selecting the appropriate features. Unfortunately, knowledge about the relationship between map application and map projection properties is sparse and very often inconsistent. On the other hand no detailed taxonomy of map applications (map function, map use) is available that could serve as a reference for a systematic study of map projection requirements. Hence the few selection strategies that have been proposed so far leave all the responsibility to the user, who is supposed to identify those features that he or she thinks are most relevant to the application. More research on the relationship between map application and map projection properties, including the integration of already existing knowledge, is highly needed in order to develop methods that can assist the non-experienced user in choosing a projection that fits the purpose of the map.
Conclusion
25 While the importance of map projection is widely recognised in large-scale mapping, its meaning in small-scale map design is less well understood. Most literature about map projection is restricted to a purely mathematical treatment of the subject. In the majority of textbooks on map projection the selection and use of map projections is given little or no consideration. Even skilled cartographers often have limited notion of the role the projection plays in map design and communication, and do not consider it as important as the other elements in map design. With this knowledge it should not
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surprise the reader that one regularly comes across examples of non-appropriate use of map projections in print journalism, in the electronic media, and even in scientific publications. Present-day map projection software, with its virtually unlimited possibilities for the selection and modification of map projections, merely increases the risk of making improper decisions, especially if handled by people that lack a basic understanding of map projections.
26 This paper discusses part of the work that has been carried out over the last forty years in three important areas of small-scale map projection research: (a) evaluation of map projection distortion, (b) development of low-error map projections, (c) automated (and semi-automated) map projection selection. The first part of the paper concentrates on the problems associated with the measurement of map projection distortion. Different approaches for characterising map projection distortion at the local scale, and at the finite scale, are reviewed and criticised. The second part focuses on the different methods that have been proposed for the development of low-error map projections. Special attention is paid to polynomial transformation methods, which allow the mapmaker to derive low-error graticules from standard map projections without loss of the properties of the latter. The last part of the paper deals with the selection of map projections, and reviews recent work on the development of methods that assist the mapmaker in choosing a projection that optimally fits the purpose of the map.
27 More efforts should be made to assure that cartographic practice benefits more from the achievements of modern map projection research. Today it is still true to say that there is a wide gap between theoretical research on map projections, which is seldom promoted beyond scientific publication, and map projection use, which far too often relies on the application of simple rules-of-thumb. Most of the topics that have been discussed in this paper have direct implications for everyday map projection use. By embedding techniques for the measurement of map projection distortion and for map projection optimisation in practical tools for map projection selection, the objectivity of the selection process will be increased. This will certainly lead to a more creative and well-considered use of map projections. It is therefore hoped that future developers of map projection tools will include techniques for distortion assessment and for map projection optimisation in their products, and will offer the mapmaker at least some elementary assistance in making a proper map projection choice.
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MONMONIER M. (1989), Maps with the news, The development of American journalistic cartography, Chicago and London, The University of Chicago Press.
NYERGES T.L. and JANKOWSKI P. (1989), ‘A knowledge base for map projection selection’, American Cartographer, 16 (1), pp. 29-38.
PETERS A.B. (1975), ‘Wie man unsere Weltkarten der Erde ähnlicher machen kann’, Kartographische Nachrichten, 25 (5), pp. 173-183.
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PETERS A.B. (1978), ‘Über Weltkarten-verzerrungen und Weltkartenmittel-punkte’, Kartographische Nachrichten, 28 (3), pp. 106-113.
REILLY W.I. (1973), ‘A conformal mapping projection with minimum scale error’, Survey Review, 22 (168), pp. 57-71.
SMITH D.G. and SNYDER J.P. (1989), ‘Expert map projection selection system’, U.S. Geological Survey Yearbook, Fiscal Year 1988, pp. 14-15.
SNYDER J.P. (1978), ‘Equidistant conic map projections’, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 68 (3), pp. 373-383.
SNYDER J.P. (1984), ‘A low-error conformal map projection for the 50 States’, American Cartographer, 11 (1), pp. 27-39 [see correction in Snyder, 1987, 207].
SNYDER J.P. (1985), ‘Computer-assisted map projection research’, U.S. Geological Survey Bulletin 1629, Washington, United States Government Printing Office.
SNYDER J.P. (1986), A new low-error map projection for Alaska, Technical Papers, American Society for Photogrammetry and Remote Sensing, American Congress on Surveying and Mapping, Fall Convention, Anchorage, Alaska, pp. 307-314.
SNYDER J.P. (1987), ‘Map projections: a working manual’, U.S. Geological Survey Professional Paper 1395, Washington, United States Government Printing Office.
SNYDER J.P. (1988), ‘New equal-area map projections for non-circular regions’, American Cartographer, 15 (4), pp. 341-355.
SNYDER J.P. (1993), Flattening the earth, Two thousand years of map projections, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press.
SNYDER J.P. and VOXLAND P.M. (1988), ‘An album of map projections’, U.S. Geological Survey Professional Paper 1453, Washington, United States Government Printing Office.
SPRINSKY W.H. and SNYDER J.P. (1986), ‘The Miller oblated stereographic projection for Africa, Europe, Asia and Australasia’, American Cartographer, 13 (3), pp. 253-261.
TISSOT N.A. (1881), Mémoire sur la représentation des surfaces et les projections des cartes géographiques, Paris, Gauthier Villars.
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YOUNG A.E. (1920), Some investigations in the theory of map projections, Royal Geographical Society, Technical Series 1, London.
ABSTRACTS
The main objective of this paper is to review previous and current trends in small-scale map projection research, and to discuss the work that has been done by this author in relation to similar work by others. Attention is focused on three issues: (a) evaluation of map projection distortion, (b) development of low-error map projections, (c) automated (and semi-automated) map projection selection. It is hoped that this paper will give the reader a good impression of the marked evolution of map projection science over the last forty years, of changes in the way map projections are used (or will be used in the near future), and of the important role the rapidly increasing, widespread use of computers has played in this process.
Dit artikel geeft een overzicht van vroeger en recent onderzoek rond kaartprojecties in de kleinschalige cartografie, en situeert het werk van de auteur binnen het geheel aan onderzoek dat binnen dit domein plaatsvindt. De aandacht is toegespitst op drie thema’s : (a) evaluatie van vervorming op kaartprojecties, (b) ontwikkeling van nieuwe projecties met een geringe vervorming, (c) geautomatiseerde (en semi-geautomatiseerde) methoden voor het selecteren van kaartprojecties. Hopelijk geeft dit artikel de lezer een goed beeld van de markante evolutie die het onderzoek rond kaartprojecties in de laatste veertig jaar heeft doorgemaakt, van veranderingen in de wijze waarop kaartprojecties gebruikt, of in de toekomst gebruikt zullen worden, en van de belangrijke rol die het snel toegenomen gebruik van computers in deze evolutie gespeeld heeft.
INDEX
Keywords: map projection research, distortion measures, low-error map projections, map projection selection Trefwoorden onderzoek rond kaartprojecties, vervormingsmaten, projecties met een geringe vervorming, selectie van kaartprojecties
AUTHOR
FRANK CANTERS Centre for Cartography and GIS, Department of Geography, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Pleinlaan 2 - B 1050 Brussel, Belgium, [email protected]
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Geography, public administration and governance
Petr Dostál and Pieter Saey
1 Debates concerning reforms of local and regional government and territorial administration in the 1980s and 1990s resulted in many European countries in a political and academic agenda seeking change in systems of local and regional government and administration. Although their country can be considered as a real laboratory in this respect, Belgian geographers have shown little interest in these problems. Cardyn (1982) was a study on the 1976 consolidation of municipalities1, radical geographers discussed the issue of the state reform (Van-dermotten et al., 1990; Saey et al., 1998)2, and some geographers contributed to recent debates on the nature of regions, decision-making and subsidiarity in the related field of spatial planning(3). The account of the administrative organization of Belgium in the National Committee’s Geografie van België is – quite significantly – a mere chronicle (Denis, 1992). However, the pioneering work of the radical geographers and the research in the field of spatial planning seem to offer a springboard for trying to join the international academic debates and research, taking place, for example, in the IGU Commission on Geography and Public Administration. This Commission serves as a forum where, among other things, the relations between geography and the political issues of public administration and governance are explored. The 1998 Cambridge meeting was devoted to the most recent developments in theory and practice. The papers presented at this meeting focused attention on the challenges to what was once a clear and understood distinction between market, state and civil society. They emphasized new configurations, seeking to explain their significance through the elaboration of the themes of (i) partnership between levels of the state and between state and market, and (ii) enabling or facilitating local government. The increasingly competitive operating environment, the moves towards co-operative action, the nature of local democracy and governance were issues that emerged from the discussions. Research issues and themes suggested by the meeting were the nature of civil society, state level engagement with globalising forces, change in the way cities are governed, urban-rural contrasts in governance, co-evolution of local state and global economic dynamics,
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changing borders in a borderless world and governance and the management of externalities (Welch, 1998).
2 One of the results of these debates and research is the not surprising conclusion that administrative reforms have been sought under pressures of societal and economic changes in the European countries concerned and increasingly also under impacts of internationalization and globalization tendencies (Smith, 1985; Bennett, 1989, 1992, 1993; Barlow, 1991; Johnston, 1990; Sharpe, 1993; King and Stoker, 1996). It is, however, interesting to observe that the basic issues on the general agenda did not change much. The agenda still involves the search for more appropriate structures and functioning of (i) local (municipal) and regional (provincial) self-government and/or (ii) local and regional tiers of deconcentrated central state administration. With Leemans (1970) and also recently with Bennett (1997) we have to recognize that mutually connected systems of territorial self-government and administration have in-built tendencies to become obsolete. The structure and functioning of the systems are continuously subject of discussions on the need for reform and require more or less continual reform (Dostál and Hampl, 1999). The achieved reforms appear to be across countries that are more variable than uniform and there are no signs that they are becoming more similar. Therefore it seems appropriate at an academic level to direct attention to a number of issues and principles that possibly can guide the on-going debates on governmental and administrative reform.
3 First, we point to the importance of the integral nature of territories and the necessarily complex tasks of multi-purpose local and regional self-governments through the examination of traditional principles, stressing democratization and rationalization. Second, we explain the nature of geographical structuralization to arrive at a particular conception of the region. Third, building on the first two sections, we indicate a number of contemporary tendencies, that raise the issue of governance.
Traditional principles and issues of government
Democratization and rationalization
4 At least since Mill’s Considerations on Representative Government published in 1861, traditional conceptualizations concerning territorial government in democratizing countries were based on two major normative principles: (1) local (and regional) self- governmental institutions have to be part of any democratic regime in order to provide for participation and education of citizens in political decision-making and governing; and (2) wide ranging competencies of local (and regional) self-government based on a multi-functional package of tasks should guarantee the efficient and effective provision of services, as these local/regional authorities possess local/regional knowledge, articulate local/regional interests and have the ability to oversee local/regional affairs. This two-fold conceptualization gave politicians and scholars a comprehensive perspective of a hierarchy of relatively autonomous, multi-purpose governmental bodies that provide public services, have the capacity to raise local or regional taxes and are regulated democratically by elected representatives overseeing the functioning of full time professionals.
5 Dahl (1990) has given a contemporaneous reformulation of this normative base of democratization and rationalization. In pondering the complexity of relations between
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goals of democratization and rationalization, he has provided four general criteria that have to be reconciled in any major reform of democratic local/regional government: (1) the principle of affected interests: every citizen who is affected by the decisions of a government should have the right to participate in that government (ibid., pp. 49-51); (2) the criterion of economy that curbs the former principle by emphasizing saving of time, scarce means and human effort (among other things, it implies the need for delineations of territorial domains within which the affected interest principle can be applied) (ibid., pp. 30ff);3 the criterion of competence: democratic authority must be professional and thus qualified by appropriate knowledge and skills (ibid., pp. 21ff); and (4) the criterion of personal choice, usually resulting in rational self-interest (one citizen cannot satisfactorily gain his/her own ends unless he/she allows others an opportunity to pursue their ends on an equal basis) (ibid., p. 9). At least two conclusions to be drawn from Dahl’s message are clear. First, one-dimensional simplistic ideas about territorial democratic authorities and rational use of scarce means are bound to be wrong. Second, systems based on democracy-cum-administration are necessarily systems based on delegation-cum-delegation. Horizontally, there is delegation from democratic representatives to professional officers. Vertically, delegated authority entails hierarchies of competencies, control, scarce resources and thus of power (ibid., pp. 71-75).
6 These normative and traditional approaches dominated on-going debates on the need for reform in 1970s and 1980s. There were major concerns during these years with issues of rationalization having to do with social and economic and ecological interdependencies and pressures, and leading largely to scale enlargement of local and, often also of regional units of self-government and administration in order to cope with impacts of urbanization and suburbanization and new responsibilities for public services provision (Leemans, 1970; Sharpe, 1993). Later, the importance of internationalization and globalization impacts was taken into account (de Smidt, 1987, 1990; Barlow, 1993). There were also concerns with normative issues of democratization emerging time and again in the debates (Leemans, 1970; Sharpe, 1979; Bennett, 1989; Dostál and Hampl, 1999). Among these issues, integrality of multi- purpose political decision-making and territorial effectiveness of internalization of external effects within one jurisdiction deserve a more detailed examination.4
Integrality and territorial effectivity
Integrality of multi-purpose political decision-making
7 From Mill onwards the advocates of traditional conceptualization of multiple-purpose local/regional representative government have shared a common underlying understanding (Stoker, 1996). It is the principle of a sufficient integrality of political decision-making at each self-governmental tier. This principle warns against fragmentation of political decision-making necessarily resulting from functional or single-purpose-oriented solutions of decentralization of competencies in self- government and from splitting up scarce means in deconcentrated state administration. Furthermore, fragmentation of decision-making in local/regional democratic bodies and state agencies tends to compel actors to interact more along vertical lines with actors in the same policy sector at national level. Segmented, i.e. partial or one-sided, views of interests of one sector tend to get too much emphasis
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(Hägerstrand, 1976; Törnqvist, 1980). Only a sufficiently wide range of competencies allows for coordination of public service provision and gives room for balancing competing priorities and checking the segmented power of organized partial interests (Dostál, 1984, pp. 29-35). From the viewpoint of democratization another point is to be emphasized in this context. The multi-purpose character and a sufficiently wide range of competencies of local/regional self-governments are needed for revealing and reconciling preferences and for stimulation of deliberative capacity at local and regional levels of the political system. Only a wide range of competencies can provide the decision-making capacity that is necessary for dealing with the increased uncertainty and integrality of many of the issues confronting nowadays local and regional areas.
Deconcentration and vertical and horizontal decentralization
8 Social and economic pressures for democratization and rationalization interact. The issue of integrality of self-governmental policy-making is linked up with the issue of territorial effectiveness of internalizing important external or spillover effects within appropriate territorial jurisdictions. There is, obviously, the recurrent problem of instituting administrative areas which can be geographically under-bounded or over- bounded for effective accommodation of various components of urban and regional societal and economic changes (Bennett, 1989, pp. 7-9).5 However, here we want to draw attention to another aspect of the issue of territorial effectiveness, namely the two-fold disaggregation of the notion of hierarchy (Dostál and Hampl, 1993).
9 First, there is the basic skeleton of every administrative system with its usual division into central, regional and local tiers. The specific societal feature of this division is its legitimate monopoly of control (or sanction and enforcement) of social and economic activities/actors within a given territory of the state (Smith, 1985). The public administration control can be based on deconcentrated tasks from the central government (i.e. administration in a narrow sense of the central state’s field agencies) or on decentralized tasks, competencies and accompanying obligations of territorial self-governmental bodies. There is a fundamental difference between these two bases. Territorially decon-centrated agencies of the central state are representing sectors (i.e. ministries or departments) at regional and local levels, whereas decentralization of competencies towards the local/regional self-government is promoted in order to constitute a check to the power of the central state (Johnston, 1990, pp. 66) and also to provide an organizational mechanism able to deal with the geographical variations and heterogeneities in need and capacity that result from uneven territorial development (Dostál and Hampl, 1993, 1999).
10 Second, there are also hierarchical relations between, on the one hand, relatively integral/complex multi-purpose self-governmental bodies fulfilling a wide range of tasks such as municipalities, districts or provinces and, on the other hand, less integral/complex actors and bodies with partial and private tasks such as enterprises or citizens in their roles as owners of properties, consumers of services, polluters of environment and so on. Importantly, there is also an intermediary sort of autonomous actors and bodies such as tax-collector’s offices, chambers of commerce or employment offices. These are single-purpose institutions operating in addition to the self-
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governmental authorities of integral administrative territories in order to perform specific functions.
11 In this way we can distinguish between vertical and horizontal decentralization. Vertical decentralization is the shifting of functions and competencies from a higher level of government to a lower level. Horizontal decentralization is taking place when functions and competencies are shifting from multi-purpose government to single- purpose functional bodies and sectors. A more extreme form of decentralization is externalization of functions and competencies from the systems of government and administration towards private sectors, i.e. privatization.
Territorial integration and interest formation
Geographical structuralization
12 In his deconstruction of the globalization rhetoric, Beauregard (1995, pp. 238-239) points to the use of a simplistic notion of spatial scales: ‘One way [the notion] appears in the argument is as a geographic description of “nested” places. Here we understand, metaphorically, the local as appearing within the regional, the regional within the national, and the national within the global. We are asked in addition not to think of this nesting in a two-dimensional space but in a three-dimensional one in which “larger” spatial scales are also “higher” and thus dominant. Finally, each scale is often depicted as relatively stable in the sense that, say, the boundaries of a region endure across the short-run of the theoretical argument.’ This might lead to a conception of territorial integration as being the result of increasing interdependence of coherent regions6 at different scale levels, which compose an expanding three-dimensional (i.e. hierarchical) tile pattern.
13 However, territorial integration is mostly realized through clustering and concentrations in the networks of relations between actors with different ranges of action (Saey, 1994, pp. 73-74). ’Once we focus our attention on the agents who literally make scale, ... [a] multitude of actors, each with different geographical interests and influence, create a multitude of spatial scales. Places become linked to each other through highly differentiated actors and not in any simple way. Highly differentiated places appear when numerous actors develop a multitude of complex spatial linkages to and from these places. Less differentiated places have few such actors. In fact, it is the mix of these actors, and the distribution of influence among them, that results in such places becoming regional, national, or international nodes in the world-system’ (Beauregard, 1995, pp. 239). Moreover, ‘actors simultaneously have interests at multiple spatial scales; that is, their activities spread out over different geographical fields. A transnational corporation involved in consumer electronics, for example, makes regional locational decisions as regards branch plants, secures capital on international financial markets, negotiates tax advantages with national bodies, and adjusts its strategic plan to institutional shareholders from various countries. Local actors concerned about the withdrawal of investment by this transnational corporation might utilize state plant-closing laws, explore pension implications as governed by national legislation, work with union organizers and experts from around the country, and even hire transnational law firms to help them consider an employee buy-out’ (ibid., pp. 240).
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14 A two-fold notion of territory emerges: 1. the networked territory, a spatially fragmented complex of areas structured as a network (e.g. the complex territory composed of the locations of a car manufacturer and his subcontractors); 2. the region-as-advocate-of-local-interests, a political-geographical construction that manifests itself in the representation of a common interest, presumably or allegedly shared by the inhabitants and other interested parties of the area concerned. States, provinces, municipalities are also regions in this sense.
Territorialized democracy, self-interest and identity
15 Building on the idea of a (self-)governmental unit as a region-as-advocate-of-local- interests, it can be claimed that democracy and also territorialized democracy in the form of local/regional self-government is an integral affair providing an indispensable coordinating framework for formations of partial and less complex interests and behaviour of other corporate actors and individual citizens (Dostál and Hampl, 1999).
16 With Scharf (1997, pp. 61-66) we make a distinction between (self-)interest and identity. Self-interest is describing the basic preference of actors for self-preservation, autonomy and growth. In the case of corporate actors such as enterprises, political parties, employment offices or provincial governments interest formation is based on a specific identity. Identities of corporate actors must be relatively stable over time in order to be effective and forming a necessarily predictable environment for mutual interaction and functioning. We argue that the great integrality and complexity of functioning of local/regional self-governmental units derives from the necessity to (re-)articulate by democratic procedures their identities. Given the heterogeneity of self-interests of citizens forming a local or a regional electorate, a territorial self- government will always have the crucial general task to balance and reconcile emerging formations of partial interests within territorial jurisdictions concerned. We also argue that the relative integrality and complexity of interest formation of a multi- purpose territorial self-government equally derives from increasing comprehensiveness of its coordinative function. Due to increasing inter-connectedness of economic, social, political and ecological processes in its territorial domain also its coordinative and balancing role becomes inevitably more complex.
17 Thus, the institutional (self-)interest of local/regional governments as corporate actors must be granted a special place in debates on current reforms. Organizational and self- government interests have different normative and strategic implications. This will become clear in our explanation of the contemporary challenges for the systems of self- government and administration in the next section.
Contemporary tendencies and issues of governance
Tendencies
18 Contemporary challenges relate in particular to (i) decreasing aspirations of the (welfare) state, (ii) simultaneity of decentralization and centralization tendencies in entire hierarchies of self-government and administration, and (iii) flexible system capability at local and regional levels.
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Decreasing aspirations of the (welfare) state
19 The post-war increasing aspirations of the welfare state have had important impacts on the structure and functioning of local/regional self-government and administration (Bennett, 1993). It is useful to distinguish four levels of aspirations of equalization that most of the West European welfare states instituted in their nationwide legislation (Goedhart, 1989; Dostál and Blazek, 1992, pp. 158-160). A first aspiration level concerned the aim to equalize local fiscal capacity. Taxation was increasingly more centralized in the hands of the central government enabling redistribution of a part of tax revenues towards poor regional and particularly local governments. A second aspiration level was reached when the principle of equalization of expenditure needs was accepted. This resulted in the acceptance of some more or less objective criteria of indicating interprovincial and intermunicipal needs. On the one hand, there came objective criteria for the distribution of general grants. On the other hand, new specific grants (mainly for education, social housing, provision for the poor, etc.) were introduced. A third level of aspiration of the central governments was reached when the principle of equalization of local and regional capacity to provide public services was accepted in the national legislation. Especially this third level of legislative aspiration resulted in the awarding of numerous specific grants and accompanying tasks to regional and in particular to local (municipal) governments. A fourth level of aspirations was reached when the postwar legislation on the redistributive mechanisms of the welfare state even resulted in equalization (standardization) of the services themselves. This highest level of aspiration of the central legislation has meant that the room for manoeuvre of local and also regional self-governments has been considerably limited. The provision of expensive social welfare services is a good example of this aspiration level of central legislators (Esping-Andersen, 1990).
20 In the perspective of necessary reforms, it is important to realize that the four levels of equalization in public sector provisions still are simultaneously present in contemporary systems of territorial administration. In the 1980s and 1990s, however, most of the central government have recognized the necessity to shift the emphasis back to the third or second level. For example, in the Netherlands and in some other countries, the following points have been emphasized: (i) the necessity to strengthen further the financial situation of the largest municipalities, (ii) the deregulation and lump-sum form of special grants reducing bureaucratic control of the ministries, and (iii) the search for possibilities to increase the role of local and regional taxes (Dostál and Blazek, 1992). This general tendency to reduce the aspiration levels in provision of public services allows for a certain decentralization of finances and taxation from the central government. It also allows for some relaxation of pressures on the local and regional governments to implement public service provision of the central state. Allegedly welfare state burdens became too heavy. One of major solutions pursued by central governments has been privatization of welfare state responsibilities (Clark, 1998). The increasing importance of the private sector at this field has inevitably selective impacts on provision of welfare services at local and regional levels emphasizing meritocratic principles at the cost of equalitarian ones (Dostál, 1984, pp. 17-19; Dostál and Hampl, 1992, pp. 199-201).
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Simultaneous centralization and decentralization
21 These adaptations are linked up with issues of simultaneous decentralization and centralization tendencies in entire hierarchies of self-government and administration. Both tendencies are embedded in the principle of subsidiarity. The recent debate on this principle has been stimulated by the Treaty of Maastricht (1992). Article A specifies that decisions are taken as closely as possible to the citizen. Especially local/regional governments attach great importance to this article. However, a more elaborate description of subsidiarity is found in article 3B, that is added to the Treaty of Rome: ’In areas which do not fall within its exclusive competence, the Community shall take action, in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity, only if and in so far as the objectives of the proposed action cannot be sufficiently achieved by the Member States and can therefore, by reason of the scale of effects of the proposed action, be better achieved by the Community’. Clearly, subsidiarity works upwards as well as downwards. Admittedly this description is biased by the power relations within the European Union and between the Union and the member states. But, as the Belgian example shows, this bias is also present when the principle is to be applied in the member states themselves. There too the application of the principle is part of a game of positioning within the political power stratification of central, regional,7 provincial and local government levels. Not unsurprisingly subsidiarity has become a catch-all notion, whose interpretation depends on the individual, the organization or the public authority who wants the implementation of the principle (Cabus and Saey, 2000)8.
Flexibility
22 The notion of flexibility belongs to the popular vocabulary of this time and possesses an important mobilizing value as regards efforts of local and regional authorities (Dostál, 1999). Flexibility is a future-oriented notion. Flexibility relates to the wish to keep open the present situation in the view of coming future situations. However it should be clear that the notion of flexibility (i) is an instrumental one – flexibility cannot be a goal of reforms, it can only been used as a tool -, and (ii) threatens – like the principle of subsidiarity – to become a catch-all notion. To attain a more specific definition we can start from the observation that flexibility seems to refer to a shift in the functioning of organizational systems along the following dimensions: (i) from uniformity to pluriformity, (ii) from permanency to variability, (iii) from rigidity towards readiness for action, or (iv) from detail towards general delineation. Thus flexibility refers to the capability of organizational systems to react fast on the varied developments in a rapidly changing environment, that is very difficult to comprehend (i.e. to forecast), and consequently, to control effectively. Scott (1987) claims that these insights are challenging the wide-spread assumption that some generally applicable organizational principles can be developed that can be suitable in all places and at all times. Accordingly, we seemingly have to accept the following three propositions: (i) there is no best general way to organize, (ii) any way of organizing is not equally effective and efficient, and (iii) the best way to organize always depends on the character of the environment to which the organization must be related given its tasks and ambitions or obligations. Those organizations whose internal features best match the circumstances of their environment will achieve the best adaptation as indicated by the organization’s performance (Minzberg, 1983, pp. 143ff). We may draw the
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conclusion that the popular view that flexibility must be understood as associated with tendencies to hasty ‘demolitions’ of existing institutional and organizational systems lacks its fundamental logic. Instead, the notion of flexibility appears to refer to the capability to react on unpredictable future developments by enlargement of management capacity by alternative new steering and decision-making rules (Dostál, 1999). Correspondingly, flexibility does not necessarily refer to changing existing organizational structures of territorial self-government and administration, but to adaptations of their functioning, and thus, to increasing flexibility of the ‘rules of the game’.
Governance
23 Bennett (1993, p. 303) has introduced a useful distinction stressing a two-fold flexible approach: ‘flexible decentralization to the most basic and smallest units where the demand for participation, legitimacy, representation and community identity can be met; and flexible aggregation of basic units into collectives, co-operatives and associations for which efficient sizes of administration can be achieved which allow internalization of externalities and technical-bureaucratic efficiency’. It appears that the latter ‘is the only means of maintaining an adaptable but stable financial and administrative structure. This leads to arguments for different mixes of co-ordination, agency arrangements, ‘associations’ of local administrative units and different mixes of public administration, public finance and private (market) responses’ (Bennett, 1997, p. 7). In this way flexible centralization and decentralization raise the question of governance.
24 There are two concepts of governance: (i) the representation and protection of citizens, permitting citizens to exercise democratic rights, and (ii) the self-organized networks that transcend the state, private and voluntary sectors (Welch, 1998). The second concept refers not only to formal institutions, but also to a ‘wide range of other actors, institutional and individual, private and voluntary and public sector, which are involved in regulation a local economy and society’ (Johnston and Pattie, 1996, p. 672).9 Three developments deserve attention:
25 (1) The transformation of the central actor, the local/regional political system, into a strategic enabler, meaning ‘the truncation of its direct policy functions towards a supportive or service role, underpinning the operations of the new institutions of local governance’ (Imrie and Raco, 1999, p. 47).
26 (2) The shift in political goals from the welfare policy of redistribution to a productivist reorganization of social policy, reflecting the shift from the Keynesian welfare state to the Schumpeterian workfare state.10
27 (3) Changing possibilities for democratization and participation. On the one hand, governance can lead to ‘new opportunities for public participation through the variety and diversity of local political institutions, as well as a role for local authorities in supporting a range of service delivery and decision making platforms’ (Stoker, 1996, pp. 3-4). On the other hand, ‘[t]ime and again... research has shown that, partly as a result of skewed distributions of power and resources... [governance] experiments have degenerated into undemocratic and unaccountable networks serving highly particularistic or dominant local interests’ (Amin and Graham, 1997, p. 425). To adequately appreciate governance one should distinguish the political relation between
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government and citizen from the service providing relation. Gilsing (1994) shows that local authorities try to enhance their political legitimacy by improving professional and client relations, thereby creating a democratic deficit. This danger always arises when horizontal fragmentation (Barlow, 1994) takes place, i.e. when functions of government are divided between various single-purpose authorities and agencies. The administrators of single-purpose bodies are inclined to function from the perspective of their one-sided (partial) identity and interest formation and are lacking the integral perspective of a multi-purpose self-governmental body. Thus, a multiplicity of special- single purpose corporate actors is confusing to citizens, lines of accountability are often hidden and decision-making tends to be concealed from democratic control. This applies a fortiori to networks in which the private and voluntary sector are participating.11
28 Similar developments at the national and European level have been interpreted tentatively by the Forward Studies Unit of the European Commission as a shift from formal and substantive rationality, underpinning respectively the liberal state and the welfare state,12 towards procedural rationality, consisting in the contextualisation of the production and the application of norms through a collective learning process (Lebessis and Paterson, 1997). According to the Forward Studies Unit, these developments ‘mark a break with the position where representatives are democratically elected, formulate broad policies in legislative chambers and oversee their detailed implementation by bureaucratic government departments’ (ibid., p. 18). The Unit notes ‘a recognition that the entire regulatory chain must be opened up in a process which in its attempt to involve and engage the resources of all affected actors at all stages can have profound effect on both accountability and effectiveness’ (ibid., p. 15). This working hypothesis of a tendency towards procedural rationality can lay the epistemological foundations of the view that coping with flexibility is not necessarily tantamount to a purely market-based approach to political problems, but whether it can produce the solution of the legitimacy problem remains to be seen.
Conclusion
29 Contemporary and future tendencies in territorial self-government and administration have to be assessed in a wider context of development of societal organization at all significant scale levels. Indeed, necessary reforms of territorial self-government and administration will always lag behind economic changes. Economic actors operating at intranational and supranational levels are forming a large plurality of subjects led by articulation of partial interests. They confront territorial self-government and administration with important pressures for change. The response seems to be a shift from hierarchical government to networked governance, entailing the risk that political legitimacy will exclusively be derived from increased efficiency. Therefore it is necessary to hold on to traditional principles and to emphasize the idea that democracy and also territorialized democracy in the form of local and regional multi- purpose self-government is an integral affair providing the indispensable coordinating framework for partial and less integral articulation of interests and behaviour of corporate actors and individual citizens. Change of structure and functioning of democracy always relates to new divisions of power in society. A basic issue in any calls for reforms is obviously the asynchronicity of economic changes with changes in
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(territorial) democracy (Bennett, 1997; Dostál and Hampl, 1999). It seems that this issue never can be avoided, but only reduced. We can contribute to this reduction by examining the relations between, on the one hand, basic principles of government and public administration and, on the other hand, geographical structuralization and the role of public authorities, civil society and economy therein. The most important questions seem to be how to democratically control networks of governance, and whether increasing flexibility demands changes in the organizational structures of territorial self-government and administration or changes in their way of functioning. Additional reasons to study these questions are provided by (i) the challenges to the development of lagging regions, of declining industrial regions, and of rural areas, arising from the completion of the European internal market and from the harmonization of social and environmental standards throughout the European Union (Van der Wee, 1993), (ii) the widening gap between the requirements of sustainability and the reality of European politics (European Consultative Forum for Environment and Sustainable Development, 1999),13 (iii) the challenges to processes of democratization and economic liberalization in the post-communist part of Europe (Dostál, 1992; 1998), and (iv) the necessity of global governance (Cable, 1999).
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NOTES
1. The former 2,379 municipalities of Belgium were consolidated into the present 589 municipalities by the Act of 30-12-1975 (in Antwerp the Act became effective only in 1983). 2. Former discussions of the federalization process by Vandermotten were published in Cahiers Marxistes (Vandermotten, 1988a; 1988b). 3. For example, four of the five contributions to the special issue on ‘new regionality’ of Planologisch Nieuws, 1995 were written by geographers. Other examples are Martens, 1995 on decision-making and Cabus and Saey, 1999 on subsidiarity. 4. Other principles and issues of rationalization are hierarchical nesting of units, provision of public services, effective and efficient operation of organization and services, deconcentrated state agencies, adjustment to change through amalgamation of units; other principles and issues of democratization are hierarchical nesting of democratic authority, political control (free elections), accommodation of cultural or ethnic identities, multi-purpose self-government, accountability of elected bodies and of state administration, stimulation of citizen’s influence and participation. 5. Recently, Bennett (1997, pp. 325-328) identified at least six areas of difficulty of achieving a true bounding solution of this issue. 6. ‘A geographically identifiable spatial synthesis of physical, social, economic, cultural and political processes within a geographically bounded whole at a certain moment’ (Cabus, 1996, p. 9). 7. In the Belgian case the level of the Flemish, Walloon and Brussels regions. 8. The principle of subsidiarity already has a long history. It was part of the Christian social doctrine at the end of the 19th C. and as such linked to an organic conception of society. The present discussion of subsidiarity finds its origin elsewhere, namely in the pressure exercised by the processes of globalization and regionalization (in the supra-national sense) on the existing governmental relations.
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9. In this sense the concept can also be applied to the global level (see e.g. Cable, 1999). The extension of the partnership arrangements, involving the European Commission and the member state, to regional and local actors (both public and private) by the 1988 reform of the European Community regional policy (Van der Wee, 1993) and the inter-regional partnerships of the RECITE-programme launched by the DG XVI of the Commission (Cooke, 1993) can be considered as a specific fom of governance. 10. ‘The Schumpeterian element refers to the idea that states should concentrate less on demand-side measures, such as full employment or a redistribution policy, should less try to preserve old industries but instead focus on the encouragement of promising activities, on the construction and management of a favourable investment climate (supporting ‘creative destruction’). In other words, states should focus more on supply-side measures such as education, R&D, infrastructure, re-skilling processes, etc. Workfare refers to the greater responsibility of the individual ... both for success and for failure, e.g. policies encouraging, in several ways, the unemployed to make great efforts and to take initiatives in order to improve their chances on the labour market. So, the SWS stands for an important change of state responsibilities and for a different method of operation in order to achieve these aims’ (Devos, 1999, p. 26). 11. For a clear example of institutional fatness, see Swyngedouw, 1991 and Swyngedouw and Bil, 1993. 12. ‘The rationality underpinning the classical liberal state can be described as formal with the state providing a legal framework within the individuals could contract freely. The welfare state, by contrast, has been characterised by substantive rationality. Here the state has intervened in ever more areas of social life to correct the market failures of the liberal state, to guarantee minimum standards of living, to protect workers and consumers and so on. This intervention has proceeded on the basis that the organs of government have the cognitive and material resources and abilities to understand and resolve the problems of society – in other words, that public actors can define problems, determine their scope, formulate modes of action, implement them and achieve predicted desired results’ (Lebessis and Paterson, 1997, p. 13). 13. According to the Forum, sustainable development within the European Union implies a revision of the institutional and procedural arrangements according to the concept of multilevel constitutionalism. It should be based on the capacities and role of the civil society as an essential element of self-regulation in the EU-multilevel system of governance (European Consultative Forum for Environment and Sustainable Development, 1999, p. 1).
ABSTRACTS
Attention is directed to a number of principles that possibly can guide the on-going debates on governmental and administrative reform. The most important principles are the integrality of political decision-making at each self-governmental tier and territorial effectiveness of internalization of external effects, in particular the way hierarchy can be disaggregated. As the concept of a region-as-advocate-of-local interests applies to states, provinces and municipalities, interest formation on the basis of identity of self-governmental units is different from interest formation of other corporate actors. The institutional self-interest of local/regional governments must be granted a special place in the debates, especially in view of contemporary challenges (decreasing aspirations of the welfare state, simultaneous decentralization and centralization,
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flexibility) and the response to these challenges (shift from hierarchical government to networked governance entailing the risk that political legitimacy will exclusively be derived from increased efficiency; change of organizational structures versus change of ways of functioning).
De aandacht wordt gevestigd op een aantal principes die een mogelijke leidraad kunnen zijn bij de huidige discussies over bestuurskundige en administratieve hervormingen. De belangrijkste principes zijn de volledigheid of het integrerend karakter van de politieke besluitvorming op elk niveau van zelfbestuur en de territoriale doeltreffendheid van het internaliseren van externe effecten, in het bijzonder de manier waarop hiërarchie gedesaggregeerd kan worden. Aangezien het begrip van de streek-als-verdediger-van-lokale-belangen ook op staten, provincies en gemeenten van toepassing is, bestaat er een onderscheid tussen de belangenvorming op basis van identiteit bij zelfbesturende eenheden en deze belangenvorming bij andere organisaties en collectieve actoren. In de discussies moet het institutionele zelfbelang van lokale/regionale besturen een speciale plaats worden toegekend, vooral met het oog op de hedendaagse uitdagingen (de verminderende aspiraties van de welvaartstaat, gelijktijdige tendensen van centralisatie en decentralisatie, flexibiliteit) en de antwoorden op deze uitdagingen (accentverlegging van hiërarchisch bestuur naar genetwerkt governance, die het risico inhoudt dat de politieke legitimiteit nog enkel zou afgeleid worden uit toenemende efficientie; verandering van de structuren van de bestuurskundige en administratieve organisatie versus verandering in de wijze van functioneren).
INDEX
Keywords: territorial administration, democratization, decentralization, integrality, subsidiarity, governance, geographical structuralization Trefwoorden territoriale administratie, democratisering, decentralisatie, volledigheid, subsidiariteit, governance, geografische structurering
AUTHORS
PETR DOSTÁL Department of Social Geography and Regional Development, Faculty of Natural Sciences, Charles University, Albertov 6, 128 43 Prague 2, Czech Republic, [email protected]
PIETER SAEY Department of Geography, Faculty of Sciences, Ghent University, Krijgslaan 281 S8, 9000 Ghent, Belgium, [email protected]
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Regional politics and economic patterns: ‘glocalisation’ and the network enterprise
Peter Cabus and Martin Hess
Introduction: regional policy over the crossroads
1 Traditionally regional policy is defined as a policy geared to the needs of a specific area that are not taken into account by the ‘usual’ policy fields. Since the early 1980s there have been some remarkable changes at the level of the European Union and especially at the level of individual countries. Partly these changes were inspired by the recognition that other policy fields have, intended or not, some kind of de facto regional impact. Today’s regional programmes are therefore inclusive with a strong accent on horizontal coordination. Another reason was the ineffectiveness of support for lagging regions. Together with the growing global-local discourse and the application of the principle of subsidiarity, the accents in the regional economic policy field shifted towards the development and promotion of the endowments of every region in a country. Behind this shift there is also the conviction that this new regional economic policy will not only benefit the region concerned, but also the country as a whole.
2 It is clear that these new accents are such that regional policy is not at (Albrechts et al., 1989) but is already over the crossroads. This also means that the traditional definition has become outdated.
3 In search for a new access to regional development we will first explore recent developments in this policy field. Subsequently there is a confrontation with the theoretical background developed within a global-local dialectic, leading to a glocalisation approach.
4 To evaluate these new global-local theories and their derived policies, it is also necessary to confront them with today’s industrial strategies. It is indeed one of the
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main goals of contemporary regional economic policy to stress indigenous economic growth, especially based on small and medium sized enterprises (SME). We will argue that a more realistic point of departure is one in which the network enterprise, exceeding local or regional boundaries and connecting SME and big firms, gets a central role. This will also be illustrated with two examples. The first explores the network enterprise between the Belgian car manufacturing industry and its suppliers. The second examines the role of nodes within global networks, based on rail engineering in the Berlin-Brandenburg Region.
New accents in the regional economic policy field
5 A common regional policy in the European Union had actually not been embedded in the Treaty of Rome of 25th March 1957, creating the European Community (Engel/Van Ginderachter, 1993, p. 35). Following the neo-classic liberal theory on which the Treaty was based, the belief was that with the development of the common market, market forces themselves would eventually redress the imbalances among the regions. However, this belief proved to be incorrect. Moreover, with the entry of new Member States and the growing disparities between the European regions in the 1970s and 1980s, the need for a more active regional policy was felt. From 1975 on a framework has been created to that effect. After the introduction of a specific regional policy in the Community, and the first steps in this field, new priorities, means and actions were developed in different stages (European Commission, 1999a). The last one was introduced with ‘Agenda 2000’ that was politically approved at the Berlin summit in March 1999 (European Commission, 1999b).
6 In these successive changes of European regional policy there were a number of accents. First there was a substantial increase of the financial resources. Next these increased financial means were focussed both on priority fields (objectives) and on regions and areas. Also the project-based approach was abandoned for a programme- based approach. Then there grew an increased partnership between the European Community, the Member States and the Regions. This was based on the principle of subsidiarity that was introduced by the Treaty of Maastricht in 1992. Finally there is a development of a clear-cut future vision on the common regional policy. Part of this relates to securing the resources for a European approach via Community initiatives. Despite all this new accents a constant value in the European Regional Policy so far has been the focus on regions whose development is lagging behind and on declining industrial regions.
7 The shifts in regional policy accents of the individual countries differ to a great extent from these of EU-regional policy. A first starting point of today’s regional policy has his roots in the economic crisis of the 1970s and early 1980s that created massive unemployment and structural changes in the regions. This fact led to – contrary to the evolution of EU-regional policy – a reduced weight of regional policy on the political agendas of the Member States. Furthermore, as a result of budgetary restraints and changing views on subsidies, many countries have cut public spending and have taken a more selective approach to regional development. At the same time the regional incentives operated by the Member States have become less in both number and variety (European Commission, 1994, pp. 135-136).
8 A second point of departure of contemporary policy has to do with a number of important observations on regional policy of the past 30 years, such as the lack of
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substantial growth, growing regional disparities, a top-down approach with at the end fairly small results, more market orientated governments in the 1980s, the growing (policy) importance of high technology industries and services, a centre-periphery relation not only between core and peripheral regions but also within the core regions, growing importance of business environment... From these observations and going further with Stohr’s work (1989, p. 192), Glasson (1993, pp. 189-190) identified new accents for a future regional policy including a more flexible, decentralised approach, geared to regional innovation, technology and services rather than manufacturing, indigenous rather than inward investment, programmes rather than project, and small/intermediate rather than large firms.
9 It is indeed possible to spot these new accents on the field of today’s regional policy. At first regional policy of individual countries (OECD, 1997) – unlike the situation at the European level – has shifted from supporting lagging regions to the development of all regions according to their own endowments. Of course the improvement of the competitive position of the regions concerned is a primary objective, but one estimates that also the country as a whole will benefit this new approach.
10 Further on bottom up turns out to be the common feature. The shift towards local levels becomes the rule in regional economic development. Different intermediate structures are created to give an answer on the new economic challenges. This is happening on a sufficiently low territorial level, to make horizontal cooperation possible.
11 In order to meet the essential horizontal coordination, national authorities decentralise their competencies towards existing or new infranational territorial structures. These structures have to realise policy governance and because they have to generate the financial means themselves they have also a bigger responsibility. Within this governance overlapping (institutional) networks (institutional thickness) are presumed to play an important role (Cooke, 1993). Traditional instruments (such as grants and investment support) are still existent today, but both geographical accents and objectives are more selective, with a greater emphasis on SME (Yuill/Batchler/ Wishlade, 1997).
12 Although it is obvious that the infranational territorial structures, mentioned above, have to be understood geographically from the concrete context of the specific country, it remains unclear what the OECD means by local. The local level can be for instance the English regions as well as a city or municipality. This indistinctness is not inevitably a problem. Within the mainstream of bottom up there are variations from country to country. This has first to do with the differences in context regarding geographical, historical, cultural, social, economical and institutional aspects. Second, in some countries bottom up is linked with formal administrative structures while this is not so or to a lesser degree in other countries. In common there is the fact that formal administrative as well as informal intermediate structures are active on the regional economic policy field. Third, there are also differences in content of regional economic policy. Among the examples chosen to explore the ‘local’ more in detail (France, Germany, The Netherlands, Sweden1 and Flanders), there are three (France, The Netherlands and Germany) where there is a strong link between physical planning and spatial policy. In Flanders (Belgium), this link is much weaker.
13 Ever since 1963 the central government of France is engaged in regional development via DATAR (Délégation à l’Aména-gement du Territoire et à l’Action Régionale). From
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1986 on the 26 French régions too are engaged in the regional economic policy field.2 Via contracts with the central government (contrats de plan), the regions are responsible for the realisation of regional development goals.
14 Besides these formal structures, there was the installation of a Pays-approach with the new law on physical planning and spatial development in 1995. A Pays is defined as a territory with a geographical, cultural, economic or social cohesion. It is constituted of groups of communes that can cut through the borders of the départements or the regions. There is no minimum in terms of population or surface, and the Pays can adapt in time. The central government however strongly advises to have a sufficient geographical content in order to be able to work efficiently (more or less on the level of a arrondissement). In being a ‘espace de rencontre’ these Pays are the geographical context of free cooperation between local political and socio-economic partners that want to reach a common vision on the development of the Pays.
15 In Germany regional policy is under the authority of the Länder and regional planning associations. The federal government too plays a role in terms of keeping the balance between the (economic) development of the different Länder and setting the framework for regional planning via the law of federal spatial planning (Bundesraumordnungsgesetz). Important from our point of view is the development of new instruments like the so-called Regional-konferenz. The Regionalkonferenz Bremen/Niedersachsen, Mecklenburgische Seenplatte and Halle-Leipzig are developed as examples (BfLR, 1997). These Regionalkonferenzen are new, ‘weak’ cooperation structures, aiming at a region-specific development.3 This new initiative fits within the action programme ‘Modellvorhaben der Raumordnung’ (MORO), decided by the ministerial conference of physical planning in 1995.4 Before this official initiative there was already in 1991 a cooperation structure between the Länder Niedersachsen and Schleswig-Holstein (Metropolregion Hamburg, 1996), in order to achieve a better spatial-economic development of the Hamburg metropolitan area. This cooperation should result in a regional development concept (REK). One of the motives for starting this initiative was the development of a global economy and the resulting increased regional competition. In 1998 the process led to a first vision on the development of the region and the determination of the action fields (Metropolregion Hamburg, 1998).
16 In The Netherlands regional economic policy is catered for on the national level. This has led to a rather centralistic approach, but in the last few years the accent is clearly put on the region (Van Dok-Van Weele, 1995, Ministerie Van Economische Zaken 1999, NEI- INRO 1994). The main accent is the development of network structures on a regional scale from existent (public and private) structures. In principle the networking can take place on any supra-local level (province, city region, group of com-munes), with the already existent political and socio-economic partners in the region. In the regions with a Regional Development Agency (the (former) lagging regions), these agencies have to trigger the process.
17 In the spring of 1998, the parliament of Sweden (Sjöberg, 1999) voted a proposition for a renewed regional economic policy (Regional Growth – for Employment and Welfare). The point of departure is the conviction that an improved use of the region’s possibilities will lead to stronger economic growth for Sweden as a whole. This policy implies that an appropriate regional economic policy has to start from the specific regional and local conditions. It was the intention of the Swedish government to implement this policy from January 2000 on.
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18 This policy will result in regional growth agreements between the Län (county/ province) and the central government, aiming on the one hand at the horizontal coordination of the different government departments. On the other hand it is also the intention to explore new ways of local and regional economic development.
19 On the county level regional partnerships will be created with local and regional governments, local social partners and universities. It is expected these partners will have an active role in the conception and the implementation of the regional growth agreements. It is also important to mention that despite the free character of the process, all 21 Swedish counties decided to participate in it.
20 Within the federal state of Belgium, the competence of regional economic policy is decentralised towards the constituent parts of the state (Wallonia, Brussels and Flanders). In the wake of new trends in European regional economic policy, from 1988 on new and renewed attention was given to regional development in Flanders. While the first regional development ‘impulse’ programme running from 1990 tot 1994, still was focused on lagging regions, today’s regional policy, that was introduced in 1994, has a totally different and bottom up approach (Flemish Government, 1994). Basically the bottom-up is assured by the creation of sub-regional platforms. These platforms are developed spontaneously in the region and its members are the so-called living forces (local politicians together with social partners and other local actors). Through a system of consultation between the region, the central administration and the government a regional charter is effected. This charter includes environmental factors that the region considers to be important for the economic development of the sub- region. The Flemish government made the commitment to realise these charters.
21 We argued that differences in the ‘local’ are not necessarily a problem. However it is crucial to notice that this investigation complicates the situation and therefore does not clarify the question on what has to be understood by ‘local’. On the contrary the dimension of the different regional platforms can vary very much. It ranges from 100,000 inhabitants (e.g. some of the Flemish regional platforms) to entities with several million people (e.g. the Regio-nalkonferenz of the Hamburg metropolitan area). As we will observe in the next section the question on the ‘local’ is also an unresolved issue in theories on local economic development.
Theoretical background: global-local dialectic
22 Recent models of local economic development stress the role of the ‘local’ in local economic development. Focussing the ‘local’ it is clear that the new attempts of regional policy at first glance raise the question of a new, localized Europe, based on the idea of a ‘Europe of the Regions’ (Amin/Malmberg, 1994 p. 229). Encouraged by the discussion on post-fordist flexible specialization (Piore/Sabel, 1984) and the re- emergence of regional ‘marshallian’ economies (Sabel, 1994) policy makers in many regions are looking for possibilities to improve endogenous development within their respective areas. Successful regions like the Silicon Valley, greater Boston or Cambridge with its fast-growing high-tech-sectors or the so-called ‘third Italy’, characterized by many local SME-networks in the textiles and clothing industry serve as prominent models. The importance of spatial proximity and the necessity of regional and social integration in order to achieve a prospering development of enterprises and economic regions are stressed (see e.g. Scott, 1988; Harrison, 1992; DiGiovanna, 1996).
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One can see this as a counter-reaction to the sustained and publicly intensively perceived debate on globalisation.
23 Globalisation has become a slogan of the 1990s. While science tries to analyse the phenomenon of globalisation in a well-established and serious matter (e.g. Taylor/ Thrift, 1982, 1986; Dicken, 1992; Dunning, 1994), in journals, magazines and literature of popular science, this item often becomes a synonym for all negative economic developments of the past several years. This is the case especially in Germany, where in recent years the debate on international competitiveness (Standort-Deutschland- Debatte) has dominated discussions so far (Henzler 1993; Martin/Schumann, 1996). But also in many of the scientific contributions, mentioned in the same context, the consideration of international levels of scale has dominated discussions as well. By the same token, especially the New International Division of Labour has to be mentioned (Froebel/Heinrichs/Kreye, 1977; Schoen-berger, 1988). Accordingly the transna-tional enterprises (TNE) – the so-called ‘global players’ – are the driving forces of a worldwide capitalistic economy on a global scale. It is claimed that they are capable to operate regardless national rules or regional linkages, and of producing anywhere, where production factors seem most favourable. As a result, the impact of locality, also in its geographical sense, is diminishing and homogenisation of space is resulting out of it. On the other hand, especially production clusters of small and medium sized enterprises (SME) show significant competitional abilities. In other words, there would be a paradox at work (Conti, 1993, p. 122): the more something is functioning on a global scale the more it needs a set of conditions which, by their nature, are local, immobile and specific. Specific, locally bound conditions would play a decisive role in the path of development of different territories (Swyngedouw, 1989; Porter, 1990) because these are integrated in corporate strategy.
24 Synthesizing this broad global-local debate, it is possible to separate different theoretical models (Cabus, 1999). First we see the reaffirmation of traditional regional geography, with the traditional region as a starting and ending point of territorial processes (Holmén, 1995). Second there is the accentuation of the Nation State as an answer to globalisation, taking into account that local conditions are very much nationally determined (Porter, 1990). But at the same time the Region State appears as an answer to globalisation, taking into account that in a global economy only the region can react efficiently (Ohmae, 1995/1996).
25 A next group of models considers the region not so much as the centre of local economic development but as a centre of knowledge in a process of territorial learning and thus the very focus of untraded interdependencies (Asheim, 1996, 1998 and 1999; Bellandi, 1996; Bellini, 1996; Malmberg/Maskell, 1997; Storper, 1995, 1999).
26 Others are looking for an answer on global territorial competition in reinforcing individual cities and regions by developing complementary networks between one another (Castells, 1993). Finally there is the institutional approach, in which the development within regions and nations of underlying public and private supporting networks for economic activities is the main accent for success in local economic development (Cooke, 1993).
27 Although the last two ones also make some considerations on weak regions and the relationship with the strong ones, all models envisage the detection of recipes for winning regions. For Lipietz (1993, p. 16), there can only be a certain type of ‘regions which win’ within the framework of a certain type of national state. The losers are at
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the sidelines or even condemned to a greater subordination vis-à-vis the winning regions. Castells (1996, p. 472) concludes that the zero-sum on a global scale is typical for a global system. The losers are paying for the winners.
28 It is clear all global/local models start from the implicit hypothesis that local-specific processes and effects exist (Gordon/Murray, 1998, p. 8). The main question (Cox, 1998, p. 17), however, is whether it is possible to say that a place generates specific effects by itself without external inspiration or influence.
29 In order to dissolve the global-local paradox, it is possible to use the concept of ‘glocalisation’ that transcends the scale problem, by making scale not pre-given but the product of a socio-economic spatial struggle of power and control (Swyngedouw, 1992 and 1997). As Swyngedouw defines glocalisation, there are three main aspects to take into consideration. At first there is the restructuring of the institutional level from a national scale both upward to supranational governance structures and downward to the individual body, the local, the urban or regional configurations. Secondly, there are the strategies of global localisation of key forms of industrial, service, and financial capital. Thirdly, the scale at which social, cultural and economical life and actions take place is highly fluid and dynamic because it is the result and the outcome of social struggle for power and control. Glocalisation, thus, becomes a new way to deal with the global-local discourses in geography as well as in economy, by replacing it by scale politics.
30 In a way this dissolves the tension field between globalisation and regionalization in which industrial restructuring takes place. But in ranging from the individual body to regional or even national and supranational geographical configurations (e.g. the ‘Southeast Asian Tigers’), the ‘local’ becomes at the same time even more difficult to handle than it was already established in the previous section.
31 In what is coming next, we will take the second part of Swyngedouw’s definition of glocalisation as a point of departure because we will focus on production. Then glocalisation designates TNE-strategies by means of the most important customer- countries worldwide, in order to establish production networks with other enterprises (Courchene, 1995). So these TNE can react to specific market conditions much faster. Local-content demands can be fulfilled much easier as well, and within the recipient country there is an increase of ‘local’ production.
32 Decentralization of production is resulting out of TNE glocalisation strategies. In the target countries hierarchical supplier’s networks are being established. In this context, Amin and Thrift (1992, 1994) speak of nodes in global networks by means of regional production clusters integrated in global networks. This goes along with the creation of highly sophisticated (quality) control systems of suppliers and distribution networks that remain within their enterprises of origin (Van Tulder/Ruigrok, 1993). In terms of division of labour, globalisation is characterized by a worldwide company-intra-firm division of labour, while the term glocalisation refers to a geographically more concentrated inter-firm division of labour, being under control of a transnational enterprise (Bartlett/Goshal, 1990).
33 Trying to replace the global-local discourses by glocalisation, it is possible to define it as a concept, being the ratio between global orientation and the local and regional aspects of industrial production. Therefore glocalisation manifests itself as local
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production complexes that are nodes within global networks, as well as nationally adapted production strategies of transnational enterprises (Hess, 1998, p. 55).
Industrial relationships
The network enterprise and enterprise networks
34 Over recent years there has been a considerable debate on the future socio-economic development of the western capitalist economies. A key element is the changing nature of industrial relationships as a reaction to the crisis of fordism and the emergence of a post- or neo-fordist era of production and organisation. As a result a lot of attention has been paid to new firm formation and the role of SME in economic restructuring processes. Consequently, over the last few years, the reactions and organizational changes of large firms to a comparably less extent have been the subject of economic- geographical research. Big firms were supposed to be ‘dinosaurs’ unable to compete under the new competition model (Best, 1990; Harrison, 1992, p. 471) and breaking under their own weight.
35 This in a way neglects the still dominant role of large firms, especially the transnational enterprises (TNE), which dominate most of the economic sectors and play a major role in many regions and nations. The growing number of mergers and acquisitions within and across borders, implying an enormous tendency to industrial concentration, underlines the importance of big national and international companies impressively. In other words, ‘oligopoly is alive and well’ (Martinelli/Schoenberger, 1991).
36 Companies had to change their organization and inter-firm relationships to a considerable degree to stay competitive, resulting in the expulsion of activities not belonging to the core-competencies. Considering market conditions and their capacities, other companies perform these activities. New forms of corporate organization and new strategies of cooperation between producers, suppliers and customers have replaced hierarchical structures. The emergence of the network enterprise (Castells, 1996) has to be seen as a result of these restructuring processes. In this system of enterprise networks, large corporations as well as small and medium sized firms play a role in a context of increasing concentration of capital and control (e.g. Cooke, 1988; Harrison, 1994; Hudson, 1988; Martinelli/Schoenberger, 1992; Scott, 1990; Storper, 1995; Vaessen, 1993; Young R. et al., 1994)
37 Networking has become the new paradigm of contemporary industrial development (Morgan, 1997). Situated organizationally between the extremes of markets and hierarchies, it offers a hybrid model of competition and cooperation (sometimes named ‘coopetition’) in search for greater flexibility and avoidance respectively share of costs and risks. This does not mean the network enterprise has no longer to do with markets and hierarchies (Sayer, 1995). Depending on the balance and distribution of power between the actors of a network, hierarchical coordination might exist as well as market transactions. Which particular type (Figure 1) of network enterprise will be chosen by the actors, is determined by structural elements like political-economical frameworks or the degree of competition within a specific sector, but at least as important are the strategies and decision-making processes of the firms engaged in such a network. The result of these processes is determined by (changes in) the balance of power between the decision-makers. This balance is not only an inside-enterprise
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matter, but it is also very much influenced by actors outside the company: especially the State and the relationship between labour and capital. Finally, this results in specific organisational structures that are an essential part of the organisational paradigm of the network enterprise.
Figure 1. Typology of different network governance structures.
Source: Storper and Harrison, 1992b, p. 412
38 Looking for the geographical consequences of the network enterprise, there is a fear that the end of the discipline of geography is near because of the increasing importance of the global action space (Amin/Thrift, 1997, p. 49). This should imply that geographic research on specific ‘local’ assets in terms of skills, knowledge and socio-cultural and political environment becomes useless. This is at least one bridge too far. It is certain that interactions exist between the socio-cultural-political and the economic forces. A completely asocial economy with only rational individuals solely interested in themselves could never function. Even a strong economic environment (like Silicon Valley) cannot be strictly economically defined. This space, too, is the result of social relationships and a cultural attitude, with a specific historical path and specific power relations (Massey, 1997). However recent developments in economic functioning – the emergence of a global economy – lead to a situation in which the interdependency between the two groups (economic and socio-cultural) of forces is diminishing. This increasing separation of economy and socio-cultural background inevitably leads to a repression of moral considerations in economic decisions. This means that there is a decline of the ‘moral economy’, which explains a neat distinction between economy and socio-cultural elements (Sayer, 1997).
39 Veltz (1992) concludes that the ‘territoire-zone’, which is the traditional socio-political region, is being abandoned for a ‘territoire-réseaux’, a network of territories mainly determined by the actions of economical agents, in which cities perform the central role. Benko and Lipietz (1992, p. 384) refer to a district of networks, with (economic) activities spread over different cities. These networked territories, determined mainly by actions of economic agents, are drifting further and further away from daily life and political and administrative structures. This means that (Storper and Harrison, 1992a, p. 286) ‘The point of view of the region’ differs from the point of view of the economical actors in the region: the companies.
40 For the parties at the origin of the networked territory (in our view the firms), the junctions – the nodes – are contextual places (Harvey, 1973; Aase, 1994). The relationships between these parties cross the coherent layers, in which socio-political parties are active, in a non-coherent way. The market determines the rules of the game.
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Within this context today’s gross-entrepreneurial strategies have to be understood as a result of altered competitional environments. In the context of spatial developments, glocalisation becomes the framework for the establishment of globally oriented but locally situated production networks that organise space as networked territories.
41 In the next section the role of network enterprises will be discussed and illustrated with two respective examples. The first will take a close look on the network relationships of Belgian car manufacturers and their suppliers, while the second will outline the role of nodes within global networks as well as the discovery of this situation by politics, regarding the rail engineering industry in Berlin-Brandenburg.
42 Classifying the relationship between the Belgian car manufacturers and their suppliers is certainly a Core-Ring-model. However, as we will explain later, the shift in the balance of power is also resulting in a shift from stage 3 (leading firm) to stage 2 (coordinating firm). So we argue the network enterprise is in a transitional phase between stage 3 and 2, and this transition is differentiated according to the car manufacturer concerned. Furthermore the question on who is coordinating who will certainly gain importance.
43 The governance structure of the rail industry cluster in Berlin-Brandenburg can be characterised as a Core-Ring-model, with three lead firms and a considerable degree of asymmetric power relationships.
The network enterprise between Belgian car manufacturers and their suppliers
44 The industrial relationships in the period 1995-1997 (Cabus, 1999, 2000) between the car manufacturing industry in Belgium5 and their supplying industry are a first example of the way in which a network enterprise is functioning. 2,087 plants are supplying6 the Belgian car manufacturers. The huge number of suppliers does not imply they are all equally important. For Volvo, only 7 suppliers are responsible for 50% of total supply. Volkswagen needs 14 companies and Ford 30. For Volvo, a supply of 80% is reached with 31 companies, while for Volkswagen and Ford there are 59 and 63 suppliers. To fill in the next 20% there are much more companies than these required to reach the first 80%. So, many companies are involved in the supplying process. There is however, a relatively small number of very important ones.
45 The 2,087 plants are localised in nearly 1,500 places in the world, especially in Germany, France, the United Kingdom, Spain, Belgium and Sweden. The importance of the different countries depends on the car manufacturer concerned and is clearly linked with the nationality of the Mother Company.
46 Already the number of suppliers and their localisation on the country level explains something about the functioning of the network enterprise. However it is clear that in the organisation of the network, the balance of power between the car manufacturers and their suppliers is an essential part. The strategic position of the supplier vis-à-vis the car manufacturer can vary from suppliers who have an exclusive relationship with one manufacturer to suppliers who have all manufacturers on their delivery list. It is obvious that suppliers working for several manufacturers have a highly strategic position because they succeeded in conquering a larger part of the market for a certain system or component, and because the output is spread strategically. These strategic
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suppliers are or are becoming themselves in most cases global players. From this perspective the balance of power is clearly shifting from the manufacturers to the global suppliers.
Table 1. The industry supplying the Belgian car manufactures: suppliers per country.
Source: VW, Opel, Ford, Volvo and Renault and own calculations – 1995-1997
47 Companies having an exclusive business relationship are more vulnerable. Of course, this is not the case for every exclusive supplier. At first, the car manufacturer can depend on the supplier, because the specific knowledge and skills are not transferable to other companies. This is certainly the case with system supply (Mercer, 1998). Secondly, exclusive suppliers are in quite a number of cases strategic partners of different large groups, especially founded to supply a specific plant of a car manufacturer. This type of business relationship is evidently not the same as the one between a local supplier and the car manufacturer.
48 Table 2 and Figure 2 give an overview of the strategic position of the industry supplying Belgian car manufacturers. Within this exercise it is important to know which suppliers are local and which are global. As the network enterprise is studied from the production side and localisation of the plant, suppliers who only have one plant are defined as local. Suppliers that have more than one plant are considered to be global.
49 Within 1,156 local companies and 252 global groups, there are 434 companies/groups that supply more than one manufacturer. 23 of them have all manufacturers on their delivery list. They are in control of 218 plants. On the other hand, there are an important number of exclusive suppliers: 48 groups having 124 plants and 926 local suppliers.
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Table 2. Strategic position of the industry supplying Belgian car manufacturers.
Source: VW, Opel, Ford, Volvo and Renault and own calculations – 1995-1997
Figure 2. Strategic position of the industry supplying Belgian car manufacturers: supplied quantity (%).
Source: VW, Opel, Ford, Volvo and Renault and own calculations – 1995-1997
50 Companies or groups that have reached a strategic position by supplying several manufacturers are not big in numbers, but they have a large piece of the supplying cake. Global companies are of major importance within strategic delivery, i.e. suppliers delivering 3 or more manufacturers. They are responsible for more that 80% of all strategic deliveries.
51 Local companies7 are most important for exclusive supply. Exclusive supply is the largest for Volvo with 57% of supplying turnover and the smallest for Ford (with 24%).
52 Figure 3 illustrates the geographical spread and importance of supplying industry to Belgian car manufacturers, related to the strategic position of the suppliers concerned. The big share of exclusive supply to Volvo, displays itself also in the map, with big white circles in Belgium indicating the exclusive supply from firms localised in Belgium. A big share of this supply is delivered JIS by only 3 firms (Seats, Engines and Wheels). Also a part of strategic supply is delivered JIS, by only 5 firms (Interior trim,
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Carpets, instruments panel, bumpers and fuel tanks). In total 42% of total supply to Volvo is JIS. The firms concerned are therefore localised in the immediate vicinity of the plant in Ghent.
Figure 3. Geographical localisation and strategic position of the supplier.
Source: VW, Opel, Ford, Volvo and Renault and own calculations 1995-19978
53 Compared to the other manufactures, Volvo is in fact in an extreme position, with 48% of total supply delivered from and suppliers localised in Belgium. Ford still reaches 21%, while Volkswagen, Renault and Opel don’t have 6% of total supply delivered from suppliers localised in Belgium. But even in the case of Volvo more than 50% of supply is coming from outside Belgium. This reflects itself on the map with a scattered and complex image of suppliers.
54 The map makes it clear that most of the supply from outside Belgium is produced in areas with an industrial tradition. This is especially the case for Germany, France, England, Spain, and Sweden and to a lesser degree Italy. The contribution of more peripheral European regions is still very limited. It is also obvious that to understand the relationships between firms, one has to identify ‘local’ as belonging to West and Central Europe. It is indeed this action space that is integrated in the external organisation of the network enterprise. Therefore, in corporate strategy, ‘local’ is certainly not the same as it is to the socio-political entity(ies) concerned. We point to the importance of logistics to keep the system running from the economic as well as from the geographical point of view.9
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Nodes in Global Networks: The Rail Engineering in the Berlin-Brandenburg Region
55 In recent years significant changes of structures within the European rail business can be detected. These changes are mainly activated by alterations of the traffic- and industrial-political framework within the countries of the European Community and also by increased competition on the international level as well as an increasing globalisation of markets. Divisions of entrepreneurial organization and locational structure as well as inter company division of labour of rail vehicle producers and their subcontractors are mainly affected. Nowadays rail industry has an oligopolistic structure. A small number of systems suppliers dominate the global market (Hess, 1996, 1998). Three global players, whose locations are shown in the map (figure 4), shall serve as an example. The company called ADtranz is the most powerful supplier of rail engineering technique whereas Siemens Traffic Technology (Siemens Verkehrstechnik) ranks at place two on the global scale, followed by the Canadian enterprise Bombadier, who bought up the German group DWA (Deutsche Waggonbau AG) last year. Altogether these three companies make about one quarter of the global rail vehicle’s market and one quarter of respective employees as well.
Figure 4. Production sites of 3 global players in rail engineering 1999. Firms with world or German headquarters in Berlin, covering around 25% of world output and employment.
56 After the reunification of Germany, the Berlin Region started to become the European centre of rail vehicle production. In connection with the governmental change of residence to Berlin, the German Bahn AG, which is one of the most important European sources of demand for rail vehicles, established its headquarters right there as well. Also the internationally operating Siemens group transferred its traffic technology headquarters to Berlin. Additionally, in the suburb called Hennigsdorf, ADtranz, today’s most important supplier for rail vehicles worldwide and headquartered in Berlin, established its main production site on the lot of former DDR-combine Lokomitivbau
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Elektrotechnische Werke. The DWA, owned by Canadian enterprise Bombadier, is located there as well and is also integrated in an international production network. As a result the Berlin area has a headquarter function of the entire rail industry. It supersedes Paris, home base of Alsthom, the world’s third largest supplier, and the centre of the French rail vehicle production. From Berlin, ADtranz and Siemens and, in part, Bombardier-DWA control production plants in Europe and worldwide.
57 Located in the vicinity of these entrepreneurial headquarters there are another 50 rail industry enterprises as well as about 28 on-campus and off-campus university research establishments, who deal with railway engineering technology. The second map (Figure 5) shows the geographical locations of railway industry of Berlin-Brandenburg differentiated by producers, operators, planning/consulting and research and development (R&D).
Figure 5. Location of the railway engineering in the Berlin-Brandenburg area.
58 Industrial employment within the Berlin-Brandenburg region has dramatically decreased after the Reunification. Therefore rail industry has become a major positive factor by means of employment, with special regard to high-quality employment opportunities, given the sophisticated research and technology intensity of local enterprises. In contrast, traditional production sites, especially in those former industrial areas of Germany and Great Britain, had to deal with immense unemployment problems.
59 The rail vehicle production branch employs about 8,500 people in Berlin-Brandenburg and the maintenance works of the Deutsche Bahn AG and the Berlin Railways System (Berliner Verkehrs-betriebe) have jobs for another 8,000 people. Therefore a number of authors recognise a regional industrial core (see e.g. Bochum/Meissner 1994; DIW 1995). It is certain that there is a concentration of research establishments. There are also plans for a better cooperation between them. In addition there is the economic and regional political support for the rail vehicle industry in this area. Therefore it is possible to speak about a really innovative rail-technological environment. It is of course this aspect of regional economic development that regional policy makers
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emphasize. It is also in this respect that the ‘region-advocating-local-interest’ emerges (Cabus, 1999).
60 As a result, next to other sectors, such as media management and biotechnology, traffic technology belongs to the well-promoted innovation sectors in Berlin State. This becomes quite clear, when achieved regional cooperation between producers, operators and institutions are facilitated and deepened with the establishment of highly sophisticated facilities.10 The designated objective of these initiatives is to amplify and optimise the regional research and production clusters of rail technology, and to make use of international connections of the branch to innovations and cooperation. The main objective is the development of regional and interregional networking. In doing so the concept of glocalisation is filled in on the field. This basically turns out in concrete projects. There are for example international exhibitions on rail industry and transport that give the opportunity for information exchange (seminars, mailing lists, workshops). In the near future, there is also the establishment of special infrastructures with a test and utilization route near Berlin. This includes an industrial park, especially for rail industry enterprises. The project will be funded by the development agencies of the relevant industry.
61 Moreover a variety of activities take place in Berlin-Brandenburg, which enhance the establishment of an internationally linked and locally embedded competitional rail technology cluster. This development besides the political willingness to promote the research and production network can be seen as unique within the branch.
62 The Berlin-Brandenburg rail equipment industry exemplifies the still dominant role of large, multinational firms for the development of sectors and regions. As focal firms they are acting in networks and consortia, including a ring of innovative SME. Nevertheless, local networking plays a major role within this industry, but has to be seen in the wider context of local nodes in even more globalising, big-firm-led networks.
Conclusion
63 In the introduction we made the statement that the traditional definition of regional policy is outdated. In search for a new perspective we first examined contemporary policies and linked them with the recent theories and models on local and regional development. All these policies and models have a certain way of local (economic) development in mind. They have a coherent-geographical approach in common, in which (economic) developments correspond with the coherent-geographical entity considered. Local, however, always has a different definition. It is clear these models are appealing, but they are dangerous. The danger consists in a linear extension of economic to territorial processes.
64 Secondly we described what is going on from the corporate point of view. Resulting out of the industrial restructuring processes, there is the development of a new type of industrial relationships in terms of the emergence of the network enterprise, combining big firms as well as SME in the value chain. Networking has become the new paradigm of contemporary industrial development, in which market conditions (competition) and organisational elements play a prominent role. In this system, large corporations as well as small and medium sized firms play a role in a context of increasing concentration of capital and control. This network enterprise organises
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space as a networked territory, in which the junctions – the nodes – are contextual places within global networks. This glocalisation of production networks is thus the ratio between global orientation and the local and regional aspects of industrial production. Both examples, the network enterprise between the Belgian car manufacturing industry and their suppliers and the rail engineering in the Berlin- Brandenburg region as nodes in a global network, support this thesis.
65 How do these conclusions affect a new definition of regional policy? It is certain that the following elements have to be a part of it:
66 First, it is clear that the nodes within global networks have to offer something in terms of competence, knowledge and skills. Therefore it is necessary that the socio-political environment fosters these endowments. The development of policies for this purpose must be seen from the point of view of the socio-political entity that defends local interests by attempting to unite the firms’ interests with the own interests. It is clear that this concept of local interests is precisely the missing link in the global/local models. They are sometimes assumed to be present, but as Cox (1998, p. 19) argues, rarely is their existence problematised.
67 Second, it is a reality that on the production level there is a shift towards SME. But at the same time there is also a growing concentration of control and capital. Even companies that look like SME, are often a part of a larger (global) network. Therefore a more realistic point of departure is one in which the network enterprise gets a central role. This implies that the external inspiration, as mentioned by Cox (1998), or the non- local embeddeness, as put forward by Markusen (1997), are a fact. This also means that purely indigenous models and policies are not appropriate.
68 Finally it is also not clear what the precise meaning of local/region in the theories of local economic development is. In the global/local models the ‘local’ has a very broad definition with a geographical dimension varying from the individual body, over infra- regional to international structures. From the corporate point of view, even for SME, local is certainly not the same as it is to the socio-political en-tity(ies) where the firms are located. Bringing these observations together, the question is indeed: does local exist without global and vice versa? The answer on this last question was given with the concepts of the network enterprise, of glocalisation and of local interests.
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NOTES
1. The Swedish example was chosen especially for the interesting bottom up model. There was no further investigation on the content of the policy itself or the relationship between physical and spatial economic planning. 2. Based on the general law of 1972 on decentralisation, adapted in 1982. 3. According to the principle of subsidiarity, all administrative levels, from the community up to the federal government, are involved in spatial planning. The Regionalkonferenz relies to a spatial level that normally exceeds those of traditional regional planning associations and therefore too is a new model of spatial planning. 4. Besides the instrument of the Regional-konferenz, the MORO program includes a variety of projects, e.g. concerning ‘future regions’, sustainability or cross-border cooperation. 5. Volkswagen (Brussels), Ford (Genk), Volvo (Ghent), Renault (Vilvoorde – Plant closed at the end of July 1997) and Opel (Antwerp). 6. Every component, system, or good purchased elsewhere, is considered to be a supply (the 75 own affiliates of the car manufacturers supplying their plants in Belgium included). 7. Of course one has to be very careful in drawing conclusions regarding the importance of local supplying industry. For instance, the local supplier ‘Engine Center Gent’ delivers engines JIS to Volvo in Ghent. However, these engines are produced in Sweden (Skövde). This means the company ECG is merely a logistic go-between doing nothing more than unpacking the engines. So in fact this is a supply form Sweden (Volvo, 1997, p. 15). This company counts for 1/3 of total supply from companies with a plant in Belgium. This example underlines also the increasing importance of logistic solutions in the functioning of the network enterprise. 8. For each car manufacturer separately, the share in the supply for a place in which suppliers are located was calculated as a percentage. Then the unweighted sum of the percentages per place was calculated. Since there are five car manufacturers, the total sum equals 500. This implies each manufacturer is considered to be equally important. The map is limited to the
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European action space. This space counts for nearly 494 points on a scale of 500. The rest of the suppliers is localised in Japan and North America. This is especially the case for Ford, where they are responsible for 3 % of total supply. This figure mounts up to 5.3 % when the own American affiliates of Ford are taken into account. Japan counts for 2.1 point on a scale of 500. This is the result of the JIT-supply of electrical components from Mitsubishi and Alpine Electronics to Volvo. 9. The geographical spread of supply makes it clear that logistics play an increasingly important role in the functioning of the network enterprise. The creation of JIT and JIS supply parks in the immediate vicinity of the car manufacturers in recent years has to be understood from this respect. It reduces the risks that go together with the complexity of the system. Furthermore there are also environmental reasons to support this tendency. However thinking that the creation of such JIT and JIS industrial sites gives another content on ‘local’ and creates a renewed and strengthened local embedding is a misconception because these new developments increase the mobility of capital. Indeed suppliers that can meet the standards of the manufacturers for quality and global supply are themselves becoming global players. Increasing outsourcing implies a shift in balance of power and a replacement of ‘local’ by global players. It is also a fact that disinvestments by manufacturers in certain places can easily be incorporated and transferred within the global network of the manufacturers and suppliers, without real losses or even with benefits on a global scale, but with severe consequences on a local scale. 10. E.g. the ‘Research and Application Federation of Traffic Engineering Technology in Berlin- Brandenburg’ (Forschungs- und Anwen-dungsverbund Verkehrstechnik Berlin-Brandenburg), a public-private-partnership initiative, and the ‘Interdisciplinary Research Federation of Rail Engineering Technology’ (Interdisziplinärer Forschungsverbund Bahntechnik) at the Technical University of Berlin.
ABSTRACTS
The exploration of contemporary accents in regional economic policy is the starting point of this paper. The confrontation of this investigation with the theoretical background that is developed within the global-local paradox, leads to a glocalisation concept, being the ratio between global orientation and the local and regional aspects of industrial production. Glocalisation manifests itself as local production complexes that are nodes within global networks. Seen from the production point of view, industrial strategies, leading to the emergence of the network enterprise, are the driving forces behind this process. Both examples, the network enterprise between the Belgian car manufacturing industry and their suppliers and the rail engineering in the Berlin-Brandenburg region as nodes in a global network, support this thesis. In search for a new perspective of regional economic policy, it is clear that the local does not exist without the global. This implies that regional policy must be seen from the point of view of a socio-political entity that defends local interests by attempting to unite the firms’ interests with their own interests. There is no doubt that this concept of local interests is precisely the missing link in the global/local models. From the existence of the network enterprise, for whom local is certainly not the same as it is to the socio-political entity(ies), this also indicates that purely indigenous models and policies are not appropriate.
Ausgangspunkt des vorliegenden Beitrags ist die Analyse gegenwärtiger Strömungen in der regionalen Wirtschaftspolitik. Die Gegenüberstellung dieser Überlegungen mit theoretischen
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Fundamenten vor dem Hintergrund einer scheinbaren Global-Lokal-Dichotomie führt zu einem Konzept der Glokalisierung. Dieses beschreibt das Verhältnis von globaler Orientierung und lokaler Einbettung industrieller Produktion. Glokalisierung manifestiert sich in lokalen Produktionskomplexen als Knoten in globalen Netzwerken. Aus der Perspektive der Produktion sind die Strategien der Unternehmen, die zum Entstehen von Netzwerk-Unternehmen führen, die treibenden Kräfte dieses Prozesses. Zwei Beispiele, die Netzwerkunternehmen der belgischen Automobilindustrie einschliesslich ihrer Zulieferer und die Bahnindustrie im Raum Berlin- Brandenburg als Knoten in globalen Produktionsnetzen, unterstreichen die These der Glokalisierung. Auf der Suche nach neuen Perspektiven für regionale Wirtschaftspolitik darf nicht vergessen werden, dass das Lokale nicht ohne das Globale betrachtet werden kann. Dies hat zur Konsequenz, Regionalpolitik aus dem Blickwinkel einer sozio-politischen Einheit heraus zu betreiben, die lokale Interessen dadurch vertritt, dass sie versucht, die Unternehmensinteressen mit den eigenen Zielen in Einklang zu bringen. Diese Konzeption lokaler Interessen ist zweifellos das fehlende Element in den Global-Lokal-Modellen. Aus der Entwicklung und Existenz von Netzwerk-Unternehmen, für die ‘lokal’ sicherlich nicht das gleiche bedeutet wie für die Regionalpolitik, wird deutlich, dass Modelle und Politikkonzepte, die ausschliesslich endogene Entwicklung berück-sichtigen, keine ausreichende Antwort auf Fragen wirtschaftsräumlicher Entwicklung sein können.
INDEX
Keywords: regional economic policy, global-local paradox, network enterprise, glocalisation, local interests Schlüsselwörter: regionale Wirtschaftspolitik, global-lokal-Paradox, Netzwerk-Unternehmen, Glokalisierung, lokale Interessen
AUTHORS
PETER CABUS Flanders’ Social and Economic Council (SERV), Jozef II-straat 12, 1000 Brussels, Belgium, [email protected]
MARTIN HESS Institut für Wirtschaftsgeographie, Universität München, Ludwigstr. 28, 80539 München, Germany, [email protected]
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Health and tropical geography
Henri Nicolaï and Yola Verhasselt
1 The geographical analysis of a tropical area includes nearly always an important part related to health aspects, as determinants of its history, demography and sometimes localisation of its population. Is this concern a direct effect of the characteristics of the tropical environment or is it a consequence of the type of civilisation, in other words of the shortage of technical means of most of the populations of this area? In reality there is a combination of both.
The specificity of the tropical world with regard to health
2 At the time where the concept of ‘tropicality’ in human geography is questioned (for physical geography, there is less concern), it is logical to wonder if a tropical geography of health exists. The interest is increased because of the probability of spatial extension (in latitude and altitude) of tropical diseases due to global climatic warming (Carcavallo & Curto de Casas, 1996).
3 The concept of ‘tropical medicine’ became ambiguous (in fact, in several cases it replaced the expression ‘colonial medicine’). Those diseases related directly to the tropical environment (such as many vectorial diseases) are in fact influenced by socio- economic conditions responsible for their persistence and/or re-emergence. In reality various aspects of health in the tropical world are related to poverty and underdevelopment. This is the case for example with malnutrition, food deficiencies, persistence of infectious parasitic diseases. The insufficiency of public health care systems is largely responsible for the situation, also for the shortcomings of international vaccination campaigns resulting in high infant and child mortalities due to infectious diseases such as measles.
4 AIDS is a pandemic affecting more seriously the tropical world, particularly Africa, but this is by no means a consequence of the natural environment.
5 The tropical countries demonstrate a great variety as to their position in the health transition due to the large variety within the development process (Caldwell, 1993).
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The epidemiologic transition involves the evolution from a stage of predominantly infectious and parasitic diseases towards a stage of degenerative and man-made diseases. The speed of change varies between Western countries (long transition) and developing countries characterized by a delayed model. Several middle-income countries are experiencing a rapid change, for example Thailand. Here health indicators, such as life expectancy or infant mortality, improved quickly. Infectious diseases and nutritional deficiencies decreased, while mortality from heart diseases and malignant neoplasms increased (Phillips & Verhasselt, 1994, p. 17). Also ‘western’ ailments such as diabetes, obesity and hypertension are expanding. Population ageing is a growing concern, also in the developing world (Willaert & Verhasselt, 1998).
6 It seems very difficult to distinguish in tropical health the risks due to the natural environment from those resulting from economic and political factors, such as poverty, lack of sanitation, inequity of spatial distribution of health care, decrease of public expense (as a consequence of structural adjustment, for example) and rapid urbanization.
Former health disparities recently reinforced
7 One may wonder if the health disparities between the developed and the developing world are not due mainly to the technical backwardness accumulated by tropical countries for two centuries. This view is illustrated by P. Gourou in his book ‘Terres de Bonne Espérance’ (1982).
8 In the Middle Ages and even in the early Modern Times, Europe was devastated by infectious diseases (measles, diphtheria, smallpox, tuberculosis), by extensive epidemics (influenza, plague, cholera) which were sometimes pandemics; leprosy was also present. In some regions there were malarial fevers. Because of the urban poor hygiene conditions, the rural environment appeared to be more healthy.
9 Does this mean that at that time there was no significant health difference between temperate and tropical countries and that the gap has become larger only with progress in hygiene, food supply and medicine in the 18th century and especially in the 19th century? There is no doubt that the gap has increased since such progress appeared at first in temperate countries. The fact that this gap existed in the past looks likely given the importance and the frequence in tropical countries of diseases such as malaria, yellow fever, schisto-somiasis and the many filariases adding further to the infectious diseases which affect both temperate and tropical countries.
10 Clearly tropical insalubrity does have different degrees according to the countries concerned. Africa should be distinguished from America and Asia. It seems for instance that America, on the Europeans’ arrival, was less malarial than Africa. Some even claim that malaria (falciparum) was imported by African slaves; others rather think that American mosquitoes are less effective to transmit the parasite because of their behaviour or requirements. In any case, Africa seems to have accumulated the risks.
11 Moreover one should take into account the fact that, for some tropical areas, the colonial period was the end of isolation which brought local populations in contact with imported diseases or, even more simply, in more frequent contact with each other, which led to the exposure to more virulent infectious agents and to their diffusion. Of course this also occurred, even in the temperate regions of America for
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precolombian populations, previously to Africa. The end of isolation was a determining factor for the great epidemic of sleeping sickness of the early 20th century in Central Africa and for several epidemics of smallpox and yellow fever.
12 Beyond the external factors which could ‘reveal’ or favour certain diseases, the tropical world, even today, shows indeed the largest variety of diseases that can be considered as ‘geographical’, i.e. related to the natural environment (yellow fever, malaria, dengue, various filariasis, trypanosomiasis, etc.).
The persistence of tropical specificity
13 Some diseases develop in the tropical environment, frequently all year long, under favourable conditions, sometimes even without existing elsewhere (this is the case for sleeping sickness, which is typically African because the vector area is limited to tropical Africa).
14 One may also wonder if a warm and humid environment is not more favourable to the swift emergence of new viruses. Do isolated and sparsely populated areas of the tropical world (in the equatorial forest for instance) not contain in their animal populations virus reservoirs likely to be transmitted to man and to cause serious epidemics (such as Ebola virus)?
15 Eradication of endemic diseases in tropical countries is subject to more difficult conditions because of the numerous sites suitable to vector insects or intermediate hosts of viruses, mono- or pluricellular parasites and to their multiple varieties.
16 There is a high risk of resurgence of such diseases; slackening efforts makes all results fall down and makes a new start necessary. The appearance of chemio-resistance among parasites or vectors increases the risks all the more since medicines or insecticides have not always been distributed or used appropriately.
17 Let us look into the case of three re-emerging diseases which remain a threat in the tropical world: malaria, dengue, Chagas’ disease.
18 Malaria may appear outside the tropical world in any place where summer is warm enough and where there are at that season many or extensive water surfaces. But in these extra-tropical areas, it is transmitted only during a period of the year and can be eradicated today without too many difficulties. On the contrary, in tropical regions, the transmission conditions are favourable all year round, but in an uneven way. The struggle against vectors is particularly difficult because there are too many shelters. Moreover men are often not sufficient in number to ensure and maintain a total control of the territory.
19 At the end of World War II, when DDT became available, eradicating malaria was thought to be possible in the whole tropical world by combining the struggle against the vector and the administration of effective and relatively cheap drugs (as those based on chloroquine). Malaria disappeared from parts of South and South-East Asia. The operation was known to be more difficult in Africa but there were chances of proceeding progressively.
20 After 1970 came the disillusion. A chain of circumstances led to a backward move. They are known: appearance of strains of Anopheles resistant to insecticides, appearance in South-East Asia of chloroquine-resistant Plasmodium falciparum strains which spread in Asia and in a large part of Africa, reduction in struggle campaigns against vectors
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due to budgetary constraints (increase in oil prices in the 1970s; structural adjustment imposed by the IMF (International Monetary Fund) in the 1980s and 1990s; sometimes cut in public health expenses to cope with the growing needs of the army engaged in civil wars), anarchic development of urban areas lacking any effective control of water sanitation. In Africa, armed conflicts and the resulting wide movements of refugees have weakened the resistance of entire populations, destroyed health facilities, and brought displaced people in contact with other strains.
21 In India, a slackening of efforts, after important results had been achieved, has led to the resurgence of the disease. Successful malaria control in India (essentially through spraying campaigns) reduced indeed the prevalence to about 100 000 in 1965 (from 70 millions before independence) (Learmonth, A. 1988, p. 208). During the following years an upheaval of the number of cases has been observed, partly due to reduced control measures, to vector resistance to insecticides and parasite resistance to the classical drugs (chloroquine) and to an increase of urban malaria. Hence a re-diffusion took place in India (Akhtar, 1995).
22 Malaria is now again one of the main scourges of humanity. ‘Roll Back Malaria’ is a major challenge being taken up today by the World Health Organisation.
23 In this field, Africa appears as the most sensitive action scene. While the malarial death rate, which had fallen down in the whole world since the 1940s, keeps on dropping, it has experienced a spectacular rise on the African continent, south of the Sahara (216 per 100,000 inhabitants in 1930, 184 in 1950, 107 in 1970 but 148 in 1980 and 165 in 1997) before regaining its level of fifty years ago (OMS, 1999, p. 56). In Africa, malaria is the main factor of infant mortality. It is also the indirect cause of many deaths as it weakens the body and worsens the effects of infectious diseases and malnutrition situations. Its economic cost (loss of production, inhibitive effect upon foreign investments, etc.) was estimated at the equivalent of 1% of the GDP and up to 5 or 6% for countries like Kenya and Nigeria (OMS, 1999, p. 57). The cost of treatment for the sick puts a heavy burden on the budget of rural families. Moreover poverty excludes many of them from treatment. Therefore malaria appears as a cause as much as a consequence of underdevelopment.
24 The WHO, World Bank, UNDP and UNICEF have decided to join their efforts in order to help national governments and encourage non-governmental associations as well as different foundations to take part in eradication strategies. All these projects (for example the diffusion of insecticide-treated bednet programmes) need the participation of the populations concerned which have to be informed and convinced.
25 Dengue, another disease peculiar to warm (not exclusively tropical) countries, is also extending in the tropical world partly because of the above-mentioned factors. This fever is related to a virus also transmitted by a mosquito (mainly Aedes aegyptii). Its acute form, haemorrhagic fever, can be fatal (20,000 deaths a year). Since the 1980s its eruption in the whole tropical world and especially in America due to a proliferation of Aedes aegyptii has been so significant as to be subject to a special programme by the Panamerican Health Organisation (PAHO). Here too we are witnessing a stage of re- emergence as in some regions we have come back to the situation of 1950 (Pinheiro & Corber, 1997). Venezuela suffered several epidemics in 1989 and 1995 (Brightmer & Fantato, 1998). The Aedes’ proliferation is linked to a lack (or stop) of mosquito control and to the deficiency of urban sanitation in a stage of rapid urbanization. The lack of an adequate water distribution system or the existence of an irregular and non-permanent
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distribution system involves the existence of numerous small individual reservoirs which are favourable breeding places for mosquitoes.
26 Chagas’ disease is the third example of a re-emerging disease. This very old American disease (traces of it would have been found in mummies from Chile as far back as the 5th century B.C.) has become the most important parasitosis in Tropical America where its socio-economic effects would exceed those of malaria, leish-maniasis and schistosomiasis combined (Dujardin, 1999, p. 7). In this American trypanosomiasis the trypanosoma (Trypanosoma cruzi) is transmitted to man by heteroptera haematophagous insects (Triatominae), probably associated at the origin to wild mammals (forest species), but which adapt so easily to human habitat (domestic species). These species live in rather stable environments and their populations do not vary in the same proportions as those of mosquitoes which highly depend on climatic conditions. The Triatominae vectors live in the walls and roofs of houses built with non-durable material (adobe, pise, cob, thatch, vegetal material). The vectors can also bite dogs which then will host the parasite.
27 The ‘domestic’ Triatominae follow humans in their migrations and can spread beyond their natural ecological boundaries. Therefore the diffusion of the disease in America is linked to the colonization of new regions and to the migrations of rural families (Curto de Casas & Carcavallo, 1995).
28 Other diseases are re-emerging. Sleeping sickness (African Trypanosomiasis) is essentially a rural disease. In the Congo, for example, important foci still exist. During the last twenty years, there is no systematic eradication programme. In 1998 more than 27,000 new cases were registered (Fometro, 1999). This figure corresponds to the situation of 1920-1930. The mobile medical teams could only reach 10% of the population at risk (this figure was 85% before 1960). There are no large epidemics as in colonial times, but local small epidemics exist in the Congo, Angola, Uganda and Sudan.
29 Obviously for the study of the distribution and effects of great tropical endemic diseases, other factors than the natural environment should be taken into account. For instance, a low population density makes people more sensitive to the presence of onchocerciasis. The most harmful effects of this parasitosis depend mainly on the number of bites suffered during a certain period of life and consequently on the relation between the number of people and of vector insects present (Hunter, 1966).
30 Malnutrition can worsen the effects of epidemics. On the contrary some conditions of malnutrition can be related, at least indirectly, to the presence of parasitic or infectious diseases. In Africa the presence of trypanosomiasis, which affects animals as well as humans, and which consequently impedes cattle breeding, may be a factor of proteic malnutrition.
Epidemiological problems related to large development schemes
31 This theme is not recent since it dates back to about a hundred years when the large building sites (Panama Canal, railways) led to tremendous epidemics (especially malaria, diarrhoea, yellow fever) which affected both European and indigenous workers (among the latter there were many people recruited outside the region). Later
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malaria expanded in plantations in Malaysia, then among labourers coming from inland Africa to the coastal regions of West Africa (cf. for Nigeria, Prothero, 1965).
32 The large development schemes, such as the Gezira Scheme, which were undertaken in African countries already before World War II, caused health problems, particularly the diffusion of schisto-somiasis into the new irrigation systems. The big hydroelectric dams also caused an expansion of malaria and even of sleeping sickness.
33 By altering the environment, agricultural development schemes may induce favourable conditions to the vectors or the disease agents. Ignoring the tropical characteristics would be a mistake or a danger. A thorough epidemiological study was carried out in the low region of the Imbo (Ruzizi valley) in Burundi (Coosemans, 1989). This region, which had long been neglected, located at the foot of very populated territories, has been subject to various developments on both sides of the Congo-Burundi boundary since the late 1950s. On the Congolese side, big projects were created, partly based on irrigation and concerning sugar cane, cotton, then rice.
34 Their success was irregular or uncertain. But the population in the plain increased significantly by immigration from mountain regions with a low rate of malaria. So there were real risks of malaria extension. Fortunately the relatively sparse rains have reduced the transmission of the disease.
35 The research carried out in the Burundese part, where food-producing cultures and especially irrigated rice have been privileged, has shown that the areas next to ricefields are the most dangerous. A supervision and careful maintenance of irrigation systems should also be ensured by particularly avoiding overflowing which produce pools of stagnant waters. Holes out of which earth has been taken for construction should be avoided. Such measures, combined with the use of persistent insecticides in living areas, obviously need effective control. The tragedies which occurred in this region during the last decade (flood of refugees, military operations, etc.) have largely jeopardized the efforts undertaken.
36 There is no doubt that large schemes also have beneficial effects on the health of local population. In some cases they are combined with a social and medical support not existing, at least to the same degree, in the surrounding area. Moreover, the rise of the living standard caused by certain development schemes allows people to have a better medical treatment or even just a better protection from infected vectors, even if these are now more numerous. For instance, in the valley of Kou, in Burkina Faso, the development of flooded ricefields has led to a mosquito proliferation without any malaria upsurge. In fact, as the sale of rice has increased their incomes, farmers could buy mosquito-nets (Mouchet, 1989, p. 377).
37 The expansion of agriculture and the development of pioneer fronts coincide with the spread of certain diseases. Leishmaniasis seems to have followed the clearing of the Amazonian forest in Bolivia. More than 80% of settlers who came to the Alto Beni have caught leishmaniasis L. Braziliensis during the first year of their stay since they had been in touch with the vectors living at the lower level of the thick forest. On the other hand, in the Yungas, the replacement of coffee plantations by coca plantations and food-producing plants has reduced the importance of leishmaniasis itself by eliminating the forest vector associated with coffee trees (Mouchet, 1989, p. 372).
38 Some development projects of public health produced considerable effects on the natural environment and geographical landscapes. The struggle against certain
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endemic diseases has sometimes led to new national and regional developments. In the 1920s and 1930s, in some regions of the Congo and also of Western Africa, rural habitat was strongly disrupted because the colonial authorities decided to keep populations out of reach of tsetse flies by moving villages away from rivers, by resettling them often on plateaus and sometimes by taking advantage of this situation to reorganize them into larger entities (Nicolaï, 1963). Sometimes the elected struggle method has resulted in a complete planning and development scheme. A well-known example is that of the Anchau corridor, in central-north Nigeria where the removal of the vegetation favourable to the Glossina and the preservation of this situation in a country of low population density has required the concentration of the inhabitants in one part only of the territory (corridor) in order to reach sufficient density and to deal with this area only. It has been decided to include this operation in a restructuring project of the Hausa countryside by developing larger villages, by designing a geometric field pattern, by trying to stabilize exploitation, by taking advantage of the opportunity to introduce new agricultural techniques (in particular the plough and harnessed culture). Even if only some of these objectives have been achieved, at least the Anchau landscape has been deeply transformed (Nash, 1948).
39 Such heavy operations, which could be carried out only under colonial constraint, have no longer been conceivable. But operations included in an international eradication programme for endemic diseases, particularly onchocerciasis, in inland western Africa, by destroying, through helicopter spreading, the shelters of simulids (Simulium damnosum), i.e. the vector insect, have cleaned wide territories which had been neglected up to now partly because of the presence of the disease and which were decided to be exploited. Let us take for example the development of the valleys in the Volta Basin, in Burkina Faso, including the settlement of new villages, even of populations coming from elsewhere, which have caused a number of problems such as the not always suspected land ownership problems. (Hervouet, 1984; Limbosch, 1984).
The limits of tropical specificity in the problems of public health in the urban environment
40 The health problems related to the city development have a particular feature insofar as they are intensified by the tropical environmental conditions. The lack of a good road maintenance and an adequate water draining system, which results of a chaotic urban growth and inadequate means (in fact a good road maintenance is more costly to achieve in a tropical country due to the heavy and abundant rains), is favourable to the proliferation of vectors and of parasites indirectly. Many examples are found in African but also in Asian towns. (Wanasinghe, 1995).
41 Species and varieties of vectors are rapidly changing according to the environmental pollution by urban waste and according to the city expansion in different ecosystems. The situations vary greatly from one city to another and also from one year to another. In a general way, malaria vectors are seen to decrease in large numbers from the periphery to the centre so that urban paludism seems to be a weakened rural malaria.
42 However, in some Indian towns, an urban malaria, transmitted by Anopheles stephensi, which develops in domestic reservoirs, looks more severe than that of the surrounding rural area.
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43 Even if there are breeding places of simulids nearby, the strongest effects of onchocercosis, especially blindness, are less frequent in an urban than in a rural environment as parasites are more diluted among the population. There were shelters of simulids near Kinshasa and Brazzaville, particularly in the rapids downstream from these neighbouring towns but a powerful DDT treatment, preceded by a study of the habits of these insects, had eradicated them as early as 1948. Later on, even if insecticide spraying was given up, it seems that simulids could not multiply any longer owing to the pollution of their breeding places by urban waste (a lucky effect of pollution!) or else by the development of water hyacinths (a lucky effect of a plant nuisance!) (Henry et al., 1984).
44 On the whole, health problems in tropical cities are less directly related to the tropical environmental conditions than those of rural areas.
45 Moreover, malnutrition, especially proteic, is less serious. However, in such cities like Kinshasa, whose connections with their food-producing hinterland have become more difficult and especially where the economic and political crisis has caused a collapse in the incomes of city dwellers due to the closure of many firms, an upsurge of food problems is going on. Malnutrition is even said to be stronger there than in rural areas. According to a recent inquiry, 13.6% of people would be suffering from acute malnutrition in Kinshasa (R.D. Congo Ministère de la Santé Publique, 1999 p. 52). Recent political events, combined with a serious economic crisis, have increased poverty. They have intensified the supply difficulties not only with food products coming from the hinterland but also with firewood and charcoal. This shortage as well as the high increase in prices have obliged many families to reduce not only the number of daily meals (the large majority of households have no more than one meal a day now) but also the number of warm meals.
46 In the city, the health status of the population is above all the consequence of its poverty and also of the government’s failure to create various necessary networks and facilities at an adequate level of public health. However, the access to health services is after all much easier than in the countryside. The mortality rates, especially infant mortality, are definitely lower. Many megacities are located in the intertropical zone. Extended slum areas are related to rapid urban growth. Poverty, inadequate food intake, bad housing conditions, poor hygiene and sanitation are the causes of high levels of infectious and parasitic diseases. On the other hand, the urban life style influenced by westernization involves new health risks (Verhasselt, 1997). Consequences are an increase of chronic illnesses, such as cardio-vascular diseases, neoplasms, diabetes, obesity, hypertension, respiratory diseases (many big cities in the tropical world have high air pollution levels due to traffic and industry), stress and mental illnesses. Hence large cities are facing a twofold pathology: a ‘traditional’ health pattern dominated by high rates of infectious diseases and a westernized ‘modern’ health pattern characterized by chronic diseases.
Health problems in the tropical world related to underdevelopment
47 These urban examples demonstrate that the geography of health in tropical countries cannot deal only with endemic or epidemic situations in close relationship with the
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physical environment. As in the temperate world, it should take into account the socio- economic criteria, and more generally, the civilization criteria and life habits.
48 The cultural aspects of health should be considered with special attention (Gesler, 1991). Particularly interesting is the case of Sub-Saharan Africa. African villagers have traditional health systems which interfere with modern systems. The health deterioration of a person involves the whole family group, even the clan. This traditional treatment does not prevent the sick person from turning to modern forms of medicine if there is a neighbouring health centre or community clinic equipped with drugs, provided of course that the sick or his family can afford them. In cities, general poverty and the economic recession have led people to turn more and more to traditional healers and even, like in Kinshasa, to healing churches which give them psychological support for the trials suffered (Devisch, 1998).
49 Malnutrition is principally related to poverty. In cities unemployment and lack of income (generally only the informal sector provides some financial support) are responsible for an unbalanced diet.
50 In rural areas high population densities worsen the nutritional situation. This is the case of Kivu in the Congo in the region near Bukavu (Wils et al., 1986) where proteic shortages are frequent in mothers and children. A map of population distribution added to maps of demographic growth rates and of soil quality and land ownership systems could point to risk areas requiring priority interventions (Nicolaï, 1998).
51 An indirect effect of poverty has also been the massive return of diseases that were thought to be overcome, such as tuberculosis. Its re-emergence is known to be often linked to AIDS diffusion. But an effective struggle against this pandemic is made more difficult because of poverty. In Sub-Saharan Africa life expectancy decreased due to AIDS mortality in several countries (e.g. Botswana, Zimbabwe, Zambia) (UNICEF, 2000).
52 Population mobility and forced migrations (due to violence and war situations) have affected many tropical areas, particularly in Africa (Prothero, 1994). As a consequence cholera epidemics broke out (in refugee camps, e.g.), infectious diseases increased on a whole and famine appeared. For example in Sudan mortality due to famine related to military operations was comparable to the figures related to drought some twenty years ago.
53 In tropical areas more attention is being paid to the gender dimension of health. Very often women have specific health risks because of heavy workloads and nutritional imbalance (Bourdier, 1998).
Conclusion
54 Initially, geographers have dealt with the ecological aspects of diseases in a tropical environment and particularly with possible effects related to voluntary or unintentional changes of this environment. They have also studied the effects of human behaviour, of population mobility, of rural and urban life organization, in particular settlement location.
55 The role of geographers in multi-disciplinary health programmes should be strengthened particularly in tropical areas. They are well trained in analyzing the interaction of physical and human factors in disease ecology.
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56 Moreover an increased involvement in eradication programmes and input in spatial planning of health care facilities could be enlarged. Health systems research should deserve more attention.
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ABSTRACTS
The relationship between tropical environment and diseases is analysed. On the one hand, specific tropical diseases are related to the natural environment; on the other hand, socio- economic conditions have a large impact. Three examples of re-emerging diseases are examined (malaria, dengue, Chagas’ disease). Environmental changes as a consequence of development schemes often lead to increased disease incidence. The urban environment has its own health hazards. The role of underdevelopment and poverty is stressed.
L’article s’interroge d’abord sur la spécificité d’une géographie tropicale de la santé. Certaines maladies ont une répartition typiquement tropicale mais les conditions économiques et sociales jouent un grand rôle dans leur persistance ou leur gravité. D’autre part les pays tropicaux montrent une grande diversité de situations dans le processus de transition épidémiologique. Certaines maladies connaissent une nouvelle émergence. Trois cas sont analysés: ceux de la malaria, de la dengue et de la maladie de Chagas. Parmi les facteurs responsables, il y a l’apparition de chimio-résistance parmi les agents ou les vecteurs de ces maladies, la dégradation des systèmes de santé, les modifications apportées à l’environnement. Les grands aménagements pour le développement peuvent avoir des effets négatifs. L’environnement tropical peut être responsable de problèmes de santé dans les villes mais la pauvreté de la population y est le facteur essentiel. La situation générale est particulièrement grave en Afrique tropicale suite aux effets des événements politiques et militaires (guerres, mouvements de réfugiés) et au développement du SIDA. La lutte contre les endémies tropicales implique des recherches multidisciplinaires dans lesquelles les géographes ont un rôle important à jouer.
INDEX
Mots-clés: géographie de la santé, géographie tropicale, développement, écologie des maladies, maladies en recrudescence Keywords: geography of health, tropical geography, development, disease ecology, re-emerging diseases
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AUTHORS
HENRI NICOLAÏ Laboratoire de Géographie humaine, Université Libre de Bruxelles, CP 246, Bd du Triomphe, B-1050 Bruxelles, [email protected]
YOLA VERHASSELT Geographisch Instituut, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Pleinlaan 2 - B 1050 Brussel
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Building a continental area: identities, differences and urban developments in Europe
Christian Vandermotten
The author would like to thank Violette Rey from the University of Paris I and the Ecole Normale Supérieure of Fontenay/Saint-Cloud for her suggestions and comments on this text and for her invitation to take part in a series of seminars she organised with Thérèse Saint-Julien, under the aegis of the CNRS, on the theme ‘Questioning European identity’. The seminars provided an opportunity for the author to refine some of the ideas set down in this article.
Distribution of people and wealth
1 The social production of areas is the core subject matter of geography. The result of such spatial production is expressed in the distribution of people and of the wealth they produce. Maps showing population density and per capita added value summarise the culmination, at a given time in history, of this social production: they form the fundamental geographical subject matter that must be explained.
2 On a small scale, the interweaving of these two maps depicting the patterns of the population and the wealth it produces provides an image which can be described in relatively simple terms: first the opposition (essentially east-west) between a rich Europe and a poor Europe. Within Europe the rates of divergence are exceptionally high compared with those of other, larger continents: the ratio between the per capita product of the 25 % of the European population living in the richest regions and that of the 25 % of the European population living in the poorest regions is approximately 1 to 6.5, over an area of 10.5 million km². Admittedly it is even higher in Africa – 1 to 8.6, but over an area of 30.3 million km². In Asia, however, it is only 1 to 4.9 over an area of 44.4 million km², while in Latin America it is 1 to 2.3 over an area of 20.5 million km², and finally in North America only 1 to 1.4 over 19.3 km², with, moreover, very uniform consumption models in the latter case. It is true that the figure would rise to 1 to 3.2 if
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Mexico were included with North America, but then should not the Maghreb and Turkey be added to Europe, since they have similar economic and migratory relations to those of Mexico and the United States? Enlarging Europe to encompass these close Mediterranean neighbours does not, paradoxically, change the ratio, which remains at 1 to 6.5, but this time over an area of 14.3 million km². The diversity of ‘little Europe’ is not, therefore, simply a formula in school manuals: it can actually be measured using the tools of the official economy.
3 The east-west opposition is not reflected in the same way in the pattern of population: the main population vacuums are found in the north and north-east. South-east Europe is far from being a vacuum. It comprises a complex mosaic in which areas with a high density adjoin others that are less densely populated, without this necessarily corresponding to the constraints of the relief: inversions of density are frequent, with plains that are emptier than mountainous areas, or at least their piedmonts, and this was even more marked in the last century. In the west there is an axis of high density starting in the north of England and continuing to Italy, virtually uninterrupted by the Alps, and stretching further south than Roger Brunet’s ‘blue banana’. Another axis of high density branches off from the first, stretching from west to east along the southerly border of the Hercynian mountain range, following the Hellweg and one of the routes of the German mediaeval ‘Drang nach Osten’. However the western and northern edges of the British Isles are scantily populated, and in particular there is a vast continental ellipsis characterised by low densities of population, with a huge axis stretching from the Ardennes to Andalusia, through the interior of France and the Iberian Peninsula. Madrid, and even Paris, are isolated within this area.
Figure 1. Population density in Europe around 1980.
Source: J.M. Decroly, J. Vanlaer et al. (1991)
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Figure 2. Added value per inhabitant in Europe (1995).
Source: IGEAT, ULB
4 In the west wealth is in effect concentrated in the ellipsis ranging from the centre of England in the north to Italy, with Paris already on the margin. The centre of gravity of this ellipsis has tended to move southwards since the end of the last War. The limits of the wealth ellipsis are encroaching on the Third Italy and advancing towards Rome, while the centre and north of England are becoming marginalised. Weak economic areas, going through problems of conversion, have indeed gradually emerged within the ellipsis, particularly on the northern flank, in the old industrial regions, with levels of per capita product that are now hovering around those of the southern periphery in the south of Italy and the Iberian Peninsula. But in terms of countries, differences in development are tending to diminish and while the great Mediterranean periphery of Western Europe is still lagging behind in economic terms, this is almost marginal compared with Eastern Europe. Wealth per inhabitant in Scandinavia is roughly the average of Western Europe but no higher, contrary to what may be suggested by the standard of living observed there which is a result of the virtues of the very distributive socio-economic models and the extent and precocious nature of environmental awareness. This is the picture that must be clarified.
The role of nature
5 While the physical architecture and climatic pattern may help to explain landscape diversity within a historical and cultural dialectic, they do not justify these patterns of population and wealth distribution, apart from the northern Europe vacuum. It is true that the extension of the steppes to the Pannonian plain provided an easy route for travelling to the west for Asian horsemen and, conversely, the general orientation of
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mountains following parallels fostered the penetration of oceanic influences into the interior of the continent. But north-south movements were always important, or even more important: even the Alps never formed a barrier to cultural and economic influences. An exceptional case of topographical unity which became the cradle of a political ensemble – Switzerland – is in fact based on a mixture of relative isolation and control of Alpine passages.
6 In itself diversity in Europe is not any greater than that which can be observed in North America, but is above all of a different nature and sensitive to a different scale, that of small ‘districts’, the ‘pays’ in the old French meaning of the term. This diversity is essentially based on a dialectic between economics and culture, fuelled by exchanges, contacts, clashes, and always by the highly significant presence of man producing and organising his territory. The diverse nature of the European landscape is marked by modest-sized units. It is synonymous with smooth connections between different environments and resources located within short distances, and with complementary features and areas of specialisation which permit economies of scale and gains in productivity. Spatial diversity fosters the conditions necessary for economic accumulation.
7 Yet Europe, despite its diverging features, is also welded together with powerful feelings of common origins which transcend religious opposition, even if this has been a vigorous source of division and conflict on the continent, which even fifty to eighty years of radical political isolation of Central and Eastern Europe has not fundamentally altered. Over and above all the very bloody struggles, these identity-based foundations go back to the Roman Empire, to universalist Christianity and to the widespread use of Latin by the literate of mediaeval times and of French by aristocratic classes up to the 19th century. China and India did not engage in the kind of matrimonial exchanges that linked dynasties in quite distant parts of Europe from the Middle Ages on.
The influence of long-term historical processes previous to the Industrial Revolution
8 From the figures supplied by, among others, Maddison (1995) and Bairoch (1997), it can be estimated that the consequences of the Industrial Revolution and its effects multiplied the per capita product in Europe, at a constant value, by 1.5 between the mid-18th century and the mid-19th century, by 2.7 between the mid-19th century and the mid-20th century and by 3.3 between 1950 and the present time, thus in other words a global multiplication between 1750 and 2000 of over 13 (under 7 for the world average)! During the same period, the population rose from 160 million to 730 million, in other words a multiplication by over 60 of total product. The number of farmers in the active population fell by over three-quarters to under 12 %, or by approximately 5 % if the former Soviet bloc countries are excluded. Yet despite such drastic changes, which one might have expected would radically rearrange the map of Europe, the permanent features are remarkable, at least on a small scale.
9 This is because the effect of long-term historical processes is felt through the socio- political and cultural frameworks which were prematurely established and through the way in which these frameworks were to permit subsequent economic deployment.
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10 Population density was considerably higher in the eastern than in the western part of the Roman Empire. On the one hand the Empire comprised regions that were highly civilised, often practising intensive farming, and on the other fairly empty areas in which it was to establish big extensive farming for the benefit of Rome and the colonisers.
11 This difference was to play an essential role in the future of Europe, on each side of the line dividing the Eastern and Western Empire which was established during the 4th century and endorsed by Theodosius in 395.
12 In the east, the Empire was to continue for a long time, though in a weakened state. Relations were to remain close between the central political power and the Church, which under the Caesaro-papist system was subject to the former. Thus even to the present time, religion was to be an affair of state, with reciprocal consolidation of national, religious and ethnic identities. Even when the state no longer existed, an authoritarian, supervisory Church based on traditionalist values would preserve ethnic conscience, particularly since the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans did not make much attempt to spread the Muslim religion1. In the west, the big land owners and barbarian chiefs who invaded the Empire took over political power in a context of fragmented territoriality. The relations between the feudal lords and the Church were to be much more complex, with the Church claiming universality on a spiritual level, but playing its own game in temporal terms – its own games, because its eminent members also held various political positions based on land ownership and territorial status.
13 The foundations for the great schism of 1053 were thus laid as far back as the 5th century. Missionaries spreading northwards extended the limit between the Eastern and Western Empire, between the Greek Church and the Latin Church: Slave Europe was to remain mainly Orthodox, with only the parts to the west of the limit between the Empires, Croatia and Slovenia, and the regions to the west of its northern prolongation, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Poland, staying Catholic. In these last three countries, the embracing of Western Christianity was the result of a combination of Germanic influences and resistance to this same German crusade or pressure.
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Figure 3. Europe in the Middle Ages.
14 In the confusion and complexity of the powers characterising the western part of medieval Europe, which was a kind of protected ‘land’s end’ following the stabilisation of the Vikings and their Norman ‘assimilation’, a merchant bourgeoisie was able to emerge around the 10th -11th centuries. It was to claim in turn a link between wealth and the political power, beside the feudal landlords system. The foundations were laid for a less holistic society, which was also different from those in other parts of the world because of the more nuclear families that favoured the accumulation of wealth.
15 Unlike Western Europe, Eastern and Centre-Eastern Europe was to undergo still the shock of the last invasions from the East, the Mongols in the 13th century and the Ottomans in the 14th and 15th centuries (and even up to the 17th century with the siege of Vienna), with major consequences in terms of a delay in accumulating wealth and, during the reconquests, the strengthening of imperial and/or aristocratic power, which was to emerge, among other things, in the development of the second wave of serfdom and the lack of progress in urban density, which was already initially mediocre, and even the regression of this in the Balkans and in Russia.
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Table 1. Urban development of Europe in 1300 (towns with over 10,000 inhabitants).
(a) Present Benelux and Nord-Pas de Calais (b) Including Tuscany, Umbria, Marches and Latium (c) Including Corsica (d) Rhineland, Hesse, Baden-Württemberg, Saar, Lorraine, Alsace (e) Without Nord-Pas de Calais, Lorraine, Alsace, Franche-Comté, Corsica (f) Moldavia-Wallachia, Moldova, Serbia and Kosovo, Montenegro, Albania, Macedonia, Bulgaria, Greece. Without the present European part of Turkey (g) Brandenburg and Berlin, Saxony, Bavaria, Czech Republic, Austria, Slovenia, former big Polish voïvodies of Zielona Gora, Wroclaw, Opole and Katowice (h) Schleswig-Holstein, Hamburg, Bremen, Lower Saxony, Mecklemburg, Saxony-Anhalt, Thuringia, former big Polish voïvodies of Szczecin, Koszalin, Gdansk, Olsztyn, oblast of Kaliningrad, Latvia, Estonia (i) Former big Polish voïvodies of Warsaw, Bydgoscz, Poznan, Lodz, Kielce, Lublin, Bialystok, Krakow and Rzeszow, Lithuania (j) Ukraine, Bielorussia, Russian European oblasts, including Ural (k) Hungary, Slovakia, Transylvania, Vojvodina, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina Source: Personal calculations based on figures by P. Bairoch (1988)
16 The upsurge in trading activity in north-western Europe led to the emergence of major circulation axes between there and the north of Italy, extending the maritime routes bringing luxury products from the eastern Mediterranean. Flanders and northern Italy were then the two most urbanised regions of Europe, with the exception of Byzantium and the southern Arab edges. These links were already the forerunners of Brunet’s ‘blue banana’. At the outset they were based on two main axes, the one passing through the Champagne fairs and the Rhine axis. While the Champagne towns were soon to be undermined by the competition from Paris, arising from the strengthening of royal power(3), the Rhine axis was to witness the development of dense urbanisation, but involving small towns, partly modelled on the network of garrison towns bordering the Roman Empire. These were already the origins of the difference between French and Rhineland spatial patterns. This was because, unlike the King of France, concerned above all with the accumulation of territory around his original county, the King of Germania was more worried about fighting for the Imperial crown, and hence more interested in Italian adventures. Since his position was based on an election, a too
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marked strengthening of his territorial positions would hinder the election of a successor in his hereditary lineage. Hence there was no evolution towards the centralisation of royal power. The territory was also split by the strength of the ecclesiastical principalities and the many towns competing with each other. The biggest states in the Germanic Empire were to emerge in the east, in a much less urbanised Germania, in an area of marches and conquered land, on agrarian estates rather than on trading bases. This eastern Germanic area or, even further east, the regions dominated by the German traders, was organised on the basis of two west-east axes: the Hellweg and the salt route, passing through the rich land of the Börde and along the northern edge of the Hercynian basins, and the Hanse maritime route. While the second essentially remained a string of ports, the first comprised a line of considerable population density because of the good agricultural land and the contact with the metallurgical and forestry-based settlements in the Hercynian mountain range.
17 Because of its insular isolation and the strong control of the nobility by the monarchy, state centralisation was introduced from the time of the Norman conquest in England, even earlier than in France, and with it London emerged in a prime position compared with an otherwise rather weak urban fabric.
18 Royal centralisation also occurred early in Portugal and Spain. The monarchy there was to launch the first colonial operations at the same time as the Ottoman forces closed off the eastern Mediterranean to trade with Europe. But here the power of the land-based aristocracy, which was flanked by the monarchy and the Church and strengthened by the Reconquista (which significantly weakened Muslim towns2), fuelled by resources from the New World and the control of sheep rearing and the wool trade through the institution of the Mesta, was to block on a long-lasting basis the development of the urban bourgeoisie. Particularly since the Habsburgs of Spain financed their penniless coffers via the bankers in their Italian and German territories. Imperial bankruptcies were in fact to have major consequences in terms of curbing the development of northern Italy and southern Germany, two interspace regions that were in fact ravaged by the wars waged by the big mercantilist states in full expansion in the 16th century. In Portugal and Spain, in any case, the result was the very considerable primacy of the royal capital in the midst of scantily urbanised rural areas. Thus neither Spain nor Portugal was to benefit from the shift in the centre of gravity of the European economy to the Atlantic side. From the 16th century on, the power of the land-based aristocracy and the undermining of the development of the merchant bourgeoisie placed these regions in a peripheral position in terms of the European economy, confining them to the supply of agricultural raw materials or, later, minerals. The same was to happen in southern Italy, where the great feudal land-ownership was introduced with the Norman conquest and was bolstered by the lengthy absenteeism of sovereigns belonging to foreign dynasties. The influence of Naples, the second biggest town in Europe after Paris in 1600, and still in third place in 1800 (always with the exception of Istanbul) is a reflection of the parasitical nature of an aristocratic monarchy which extracted agricultural added value rather than establishing a basis for a subsequent capitalist accumulation.
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Table 2. Urban development in Europe in 1600 (towns with over 10,000 inhabitants).
(a) Present Benelux and Nord-Pas de Calais (b) Abruzzes, Molise, Campania, rest of the South, islands and Corsica (c) Including Alsace, Lorraine, Franche-Comté, Switzerland and the present German territory, without Schleswig-Holstein, Brandenburg, Berlin and Mecklemburg (d) Excluding Nord-Pas de Calais, Lorraine, Alsace, Franche-Comté, Corsica (e) Brandenburg and Berlin, Mecklemburg, former big Polish voïvodies of Szczecin, Koszalin and Olsztyn, oblast of Kaliningrad (f) Excluding the present European Turkey; including Hungary, without the counties of Komarom, Sopron, Vas, Veszprem and Zala, Croatia, Vojvodina, Rumania, without Transylvania, Moldova and the Ukrainian oblasts of Odessa, Nikolaiev, Kherson, Crimea, Zaporojie, Donetsk, Lougansk (g) Austria, Slovenia, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Transylvania, former big Polish voïvodies of Zielona Gora, Wroclaw, Opole, Katowice, Hungarian counties of Komarom, Sopron, Vas, Veszprem and Zala (h) Present Poland, excluding the former big Polish voïvodies fastened to North-Eastern Germany and to the Habsburgian possessions, oblast of Kaliningrad, Lithuania, Latvia, Bielorussia, Ukrainian oblasts of Volhynia, Lvov, Transcarpathia, Rovno, Ternopol, Ivano- Frankovsk, Jitomir, Khmielnitski, Vinnitsa, Tchernovtsy, Kiev, Tcherkassy, Kirovograd, Poltava, Dniepropetrovsk (i) Russia, including Ural, more the Ukrainian oblasts of Tchernigov, Sumy and Kharkov (j) Including Schleswig-Holstein and Estonia Source: personal calculations based on figures by P. Bairoch (1988)
19 The evolution of the urban port locations shows that mercantilist capitalism and the beginning of the Industrial Revolution were characterised by growing extraversion of the European economy, whereas on the other hand a recentring began at the end of the 19th century. This recentring was to increase further after the Second World War: in the west with Fordism, which considerably increased the share of European markets as outlets for industrial production and proportionately reduced the incorporation of raw material in total output, and in the east with urban development linked to autarkic industrialisation. Today, the development of agglomerations, conurbations and suburbanisation makes it difficult to produce homogenous calculations at European level. Nevertheless a rough estimate based on urban population figures supplied by Fischer Weltalmanach (1997) is sufficient to confirm the extent of this trend: in 1997 the 60 biggest European towns accounted for 118,548,000 inhabitants (a figure that
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under-estimated the numbers because full account was not taken of the actual morphological limits of large agglomerations). Only 31 % were in a port location. The European territory (including the Urals) of the former Soviet Union accounted for 8 % of the population of the 60 biggest towns in 1900; this percentage is now 42 %. This last figure is doubtless overestimated because of the better adjustment of administrative borders to urban actuality in the east than in the west owing to the absence of local autonomy and the planned nature of town developments, and on the other hand, the extent of suburbanisation in the west. But the change in the figure is sufficient to demonstrate the extraordinary speed and the extent to which the rural community was attracted to urban areas by forced industrialisation in the Soviet Union.
20 In the western part of Europe, the opposition between Atlantic Europe with precocious state formations and middle Europe with principalities and above all merchant towns, was to become partly superimposed on the division between Roman Catholicism and Protestantism. Admittedly the superimposition of the two divisions is not perfect, and the origins of Protestantism were multiple. In some cases it became attached to peasant protest movements against landlords and the Church, which supported the former or itself behaved like a large landowner. In other cases Protestantism became involved in emancipation drives by the urban bourgeoisie against the constraints imposed by the Church or by traditional economic organisations and guilds supported by the Church which blocked opportunities for individual economic initiative. In some cases, too, Protestantism was adopted by the royalty or nobility in a bid to promote their own political interests. Be that as it may, with the development of Protestantism, religion, which was already a more individual matter in the Catholic world than in the Orthodox world, became a more private affair, but a private affair which at the same time guided the economic and cultural ethics of élites and promoted literacy. The positive effects which Protestantism had on economic development were either the result of Protestant bourgeoisies invested with political power (the Netherlands), or sharing it with the monarchy (United Kingdom), but also of educated rural societies capable of underpinning the bourgeois investments (Netherlands) or of benefiting from the early agrarian reforms introduced by the enlightened despotism of the monarchy (Denmark, Sweden). The Counter Reformation, on the contrary, led to economic stagnation. Some adverse effects of this were felt right up until the start of the 20th century.
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Table 3. Sea port location.
(a) Excluding Bohemia and Austria, but including Silesia, Pomerania and Eastern Prussia Source: personal calculations based on figures by P. Bairoch (1988) and by Justus Perthes’ Taschen-Atlas (1902)
21 But the main consequence of transferring the centre of gravity of the European economy to the Atlantic shores and, in particular, to the areas in which bourgeois power was predominant (Netherlands) or in any case associated with the monarchy (England, and France to a lesser extent), was the formation of a world economy and an international division of labour in which the more remote parts of Europe, both eastern and Mediterranean, were placed in a semi-peripheral position, specialising in supplying to north-western Europe agricultural raw materials and, later, mineral raw materials. The result was the reinforcement in these parts of Europe of a combination of royal power and landed aristocracy. This was reflected in the accentuation of pressure on peasants, particularly in the plains, and emerged among other things in the development of the new serfdom which will replace the communal peasant structures in the parts of north-eastern Europe the most open to Baltic trade. In some cases the landed aristocracy went so far as to reject all state political commitments in order to concentrate on its estates, therefore considering that it could do without the monarchy. This was the case in Poland, and it led to the disappearance of the Polish State at the end of the 18th century. While in Prussia and in Austria-Hungary the enlightened despotism of the monarchy and its military ambitions managed to give rise to certain industrial mercantilist developments underpinned by the State, this was less true in Russia and even less so in Ottoman Europe. The latter found itself in a peripheral position on two counts: subject to the interests of Constantinople and the big tchiflik landowners on the one hand, but on the other forming part of an Empire which was itself entering a decline and about to become marginalised in the world economy from the start of the 18th century.
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Figure 4. The balance of power in the political formations of the second half of the 18th century.
Formation of the Nation States and the Industrial Revolution
22 Knowledge of the nature of the state formations at the end of the 18th century is therefore essential to understand the geography of the initial phases of the Industrial Revolution. This Revolution could have emerged only in territorial formations of a certain size, whereas the pre-industrial market economy had no need of such a territorial base, although in some cases the territorial base (including its colonial extensions) reinforced the merchant middle classes through the arrangements underlying their association with the monarchy. Moreover, the existence of potential colonial outlets was to be an important factor in industrial development in a 19th century in which the domestic purchasing power was weak and the export of capital goods could supplement the limited absorption capacity of the national market. Understandably the Industrial Revolution could not have started early in a country like the Netherlands in which the bourgeoisie predominated (the Protestant aristocracy having by now itself adopted the behaviour of the bourgeoisie): apart from the consequences of the lack of coal (although there was peat and wind power), the country was too small and the relative weakness of the central State did not permit the upkeep of a strong and permanent military fleet. The Industrial Revolution therefore started in the United Kingdom, in an average-sized country, admittedly favoured by its insular position and coal resources, but above all a country in which the State was organised early on, in the context of an association imposed on the monarchy by a strong trade- based middle class and an aristocracy which supported land-based capitalism (Great Britain). In France the bourgeoisie had to overcome in a more brutal fashion the contradictions that emerged from its association with the monarchy, because of, among other things, the greater importance of traditional land ownership and of the more conservative attitudes of the aristocracy. Here, too, however, the State was
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organised at an early stage and became established even before the Nation emerged. More than in Great Britain, it was to continue to influence the shape of development since the State is more necessary for the bourgeoisie to support and finance growth that arrived a little later and therefore required more capital. Of course it cannot be claimed that Belgium, where the industrial revolution got off the ground even before it did in France, was an average-sized country with a long state tradition. But it did benefit from the combination of a strong urban merchant and craft tradition (although this was somewhat sleepy), from the effects of diffusion as a result of its proximity to the initial centres of the industrial revolution, from the influences, before independence, of French and Dutch capitalism, not to mention the importance of its coal resources that had long been exploited.
Table 4. Urban development in Europe in 1850 (towns of over 10,000 inhabitants).
(a) Including Switzerland and Schleswig-Holstein; excluding Alsace, Lorraine, eastern Prussia and Mecklemburg (b) Including Alsace-Lorraine and Savoy (c) Prussia, Berlin, Brandenburg, Pomerania, Poznania, Silesia and Mecklemburg (d) With Galicia, Bukovina and Dalmatia; without Bosnia-Herzegovina (e) Including Trentino; excluding Lombardy-Venezia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Galicia and Bukovina (f) Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia, Walachia-Moldavia, Bulgaria, Greece, Albania, without the present European Turkey (g) Excluding Finland as well as Poland; including Bessarabia (h) Without Schleswig-Holstein; with the Grand-Duchy of Finland Source: personal calculations based on figures by P. Bairoch (1988)
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Figure 5. The industrial revolution.
23 In middle Europe, towns and the merchant middle classes were historically well developed, but on a fragmented territorial basis. Thus when territorial unification became necessary as a basis for the formation of a national market and industrialisation, the concept of Nation preceded that of State. The urban bourgeoisie had to ally itself with an ambitious monarchy to obtain the necessary territorial frameworks: the Rhine bourgeoisie allied itself with the King of Prussia, after which the Habsburg power caused a more endogenous endeavour to fail by attacking the Diet of Frankfurt, which eventually cost it the defeat of Sadowa and the establishment of the Reich3; the Italian bourgeoisie allied itself with the King of Piedmont, in agreement and in a compromise with France, after the latter had caused the failure of an attempt to establish a Roman Republic (but France will then delay the annexation of the Pontifical States by the new Kingdom).
24 Thus we arrive at the fundamental causes of the continuity between the maps of pre- and post-Industrial Revolution Europe. Admittedly the centres of industrialisation of the first (1780-1812-1842) and still largely of the second Kondratieff cycle (1842-1873-1896)4 are very much linked to coal resources. But these are not exploited and above all do not generate endogenous development except where capital is readily available nearby and where mining can be linked to industrialisation based on the resumption of craft traditions. The initial industrialisation may certainly trigger off sensitive geographic shifts, but only on a large or medium-sized scale. British industrialisation started first in the coalmines of the Pennines and passed London by. However London kept political and commercial control, based on an age-old state tradition. The centre of gravity of the Belgian economy shifted from the Flemish textile industry (which lacked coal and which was to decline in a lengthy crisis connected with the delay in modernisation of a proto-industry in which the Belgian capital was not interested) to the Walloon coalmines, but with control remaining in Brussels. The initial industrial centres in the Rhine are in the coalfields, not in the large Rhine towns or even in the Hellweg towns. But on the small scale of a map of Europe, the first
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endogenous industrial developments remained close to the urban and capitalist centres of the earlier market economy, in the countries where the socio-political structures permitted a premature industrial revolution. Apart from these areas, coal managed to engender isolated examples of industrial development, but which was in most cases controlled from the outside, and the initial developments were not disseminated throughout the national economy (Asturias, Donetz). That is the essential cause of the small-scale continuities between population distribution and wealth distribution before and after the Industrial Revolution.
The lagging behind of Centre-Eastern, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe
25 In Centre-Eastern, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, industrialisation was to be delayed by the maintaining of absolutist structures based on the powerful aristocratic land-owning class, by the mediocre level of the agrarian productive base, by the skeletal nature of the young national bourgeoisie classes in regions that were under- developed in urban terms, and hence lagging behind in terms of formation of Nation States, and by the emergence of the latter due to foreign intervention in the context of a national identity combining peasant and religious elements. The national ideology of the young States was based on highlighting difference compared with others, and on very remote identity references that are fairly mythologised: the Czar Dushan for the Serbs, ancient Illyria for the Albanians, and the Dacians for the Romanians, etc. The holistic nature of this national identity ideology was thus reflected in Romania by the refusal to recognise regional special features, regional cuisine and regional dialect nuances, while at the same time (as a result of its peasant past) the wealth and diversity of local folklore was underlined in a rather schizophrenic approach. Difference was presented as being external to identity.
26 Population density maps for this part of Europe remain largely marked by the imprint of continuity with the rural past, sometimes reinforced by contrasts of fertility: high density in Catholic Poland, outside the areas of big German landowners; vacuums in the Pripyat ‘ Marshes, frontier between the Catholic and Orthodox worlds; relatively empty plains recently won back from the Turks (Hungarian plain), sometimes with forms of colonisation leading to early low fertility levels (Banat); late subsistence of forms of big land ownership and important export culture maintaining quite low population densities (Walachia), while the sheltered areas of mountains and piedmonts were more densely populated (Walachia and Moldavian piedmonts). In opposition to this overall continuity, the most spectacular discrepancy on a small scale is, in Eastern Europe, the inversion of the density between Russia and Ukraine: the latter had been emptied by the Mongol and Tartar invasions, leading to the mediaeval Russian withdrawal into the forests, where the political hub of Moscow was to become the main settlement centre. From the 17th and 18th centuries, the more fertile steppes were repopulated, restoring a gradient of population density that complied more closely with natural features, in the semi-peripheral context of a major cereal-exporting economy. It was not until the end of the 19th century that the first centres of industrialisation were established in the Donetz coalmining area, controlled exogenously by Western European capitalism, and above all the deliberate Stalinian industrialisation drives which increased the growth of the eastern Ukraine area and produced other major changes in the population density
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map of this part of Europe, particularly in the Urals. Stalinian industrialisation, planned to serve a monopolistic form of State capitalism, created centres of development that were independent of the old capitalist centres, which in fact were very weak in the Czarist Empire. Nonetheless, this deliberate policy and the priority given to heavy industry did not undermine the importance of the nucleus of population density in the central industrial region, organised around Moscow.
From the third Kondratieff cycle to globalisation and the increasing importance of services within the economy
27 The first two Kondratieff cycles led, on a large and medium scale, to changes in population distribution, in favour of coalmining areas. From the third Kondratieff cycle (1896-1912-1947), the big towns and traditional urban areas became important again as main focus of economic development. This reinforced further the effect of continuities. This was because industry no longer needed to be located close to coal sources from the end of the 19th and above all in the 20th century because of the reduction of transport costs, the development of new energy sources and the significant growth in services and technological training of labour, for which large towns are preferential locations. This encouraged the development of metropolitan regions.
28 The gradual weakening of the constraints of location near the coal industry (first for light industries) also permitted the revitalisation of regions with old urban and merchant traditions, sleepy since the Counter Reformation but eager to be given new impetus. The economic revival in the 20th century can be said to have been based there on initiatives by small and medium-sized local entrepreneurs, in a flexible economy which was already creating niches within the triumphant Fordist system and in areas characterised by a paternalist socio-political framework governed by social christianism (Flanders, southern Germany, north-eastern Italy) or founded at least on a strong socio-political regional consensus (Third Italy). The success of these areas, which correspond largely to the industrial districts, was based both on a rich urban past, even though this remained dormant for several centuries, and a sound agricultural basis, with the new entrepreneurs emerging from both backgrounds. This regional consensus, in regions that are now prosperous but which had long remained lagging behind, may have been based on strong resentment against a national central State if the region had been subjected to the authority of a central power which neglected it economically and bullied it culturally (Flanders, Catalonia, Basque Country), or was at least based on solid conservative particular-isms (Bavaria). Now that European unification is reducing the importance of the Nation State as the compulsory framework for economic development, it may also give rise to the populist ‘anti-bureaucratic’ regionalism of the northern Italian Leagues.
29 The conjunction of a first phase of industrialisation based on coal and a second phase of metropolitan industrialisation, followed by attraction to littorals which was underpinned by coastal heavy and petrochemical-based industrialisation during Fordism and by the development of tourism, was to lead to the abandonment of the interior of certain countries through a rural exodus, particularly in countries where economic under-development was paired with state centralisation (Spain and
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Portugal), or where state centralisation was combined with the age-old survival of archaic agrarian practices and a prematurely low level of fertility (France).
Figure 6. A synthetic regionalisation of Europe.
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Table 5. Reinforcement of population density contrasts in certain European countries.
Based on the counties in Great Britain, the departments in France, the provinces in Italy and Spain, the voivodes in Poland, the kreis in Germany (Regierungsbezirke in 1980). One-fifth of the area of the country corresponds to 45,000 km² in Great Britain, 110,000 km² in France, 92,000 km² in Germany (50,000 km² in 1980, for West Germany only), 78,000 km² in Poland, 65,000 km² in Italy (60,000 in 1980) and 100,000 km² in Spain. Sources: J. Haliczer (1934) and personal calculations based on national statistical reports for 1980
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Table 6. Level of per capita product, with purchasing power at parity, within current political limits (At 1990 Geary-Khamis international dollars until 1985; in PPP$ at current prices in 1997).
(a) Without the territory of former GDR from 1950 on (b) Including the Marches, Umbria and Latium (c) Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Iceland (d) Catalonia, Balearic Islands, Valencia, Aragon, Navarra, Rioja, Basque provinces, Cantabria, Asturias, Madrid (e) Including the former GDR from 1950, Poland, former Czechoslovakia, Hungary (f) Romania, Bulgaria, Albania, former Yugoslavia (g) Including the asian part of the Balkans until 1982 (h) Western Europe, Scandinavia and Italy Sources: personal calculations based on figures by Maddison (1995), I.T. Berend & G. Ranki (1982), UNDP World Development Report (1999), EUROSTAT and national reports. Personal estimates for the breakdown between northern and southern Italy in 1913 and 1950.
30 After the Second World War, it is true that given the rarity and increasing expense of labour, the rationalisation of industrial processes and the development of foreign and state investments, Fordist-style industrialisation was to spread to areas that had long remained rural, peripheral but relatively close to large developed areas in Europe which still had sufficient reserves of labour (Paris Basin, Belgian Limburg). In Western Europe, suburbanisation and the homogenisation of space through more flexible and more rapid transport systems would also slow down, or even reverse, the process of polarisation of population density.
31 Industrialisation was also to spread to the southern parts of Europe where European and national development aid would take over the investment policies already begun by the Fascist Governments (which tended to intervene in economic matters) in order to establish growth poles. This would permit the periphery of Western Europe to catch up, to a certain extent. However, this process was to be slowed down and even interrupted when growth based on Fordist industrial investment during phase A of the fourth Kondratieff cycle (from the end of the War to 1974) turned into a rather slow
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and then more flexible, more globalised and more service-based growth, during phase B. In this new context, the periphery integrated into the European Union suffered from a lack of the advantages of the central regions, while at the same time having less comparative advantages in terms of labour-intensive activities than those offered by parts of the extra-European periphery.
32 In the past decade we have witnessed a trend towards re-metropolisation and the increased concentration of headquarters, financial and management centres in the biggest metropolitan areas, which are the best serviced on a world scale and are located in central countries. This is because the new world dynamics which is forming is attracted by financial activities and very high-tech sectors (information technologies, biotechnology, etc.). But the effects of this re-metropolisation must be measured at the scale of the enlarged metropolitan regions. They are not necessarily perceivable in statistical terms at the scale of the central agglomerations, on the contrary sometimes. They do not rule out the possibility of the aggravation of social and economic problems and growing dualisation in these central towns.
33 Integrated (semi)-peripheral regions react in different ways to these new structural conditions. Some parts (as well as centres of old industrialisation included in central regions) are unable to heave themselves out of the post-Fordist slump: this has occurred in the regions where the framework structures are the least dynamic, the least enterprising and the most dominated by clientelist practices and a non-market sector ‘by default’ or even parasitical. This is the case in southern Italy and Greece. Other parts of the (semi)-peripheral regions have, however, experienced vigorous growth. This is in particular the case in Ireland: here semi-peripheral industrial development was based on a particularly favourable cultural context for Anglo-Saxon investments, geared to the establishment of the labour-intensive segments of advanced technology, and it managed to take considerable advantage (in a small State) of aid granted under the European Structural Fund. This aid also appears to have been very profitable for Portugal. For Spain too, where the productive and banking systems are integrated in a quite effective way, it was more profitable than for southern Italy, handicapped by the lack of interest paid to it by national capital concentrated in the north of the country.
The conditions for emerging from 50 to 80 years of Communist interlude in Central-Eastern and Eastern Europe
34 In Russia, because of the historical weakness of national capitalism and structural under-development in a situation in which the aristocracy was a dominant force, industrialisation could only take off in several centres dominated by Western European capital. This delay was already reflected in defeat during the Russo-Japanese war, but it led above all to the chaos of the First World War. Regardless of the political forces that started it, the Bolshevik Revolution rapidly (or in any case once Stalin’s great five-year plans got under way) turned into an operation of forced industrial development in a despotic and a-cyclical context, under the aegis of de facto State capitalism, and through the radical transfer of human and material resources from agriculture to industry – the cost being the sacrificing of agriculture, something from which the
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Russian economy has not yet recovered. This process was extended after the Second World War to Central-Eastern Europe and the Balkan area.
35 The centralised planned economy permitted satisfactory economic performances during the phase of basic heavy industrialisation, in the context of a rigid accumulation regime. In social and educational terms, the strict supervision of society was also a success initially, as can be seen for example in relation to life expectancy which caught up with Western Europe up until around 1965, thanks to the benefits of mass prophylactic medicine. Apart from the question of individual liberties and insufficiency in relation to agriculture, this administratively supervised industrial growth and the extremely rapid urban development that accompanied it had, however, a ‘geographic cost’: the authoritarian social and economic uniformisation policies were based on spatial restructuring. The aim was both to remove spatial disparities and to uniformise the territory by means of deliberate choices regarding location of industries. Moreover, centralised economic control crushed urban hierarchies and reduced horizontal relations within the urban system in favour of vertical relations between small towns and administrative chief towns and between the latter and capital cities. It subjected the reorganisation of regional borders to the sole logic of centralised economic control, or even of political decisions aimed at diluting or controlling ethnic communities.
36 The tight interweaving of economic and political logics – all radical economic reforms challenging, by their very nature, the actual legitimacy of the constraints imposed by the centralised political system – explains why the system proved incapable of shifting to a more flexible regime which would have been essential to ensure the development of an economy based on the rapid integration of advanced technology into the production process. The opening up of the former Soviet Union to exports of raw materials on a more massive scale after 1974, the under-development of agriculture leading to the extensive importation of cereals, and the inability to adapt to new technology, which led to the stopgap measure of importing turnkey factories which were ineffective because the traditional centralised management system was retained, all led to a deep crisis in the system which was reflected in the halting of economic growth in the 1980s, despite continued investments. The crisis also emerged in the social arena. The changeover to advanced medicine, which gave a boost to life expectancy in the west, did not happen here. From the spatial point of view, the growing atony highlighted the role of the lost diversity for stimulating exchanges and economic dynamism.
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Figure 7. Evolution of life expectancy and fertility in Western and Eastern Europe and in Russia.
37 This complex crisis was to precipitate (within a few months) the top-down implosion of a political system that had until then (no doubt wrongly) been presented as extremely monolithic. The implosion essentially benefited some of the former nomenklatura and technocratic élites, who privatised the economy for their own benefit and placed the Soviet system in a new peripheral situation vis-à-vis the world economy. Far from solving the social crisis, this step accentuated it: it was even more badly received by the people because no clear economic or political prospects were emerging in their eyes (except perhaps in the countries closest to the European Union, which had the best chances of succeeding with semi-peripheral integration) and because the inhabitants of these countries, not only the élites, felt close to the cultural values of Europe or shared them sufficiently to use the European Union as a reference model, albeit one that was largely inaccessible. The crisis materialised in an explosion of social inequalities, in some cases in recomposition between the rural and urban communities, and was also reflected in migration and demographic effects, with a collapse of fertility. In terms of life expectancy, even more so than in the 1980s, the main opposition in Europe is now between the east and west, whereas it was still significant between the north and Mediterranean south at the beginning of the 1960s.
38 The continuity between (at least a part of) the former nomenklatura and the present élites may induce them to legitimise themselves by engaging in a relentless pursuit of nationalist, chauvinistic positions which are connected with and revitalised by traditional, peasant and religious forms of national feeling, particularly where the lack of positive economic results is most blatant and where social regression is most evident. They obviously represent a political lever that is very easy to apply because the delay in the formation of Nation States in this part of Europe has often allowed complex ethnic situations to persist, or at least the memory of them – as can been seen
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from the anti-Semitism of a Poland without Jews! This is obviously less true in the most western parts of the former Soviet bloc, where the national movement had sometimes already reached, to a greater or lesser degree, the stage of constitution of a democratic state before the introduction of Communism, where the historical urban base was more deeply rooted and, above all, where more favourable conditions regarding proximity to Western Europe permitted more positive growth prospects based on the exploitation of a skilled, low-paid workforce and external control of the economy, either through direct ownership of capital or through the establishment of subcontracting links in the context of semi-peripheral integration into the Western European productive system. The further east and south-east one goes, the more the power of the converted élites is based on sole and more or less Mafia-based control of a disarticulated internal economy and on imports/exports, particularly the exporting of raw materials, with particularly poor performances in terms of GDP evolution.
Conclusions
39 Europe is built on an organic integration dialectic between economy and culture. Its considerable diversity and variety even on a great scale is a result of its ancient civilisation (unlike North America), but also of the historical fragmentation of its political frameworks (unlike China). It is marked by strong divisions, the prime ones being religious divisions, which are not themselves dissociated from economic and cultural developments. Some of its divisions go back to over a millennium ago. Yet this diversity does not rule out a number of common references: Europe does exist.
40 The unequal development levels in Europe, just like the continent’s population density map, cannot be understood, at least on a small scale, without reference to the long- term historical processes, which comprise the geography of innovation and the differentiation of socio-political structures on the continent on the eve of the Industrial Revolution, without taking account of old differential levels of urbanity and without a grasp of the structuring of the European economy during the mercantilist, pre- industrial, world economy phases, which spread from the Western European cradle.
41 The Nation State framework, more or less completed, has become the compulsory ideological reference for political organisation in Europe in the 19th century. Now in the west it is beginning to be challenged by the unification imposed as a result of the growing monopolisation and ‘worldisation’ of the economy, but we are at the same time witnessing a return to a local socio-political level, which sometimes goes so far as to question the nation state from the bottom up, but generally in a democratic way. In the east, the nation state is being rebuilt, sometimes rather bloodily, in a context in which, paradoxically, there is a holistic reaffirmation of national identity and a late and savage discovery of frenzied individualism. In this part of Europe, the references to a common European identity are also becoming a source of frustration since the economic disparities with the west are of approximately the same extent as between the latter and the Maghreb.
42 On the smallest scale, the Communist phase confirmed and is the result of a pre- existing division. There is little risk that this division will be removed in the short or medium terms by reintegrating this part of Europe into the world economy on a semi- peripheral or peripheral basis. This raises the question of the enlargement of the European Union, at least beyond the first group of candidate countries, particularly as
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regards preserving social legislation, in a context in which the forces calling for rapid enlargement are being steered by economic rather than by political and social considerations. To paraphrase V. Rey, the question now is how to link common identity and heterogeneity. Paradoxically the challenges are thus doubtless more serious than as regards the relations to be forged with Mediterranean Muslim countries, where the question of shared identity does not arise.
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ROUX M. (éd.) (1992), Nations, Etat et territoire en Europe de l’est, Paris, L’Harmattan.
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VANDERMOTTEN C. & MARISSAL P. (1998), La production des espaces économiques, tome 1, Bruxelles, Editions de l’Université de Bruxelles.
VANDERMOTTEN C., VERMOESEN F., DE LANNOY W. & DE CORTE S. (1999), ‘Villes d’Europe. Cartographie comparative’, Bulletin du Crédit Communal de Belgique, pp. 1-408.
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NOTES
1. And also with the creation by Genoa and Venice of maritime routes circumventing Europe. 2. Which did not, however, prevent Andalusia from being the most urbanised part of Spain until the 19th century, and also from benefiting partly from the opening onto the New World. 3. Louis Dumont thus contrasted the French universalist model - ‘I am a person first and French by accident’, with the motto ‘Liberty - Equality - Fraternity’ on the façade of the National Assembly, with the German model: ‘I am German first, and a person because I am German’, with ‘Dem Deutschem Volke’ on the façade of the Reichstag. But unlike what can be observed in Central-Eastern and Eastern Europe, the German model did not reject regionalism, an ideological continuation of the original fragmentation. It is structured, as in France, on an exclusively secular basis. 4. But already much less during the second Kondratieff cycle. Paris was a major centre of industrial development in France where industrialisation accompanied the development of the railways, whereas in Great Britain, where the start of the industrial revolution was based, in terms of transport, only on the canals and coastal navigation, London experienced relative industrial regression compared with the textile and coal centres at the end of the 18th century and in the first half of the 19th century. Belgium is in an intermediate position: the basis for industrialisation was the coal mines, but industrial growth was just as dynamic in Brussels as in the Walloon coal basins in the 1840s (and also quite soon in Antwerp). The dynamism of manufacturing in metropolitan centres was greater than that of Wallonia from the 1870s on.
ABSTRACTS
Despite its common cultural heritage, Europe is the continent in which there is greatest diversity. This diversity, as well as the distribution of people and wealth, goes back a long way in history. The geography of the industrial revolution and the process of formation of nation states can only be understood when looked at in terms of a continuation of mediaeval Europe and of the formation of the economic mercantilist system, concentrated in Western Europe. Pre-industrial urban population density was a major factor in the subsequent differentiation. The Communist interlude in Central and Eastern Europe is ending up with the reintegration on a peripheral and semi-peripheral basis of this part of the continent into the world economy and the revival of acute nationalism. The extent of the disparity in economic terms between this area and Western
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Europe is a particularly daunting challenge, given the fact that the populations in Centre-Eastern and Eastern Europe share the same identity and references points as those in Western Europe. Europe, regional diversity, spatial production, population pattern, towns
L’Europe est le continent où la diversité est la plus importante, au-delà de fonds culturels communs. Cette diversité, de même que la répartition des hommes et de la richesse, s’inscrivent dans les temps longs de l’histoire. La géographie de la révolution industrielle et les modalités de formation des Etats-Nations ne peuvent se comprendre que dans la continuité de l’Europe médiévale et de la formation du système économique mercantiliste, centré sur l’Europe occidentale. Les densités urbaines pré-industrielles sont un facteur important des différenciations ultérieures. L’intermède communiste en Europe centrale et orientale se termine par une réintégration semi-périphérique ou périphérique de cette partie du continent dans l’économie mondiale et un regain de nationalismes exacerbés. L’ampleur des disparités économiques avec l’Europe occidentale représente un enjeu d’autant plus dramatique que les populations de l’Europe centre-orientale et orientale partagent des références identitaires avec celles de l’Europe occidentale.
INDEX
Mots-clés: Europe, diversités régionales, production spatiale, répartition de la population, villes
AUTHOR
CHRISTIAN VANDERMOTTEN Université Libre de Bruxelles
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Challenges and issues of spatial planning in the European Union: European vision and supraregional co-operation
Valérie Biot and Alain Colard
In collaboration with Christian Dessouroux, Bénédicte Heindrichs, Anne-Catherine Klinkenberg, François Meuleman and Véronique Rousseau (Conférence Permanente du Développement Territorial de la Région Wallonne).
A European Vision: the European Spatial Development Perspective (ESDP)
1 The European Union is promoting a policy of balanced and sustainable spatial development planning. Ministers in charge of spatial planning have recently adopted a spatial development perspective for the European Union territory, which is proposing a spatial vision for the entire Union territory.
Background
2 On May 11, 1999, the EU Council of Ministers in charge of spatial planning adopted the final text of the European Spatial Development Plan (ESDP). They considered that even if spatial planning does not lie within European Union jurisdiction, it was essential to have general and common plans in order to develop national policies on spatial planning and community-based sector policies (ESDP, p. 7 of French text).
National Policies on Spatial Planning
3 The first paragraphs of the ESDP describe the many diverse components of the European Union territory but while this diversity must be preserved a certain level of
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integration must be advocated. Moreover, the various development projects put forward by Member States should be based on common goals at European level in terms of spatial planning so as to complement one another and to avoid unnecessary competition.
4 Faced with considerable disparities in spatial planning in the European Union, the ESDP wants to achieve a more balanced spatial planning in the medium term (ibid., p. 9), in conformity with the Union stated objective of a balanced and sustainable development.
Community-based sector policies
5 The European Union has the jurisdiction to legislate in several fields which impact considerably on both spatial and development planning of Member States. The ESDP identifies in particular: • Structural funds • Transeuropean networks (transportation, telecommunications and energy supply infrastructures) • Environmental policy • Competition policy • Common agricultural policy • Fisheries policy • Research, technology and development • Loans from the European Investment Bank
6 It does however place the emphasis on the three first points because they have a direct influence on spatial development in the various european areas (ibid., p. 13).
Content
7 The three objectives of spatial development are: • Economic and social cohesion • Natural and cultural heritage preservation • Increased competitiveness of the European territory • The three fields of action chosen by the Ministers in charge of spatial planning are: • Development of a multiple nuclei model for urban areas and a new city-country relation • Equivalent accessibility to infrastructures and knowledge • Sustainable development, conservative management and natural and cultural heritage preservation
8 In this perspective, the ESDP puts forward some sixty political options:
Positioning
9 The ESDP is a non-binding document, a political framework aiming at improving both the co-operation between community-based sector policies which have a significant impact on spatial hierarchies and the co-operation between Member States, their regions and their cities (ibid., p. 11).
10 The ESDP is the result of a long discussion process led by Member States and the European Commission, with the participation of and in consultation with the various
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institutions and persons in charge of spatial development both at European and national level. EU membership candidates also participated in the dialogue.
11 It is meant to be a general reference frame for public and private decision-makers and provides for implementation procedures to be followed on a voluntary basis and based on the subsidiarity principle.
12 Consequently, what are the possible links with the other planning levels, and in particular the supraregional level highly promoted by Interreg programmes, to what extent is this supra-regional co-operation suitable and real? In an attempt to answer these questions, we decided to examine one of them, namely the Euroregion and its aim to develop a common ‘strategic objectives scheme’ for its various components.
Creation of the Euroregion
Presentation
13 As part of the diversification of approach levels in terms of spatial planning (European, supranational, supraregional, transregional or local), the impact of the Channel Tunnel and the high-speed rail system in the eighties led to a transborder collaboration between Nord-Pas de Calais and Kent (1987, agreement setting up the Trans-Channel Region).
14 It appeared very rapidly that this area should include the three Belgian regions (Brussels-Capital, Flanders and Wallonia) as they were also affected by the high-speed train system (HST stations operating in Brussels or the ones planned in Antwerp, Flanders, as well as in Liège, Wallonia). Moreover, it appeared that one should also include in the process the issue of economic growth within the context of the European Economic Space and of the strengthening of transborder social and cultural links. The Euroregion was created in 1991, as an official Economic Interest Group, with a Members Council, composed of one elected senior representative per region (chaired by the Minister of External Affairs for the Brussels-Capital Region, Mrs. Annemie Neyts in 2000), an Executive Board and a General Secretariat in Brussels.
15 Under these bodies, five working groups, composed of professionals and technical experts, are working in the following fields of common interest: 1. Development of economic activity, technology and tourism 2. Spatial Planning and infrastructures 3. Environment 4. Training and exchanges 5. Public relations and promotional activity
16 Given that the Euroregion is in existence for several years and that the high-speed rail system is completed, one of its current projects is to develop a ‘strategic objectives scheme’, namely a common reference frame for spatial policies in the five regions. This project falls within the scope of the community approach in favour of supraregional co- operation and supported by Interreg programmes in particular. As a result, it allows a confrontation between wishes and real possibilities.
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17 In order to ascertain the degree of convergence of spatial development strategies for the regions that make up the Euroregion and the possibilities of developing such a common scheme, the following points were analysed: • The components of the Euroregion: the Belgian and French regions and the British county- their authority and jurisdiction in terms of spatial planning, • The spatial planning practices, the positioning of their strategic document in the national planning structure, • The spatial development plan or scheme achieved at their level.
The components of the Euro-region and their jurisdiction in terms of spatial planning
The three Belgian Regions
18 As a result of a long process beginning in the 1970s, and following various constitutional (1970, 1980, 1988, 1993) and legislative reforms, Belgium is now a federal State, whose federated entities are three Regions (Brussels Capital, Wallonia and Flanders) which have essentially economic responsibilities, and three Communities (French, Flemish and German speaking communities), with essentially cultural and educational competence. Each of the federated entity has his own government, parliament, administration and budget, their financing deriving mainly, for the Regions, from a partial transfer of the revenue of the federal personal income tax, redistributed on the basis of the taxpayers’ residence (the Flemish Community has merged its institutions with the Flanders Region). These entities have the power to legislate on an equal footing with the Federal State.
19 Spatial planning has been fully transferred to the Regions, and in the nineties, each of the three Regions developed his own regional official scheme, which was agreed by his own regional Parliament and adopted by his own regional government. Despite the fact that they are at different stages of implementation, these schemes are all being used in strategies and decisions dealing with public policies. Schemes are also being developed at lower level (provincial and municipal in Flanders, only municipal in Wallonia and Brussels).
20 Regional schemes are not mandatory, apart from some binding provisions attached to the Flemish scheme, but they are political documents, with options presented to citizens. So it is very difficult to undertake actions contrary to their objectives. Consequently, one can expect that they will be renewed at each term of office as planned in the legislation (except for Wallonia).
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Figure 1. The Euroregion.
21 The Euroregion is located at the centre of the European Union and has several major ‘gateways’ (international ports and airports) and excellent road, railway and river infrastructures. With a population of 15 million inhabitants, it is nonetheless seen as an interstitial area between the four major conurbations of 5 to 10 million inhabitants, i.e. London, Paris, Randstad Holland and the Ruhr area.
The French Region
22 France is a unitary state but the Constitution establishes territorial entities (municipalities, departments et overseas territories) and makes provision for the possibility of creating other by law. This applied to the regions in 1982. The 1982 Act on the rights and freedom of the municipalities, department and regions, in addition to setting up regions as genuine territorial entities also reformed the way in which the territorial entities were organised, by introducing decentralisation.
23 French Regions are run freely by regional elected councils (deliberative body) and by a regional executive, the Council Chairman, elected by the Council and its collaborators. The Regions have their own administration, but no initial prescriptive power. However, their regulatory decisions are directly binding by right and are subsequently submitted to a legality control.
24 Powers are expressly delegated by the legislature (National Assembly), and the role of the regions was enhanced in planning, spatial structuring, economic action and development, but it is still the Central State who owns the general competence. Their financial ressources are coming mostly from State transfers (overall allocations to be used as the regions see fit).
25 End of 1999, jurisdiction in terms of spatial planning was reorganised and distributed among a national framework (eight collective services scheme, sectorial), and a regional planning and development scheme, which should prepare a planning Contract developed and budgeted with the State. For Nord-Pas de Calais, a planning contract came to his end, and a new one is negotiated, but no regional plan has been developed
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yet, and the most representative document is the Regional Trends and Orientations paper which the planning Contract will have to take into account. Several plans also exist at a more local level, essentially at intermunicipal level, given the small size of French municipalities.
The British County
26 The United Kingdom is a unitary State1 with a long tradition of local government. After a long period of continuity, there has been a major upheaval since the 1970s, under the different Conservative governments. Here we will consider local government in England, the Counties and Districts (smaller).
27 As England does not have a written constitution, the constitutional protection for the organisation of local government is not very pronounced and ordinary laws (Acts of Parliament) were sufficient to transfer responsibilities and powers from local governments either to the national level, be it public (since the thirties already) and private, or to local or national agencies, mixing both levels.
28 Their level of financing has been reduced and henceforth they cannot exceed prescribed ceilings without facing some penalty.
29 Nevertheless, local communities still have numerous responsibilities, an elected Assembly, an Executive, a significant local administration and are run by ‘Councils‘.
30 In England, more general structure plans and several sectorial plans are developed at county level and on some sectors at district level too. They all have to fit in the framework given by ‘Planning guidance’ and ‘Regional guidance’ issued by the National State. Planning supervision is the task of the ‘Planning Inspectorate’, which is a national State administration.
Table 1. Comparison of the planning system of the five regions Euroregion
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Spatial planning practices and positioning of the various documents
31 This brief overview stresses the imbalances between the various stakeholders, in terms of authority, jurisdiction, financial autonomy and their ability to legislate. It is also worth noting that strategic schemes are at various levels in their respective planning hierarchy and follow different practices, in particular when dealing with implementation means and players.
32 The Official Schemes of the three Belgian Regions refer to development philosophies and integrate spatial planning in a global territorial development project. Because of the status of regions in Belgium (federate entities in a federal government) plans developed are likely to address many areas over which they have jurisdiction and include them in a ‘society project’. In the planning hierarchy, even if these plans have no statutory scope, they are nevertheless ‘first in line’ as all other planning instruments must comply with them; additionally, and at various degrees, these plans have a binding force for public authorities.
33 The French and English documents are not at the top of the planning hierarchy. They stem from other requirements, primarily established by the national government. They are developed by territorial communities, in this case French regions and English counties, that share jurisdiction with both central State and the other levels of territorial communities (municipalities, districts, supra regional bodies). These territorial communities all have relative authority as well as financial means that heavily depend on central government. The ‘philosophical principles’ must therefore be sought at a higher planning level.
34 The current French document is an ‘orientation paper’. At this stage, it consists of statements of political intention as part of the evolving status of regions. In order to find out what the specific short-term applications are, we will need to analyse the planning contract, which determines budget preferences and associate national and regional levels.
35 The Kent county plan, on the other hand, is more sector-based, more technical, high detailed and backed up by figures. It is the only one that emerges as a technical paper, and not a political one, yet it also has a coercive force with public authorities.
36 An added difficulty to these various contexts is the negotiators involved, particularly in the implementation process. Apart from the fact that public authorities involved have different levels of authority and jurisdiction, one must also take into account negotiators belonging to the private sector, especially in England, even though this is generally a matter that comes within the scope of public policies.
37 Finally, some practical difficulties result from differences between statistical and distribution instruments.
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Analysis of the contents of the five spatial planning schemes: objectives and main ideas
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Diverse interests and complexion, lack of co-ordination, but no fundamental divergence
38 The five documents analysed here reflect five different initiatives. National cultures, regional characteristics and economic, social and environmental context are some of the many factors which colour these various visions for development, each of them being confronted to some specific problems.
39 In the Brussels-Capital Region, the development plan adopted by authorities reflects a willingness for an harmonious urban lifestyle and a desire to provide this city-region with its own and marked identity, one of the principal objectives being to establish its inhabitants. Indeed, for 30 years now, many people, particularly the wealthier, left the region to live in the Flemish or Walloon suburbs. This leads to a smaller tax base for Brussels and daily commuting with a negative impact on their quality of life. In the Flanders Region, territory is at the centre of the paradox which wants to both designate
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the area for economic development, but also protect open, unbuilt spaces and the environment. In Flanders, both the high population density and an inherited and permissive policy in terms of areas eligible for development led to a quasi-continuous urbanisation of its territory. The Wallonia Region is committed to a global and open vision for its territory. It is a marked evolution, Wallonia passing from a relatively self- sufficient development for its territory to a development philosophy turned towards the exterior. Having no major cities, large areas of its territory belong to the employment areas of major cities outside the region (Brussels, Lille, Luxemburg, Aachen). Consequently, the Walloon plan wants to promote an opening to its European neighbours. The Nord – Pas de Calais region, through its orientation document, has builded some bridges for its future and towards the state to which it presents its economic, social, environmental, claims in view of the next planning contract. The document proposed by the Nord – Pas de Calais Region is neither a plan nor a project. An Orientation document, it is presented essentially as a reflection platform in view of the future regional development plan. Eventually, the vision of the Kent County Council is essentially sectorial. Each area has its chapter, even its plan. Transportation is the most comprehensive area. This is understandable given the strategic position of this County (ports and the Chunnel to the East and the impact of its proximity to London to the West). The Plan insists particularly on the modernisation of the economic structure. The plan addresses the private sector as much as local government.
40 These differences in contexts and priorities do not necessarily lead to fundamental divergences in strategies put forward. Some concerns are common, e.g. options relating to transportation policies all aim at better controlling the volume and impact of traffic movement and at a mobility shared in a better fashion. All these documents are also based on a ‘sustainable development’ philosophy, even if they are given a specific emphasis by each Region. Four of the five documents – the Flemish RSV excepted – go beyond the strict scope of spatial planning to take into consideration other subsidiary aspects (social issues, education, etc.) of spatial development.
41 Another common point is the way they are prepared. All these documents were submitted to intergovernmental and parliamentary consultation, a dialogue process with administrations and semi-public associations, and public consultation.
42 They do not deal with the same issues, which is partially due to their ‘age’, e.g. regarding new technologies. They do not necessarily have the same interests, but that does not mean that it results in contradictions or incompatibilities. On the other hand, similar interests can lead to conflicts, related amongst others to economic growth, e.g. company and industry setting up.
43 Briefly, it is clear that while they are not contradictory, these documents, which reflect strategies developed by public authorities, do not lay the foundations of co-operation between these Regions. This co-operation with adjoining regions is deemed necessary by all, but one must stress the fact that regional schemes are generally developed independently – the Walloon Scheme excepted – without references to issues of neighbouring regions, but to transportation, to some degree. Project authors rarely look beyond their borders because of heterogeneous supraregional statistics and various legislation as well as working languages.
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Towards a common ‘strategic objectives scheme’?
44 Yet, an increased supraregional co-operation is clearly wished for by all people concerned since the Euroregion wants to develop a common ‘strategic objectives scheme’. Despite the stated differences and imbalances, this area seems to be suited to such a co-operation, even more so that one noted they did not necessarily result in incompatibilities.
45 The Euroregion seems to be a sound frame of reference, constituting the interstitial area between four major European conurbations (London, Paris, Ruhr and Randstad Holland). In this area, the awareness that many economic indicators are lower than in neighbouring regions has strongly focused attention on the action required to harness the substantial flows interlinking these conurbations into a strong Euroregion.
46 There are many reasons why significant progress should be done on full knowledge of the facts and establishment of multisectorial common strategies: the existence of the Channel Tunnel, the desire for synergy between Lille and its great cross-border sphere of influence (Grootstad project), the problem of converting the franco-belgian mining areas and the old industries of Kent, and the need to establish supraregional sectorial links (textiles, metal industry, agro-industry) to better adapt to the globalisation of the economy. Such strategies can be achieved only through overall studies at Euroregion level or at a level approximating it which may lead to a strategic development plan, whose ‘sustainable’ nature, however, remains to be worked out and substantiated.2
Table 2. Economic indicators for the Euroregion economic weight (retrieved from ULB-IGEAT economic databanks).
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Regional planning and possible links to the supraregional and European levels
Renewed interest in a certain type of planning, a mere wish?
47 As a general trend, we can see a renewed and enhanced focus on spatial planning in the five regions we analysed, with political awareness concerning the need for strategic instruments for development. That new kind of planning is usually not mandatory or statutory, but wants to give a binding framework. New tools were needed because of the increasing pressures and requirements of the land and the legislative framework which is often outdated and poorly adapted to the actual situation. This desire for ‘planning’ is now underpinned by a process of consensus and participation, with reference to indicative recommendations, in which a wide range of actors take part in discussions on the society of the future.
48 There are some who regret that these plans are not sufficiently binding: they are indicative, with few quantified objectives and usually without a timetable. The plans are also often open to multiple interpretation.
49 Attempts to co-ordinate these plans at supraregional levels are generally come up against major divergences in terms of statistic instruments, culture, political will and conduct, strategies viewed from a regional standpoint, and eventually means of action.
50 They often fall into the trap of merely being a vague, indicative document, devoid of quantified objectives and adopting only the greatest common denominator; but is this really a trap or an inevitability, given the ideological context in which they are conceived – which in itself hardly shows any divergences?
51 Attempts to articulate them according to a European vision rapidly come up against the confusion resulting from the many general or sectorial plans developed without any co-operation.
52 For instance, the plans that are involved as cross-sectorial plans in the Euroregion context are the second Benelux scheme and the Saar-Lor-Lux+ plan and many projects under the NWMA3, starting with the Spatial Scheme currently in progress in this area.
53 The ESDP, which is hoped to become the frame of reference for the Union, is not binding either, and does not set out targets in precise figures or translated into maps, be it for information only.
54 Therefore one could be wondering if the ‘new planning’ would not be merely ‘a kind of symbolic ritual of development ambitions’ (as C. Comeliau suggests in respect of the countries of black Africa4, a mere wish and at the same time a way for our societies to feel well with its conscience.
Supraregional co-operation and European vision
55 The objective of this article is not to ponder on the validity and the challenges of dividing the European Union in regions, nor on their increasing positioning as representatives of the EU and beneficiaries of European policies.
56 This being established, it is necessary to have a supranational vision and to increase co- operation efforts at the appropriate supraregional entities level with all the
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collaboration, negotiations and strategic vision that it entails. It is especially true within the context of an increased integration of Europe in some fields such as currency issues, lack of harmonisation in many others, major disparities on its territory and on the eve of the EU enlargement to the East.
57 A project based on consensus and shared strategies must provide a common framework. The fact that the planning system is less explicitly binding, while implying some disadvantages, has the advantage of making it possible for these strategies to be adopted, officialized, known and used.
58 Nevertheless, in order to prevent this ‘new planning’ from being a mere wish and to guarantee a successful co-operation at supra regional level, some solutions will be needed so as to overcome the existing differences and imbalances shown in our case study.
Obstacles to overcome
59 By examining in a critical way the various components of the supraregional entity and by analysing their respective spatial development strategic plans, their positioning, their content and their priorities, we notice the following:
Concerning the general framework
• Major imbalances between stakeholders in terms of their authority, jurisdiction, financial means, ability to legislate, which prove to be a serious disadvantage when negotiating and taking decisions, • Different practices due to specific national contexts, which remind us of the significance of the national factor, including in regional co-operation, • Imbalances as to the position of strategic schemes in the planning hierarchy of their respective countries, • Co-ordination deficiencies with the neighbouring regions, • A lack of supraregional vision.
Concerning the objectives
• Different objectives and priorities, which could be advantageous since it enables strategies to be complementary and not conflictual, • Similar objectives that could be in competition (mainly objectives linked to economic growth), • Finally, objectives that while designated with the same term are not interpreted the same way and do not have the same purpose.
60 One notices very quickly that negotiations between partners come up against numerous obstacles that until now have prevented most occasional co-operation efforts at supraregional level from becoming true co-operation projects. A way to overcome these obstacles would be to adopt a wider reference frame such as the ESDP.
The ESDP, an asset?
61 In fact, the ESDP is a lot more than a spatial strategic plan, since it is articulated according to the notion of economic development, respect for the environment and social development. This scheme is not binding, but seems to be in the process of
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becoming a true reference document for decision-makers and lobby groups, leading to concrete decisions.
62 In light of its preparation process, it is supposed to be based on a large consensus and could therefore fulfil its role of reference framework. But by being to general and not binding, there is a danger that people interpret it according to their own specific interests.
63 However, since it must also serve as the basis for EU sector policies, it will greatly influence strategies and the co-operation process between regions. It is already obvious with Interreg programmes without which, admittedly, numerous transnational and supranational co-operation programmes would never have seen the light.
64 The ESDP meets a real need in terms of coherence and co-ordination, be it only for the implementation of agreements with the European Union. Lets take the example of transportation policies: the European Union promised to reduce CO2 emission levels which of course leads to the appropriate strategies at all levels concerned with the development of transportation policies.
65 The ESDP, which virtually encompasses all the sectors that need to be studied under strategic development plans, should be the frame of relevance of all plans at more local level. Accordingly, all plans should be interlinked in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity.
66 Half way between the ESDP and the regional plans, the supra regional plans have an important role to play, as well as the Interreg programs of the European Union.
Conclusion
67 Even though spatial planning does not fall under EU jurisdiction, one needs only to examine the projects in the supraregional co-operation areas defined by Interreg to conclude that the EU is becoming a reference framework, even a support, for a wider vision and that a majority of these programmes refer to the ESDP. Even without explicit jurisdiction in terms of spatial planning, it is obvious that the European Union has the ability to act through its numerous programmes and in numerous fields affected by and related to spatial uses.
68 The same goes for other national or regional non-binding schemes which nonetheless have the appropriate means to be implemented.
69 Consequently, and despite problems related to framework differences, the most powerful driving force in terms of co-operation remains the will of public players and increasingly of some private players, according to their interests.
70 The European Union did put some weight in the balance to motivate regional players while spatial entities were generally converging: ‘local or intermediary governments are getting more autonomous where they were mostly dependent and see their relations with the centre develop where they were mostly autonomous’5.
71 On the one hand, regional policies and significant funds allocated to them by the European Union (one-third of the EU budget in 1994, just behind the CAP and far ahead of policies linked to the environment for example) ‘allow a progressive autonomy process of the community policy dealing with Member States spatial policies’.6 On the other hand, these funds allow regions to receive funding from another source than the
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National State. However, National States still remain the only official representatives for the Union and most funds first go through State administrations before they reach the appropriate regions.
72 With this supraregional co-operation as a background, one witnesses in fact changes in the way land is organised. This organisation intrinsically relies on political decisions and in the European vision would aim at more local autonomy and less disparity. Nevertheless, all you have to do is to observe representatives at the EU Regional Committees to notice the existing and persisting imbalance.
73 We conclude by reflecting on the very meaning of these plans: beside their existence and their potential co-ordination and integration into a European body, none of them, while claiming to rely on sustainable development principles, does really question the free-market economy and commercial approach of our society even if most of them now include a few social and environmental aspects.
74 They often give major weight to the economy: it is not in keeping with the spirit of the times to unduly inhibit free enterprise, and added value always remains the yardstick against which to measure development.
75 The plans, even if they claimed themselves to be more than just spatial planning schemes, have no or only a very slight social cultural dimension than one could wish for (except in the regional guidelines for the Nord-Pas de Calais region, but the DOR is not yet a scheme, neither a plan), even though these two dimensions ought to be part and parcel of sustainable development (and ought to be included in development indices).
76 Obviously, we are only beginning to be concerned about land and space with paying more attention to the immediate living environment of its inhabitants, be it social or environmental, than the economy. Despite the great advances made in this direction by the ESDP, the economy still plays a major role in this scheme. In conclusion, we are still far away from a Europe which would advocate a life philosophy less focused on huge consumption: would it not be the time to mistake a little less well-being for ‘well- having’....?
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BALME R., GARRAUD P. (1994), Le territoire pour politiques : variations européennes, éd. L’Harmattan, 304 p.
BIOT V., COLARD A., DESSOUROUX C., HEINDRICHS B., KLINKENBERG A-C., MEULEMAN F., ROUSSEAUX V., (sous la dir. de VANDERMOTTEN C.) (2000), L’Eurorégion. Au coeur de l’Union Européenne : cinq projets, des thèmes communs. Schéma d’objectifs stratégi-ques, Bruxelles, Eurorégion, 102 p.
COLARD A. & VANDERMOTTEN C. (1995), Atlas Économique de la Belgique, Bruxelles, Éditions de l’Université Libre de Bruxelles, 165 p.
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CONSEIL RÉGIONAL NORD-PAS DE CALAIS (1998), Document d’Orientations Régionales – Préparation du Contrat de Plan Etat-Région et du Schéma de Développement Régional d’Aménagement du Territoire, Lille, Conseil Régional Nord-Pas de Calais, 68 p.
DECROP J., ORBAN F. & SAEY P. (1999), ‘Aménagement du territoire en Régions wallonne et flamande’, Hommes et Terres du Nord, 1999/3, Lille, pp. 151-159.
EUROREGION (1994), Perspective pour l’Eurorégion – vers un schéma d’objectifs, Bruxelles, Eurorégion, 146 p.
EUROREGION (1997), 1er Forum de l’Eurorégion – Actes du Forum, Bruxelles, Eurorégion, 259 p.
EUROREGION (1997), Études pour une région, Bruxelles, Eurorégion, 83 p.
GAY B., GIBERT S., LORENS P.J. (dir.) (1995), Atlas Nord-Pas de Calais, Lille, INSEE, 198 p.
GOUVERNEMENT DE LA REGION DE BRUXELLES-CAPITALE (1995), Plan Régional de Développement, Bruxelles, Gouvernement de la Région de Bruxelles-Capitale, 77 p. + 3 Annexes + 7 Planches.
GOUVERNEMENT WALLON (1999), Schéma de Développement de l’Espace Régional, Namur, Gouvernement wallon, 250 p.
INFOREGIO (1999), Schéma de Développement de l’Espace Communautaire, Bruxelles, DGXVI, 89 p.
KENT COUNTY COUNCIL (1996), Kent structure plan 1996, Maidstone, Kent County Council, 245 p.
MERLEN R. & VAN GHELUWE J.L. (1995), Recueil statistique de l’Eurorégion, Bruxelles, Eurorégion, 103 p.
MINISTERIE VAN DE VLAAMSE GEMEEN-SCHAP (1998), Ruimtelijk Structuurplan Vlaanderen, Brussel, Ministerie van de Vlaamse Gemeenschap, Departement Leefmilieu en Infrastructuur, Administratie Ruimtelijk Ordening, Huisvesting, Monumenten en Landschappen, Afdeling Ruimtelijk Planning, 594 p.
SORTIA J-R., VANDERMOTTEN C., VANLAER J. (1987), Atlas Économique de l’Europe, Bruxelles, Société Royale Belge de Géographie et Université Libre de Bruxelles, 170 p.
NOTES
1. Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland had recently their own elected parliament and government, but it is still too early to analyse the concrete consequences in terms of State organisation (at the finalisation stage of this article). 2. Concerning for instance the already mentioned policies on transport, the overall reduction of road traffic does not appear as a priority, with the plans rather proposing a different distribution of traffic by calling for support for collective transport and goods transport other than by road. The fact is, however, increasing traffic, both by road and air, shows that Europe is still a long way off from reducing CO2 emissions by 8% by the year 2010 compared with 1990, although it gave this commitment at Kyoto. Extrapolation from current trends lead to a 39% increase of traffic- generated CO2 emission, only very mildly compensated by a reduction of industry-generated emissions. In view of these figures, the solution generally recommended by the plans of a reduction in motorised traffic, with a shift to other modes of transport, clearly appears to be inadequate. 3. North West metropolitan area. 4. Ibid., p. 2. 5. R. Balme, P. Garraud (1994), Le territoire pour politiques : variations européennes, p. 35.
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6. Ibid., p. 254.
ABSTRACTS
The European Union is promoting a policy of balanced and sustainable spatial development planning. Spatial planning ministers have recently adopted a spatial development perspective for the European Union territory, which is proposing a spatial vision for the entire Union territory. One of the issues to be raised is the possible link with the other planning levels, in particular with the regional level strongly advocated in Interreg programmes, the European Union providing financial support to many transborder and/or supra-regional co-operation concerning studies as well as projects. Within this framework, this article is questioning the relevance and the reality of such co- operation activities by analysing one of them, the Euroregion. Which capacities have the five regions of the Euroregion (the three Belgian regions, Nord-Pas de Calais and Kent) to articulate their policy of spatial planning strategy, and to get to a transborder or supra-regional vision, which seems relevant to optimise the assets of these regions in accordance with the trend towards a concentration of activities and mainly of the leading hubs in the surrounding major cities? A critical scrutiny of competency levels in spatial planning and analysis of the spatial planning strategic scheme in each of the five regions of the Euroregion highlight imbalances between the various stakeholders, differences in the objectives, lack of co-ordination, as well as lack of supra- regional vision. However, this vision and how it fits into a European vision, is necessary, and often wished for, but if we want to go beyond a mere wish some prerequisites will have to be met. Finally, this whole process seems to point to progressive changes in territorial organisation.
L’Union européenne souhaite mener une politique de développement spatial équilibré et durable, et les ministres de l’Aménagement du territoire ont dernièrement adopté un schéma de développement de l’espace communataire, qui propose une certaine vision spatiale pour tout le territoire de l’Union. Quelle est l’articulation possible avec les autres niveaux de planification, et en particulier le niveau régional fortement mis en avant par les programmes Interreg, l’Union européenne soutenant financièrement de nombreuses collaborations transfrontalières et/ou suprarégionales, concernant à la fois des études et des projets ? Dans ce cadre, cet article s’interroge sur la pertinence et la réalité de ces collaborations suprarégionales, en étudiant l’une d’elles, l’Eurorégion. Quelles capacités ont les cinq Régions de l’Eurorégion (les trois Régions belges, la région du Nord-Pas de Calais et le Comté de Kent) à articuler leur politique spatiale stratégique et à avoir la vision transfrontalière et suprarégionale qui semble pertinente pour optimiser leurs atouts face à la tendance à la concentration des activités et surtout des pôles de commandement dans les métropoles encadrantes ? L’observation critique des niveaux de compétence en aménagement du territoire et l’analyse des plans stratégiques de développement territorial de chacune de ces cinq régions nous amène à constater des déséquilibres dans les intervenants, des différences d’objectifs et des carences de coordination dans la réalité, ainsi qu’un manque de vision suprarégionale. Cette vision, et son insertion dans une vision européenne, sont pourtant nécessaires, et souvent
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souhaitées, mais si l’on veut éviter qu’elles ne deviennent une simple incantation, certains présupposés devront être rencontrés. Enfin, tout ce processus semble présager d’une lente modification de l’organisation territoriale.
INDEX
Mots-clés: SDEC, suprarégional, Eurorégion, organisation territoriale Keywords: ESDP, supraregional, Euroregion, territorial organisation
AUTHORS
VALÉRIE BIOT Institut de Gestion de l’Environnement et d’Aménagement du Territoire (IGEAT), Université Libre de Bruxelles, [email protected]
ALAIN COLARD Institut de Gestion de l’Environnement et d’Aménagement du Territoire (IGEAT), Université Libre de Bruxelles, [email protected]
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Base maps in Belgium
Philippe De Maeyer
Introduction
1 Although Belgium has had its own base cartography organised on a national scale for over a century, the federalisation process and the new regional structures which resulted have redrawn the landscape of base cartography production in this country.
2 The succession of constitutional reforms during the 1970s and 80s gave birth to a new Belgium, one based on legislative and executive powers both at the national level and at the level of the Communities and the Regions. The Community concept relates to the persons who compose it and to the ties which bind them together (language, culture, etc.). The Regions have competencies in the areas affecting the use of the ‘territory’, in the broad meaning of that term. Thus, as a result of these constitutional reforms, base cartography was no longer an issue subsumed solely under the national authority, but had become a regional matter as well.
3 Over the same period, a technological revolution was taking place. The computerisation of cartography and geographical information has so far gone through two major successive stages.
4 The first phase saw the introduction of computers into the cartographic production process. Computer-assisted design (CAD) and computer-assisted cartography tools took over part of the photomechanical work. Nevertheless, the structure of the digital databases was still oriented towards a paper cartographic product. The layers of information were structured in such a way as to make possible either the mechanical engraving of films or a sequential rasterisation of the data, thus yielding a series of raster layers arranged by theme or print colour. This would allow direct exposure of the plate-ready films directly.
5 In a second phase one saw, as a result of the development of both the concepts and the possibilities of computerisation, a shift from the use of pragmatic cartographic databases towards the conception of geographical databases. Later, one will also note this evolution in the approach taken by the various regional administrations towards
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base cartography. This leads us to see not only the purely cartographic aspect, but rather to consider a base cartographic reference system.
History
6 As with other countries, in Belgium too one finds that systematic base cartography was long an essentially military matter.
7 The first official base cartography was performed by the Dépôt de la Guerre. It was based on a new triangulation and a new levelling. The first map sheet was published in 1866. Several topographic editions would follow, at scales of 1/10,000, 1/20,000, 1/40,000, 1/40,000 or 1/80,000, published by the Institut Cartographique Militaire, the successor in 1878 to the Dépôt de la Guerre.
8 A major revolution for base cartography took place just after the Second World War. It was brought about by the Institut Géographique Militaire, created in 1947 and later to be transformed into the Institut Géographique National (IGN) (1976). The new maps were established according to Lambert’s conic conformal projection instead of Bonne’s equal-area projection. The reference spheroid ceased being that of Delambre, to the advantage of the Hayford’s spheroid (1924 international spheroid). Since Belgium became a member of NATO at that time, it was also necessary to adapt the scales. One therefore switched from the scales of 1/20,000, 1/40,000 and 1/160,000 of the so-called ordnance survey maps to a topographic cartography on the scales of 1/25,000, 1/50,000 and 1/100,000. From a technological perspective, the introduction of photogrammetric methods made it possible to accelerate production.
9 While cartographic design in the early post-war period was dictated by military needs, maps would later be compiled to better meet the needs of other administrations and civilians.
10 In the 1980s, as a result of the new technological possibilities, the IGN could automate its cartographic production. This computer-assisted cartography would be largely based on a raster or vector-raster technology. Later we will see that, beginning in the 1990s, the IGN would successfully introduce use of geographical information systems, while keeping the emphasis on a cartographic – thus visual – product whose communicative role remains essential. The IGN also played a fundamental role in establishing and maintaining the geodetic grid.
11 While one accepts as the definition of a base map that it is ‘a cartographic series directly produced from land surveys or aerial photographs and capable of serving in the production of other maps or cartographic series, most often on smaller scales’, one should note that other base cartographic documents have been created since Belgian independence (1830).
12 Thus the cadastral cartography initiated in 1807 in accordance with the Napoleonic model was completed for the entire Belgian territory in 1843. Belgium – unlike other countries, such as France – was very quickly able to find a solution for the annual updating of this cartographic document. As a document intended for tax purposes and not having any direct legal significance, it was and is often used as a reference document. To such an extent that, in the mid-19th century, private publishers obtained the publication rights. This cartography later served as a frame of reference for establishing thematic maps. The most common scales are 1/1,250 and 1/2,500;
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nevertheless, in highly urbanised centres, documents on the scale of 1/500 were created, and in some cases the scale of 1/5,000 was allowed. Following (inter alia) the original establishment of the parcel plans in a local grid, one should, from a geometrical point of view, use these plans with a certain degree of wariness. A revision programme was launched in 1937. Certain map sheets revised or established within the framework of the regrouping of lands are on the scale of 1/1,000 or 1/2,000. Currently, the national coverage is composed of 28,200 sheets managed by the Ministry of Finance.
13 In the period from 1951 to 1970, the Ministry of Public Works published, for its own needs in high-density urban zones, topographic maps for around 20 major cities on the scale of 1/5,000. The last city to be updated was Brussels in 1982. Thus, these documents are only of historical value today.
14 Finally, let us note that two private companies launched initiatives of national coverage by orthophotos in the 1970s and 80s.
The present situation
15 As mentioned in the introduction, the current actors in base cartography are not only the national or federal authority, to which the Institut Géographique National (IGN) is attached, but also the various authorities with territorial competence (the regions).
Institut Géographique National
16 The publication scales of topographic and chorographic cartography currently in effect are: 1/10,000, 1/20,000, 1/50,000, 1/100,000 and 1/250,000. Because the series of topographic maps on the scale of 1/20,000 is not yet fully completed, some map sheets remain available on the older scale of 1/25,000. The former series of 1/10,000 and 1/25,000 had a common design base on a scale of 1/15,000.
17 Currently, besides the 1/100,000, all of IGN’s cartographic publications are produced from digital databases. Three databases were developed, centred on three central scales, respectively 1/10,000, 1/50,000 and 1/250,000. Each database is characterised by its own topological structure, by its accuracy, its geodetic reference system and its exchange formats.
18 The central scale of 1/10,000 is used to produce the paper map at 1/20,000 and 1/10,000. The maps are completely produced in a digital way. A complete new vector database on a g.i.s. platform is created using photogrammetry, photo-interpretation and data collection on the field. The object and layer definition in the database is cartographic oriented. We should note the graphical quality and the contents of the series. The altimetrical aspect was not updated when work first began on building the new database, which means that the information around the central scale 1/10,000 is for the earliest edited sheets primarily a reference system in X and Y.
19 The central scale of 1/50,000 is used to create the map printed on the same scale, and studies are currently being conducted in order to estimate the use of this database for production, after generalisation, on the scale of 1/100,000.
20 The chorographic map on the 1/250,000 scale, which was interactively generalised on the basis of the map at 1/50,000, was supplemented by classified land use data from satellite images. This cartography is available in vector and raster formats.
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21 While finalisation of the database at 1/50,000 is scheduled for the end of the year 2000, coverage of the national territory on the central scale of 1/10,000 is only foreseen for sometime during the course of this decade. It is important to note that the big cities and the high-urbanisation map sheets are already covered. These geographical databases are also marketed in their vectorial structure.
22 Besides the printed maps and the vectorial geographical reference files, the IGN also publishes raster data. Two production techniques are used: either the image is generated from the vector information (if available), or the maps are scanned from the films or the latest printed edition.
23 Besides this cartographic information, the IGN also distributes digital orthophotos with a ground resolution of 1m² which can, for certain applications, serve as a geographical reference system.
The Regions
24 The regional authorities in charge of geographical information had to define their own roles. The choice was made autonomously, which means that one presently finds a regional divergence in the definition of medium-term needs. Thus, while the Flemish Region has strongly emphasised thematic information, the Walloon Region from the start opted for a heavy investment in large-scale topographic cartography.
25 In the short term, the actions carried out by the regions had as common denominator the desire to make available to the users, in the first place the administrations, digital geometrical reference systems. For this, some chose a raster background by scanning the separate films of the 1/10,000 topographic map; the Brussels-Capital Region, by contrast, opted for the quick solution of a vectorial reference system.
26 In the long term, one has the impression that the needs are the same; consequently, there remains hope that a technical standardisation will be possible.
27 It should be noted that the regions have a free-of-charge or minimum licence fee policy for the dependent administrations and those of subordinate territorial units (communes, provinces).
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Figure 1. Numbering of the map sheets and available sheets of the new 1/10,000 and 1/20,000 series of the N.G.I. (situation April 2000).
Figure 2. Numbering of the map sheets and available sheets of the new 1/50,000 series of the N.G.I. (situation April 2000).
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Brussels-Capital Region
28 Very early on, the Brussels-Capital Region developed, within the framework of its Centre d´Informatique pour la Région Bruxelloise (CIRB – the Brussels Region Computer Centre), a strategy of being present in the field of base cartography. Thus, the digital map Brussels UrbIS was created starting in 1989.
29 The first version of the digital map was essentially based on the cadastral parcel plans copied on topographic data at 1/10,000. These were integrated block by block into the topographic data. The database also includes the administrative limits, the statistic sectors and an attribution of the addresses.
30 The data to be included in the second version of the digital base map will be comparable but, thanks to photogrammetry, will be substantially more accurate. Additional layers are planned, with (inter alia) the purpose of the buildings.
31 While awaiting complete availability of this UrbISTop cartography, one does already have access to the digitised aerial photographs with a resolution of 10 cm per pixel (UrbISFot). On the basis of UrbISTop, one will finally update the road and administrative geographical databases of the first version, which will henceforth be called UrbISAdm and UrbISPwn. The CIRB chose to develop its own exchange format, SUD. Utilities are provided to users which permit the UrbIS data to be easily imported into GIS (Geographical Information Systems) and CAD softwares.
Walloon Region
32 The Walloon Region right away launched itself on an ambitious programme of large- scale base cartography. Thus, since 1992 the Projet Informatique de Cartographie Continue (PICC – Continuous Cartography Computer Project) has had the objective of achieving three-dimensional cartographic coverage on the scale of 1/1,000 of the entire region and placing this digital information at the disposal of the public departments and private companies in accordance with a variety of formulas. Most of the data collection is being performed by companies on the basis of photogrammetric restitution, after which the administration in charge of this project (Direction de la Topographie et de la Cartographie, MET, Walloon Ministry of Equipment and Transportation) validates the data. In terms of quality, absolute accuracy (RMS) is required of 0.12m in planimetry and 0.15m in altimetry. Currently, highly urbanised and industrialised zones such the Charleroi-Namur-Liège axis and the province of Walloon Brabant are available. Parts of the provinces of Hainaut, Liège (Liège-Verviers axis) and Luxembourg (around the city of Arlon) are now being completed.
33 Two fundamental problems are being studied. Firstly, that of establishing the procedure and the costs of updating in the highly dynamic zones (tests in progress on a test zone Wavre-Louvain-la-Neuve). A second problem to be resolved is that of defining a more adequate scale for the wooded zones of the Ardennes plateau.
34 The PICC is evolving towards a broader programme: BRIGIT (Base de Référence des Items Géographiques, Informatisée and Tridimensionnelle – Computerised, Three- dimensional Reference Base of Geographical Items). This cartographic reference system, of which PICC is the geometrical foundation, will incorporate all other digital geographical data created by an administration, subject to validation by the MET.
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35 This vast long-term programme on the scale of 1/1,000 did not prevent it from being necessary, in an initial, parallel stage, to put a complete digital base cartography of the entire territory at the disposal of the administrations within a reasonable period. One opted for a raster background from the print films IGN 1/10,000. This was performed within the framework of a coherence centre, which functioned as a co-ordinator and catalyst, standardising the thematic needs.
Flemish Region
36 After several base cartography attempts met with little success, in partnership with companies of recognised public utility, or initiatives lacking political consensus, the Flemish Region opted for a fundamental analysis of its needs. A committee of scientific experts was thus appointed, which presented its findings in 1993.
37 Since then, the OC GIS Vlaanderen has been operating within the framework of the VLM, a Flemish administrative body. This centre co-ordinates and encourages public geographical information initiatives at the level of the Flemish Region.
38 One of the first projects was to make available within a brief period two base cartographic reference systems. The first was a road reference system, set up by a private company, which makes it possible to satisfy the needs of a large number of users for whom high geometrical accuracy was not a major concern. At the same time, and in order to have a homogenous digital base in the very short term, scans with a resolution of 400 dpi of the films of 1/10,000 topographic maps were furnished to the administrations.
39 On the basis of these two reference systems, a large number of cartography or thematic database initiatives were conducted.
40 In this heavily-populated, fully-settled region, it proves desirable to complement the large-scale information with a cadastral layer. A pragmatic solution currently being implemented is to integrate a level of raster information from the scanned cadastral plans, as well as a vectorial level with parcel identifiers.
41 The Flemish Region decided to implement an ambitious project creating a large-scale reference system covering its territory. On the basis of land surveys and photogrammetric restitution, the idea was conceived of creating a reference system which can be used on the virtual scale of 1/250 to 1/2,5000. The primary objective is to create the database, with the map being a derivative product. In the surveys an approach by object is sought, the geometry also being an attribute of the object. The Region launched the works for a joint test at the beginning of the year 2000.
Conclusion
42 All the authorities involved in base cartography propose solutions for a basic reference cartography, either on an average scale (IGN) or on a large-scale (the regions). Raster maps are often used as a temporary solution, while awaiting a vectorial version, or as a complement to the vectorial digital maps.
43 In the introduction, reference was made to the two phases of development in the automation of basic geographical information. A third phase is now on its way. It will have to provide adequate solutions for distributing and using these data in real time.
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Above all, this phase will pose the problem of the updating of these enormous databases and their multi-scale use. One can ask whether we don’t run the risk of forgetting that a map (as well as the databases which allow one to generate it) is a spatiotemporal representation. The current conceptions of geographical information rightly attach great importance to geometrical and semantic precision. Nevertheless, one must also create for oneself the means to preserve the temporal series of these digital documents, among other things in order to allow future generations to study the evolution of our land use.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
JOURET, B. (1994), ‘Considérations conceptuelles sur la nouvelle carte de base à 1/10,000 de l’Institut Géographique National Belge’, Bull. Trimestriel de la Société Belge de Photogrammétrie, Télédétection et Cartographie, n° 193-194, p. 3-33.
JOURET, B. & MENDEL D. (1989), ‘La nouvelle carte topographique à 1/100,000 de l’Institut Géographique National’, Bull. Trimestriel de la Société Belge de Photogrammétrie, Télédétection et Cartographie, n° 173-174, p. 29-51.
INTERNET SITES http://www.fgov.be Internet site of the Belgian Government http://www.ign.be Internet site of the Institut Géographique National (IGN) http://www.cibg.irisnet.be Internet site with information on the base maps of Région Bruxelles-Capitale (Brussels Region) http://www.vlm.be Internet site with information on the base maps of the Flemish Region http://internet.win.be/rainbow Internet site with information on the base maps of the Walloon Region
ABSTRACTS
After a short historical review of base cartography in Belgium, one cans observe that the new regional structures, which resulted from the constitutional reforms during the 1970s and 80s, have redrawn the landscape of base cartography production in this country. Different national and regional authorities are presently involved in base cartography. They propose solutions for basic reference cartography, either on an average scale or on a large-scale. Raster maps are often used as a temporary solution, while awaiting a vectorial version, or as a complement to the vectorial digital maps. Authorities will have to provide in the future adequate solutions for the problem of the updating of the enormous databases and for distributing and using these data.
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Après un bref aperçu historique da la cartographie de base depuis la création de l’Etat belge, on constate qu’actuellement plusieurs opérateurs sont présents. La cartographie de base est devenue, suite aux réformes constitutionnelles des années 1970-80, une matière qui ne relève plus seulement de l’autorité nationale, mais devient en même temps une matière régionale. Toutes les instances impliquées dans la cartographie de base proposent des solutions numériques pour une cartographie de référence de base, soit à une échelle moyenne, soit à grande échelle. Les cartes matricielles sont souvent utilisées comme solution temporaire, en attente d’une version vectorielle, ou en complément des cartes numériques vectorielles. Se pose d’ores et déjà le problème de trouver des solutions adéquates pour la diffusion des données par les technologies nouvelles ainsi que pour la mise à jour de ces données.
INDEX
Mots-clés: cartographie, Belgique, carte de base, carte topographique, plan cadastral Keywords: cartography, Belgium, basic map, topographic map, cadastral plan
AUTHOR
PHILIPPE DE MAEYER Ghent University, Department of Geography, Krijgslaan 281 (S8), B-9000 GENT Belgium, [email protected]
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Belgians on the move Population distribution from a historical and modern perspective
Herman Van der Haegen, Etienne Van Hecke and Sandra Savenberg
The basic pattern of distribution
1 The most recent and also the most detailed map (Van der Haegen, 1999) shows the geographical distribution of the population in all its rich variety per neighbourhood. Since there are approximately 19,000 neighbourhoods compared with the 589 municipalities (maximum number reached in 1928: 2,675 municipalities), previously the smallest unit, the density of the population is shown with a never before reached precision. Figure 1 therefore shows those neighbourhoods, which have more than 500 inhabitants per km². It clearly indicates the morphological urbanisation of our country.
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Figure 1. Density of population.
2 This distribution is mainly, as elsewhere in Western Europe, historically determinated. The physical environment and the agricultural systems were important factors, but also the industrial and urban development were essential elements to explain the geographical distribution of the population. The great contrast between the north and the south, particularly the low population density to the south of the Samber and the Meuse compared with the density in the north of the country, can essentially be attributed to the environment. The soil and climatic conditions offer far fewer opportunities for agricultural development in the Ardennes than in Flanders. This has resulted in small islands of cultivation in a natural landscape of the Ardennes (heathland and later particularly woodland).
3 The contrasts to this pattern can be seen in the centre and north of the country. There the population distribution can particularly be attributed to the agricultural systems of the past. For example, in the early cultivated, fertile Hesbaye, the three-field system was able to be fully developed and was used for a long time in fully grown villages because of its efficiency, so that the pattern of small villages in an open, empty landscape still prevails in many places and is clearly visible on the map. In Binnen- Vlaanderen, the poorer soil as well as impulses from the large network of towns resulted from the Middle Ages onwards in the general cultivation of less fertile ground and strong demographic growth. A scattered population prevailed, with very early individual business management soon leading to more intensive forms of agriculture as well as homeworking in the textile sector. The textile tradition, together with the existing population potential, would form the basis for a very varied and widely dispersed manufacturing industry in the 19th and 20th centuries, which experienced a particularly dynamic growth in the south of Flanders. The harbours of Zeebrugge and Ghent gave new incentives to the industrialisation and stimulated the change to new activities in these urban areas.
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4 The existence of rich mineral reserves, primarily pit coal, was the main reason for busy and varied industrial activities in the Walloon axis. This Walloon axis stretches from the Borinage to Liège and is one of the most densely populated areas of Belgium. The growth in industry and population took place at a fast rate particularly from the 19th century onwards, with many new urban centres such as Charleroi emerging alongside existing towns such as Liège, which were given a new impulse. Growth was only possible as a result of the settlement of workers from the whole of the Walloon region and Flanders. After the Second World War in particular, the settlement of migrants from the Mediterranean region was very important in maintaining the traditional activities and the population level.
5 The highest concentration of population is found in the centre of the country. As a result of its administrative function, Brussels has since the 19th century developed from being the capital of a centralised country to becoming the principal commercial and service centre as well as an important transport and industrial centre. The morphologically strongly expanding growth was only possible as a result of massive settlement from the whole of the country, which was very soon supplemented by considerable levels of commuting. After the Second World War, its development into the European capital would lead to new streams of migrants, firstly from Walloon reconversion areas and later from the whole of Europe, with both guest workers from the Mediterranean region as well as more specialised workers from the service sector in Northern and Western Europe settling in the towns in large numbers and compensating for the urban exodus of Belgians.
6 The second largest urban agglomeration, Antwerp, grew particularly as a result of its harbour, which achieved international importance in the 15th century and again from the 19th century onwards. The harbour provided the impulse for the development of important industrial and tertiary activities. Immigrants from the immediate hinterland provided the majority of the workforce, although there has also been a significant settlement of Mediterranean workers during the last decades.
7 Finally, the Campine has seen particularly strong population growth during the 20th century, primarily as a result of the coal mines (all closed) and limited industrialisation, which has undergone considerable expansion since the closure of the mines. The population growth was mainly the result of a very significant natural growth, which persisted for a long time for cultural reasons (birth rate of 30‰ until the sixties). Mediterranean guest workers in relation to the mines and Dutch settlers from over the border contributed to the population growth.
8 Overall, the population growth led to urbanisation, which is discussed in the census study 11A Urbanisation (Mérenne-Schoumaker, Van der Haegen & Van Hecke, 1998). Of considerable importance are the city regions (Van der Haegen & Van Hecke, 1996), which are regional urban complexes. They dominate the national migration patterns. A recent review of the general urbanisation is published in the ‘Fiches Geografie’ (Van Hecke, 1999).
Current population growth
9 As a result of social and medical developments, regional differences with regard to birth control and health care are not completely eliminated, but are quantitatively very
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limited. The existing limited differences in number of births and deaths can essentially be attributed to the age distribution of the population. As can be seen from the following, this is very much influenced by the migration behaviour of the population and the possibility for commuting.
10 Both the distribution and the composition of the population together with the components which determine it, are given and analysed clearly per municipality in the census studies (Bartiaux & Wattelar, to be published; Schoenmaeckers, Lodewijckx & Gadeyne, 1999) and the census atlas ‘La Belgique, diversité territoriale’ (Mérenne, Van der Haegen & Van Hecke, 1997). They confirm the important role of migration and show the urban regions as both centres of settlement and centres of departure.
11 Within the context of migration it is important to focus on specifying and understanding the regions of departure and settlement areas as well as the age-related differential migration patterns which occur in connection with these. Depending on age, the cities appear to attract as well as reject people. In summary, we can state that the expanding town with the well-known mechanisms of urbanisation, suburbani- sation and rurbanisation covers the whole country. Rural exodus is at present only noticeable in some municipalities in the poorly developed outlying regions such as the Westhoek, the northern part of the Campine and the Ardennes.
12 The migration balance can serve as a guide to distinguish regions of attraction and regions of departure within the Belgian area. Analysis of the migration balance according to the functional level of the municipalities and the age of the migrants provides a broad outline of the geographical pattern of migration and shows that urban structure to a large extent determines migration flows, whether as a place of attraction or a place of departure. The migration balance according to the age of the migrants and the functional level provides a clear picture of what applies in each area (Table 1). The total balance shows that the cities are regions of departure. The population leaves the central city where the strongly negative migration balance is lessened by the immigration of people from abroad. The most important regions of attraction are firstly the urban fringe and to a lesser extent the residential area for commuting migrants (commuter area) and those municipalities which do not form part of the urban field. The agglomerations in which the municipalities are directly connected to the central city are only the fourth area of settlement.
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Table 1. Migration by functional level and total mobility by age, 1988-1996.
Per 1,000 inhabitants and total number (annual average) for the migration balance, immigration and emigration.
13 Depending on age, Table 1 indicates well-known phenomena, namely the significant migration of young people of 18-24 years of age to the centre of the towns followed by the changed family status which brings new residential desires and explains the clearly positive balances in the urban fringe among the 25-39 age group. This is consistent with a clearly negative balance for the same age group in the central city. The availability and price of building sites or dwellings explain why the urban fringe has become more important than the agglomeration as an area of settlement. The still expensive properties in the urban fringe push young, less wealthy households further away from the town, which explains the positive balance of young adults in the commuter area. All moves during this phase of life take place within the context of suburbanisation. Children follow their parents, there are parallel curves for the age groups of 0 to 17 years and thirty-year-olds. Age groups with a lower level of mobility follow the very high peak of mobility that corresponds to the phenomenon of suburbanisation. The central cities continue to depopulate, but the small negative balance associates with low positive balances at all functional levels. After the age of 45, the positive balances are higher outside the urban fringe and this can clearly be seen in the 50-64 age group: the population seeks attractive living environments or seeks the closeness of family. Migration often takes place over greater distances as the relationship to the town as a workplace no longer applies.
14 The phenomenon of gentrification is present but is not strong enough to be seen in the figures (Van Criekingen, 1996). Within the cities the destination of the migrants between 20 and 30 years of age is bound to specific places. They are called ‘migrations d’émancipation’ by J.P. Grimmeau et al. They settle in areas with rental apartments, shops and places of entertainment, preferably in the vicinity of institutions of higher education. Originally those neighbourhoods were inhabited by the bourgeoisie and the aristocracy, later on by the working class (Grimmeau et al., 1998).
15 As can be seen from the table, the migration patterns, determined by movements to and from the urban centres, have an effect on the whole of the Belgian area with regard
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to a particular age group in each functional category. These centrifugal suburbanisation movements give rise to daily commuting movements which take place over increasing distances: the average commuting distance between the residence and the workplace increased significant between 1970 and 1991. The intensity of suburbanisation is responsible for the daily saturation of the road network at rush hours.
16 Table 2 examines the geographical relationships in greater detail and shows the result of the flows between the different levels. It can be stated that all areas are having an out migration surplus to areas which are further away from the centre and an immigration surplus from areas which are more central. All moves are centrifugal. The belts of growth around the towns, which are the result of the immigration surplus are moving further and further away from the city centre. For all areas of the urban fields and the regional towns, the migration balance is the most positive from the central city. The agglomeration and the urban fringe are seeing the same high level of settlement due to immigration. The difference between the total increase which is three times higher in the urban fringe than in the agglomeration stems from the fact that many people in the agglomeration come from the central city, while many people again leave for the urban fringe, commuter area and more distant municipalities for commuting migrations. The urban fringe receives people from the central city as well as from the agglomeration but the size of the increase in the influx from the central city is much greater than that of the settlement of people coming from the agglomeration. The municipalities in the urban fringe see some of their inhabitants move to the commuter area or municipalities outside the urban field, but the overall result of the migration movements is strongly positive. In spite of the increasing distance, the commuter area receives a large proportion of its settlers from the central city and a lesser number from the urban fringe and the agglomeration. Not one of the functional levels determines the immigration pattern in the commuter area but, as a result of the accumulation of three positive figures together with a surplus from abroad, the commuter area is seeing an overall immigration surplus which is not to be underestimated. Belgian municipalities that do not form part of the urban field are seeing a surplus influx from all other areas, including foreign countries.
Table 2. Migration (per 1,000 inhabitants) by functional level, 1988-1996.
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Moves to and from Brussels
17 Migration from Brussels to and from its close, as well as its more distant (but still national) surroundings can serve as a prototype for moves to and from an urban residential area. Since the Capital Region Brussels contains most of the Brussels residential area, the migration patterns are well documented and can be examined for a period covering more than a decade (1984-1996). They show a constant and typical pattern of migration, which is linked to the life cycle (Figures 2 and 3): the immigration surplus in the town of young adults together with departures among other age groups with four clearly visible peaks corresponding to young families and their children where the peaks are very pronounced but with a less clearer pattern in the case of pensioners and older people who are no longer able to support themselves.
Figure 2. Brussels Region migration balance (1988-96) by age.
Figure 3. Brussels Region migration balance (1988-96) by age (per 1000 inhabitants).
18 Logical settlement patterns are also to be seen geographically. In the case of young families, the time that it takes to travel to work as well as a geographical division of the
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living environment on the basis of social resources and cultural area, determine the place of residence. In the case of pensioners, location in peaceful and attractive areas (the Ardennes, but particularly the coast) is noticeable as well as a return to their old village.
19 Very specific to the Belgian situation is the division between the Flemish Region and Walloon Region. Rather more migrations to and from Flanders (which completely surrounds Brussels) seem to occur than to and from the Walloon provinces. However, if we examine the intensity of the movements (with regard to the Flemish or Walloon population), it can be seen that 2.4 times more moves are made to and from the Walloon provinces than is the case in Flanders. This reflects the fact that Brussels is by far and away the most important town as far as the Walloon provinces are concerned, while Brussels has to share the position with Antwerp and Ghent in the case of Flanders. It is also a result of the difference in the economic situation between Flanders, with its various successful large and medium-sized cities, and the less favourable economic situation to be found in the Walloon provinces. The difference in the balance of settlement between the regions of 18- to 24-year-olds, those that predominantly seek to live in the town, is an indication of this. In the period from 1988-1996, Brussels saw an increase in settlement of 8,177 people from the Walloon provinces and 2,213 people from Flanders. Although Flanders has almost twice as many inhabitants as the Walloon provinces, the Flemish settlement surplus in Brussels only amounts to 27% of the Walloon settlement surplus.
Impact of foreign migration
20 Brussels is also a good example of the significant impact which foreign migration, essentially sustained by foreigners, has on the population. Brussels can serve as a prototype for many other European cities. Figure 4, showing population growth over a thirty-year period according to nationality and components, provides an excellent illustration of this. Without foreigners, whose children are increasingly born as Belgians (see below), the ‘Belgian’ population would have halved. Only the excess of births of foreigners compensates for the excess of deaths of Belgians in Brussels.
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Figure 4. Brussels Demographics 1964-1995.
21 From the analysis per age group (Figures 5 and 6) of foreign migration for the same recent period as national migration, it not only appears that the surplus of settlement from abroad (49,251) completely compensates for the surplus of domestic departures (36,640), but that a settlement surplus occurs in the case of every age group except those over the age of 55.
Figure 5. Brussels Region migration balance (1988-96) by age.
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Figure 6. Brussels Region migration balance (1988-96) by age (per 1,000 inhabitants).
22 This reverse migration behaviour with regard to migration with other countries can be explained by the type of foreigners who are responsible for this surplus in settlement. The foreigners principally consist of two groups. On the one hand, there are the families of guest workers who join their compatriots within the context of family reunions and choice of partner. They are concentrated in the old worker neighbourhoods in the poorer parts of the city. On the other hand, there are foreigners who form part of highly-qualified, mainly young workforces from the Western world, who are attracted by the international jobs which are to be found in Brussels and who settle as unmarried people or newlyweds in neighbourhoods in the better parts of the residential centre of Brussels.
23 The concepts of ‘Belgian’ and ‘foreigner’ have become very relative when it comes to illustrating the significance of the foreign population with regard to demographic growth. They have become descriptions that are used purely for administrative and statistical purposes. As a result of a series of recent changes (since 1984) (Van der Haegen, 1990) in the laws which make the acquisition of Belgian nationality easier, if not automatic in the event of birth, this distinction has become defective for the purposes of measuring the significant impact of foreign population groups on the demographic evolution.
24 Two examples illustrate this. Population growth in terms of nationality and components (Figure 7) during the period from 1995-99 compared with the period from 1964-95 (Figure 4) presents a different picture. As a result of the greater acquisition of Belgian nationality and consequently the lower natural growth among foreigners and a limited surplus in deaths among ‘Belgians’, Brussels recently shows a reduction in the number of foreigners and an increase in the number of ‘Belgians’.
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Figure 7. Brussels Demographics 1995-99.
25 As can be seen from the following table 3 that compares the number of births in 1983 (before the change) and 1998 (the most recent figure), the changes in the laws relating to the acquisition of Belgian nationality have led to a reversal in the relative birth rate, while a general reduction in births is occurring as is the case elsewhere in Western Europe. Ethnic composition and time of settlement explain the still different pattern in Flanders, where fewer foreigners are as yet being considered for naturalisation and the ethnic groups have a slighter higher birth rate.
Table 3. Birth rate (‰).
26 The current laws thus grant Belgian nationality to many foreigners. Consequently, statistical data relating to nationality only partially reflect the significance of foreigners with regard to Belgian demographic growth. Because of less strict legislation and in spite of a constant settlement surplus of foreigners, the population structure of foreigners has become a statistical fiction and no longer reflects the demographic structure of the foreign population. The comparison of the population pyramid of ‘foreigners’ in the Walloon provinces in 1981 and 1999 provides a good illustration of this fact (Figure 8). Nevertheless, the population with foreign nationality in 1998 still accounts for 36% of the total natural growth in the Belgian population. In Brussels, the figure is even as high as 92%. This is as a result of the considerably higher death rate of
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Belgians (Belgium 1998: Belgians 10.7‰, foreigners 5.5‰; Brussels: Belgians 12.5‰, foreigners 3.4‰).
Figure 8. a. Wallonia, foreigners 1/3/1981; b. Wallonia, foreigners 1/3/1999.
Commuting
27 Commuting is perhaps an even more important element in understanding the distribution of the Belgian population (Mérenne-Schoumaker, Van der Haegen & Van Hecke, 1999). Very early, namely in the second half of the 19th century, commuting to urban areas reached such proportions that it slowed down the rural exodus to a greater extent than in surrounding countries and most villages experienced further growth. The extremely cheap railway tickets for commuters in a country with by far the densest railway network (normal and narrow gauge railway) in Europe played an important role. It meant that all rural municipalities were connected to the cities and industrial areas. This made it possible to develop for many decades a farmer-worker lifestyle in an extended geographical area. Shorter working hours and the introduction of the bicycle that increased the area covered by public transport gave commuting a fresh impulse in the period between the two world wars.
28 After the Second World War, the existing commuting infrastructure and the general use of the car on the one hand supported both suburbanisation and rurbanisation and promoted on the other hand further commuting. A positive mutual influence was felt. Together with typical Belgian conditions such as general home ownership and a strong bond with the local environment and the phenomenal growth of the road system, this led to a further expansion of commuting.
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29 Commuting consequently assumed substantial proportions and practically every family was involved.
30 The Census of 1991 states that no less than 1,908,000 people or 56% of the Belgian working population work outside their municipality. The widespread distribution of the population and employment as well as the number of two-income households is leading to considerable intersection of commuter flows.
31 It is clear that the central parts of the city regions attract the highest number of commuters and have developed their own work hinterlands (Figure 9), with the influence of Brussels extending still further, although as a second work centre. The capital essentially recruits its workers from the whole of the country.
32 The majority (93%) of commuters travel daily (at least four times a week) between their residence and workplace, with the car having become by far and away (70%) the most important means of transport and public transport accounting for approx. 13% of journeys and the bicycle for a further 9%. Of course, there are clear regional patterns.
Figure 9. Commuting areas of the Belgian City Regions.
33 There are great differences in the distance travelled, which is determined both by the closeness of the work centres and the economic development of the residential area. The weighted average journey is 18 km, with no less than 18% of commuters travelling more than 30 km. The detailed commuting statistics even make it possible to calculate the average speed of travel (38 km/hour) and duration (30 minutes, one way).
34 The average limited distance, but particularly the limited time of travel, explain the large belt of suburbanisation around the cities, while the widespread and fast transport facilities make it possible to understand rurbanisation, which now stretches over the whole of north and central Belgium. The ever more widespread distribution of the population is made possible by the intensification of commuting. This is supported by both the deep-rooted desire to live in one’s own home with a garden in a peaceful
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environment – this can be seen politically in terms of a very liberal attitude towards the geographical location of dwellings and residential districts in green areas – and a population with one of the highest living standards in the world.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BARTIAUX F. & WATTELAR C. (forthcoming), Nuptialité, Monographie du Recensement 5A, I.N.S., Bruxelles.
GRIMMEAU J.P., VAN CRIEKINGEN M. & ROELANDTS M. (1998), ‘Les migrations d’émancipation en Belgique’, Espace, Populations, Sociétés, 1998-2, pp. 235-247.
MÉRENNE B., VAN DER HAEGEN H. & VAN HECKE E. (eds.) (1997), La Belgique diversité territoriale, SSTC & Crédit Communal, Bruxelles, 144 p.
MÉRENNE-SCHOUMAKER B., VAN DER HAEGEN H. & VAN HECKE E. (1998), Urbanisation, Monographie du Recensement 11A, I.N.S., Bruxelles, 174 p.
MÉRENNE-SCHOUMAKER B., VAN DER HAEGEN H. & VAN HECKE E. (1999), Migrations du travail et Migrations Scolaires, Monographie du Recensement 11B, I.N.S., Bruxelles, 266 p.
VAN CRIEKINGEN M. (1996), ‘Processus de gentrification à Bruxelles : Le cas du quartier Dansart- Saint-Géry’, SOBEG, 1996-2, pp. 205-234.
VAN DER HAEGEN H. (1990), ‘L’influence d’une loi récente sur le profil démographique des étrangers en Belgique’, Espace, Populations, Sociétés, 1990-2, pp. 310-315.
VAN DER HAEGEN H. (coll. COLARD A.) (1999), ‘Densité de la population par secteur statistique’, pl VI-2, 52x62cm, Deuxième Atlas de la Belgique.
VAN DER HAEGEN H. & VAN HECKE E. (1996), ‘Les régions urbaines belges en 1991’, Etudes Statistiques, 104, I.N.S., Bruxelles, 42 p.
VAN HECKE E. (1999), Urbanisation, Fiche 11 Géographie, Ministère des Affaires Etrangères, Bruxelles, 6 p.
Recent papers concerning population in Belgium
DEBOOSERE P. & LESTHAEGHE R. (1997), ‘Commentaire chapitres natalité, mortalité, structure par âge’, in MÉRENNE-SCHOUMAKER B., VAN DER HAEGEN H. & VAN HECKE E. (eds.), La Belgique diversité territoriale, SSTC & Crédit Communal, Bruxelles, 144 p.
DECROLY J.M. & GRIMMEAU J.P. (1991a), ‘La démographie à l’échelle locale. Une géographie de la population de la Belgique dans les années 80’, Courrier hebdomadaire, 1308-1309, Bruxelles, 58 p.
DECROLY J.M. & GRIMMEAU J.P. (1991b), ‘Variations intercommunales de la mortalité par âge en Belgique’, Espace, Populations, Societés, 1991-1, pp. 75-83.
DECROLY J.M. & GRIMMEAU J.P. (1996), ‘Les fluctuations de la fécondité en Europe’, Espace, Populations, Sociétés, 1996-1, pp. 79-92.
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DECROLY J.M., VANLAER J., NOIN D. & GRIMMEAU J.P. (1991), Atlas de la population européenne, ULB, Bruxelles, 172 p.
DE LANNOY W., GRIMMEAU J.P. & KESTELOOT C. (1991), ‘La population de nationalité étrangère à Bruxelles-Capitale’, Etudes Statistiques, 92, pp. 83-105.
DE LANNOY W., LAMMENS M., LESTHAEGHE R. & WILLAERT D. (1999), ‘Brussel in de jaren negentig en na 2000 : een demografische doorlichting’, in WITTE E. et al., Bruxelles et son statut, Bruxelles, pp. 101-154.
EGGERICKX T. (1990), ‘Les soldes migratoires et leurs conséquences à l’échelon local’, Revue Belge de Géographie, 1990-3, pp 131-151.
EGGERICKX T., POULAIN M. & MÉRENNE-SCHOUMAKER B. (2000), La mobilité spatiale de la population, Monographie du Recensement 2, I.N.S., Bruxelles, 129 p.
GRIMMEAU J.P. (1995), ‘Les migrations entre la Flandre et la Wallonie’, Bulletin du Crédit Communal 192, Bruxelles, pp. 23-41.
GRIMMEAU J.P. (1996), ‘Les étrangers à Bruxelles. L’apport des statistiques’, in Bruxelles, ville multiculturelle, Bruxelles-Laïque, pp. 211-223.
KESTELOOT C. (1997), ‘Population étrangère’ in MÉRENNE B., VAN DER HAEGEN H. & VAN HECKE E. (eds.), La Belgique diversité territoriale, SSTC & Crédit Communal, Bruxelles, 144 p.
KESTELOOT C. & VAN DER HAEGEN H. (1997), ‘Foreigners in Brussels 1981-1991, spatial continuity and social change’, TESG, 1997-2, pp. 105-119.
POULAIN M. & EGGERICKX T. (1990), ‘De demografische kenmerken van de vreemde bevolking in de Belgische steden (1983-1988)’, Bevolking en Gezin, 1990-1, pp. 77-92.
SCHOENMAECKERS R., LODEWIJCKX E. & GADEYNE D. (1999), Fécondité, Monographie du Recensement 5B, I.N.S., Bruxelles, 134 p.+ 90 p.
VANDERMOTTEN C., VERMOESEN F., DE LANNOY W. & DE CORTE S. (eds.) (1999), ‘Villes d’Europe. Cartographie comparative’, Bulletin du Crédit Communal 207-208, Bruxelles, 408 p.
VAN DER HAEGEN H. (ed.) (1991a), ‘Brussel, een hoofdstad in beweging’, Leuvense Geografische Papers 3, Leuven, 131 p.
VAN DER HAEGEN H. (1991b), ‘Les franges periurbaines en Belgique : quel-ques éléments de recherche concernant leur délimitation, leur population et leurs caractéristiques sociales’, Espace, Popu-lations, Sociétés, 1991-2, pp. 259-270.
VAN DER HAEGEN H. (1997), ‘Composantes de l’évolution de la population entre 1981 et 1991’, in MÉRENNE B., VAN DER HAEGEN H. & VAN HECKE E. (eds.), La Belgique diversité territoriale, SSTC & Crédit Communal, Bruxelles, 144 p.
VAN DER HAEGEN H., JUCHTMANS G. & KESTELOOT C. (1995), Bruxelles multiculturel-Multicultureel Brussel, Vlaamse staatssecretaris bevoegd voor het niet-economisch wetenschappelijk onderzoek van het Brussels Hoofdstedelijk Gewest, Brussel, 48 p. + 22 p.
VAN HAMME G. & GRIMMEAU J.P. (1996), ‘La structure par âge des étrangers par nationalité en Belgique’, Tribune Immigrée, 12, pp. 28-33.
VAN HECKE E. (1991), ‘Migrations et dynamique de l’espace belge’, SOBEG, 1991-2, pp. 159-211.
VAN HECKE E. (1992a), ‘De evolutie van de migratietendensen 1977-1990 in de Belgische ruimte’, Bevolking en Gezin, 1992-2, pp. 1-27.
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VAN HECKE (1992b), ‘Ruimtelijke ana-lyse van de migraties naar leeftijd’, Bevolking en Gezin, 1992-3, pp. 77-103.
WILLAERT D. (2000), ‘Interne migraties naar LIPRO-huishoudenstypes. De stadsvlucht en de verstedelijking nader belicht’, Working Papers, 2000-2, Steunpunt Demografie VUB, Brussel, 47 p. + 59 p.
ABSTRACTS
In this article, the principal factors that explain the basic pattern of population distribution will first be outlined from a historical perspective. The current mobility of the population will then be examined, since it is the main factor that now determines population distribution. Historically, but particularly now, the town plays a decisive role, although the extensive immigration of foreigners is also important. Brussels is an example, which illustrates all aspects of this. It also sheds some light on the relative nature of the concept of ‘foreigner’ in the statistics. The vast amount of commuting provides the final key to an understanding of the distribution of the population.
In deze bijdrage worden eerst de voornaamste factoren die het basisspreidingspatroon van de bevolking verklaren bondig geschetst in historisch perspectief. Vervolgens wordt de huidige mobiliteit van de bevolking behandeld daar zij de voornaamste factor is die de spreiding van de bevolking nu bepaalt. Historisch, maar vooral nu, speelt de stad hierbij een determinerende rol, maar ook de omvangrijke immigratie van vreemdelingen is van betekenis. Het voorbeeld van Brussel illustreert dit in al zijn aspecten. Het laat tevens toe om de relativiteit van het begrip ‘vreemdeling’ in de statistieken te belichten. De enorme pendel vormt het sluitstuk bij het verklaren van de bevolkingsspreiding.
INDEX
Keywords: population distribution, migration, Belgium Trefwoorden bevolkingsspreiding, migratie, België
AUTHORS
HERMAN VAN DER HAEGEN KULeuven, Instituut voor Sociale en Economische Geografie, de Croylaan 42, 3001 Heverlee, [email protected]
ETIENNE VAN HECKE KULeuven, Instituut voor Sociale en Economische Geografie, de Croylaan 42, 3001 Heverlee, [email protected]
SANDRA SAVENBERG KULeuven, Instituut voor Sociale en Economische Geografie, de Croylaan 42, 3001 Heverlee, [email protected]
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Urban studies of Belgian geographers at the turn of the millennium
Walter De Lannoy and Stefan De Corte
1 Urban geography has been a very exciting branch of social science during the last decade of the 1900s. Perspectives and approaches toward the city have become much more diversified. Several subjects such as urban decay, deprivation, increasing segregation, but also economic and social revitalization have been studied in relation to the processes of globalization. Positivist methods of research have been supplemented with structuralist, post-structuralist and postmodern theories. There seems now to be a widespread conviction that large, post-industrial cities are becoming much more important as the powerhouses of the globalized economy. Although cities are regarded as the motors for the development of national economies, they still face a lot of troublesome social and environmental problems.
2 In this paper we aim to highlight the contributions of Belgian geographers on the subjects and approaches mentioned above. Although the number of Belgian geographers in the academic world is very small, the field of urban studies was well represented during the last five years. We will try to give syntheses of significant bodies of research and mention what we consider to be representative papers of the respective themes.
Cities in networks
3 Large cities have proved to play an increasingly important role as command and control centres in the globalizing economy. Headquarters of transnational companies and international institutions are spatially concentrated in major metropolitan areas, where they can have a maximum profit of face to face contacts and modern communications networks. The position and the future development of these large metropolises is rather determined through their relations in the European and global
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urban network than by their traditional regional hinterland. Swyngedouw (1997b and 1999) has described the changing role of cities in the global economy and has provided a well-documented argument about the lack and the need of an urban growth coalition for Brussels that should be embedded well in the local and regional institutional framework. Vandermotten et al. (1999) have documented the position of the large Belgian cities (essentially Brussels, Antwerp, Liège, Gent and Charleroi) in the European urban network. Although not a very large city (1.3 m residents in the morphological agglomeration), Brussels ranks high in the European hierarchy based on its important international functions. Only London, Paris and Milan have a clearly higher rank in the European hierarchy, Brussels being in a class with much larger cities such as Madrid, München, Frankfurt, Rome and Barcelona. Tertiary functions are extremely important in the Brussels economy and especially European and national governmental functions are prominent. The manufacturing sector is clearly more important in the urban economies of Antwerp, Liège, Gent and Charleroi.
4 There is an already long tradition of research on the hierarchy of Belgian cities. Van Hecke (1998) has updated the urban hierarchy in Belgium and the delimitation of spheres of influence of urban centres, using quantitative data on a wide range of functions and on consumer flows. The resulting classification of ‘major’ and ‘regional’ towns does not differ from previous classifications based on data of 1965. However there are important changes in the urban hierarchy as far as small towns are concerned. One type of change is related to a different methodological approach (treating all municipalities individually, also when they are part of an agglomeration), while the second type is related to the fact that a number of centres with an insufficient equipment are no longer classified by Van Hecke as cities. Cabus (1999) and Allaert (1999) have shown the importance of cross-border interactions between Brussels, Flanders and Wallonia on the economical, social and cultural level. They argue for an institutional recognition of the Brussels city region and for a much stronger cooperation between the three regions in federal Belgium.
The ongoing decentralization of cities
5 The ongoing decentralization of cities has been one of the most important urban developments during the last decades. The economic boom of the sixties and early seventies and a loose planning system made urban sprawl the dominant mode of urban growth in Belgian cities until today, despite the economic slow-down in the eighties. Medium-sized and large cities have grown into city-regions. In general, suburbanization has led to increasing contrasts between an impoverishing central city and a rich urban fringe.
6 Van Der Haegen et al. (1996) published an updated delimitation of the Belgian city- regions based on census data of 1991 on housing, population, income, migration and commuting. 17 city-regions were identified, housing 57% of the national population on little more than one fourth of the national territory (see map). In a monograph on urbanization in Belgium the demographic evolution, the employment structure and the socio-spatial patterns of these city-regions are documented (Mérenne-Schoumaker et al., 1998). Five city-regions are clearly dominant in terms of population numbers : Brussels (by far the largest with 1.7 million residents in 1991), followed by Antwerp (900,000), Liège (624,000), Gent (391,000) and Charleroi (390,000). If we take also the
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wider commuter areas into account more than three quarters (77%) of the Belgian population lives in an urban area. This makes Belgium one of the most urbanized areas in Europe. The same monograph contains a typology of all Belgian municipalities according to their degree of urbanization based on both indicators of morphological and functional urbanization. The research by Mérenne-Schoumaker et al. (1998) confirms that suburbanization still dominates urban growth today. Although the total amount of people living in city-regions did hardly change between 1981 and 1991, the city-regions experienced a population shift within their boundaries away from the morphological agglomeration towards the urban fringe (which experienced a 9% growth). The population of several major central cities declined during that period with 5% to 10%, although that process seems to have slowed down during the nineties. De Lannoy et al. (1999) have shown that in the Brussels case the population in the central city has been stabilized mainly due to the international immigration that compensates the population lost through the ongoing suburbanization. This study also points to the consequences of the second demographic transition which is resulting in a greater diversity and a smaller size of households in city regions in general, and especially in their urban cores.
7 Compared to other European countries urban sprawl is very outspoken in Belgium (Vandermotten et al., 1999). During the eighties the surface of the 17 Belgian city- regions grew with another 7%. It was noticed several times that the major Belgian cities have experienced an American-type spatial development, although typical American developments such as ‘edge cities’ are not yet to be found in Belgium. Historical reasons account for the particular Belgian development, like the specific post-war economic evolution (with rising real wages, job- and social security and an expanding credit system), state interventions promoting home ownership and covering part of the collective costs (new roads, sewers,...), a free housing market with few state- interventions and the absence of a restrictive planning practice (Kesteloot and Meert, 1999).
The socio-spatial structure of cities
8 The socio-spatial structure of Belgian cities and their housing condition has been discussed in several publications (Mérenne-Schoumaker et al., 1998 ; Vandermotten et al., 1999 ; Goossens et al., 1997 ; Vranken and Ben Abdeljelil, 1998). The Brussels case has recently been documented by De Lannoy et al. (1999), Kesteloot (2000) and Thomas and Zenou (1999). The results confirm earlier conclusions on the intra-urban social structure and its link to the housing market. The spatial distribution of the population over the different sectors of the housing market suggests that income dominates the locational choice in Belgian cities ; household composition or ethnic affiliations are secondary factors. Vandermotten et al. (1999) produced a comparative atlas of 30 European cities using a criterium of population density to delimitate comparable metropolitan areas and showing different aspects of urban development (morphological, demographic, social and economic). A comparison of the socio-spatial structure of Paris, Brussels and Amsterdam shows the marked concentration of deprived neighbourhoods and the lower degree of gentrification in the central area of Brussels. Differences between the three cities are related to their particular historical
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development, the nature of the housing market and the urban policy of the state (Vandermotten and Vermoesen, 1995).
9 The increasing problems of social polarization in large western cities have recently given more importance to research concerning deprived neighbourhoods in cities. Many authors stress the point that processes of globalization and deindustriali-zation bring about new poverty and growing inequalities in large western cities. It is argued that the internationalization of the economy is characterized by the growth of advanced producer services (finance, accountancy, insurance, publicity,...) and associated growth of professional and managerial jobs needed to staff them. But, it is also known that cities have seen a decline in their traditional manufacturing base (and consequently in skilled manual jobs) and a growth of low-skilled and low-paid service jobs (cleaning, fast food outlets...). The result is said to have been an expansion at the top and bottom of the occupational/income distribution at the expense of the middle. This polarization is linked to changes in housing demand leading to a gentrification of parts of the inner city and to a concentration of the less skilled and unemployed in the less desirable parts of the housing market. The problem of deprived neighbourhoods is most pronounced in large Belgian cities. The recent atlas of deprived neighbourhoods in Flanders and Brussels by Kesteloot et al. (1996) shows that more than half of the 300 statistical neighbourhoods (census tracts) which can be classified as deprived are located in Brussels, followed by Antwerp, Gent and some smaller mining towns.
10 The dominant position of Brussels within the Belgian context makes it an important case study. Over the last ten years geographers produced a vast body of research on socio-spatial polarization, deprived neighbourhoods, survival strategies and ethnic entrepreneurs in the Brussels metropolitan region (Kesteloot, 1994 and 2000 ; Kesteloot and Meert, 1999 ; Kesteloot and Mistiaen, 1997 ; Meert et al., 1997 ; Mistiaen et al., 1995 ; Vandermotten et al., 1999). Kesteloot (2000) has analysed these topics from a historical perspective and focused on the socio-economic processes which shape the urban space. Three different time periods are considered to explain the present situation : the period of postwar surburban growth, the economic recession of the mid-seventies and the recent period of deregulation and flexible accumulation. Each of these periods is characterized by a specific spatial logic creating a particular geography of segregation and (more recently) deprivation. Postwar suburbani-zation is held responsible for creating a dual social structure at the level of the city region, with a clear segregation between the middle and high income groups of the urban fringe and the low income groups of the working class neighbourhoods around the city center. The dual structure of the city has been consolidated by the economic crisis of the second half of the seventies and the early eighties. High unemployment-rates and the structure of the housing market brought about the development of a ‘poor crescent’ in and around the inner city (reflected on map ‘manual workers’). It is believed that the polarization of the labour- and housing market, the dismantling of the welfare state and the increase of new types of households are responsible for a growing ‘underclass’. Meert et al. (1997) analyse survival strategies developed by the residents of deprived neighbourhoods in and around Brussels in response to social exclusion. Attention was paid to the effects of these strategies on integration (or exclusion) and to their spatial dimension. The research shows that deprived areas offer very different opportunities for social integration and community development depending on the heterogeneity of the neighbourhoods and the social cohesion of the residents. Since the second half of
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the eighties Brussels has experienced the development of so called ‘underclass’ neighbourhoods in some parts of the ‘poor crescent’ around the city center. These neighbourhoods are characterized by higher proportions of immigrants (mainly Moroccans and Turks), a high proportion of young people and a cumulation of problems such as poor housing, a very high degree of unemployment, ‘surviving strategies’ by selling drugs, young people leaving school before they reach the age of 18, and the processes of ‘reproduction’ of these life styles. The situation of social decline in these marginalized neighbourhoods has been linked to Brussels becoming a world city of the second order (after London, New York and Tokyo), to the shift towards a flexible service economy (with increasing polarization on the labour market), the interurban competition and to urban regeneration in some parts of the central city (Kesteloot, 1999b and 2000).
Multicultural cities
11 A significant evolution in the social geography of major West European cities during the sixties and the seventies has been the immigration of large numbers of foreign minorities. A lot of research has been done by Belgian geographers concerning the residential patterns of foreigners in Belgian cities. The Brussels case is especially interesting because of the high proportion (30%) of foreign nationals in the total population and the large diversity of both affluent and poor minorities. The affluent group (the French, Britons, Germans, Dutch, Americans, Japanese, Scandina-vians...) is rather large due to the presence of the international institutions (European Commission, NATO...) and transnational companies in Brussels. The poor group consists mainly of the Mediterranean ‘guest workers’ (Moroccans, Italians, Spanish, Turks, Greek) and their descendants. They filled up both the socio-economic and the spatial positions left by the suburbanizing Belgian higher and middle class. Kesteloot and Van der Haegen (1997) have analysed the residential patterns of both rich and poor groups as well as their evolution in terms of numbers and place of residence. The poor minorities have so to say no other choice than to live in the 19th century working class neighbourhoods in the central area of the city where relatively cheap dwellings can be rented (in the so called ‘residual rental sector’, the worst part of the private rental sector of the housing market). Within this belt in and around the inner city members of a specific ethnic group prefer to live close to their compatriots and have therefore ‘preference neighbourhoods’. The affluent foreigners have a very wide choice on the housing market and choose the neighbourhoods that are perceived as best (in terms of quality of the dwellings and the environment). They show the highest percentages in the south-eastern sector of the city. In the last three decades the ethnic neighbourhoods have stayed remarkably stable and the increasing presence of immigrants has intensified the contrasts of the already existing socio-spatial structure of the city. The spatial concentration of the ‘Mediterranean foreigners’ has brought about the creation of many ethnic shops, restaurants and services in ethnic neighbourhoods (Kesteloot, 1999a ; Kesteloot and Mistiaen, 1997).
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The regeneration of city centres
12 The emergence of a consumerist society in the late 20th century is especially pronounced in cities. There is a growing interest in consumption within the social sciences and urban geographers should, among other aspects, study the relations between consumption and the changing form of cities. The redevelopment of city centres is probably less apparent in Belgium than in for example the UK, The Netherlands or Spain. There are no striking flagship developments like in London, Paris or Bilbao and no waterfront redevelop-ments like in Barcelona or Rotterdam. The gentrification of the inner-cities is also less prominent than in Paris, London or Amsterdam, although an interesting case has been studied in central Brussels. Van Criekingen (1996) has shown how the neighbourhood Dansaert-St.Géry in the center of Brussels has been transformed during the 1980s and 90s from a run-down area into a very trendy place. The gentrification of this area can be related to post-fordist changes of the urban economy, to the sharp increase of non-classical households (an outcome of the so-called second demographic transition, see also De Lannoy et al., 1999) and to specific local events. The location of exclusive shops in the fashion sector, the refurbishment of a housing block (a historical landmark) by the local government and the organization of cultural animation in the area have brought about a commercial gentrification first, followed by a movement of young, middle-class residents into the neighbourhood and a displacement of working-class households (including many Moroccans). Similar processes of displacement of low income groups related to urban renovation in deprived neighbourhoods have been shown by De Lannoy and Geets (1994) and Marissal (1994).
13 Cities have traditionally been important retail foci and function increasingly as places for fun, leisure, tourism and entertainment. Grimmeau (1997) was the principal organizer of a symposium in 1996 on the location of the retail sector that resulted in a special issue of Revue Belge de Géographie. Grimmeau analysed the relationships between retail structures and the urban hierarchy using the individual census data of 1991. Huff’s model was applied to estimate the attracted populations in the catchment areas for each retail type and for each locality. In the same issue Van Hecke (1997) reported about retail clusters in Antwerp and Van Criekingen (1997) about gentrification and new retail shops in the inner city of Brussels. Recollecte (1995) analysed the evolution of the location of office buildings in Brussels and Pillen (1995) reported about the boom of the hotel sector in the Belgian capital.
Urban sustainable development
14 At first sight research on urban sustainable development has been rather scarce by Belgian geographers despite the rapid increase of interest in the subject all over the world since the Bruntlandt Report (1987) and the Rio Conference in 1992. It should however be clear that a lot of the research mentioned above is necessary or at least helpful to think critically about future urban development in a context of sustainability. Research by geographers about the dynamics of the socio-spatial structure is without any doubt important as a basis for research work on the social aspects of urban sustainable development. Research by Verhetsel and Peetermans (1998), Dobruszkes and Marissal (1994) and Dobruszkes (1998) on urban transport
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contributes to an understanding of the huge transportation problems in urban areas. Recent work by Swyngedouw (1995a and 1997a) on the political ecology of water in urban areas is of great importance for the realisation of sustainable cities in developing countries. He argued that we can reconstruct - and hence theorize - the urbanization process as a political-ecological process with water as the entry point (Swyngedouw, 1996). Swyngedouw has explored the contradictions of urban water provision in Latin American cities and made a thorough examination of the situation in Guayaquil, Ecuador. Using a combined approach of historical geography and political ecology to analyze the process of urbanization and the provision of urban services, the author shows why in the early 1990s approximately 36% of the two million inhabitants of Guayaquil have no access to (underpriced) public water. These non-connected poor residents pay extraordinarily high prices for their water to private water vendors, which brings about a massive transfer of income to the middle- and upper class consumers and to commerce and industry. Swyngedouw convincingly demonstrates how the water supply system in Guayaquil is profoundly unjust and unsustainable due to the chronic problems of financial deficits of the public water company, the structural dependence on outside financing and the technocratic perspective on water supply without considering alternative or multiple uses or the sustainable management of natural resources.
15 In an inspired essay Swyngedouw (1997b) explores the continuous changes and reorderings of the city in the 20th century and especially in the last few decades as an outcome of the accelerating process of modernization. We borrowed some of the last sentences of that essay as a hopeful program for future urban geographical research :
16 ‘...The challenges that face planning into the next century revolve around recapturing the spirit of modernization by reasserting the need for a just and humanizing urban order that is sensitive to the excluded - to the “other“ who has become our neighbour - and to environmental justice that does more than pay lip service to potential remedies for deep (environmental) injustices.’ In search for possible humanizing urban worlds, David Harvey concludes that ‘the tensions of heterogeneity cannot and should not be repressed. They must be liberated in socially exciting ways - even if this means more rather than less conflict, including contestation over socially necessary socialization of market processes for collective ends. Diversity and difference, heterogeneity of values, lifestyle oppositions and chaotic migrations are not to be feared as sources of disorder. Cities that cannot accommodate to diversity, to migratory movements, to new lifestyles and to new economic, political, religious and value heterogeneity, will die either through ossification and stagnation or because they will fall apart in violent conflict. Defining a politics that can bridge the multiple heterogeneities, including most emphatically those of geography, without repressing difference is one of the biggest challenges of twenty-first century urbanization’ (Swyngedouw, 1997b, 120). And we fully agree with David Harvey’s conclusion : ‘If the current rhetoric about handing on a decent living environment to future generations is to have even one iota of meaning, we owe it to subsequent generations to invest now in a collective and very public search for some way to understand the possibilities of achieving a just and ecologically sensitive urbanization process under contemporary conditions’ (Harvey, 1996, p. 438).
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ABSTRACTS
An overview is presented of urban research produced by Belgian geographers in the last five years. The paper highlights contributions on the position of Brussels in the European urban network, on urban hierarchy in Belgium, on the dynamics of Belgian city regions, on the socio- spatial structure of European and Belgian cities, on the regeneration of city centres and on urban sustainable development. Several publications deal with the increasing social polarization in cities and the existence of deprived neighbourhoods. A lot of research has been done on the multicultural character of Belgian cities and the relation between residential patterns of foreigners and the structure of the housing market.
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In deze bijdrage wordt een overzicht gegeven van stedelijk onderzoek van de laatste vijf jaar van Belgische geografen. De auteurs bespreken onderzoek over de positie van Brussel in het Europese stedennetwerk, de hiërarchie van steden in België, de dynamiek van de Belgische stadsgewesten, de interne structuur van Europese en Belgische steden, de regeneratie van stadscentra en over duurzame stedelijke ontwikkeling. Verschillende publicaties handelen over de toenemende sociale polarizatie in steden en over het voorkomen van achtergestelde buurten. Er werd veel onderzoek verricht over het multicultureel karakter van Belgische steden en over het verband tussen de ruimtelijke patronen van vreemdelingen en de structuur van de woningmarkt.
INDEX
Trefwoorden stedelijk onderzoek, België, stedelijke netwerken, stadsgewesten, sociaal- ruimtelijke patronen in steden Keywords: urban studies, Belgium, urban networks, city regions, socio-spatial structure of cities
AUTHORS
WALTER DE LANNOY Geografisch Instituut, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Pleinlaan 2, B - 1050 Brussel, Belgium, [email protected]
STEFAN DE CORTE Geografisch Instituut, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Pleinlaan 2, B - 1050 Brussel, Belgium, [email protected]
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Belgian agriculture and rural environments The spatial dimension of contemporary problems and challenges
Etienne Van Hecke, Henk Meert and Charles Christians
With thanks to Messrs F. Huyghe and F. Beyers of the Belgian Farmers’ Association (Louvain), J.M. Bouquiaux of the Centre d’économie agricole (Brussels)
Introduction
1 For many years, the countryside was in relation to the city what agriculture was in relation to industry and services. This dichotomy has now become a thing of the past. Until recently, the approach to rural studies was mainly threefold; morphological, the study of rural landscapes and their genesis; functional, involving the study of agriculture, the sector which supports rural areas; and socio-economic, examining rural decline caused by the crisis in agriculture and the migration away from remote countryside areas.
2 Over recent years, the rural world has changed from being mono-functional to being multi-functional, partly as a result of the evolution of modern society, which now demands areas for activities such as tourism, recreation and rural housing. But the interest in rural areas is not just material; it has also entered into our cultural sphere; getting back to nature, ensuring sustainable development, etc. Agriculture often plays a minor role in such profound transformations, not only in material terms, but also from a psychological perspective. Thus, agriculture is faced with tough competition for the use of rural space and those working in this sector are confronted with low incomes and find it increasingly difficult to catch up with the income earned in other sectors, owing to increasingly widespread globalisation of the food chain. Moreover, the image of agriculture, tarnished by notions of mediocre food quality, negative effects on the environment, etc, means that this sector often finds itself isolated in the face of the new needs of society, as the latter becomes less and less aware of the role that agriculture plays both in food production and in the conservation of rural areas. These
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general considerations must be differentiated according to the region that is taken into account.
New problems, regionally diverse problems
Macro regions and their features
3 Belgian agriculture varies greatly from region to region owing to different physical conditions, population densities and historical contexts (Christians, 1993; Van Hecke, 1992 and 1993). In general terms, we can distinguish four different regions going from the North to the South.
4 The North, the Flemish region, is characterised by its sandy plains and high population density. This has led to the development of highly intensive farming based on dairy production, pigs, poultry and horticulture. Small-scale farming dominates this region. Within this large zone there is a difference between the very urbanized central part, with its large number of small farms and more ageing, less dynamic farm holders, and the rest of Flanders.
5 In the centre of Belgium, stretching from the West to the East and largely belonging to the Walloon part of the country, where the soil is loamy, these are medium-sized and large farms which mainly specialise in extensive farming, some in combination with cattle farming, in particular for meat production.
6 Finally, in the South of Belgium, a region of ancient massifs and low population densities, the less favourable physical conditions have given rise to less intensive farming based on mixed cattle rearing.
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Figure 1. Agricultural entities of Belgium.
© 2000, KU Leuven, Prof. Dr. E. Van Hecke, Institute for Social and Economic Geography. Cartography: H. Vandenhoeck
Table 1. Basic statistical data for the 4 subregions (1997).
Source: NIS 1997 (Census of Agriculture)
Economic problems
7 Although all farms are bound by the economic obligation to operate as scale economies, they do not all have the same capacity to react to such changes. They must be sufficiently solvent to be able invest and develop a production volume that is sufficient to pay back their loans. Their expansion depends on the ability to take over land or
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production quotas belonging to other farmers who are leaving the profession. This generally takes place at retirement age. Finally, farms must be in a position to sell their produce under good terms. Access to marketing networks and the degree of enterprise with the food and agriculture industry are not identical across the regions.
8 These major regions within Belgian agriculture are not isolated; they form part of larger areas or are similar to other geographical regions at European Union level. For this reason, they are confronted with the same agricultural development problems within the context of the common agricultural policy (CAP), in particular the Walloon regions of the centre and the South of Belgium where large-scale farming and cattle farming represent almost 100% of the production in financial terms. The sharp decrease in prices in the cereals and beef sectors, although partially offset by compensation, has had very different repercussions on farms growing crops and those specialising in cattle raising. In the case of extensive crop farming, reasonably favourable global market conditions along with yield intensification have enabled such farms to maintain a reasonable level of income, albeit lower than with an unchanged CAP. Conversely, the market for beef has been much poorer and cattle raising, by its nature, offers very limited scope in terms intensification, so there has been a significant drop in the already low income earned by farms of this type.
9 In the Flemish part of the country, dominated by intensive agriculture (such as pork, poultry and vegetables) the negative effects related to the CAP, the influence of the CAP is weaker (Christians, 1998). This, however, does not exclude the existence of other problems. The high level of urbanisation and the rather limited surface area of the farms push them towards intensification, but the investments needed for this do not always pay off. For this reason, there is considerable financial and environmental pressure. Farms which are too small often lack resources and give up, the result being mediocre structural revenue. Furthermore, this type of farming is highly sensitive to the problems that affect the food chain, precisely because of the fact that some food products with a doubtful quality might enter into the market.
Environmental problems
10 From agriculture to the rural is only a short step if we take into account the fact that pressure on agriculture is not exerted solely at the economic and farming levels, but is also environmental. Furthermore, and this is a very important point, according to the provisions of Agenda 2000, the solutions to the problems caused by intensive farming methods must be in keeping with the characteristics and potential of the rural sector, of which the problems of agriculture are a part.
New problems
11 New topics for study thus emerge within the sphere of agriculture and the rural sector; • The disparities between farmers are on the increase, i.e. between those who have the financial means to keep up with the frantic technological progress underway and those who do not. The outcome for this last group is poverty. Not all of those in the first group manage to reach the desired results and some run into financial difficulties, sometimes temporary, sometimes insurmountable.
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• The environmental pressure on agriculture, whether direct or as part of multi-functional rural development plans, offers possibilities for farmers to preserve the environment. • Questions must be asked, on the eve of the implementation of the regulations contained in Agenda 2000, as to the role of the CAP with regard to these problems. A CAP that is completely different to what it was; productivity is no longer the main issue, quite the contrary; a CAP that increasingly focuses on the whole rural sector, including the option of offering farmers opportunities to develop supplementary activities and revenue. Finally, will this new focus soothe or aggravate the problems cited in the two preceding sections? • Another question deals with the tracing of the quality of food produced, stimulated or even forced by the European Community.
Rurality and the spatial dimension of social exclusion
12 A recent and detailed analysis of various data on financial earnings among Flemish farmers (younger than 65 years and with farming as their main job) revealed that one fifth among them has at maximum 10,000 Euro as the yearly available income (Van Hecke, 1999)1. This amount of deprived farmers is divided up proportionally over two kinds of farm; on the one hand smaller farms which did not follow the trends of modernisation, on the other hand farmers who are confronted with over-investments in trying to pursue modernisation and who might have taken some wrong investment decisions. The first group consists of small enterprises which are strongly concentrated in the first entity (region), the second group consists of middle and large scale enterprises which can be found everywhere in Flanders. Especially the second group of deprived farmers has risen during the last decade, since the burden of debt has strongly increased during this period. Thus, there is no doubt about the existence of poverty amongst farmers. They try to survive by developing several strategies.
13 But rural poverty is not strictly limited to farmers. Undoubtedly, Belgium is a country with very strong suburbanisation and with a lot of ‘rural’ municipalities which have become the place of residence for many affluent households. However, the countryside is also characterised by the presence of poor households who are not directly related to farming. Although they are less visible since they are not strongly concentrated in specific neighbourhoods, their poor living situations have to be taken seriously. One should distinguish two groups of poor households. A ‘hard’ core consists of mainly intergenerational deprived families who can be described as poor local people, while another group consists of recently arrived households, mainly escaping from neighbouring towns or cities and now living for instance on remote camping sites.
14 Notwithstanding these facts, until the mid-1990s Belgian geographers studied poverty and social exclusion mainly in relation to urban topics. Obviously, this academic interest is justified because it perfectly reflects the increasing deprivation and poverty of Western metropolitan areas since the beginning of the hard economic crisis of the late 1960s. This abundance of literature on urban poverty could lead to the hasty conclusion that nowadays rural life is problem-free in Belgium. Indeed, a recent demarcation of impoverished neighbourhoods in Flanders (and Brussels), using official statistical data, has shown that the Flemish countryside is a rather affluent part of the country (Kesteloot et al., 1997b). However, contemporary studies, based on in-depth- interviews, have pointed out that the interplay of three main macro-social processes also produces poverty and social exclusion in Belgian non-urban regions (Meert, 1998).
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First of all, labour markets and consumer markets fail to integrate economically weaker households. On the one hand, the continuous downgrading pressure on wages in production sectors that are characterised by expensive labour forces, leads towards steady high unemployment levels while new growth perspectives are seldom accompanied by an important numerous expansion of job numbers. Consequently, many households living in remote rural areas are the first victims of this development. On the other hand, the globalisation of food markets also leads towards collapsing incomes for many Belgian family farms, despite the attempts of the EU to temper this trend by its CAP. The dismantling of the welfare state is another important process causing rural social exclusion. This process is expressed by growing selectivity and cut- backs in expenditures for social programmes. Increasing suspension of unemployment allowances or finally prohibitive bank credits, initially to sustain investments for farming activities, push many rural households progressively towards guaranteed minimum incomes. Since official data on these minimum incomes are not immediately alarming, rural deprivation tends to be hidden (see e.g. Cloke et al., 1995 or Woodward, 1996). The concealment of deprivation is in many rural areas stimulated by a severe social control that stigmatises the use of public assistance (Meert, 1998). The decreasing importance of reciprocal relations based upon extended families and strong local community life is a third significant process. Decreasing birth rates, strong and rapidly ageing of the population and the crisis of the classic family structure are the main demographic movements. Two important phenomena are related to Belgian rural areas; the structural ageing of the farming population and the recent arrival of impoverished urban and suburban families. Concerning this last mentioned topic, a recent survey has shown that today about 10,000 households are living on (rural) camping sites and other recreation grounds in Belgium (especially the coastal region, the axis between Ghent and Antwerp, the eastern part of the provinces of Antwerp and Flemish Brabant, and the Ardennes). The majority of these households consist of singles, single parents with children, and retired couples (Meert, 1996; De Decker et al., 1998; Raymakers, 1999). Definitely, the varying composition and working of households implies also that the impact and functioning of personal networks are changing.
Social exclusion, survival strategies and spheres of economic integration
15 Beside the detection of the problem and the building of a macro-social frame to explain it, Belgian geographers also have invested a lot of work in understanding the way poor rural families try to survive (Meert et al., 1997; Meert, 1998 and 1999; Van Hecke, 1999). Given the accurate knowledge about Belgian urban poverty, it is not surprising that most of the rural studies build further on conceptual and methodological tools that were developed in urban analyses (especially Kesteloot et al., 1997) and that these rural studies also compare urban and non-urban poverty and social exclusion (see Meert, 1996 and 1999). Until now, most attention has been paid on the way rural families try to escape from marginalisation by developing survival strategies in the market economy, alternative redistribution systems or by reciprocal actions with relatives or friends, supported by social networks. The current access to the socio-economic resources necessary for a decent living and for the reproduction of the household, is not direct but depends on the integration of the household within the economic system that produces these resources. Therefore any understanding of rural survival strategies
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relies on a micro-social understanding of Polanyi’s spheres of economic integration (1944). From the household’s point of view, one has to discern three spheres which serve to provide the necessarily means of existence. All remunerated activities broadly correspond to market exchange and use money as the exchange tool. Redistribution means that everybody contributes to a common stock of resources and that these means are then redistributed following a set of rules, while reciprocity helps people to obtain resources through mutual exchange, supported by strong social networks.
The geography of rural poverty and the contemporary significance of social networks and reciprocal actions
16 Despite the widespread accepted dominance of market exchange in Western societies, the detailed analysis of survival strategies of farmers and other families in a small rural setting in Flanders (Houwaart) has highlighted the importance of reciprocal actions in order to enable residents to survive (Meert, 1998)2. For example, almost 40% of strategies to obtain sustainable means depend on reciprocity. Contrary to the findings of Beggs et al. concerning the contrast among personal networks in urban and non- urban areas (1996, p. 316), the more detailed examination of personal networks in this rural setting has shown that close family members and other relatives are more important than friends, when compared to findings that are related to similar studies on urban poverty (Meert, 2000). This observation has a clear spatial background. It means that many reciprocal survival strategies within a rural context are based on inter-generational and kin-related solidarity, clearly linked with the huge residential stability among the inhabitants of the studied village that was examined. At the same time it comes as no surprise that redistribution is hardly important to survival in non- urban settings. Social control and shame explain this observation to a large extent.
17 Finally, this research on the geographical dimension of rural social exclusion and related survival strategies also raises several objections against the proposition of a rural advantage, as formerly argued by Levitan and Feldman; ‘we would suggest then that rurality facilitates the particular types of informal exchanges which utilise natural resources’ (1991, p. 165). However, the findings of the Belgian research concerning the way poor households have access to basic goods and services, show that inner-city neighbourhoods are much better equipped with all sorts of survival infrastructure, including charity initiatives, cheap ethnic shops, a developed system of public transport, etc. Taking into account the social and historical production of rural settings, this means that the surviving social-spatial layers that were produced in the past offer few present-day possibilities in order to get by, compared to their urban counterparts.
18 To summarise, although Belgian poverty is mainly an urban question, it is clear that the more concealed rural poverty has also to be seen as an expression of present-day macro-social processes. Moreover, because of a severe social control and the scanty equipment of rural settings with survival infrastructure, non-urban poverty seems to be more difficult to manage or even to suppress. Meanwhile, more empirical and qualitative research is needed in order to know to what extent the above conclusions can be generalised.
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The agricultural sector in a rural context; environmental problems
19 Because the topics ‘Spatial Planning’ and ‘Environment’ are regionalised within the Belgian state structure, policy and regulations differ between Flanders and Wallonia. Consequently, both Flanders and Wallonia were in the 1990s subject to new town planning tools laying down general policies. Since the natural and the socio-economic frames of both regions are widely different, both regions have worked out varying measures regarding town and country planning and environmental policy.
The reduction of agricultural land-use in Flanders
20 In Flanders the use of the land by large land-users (e.g. housing, industry, agriculture, recreation, nature) was defined within the ‘Flanders Spatial Structure Plan’. In broad terms, the plan boils down to an increase in the areas intended for nature and forests, as compared with a reduction in the area devoted to agriculture, from around 800,000 to 750,000 ha (Ministry of the Flemish Community, 1997, pp. 391-399). Within those areas demarcated as agricultural land, the Flemish region also defines zones non aedificandi (green belt areas) which are, however, limited in size. These zones non aedificandi are demarcated in such a way that they continue to protect the current agricultural areas of most outstanding natural and ecological beauty from future construction. For these reasons they will be situated mainly in agricultural areas with land-based cattle breeding (Ministry of the Flemish Community, 1997, p. 395). Even outside the zones non aedificandi a policy is being applied which is aimed at maintaining and further developing agricultural land use. Efforts are being made to introduce better agricultural structures within the demarcated areas, whilst preventing other functions from hampering agriculture in the long term (inter alia by resisting new non-agricultural activities), and physical conditions are being created for the use of sectoral policy instruments (creation of specific infrastructure, water treatment, re- allocation of land, etc.). The demarcation is therefore both a physical and functional boundary, aimed at offering the agricultural sector security and continuity, by protecting it from urban development, in exchange for a reduction in the surface it occupies.
Wallonia; preservation of agrarian land and especially its diversity take priority
21 Wallonia’s Development Plan for Rural Space does not impose surface area restrictions for agriculture, as is the case in Flanders (S.D.E.R., 1999). What is more, this is logical, given the large proportion of forests and natural landscapes in Wallonia. One could even claim that in zoning plans agriculture is not only seen as a physical supporting factor but also as an economic supporting factor. The plan does, after all, state that to preserve agriculture in Wallonia measures must be taken to limit the pressure not only from urbanisation but also from afforestation. The farmer is seen as an important partner for local and regional development. The current situation of the agricultural area that has been mapped and registered with the land registry is the result of the regulated land occupation zones that were contained within the sector plans of the
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1970s and 1980s and which have since been greatly modified at local level by means of allowing dispensation to occur. Within this agricultural area, the plans provided for those zones that were to be built on, institutional zones that were to be created as well as limited afforestation in unfavourable biophysical conditions. One of the main principles was to ‘protect the rural area necessary for the viability and profitability of agriculture and livestock farming’. In view of these previous regulations, we should not be surprised at the non-explicit content of the Development Plan for Rural Space in this respect. We should add to this the plans for more dense and highly concentrated non- agricultural and non-forestry zones provided for in the review of the sector plans as they appeared in the Walloon Code of Town and Country Planning and Heritage of 1997. These same ideas are taken up in the 1999 Development Plan for Rural Space, which responds to Article 1 of this Code, ‘the parsimonious management of the land’ (Gosselain, 1999).
22 Approximately 750,000 ha of more than 900,000 ha of agricultural land registered during the 1990s, of which roughly 2,500 ha are lost per year and which were intended for non-agricultural zones, constitute the agricultural surface area currently used by farms. These farms have recovered roughly 2,000 ha per year since the new CAP of 1992 ‘principally since the introduction of bonuses linked to the surface area being cultivated’ (Annet, 1999).
23 One major option is that of maintaining and consolidating the diversity of the dozen or so agro-geographical sub-regions. Their biophysical potential, the varied types and levels of dynamism of the agriculture found within them, the different combinations of agriculture and forestry resulting in specific countryside as well as the levels of intensity of urban pressure have been ensuring their individuality for a long time now within the two major regions of the Centre and the South (Christians, 1962, included by the Department for Land Development at various dates, including the SDER of 1999).
24 This results in preferential spatial distribution of land development projects in terms of consolidation (in particular in the Centre region which is dominated by crop farming), of lifestyle and tourism attractions (on uneven land and in agro-forestry areas such as the South and principally the Ardennes region for tourism), of responses to considerable urban pressure (essentially great pressure from Brussels on half of the Centre region) and of the development of ecological and environmental values (rich in the South, under threat in the Centre).
Agriculture with nature and from agriculture to nature (Flanders)
25 The Flanders Spatial Structure Plan considers reducing the land reserved for agriculture to be possible, taking into account developments in productivity within the agricultural sector on a world scale, and desirable, to create space for other activities which our society considers important. A transfer of around 50,000 ha from agricultural land to nature is scheduled. This has to be confirmed in regional and local zoning plans. However, at this moment it is not clear what will be the future legal status of these grounds. The land to be transferred from agriculture to nature depends on the demarcation of the land pre-designated for nature. According to the status of the nature reserve, agriculture will either have to be entirely eliminated or preserved in accordance with certain framework conditions. In the first case, the farmer operating in this zone should be able to benefit from a regulation on compensation or
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cessation or be removed from the area via land consolidation as part of a nature establishment project or the re-allocation of land. In the second case, continued farming on this land is linked to accepting the framework conditions of a cessation regulation. The Flanders Spatial Structure Plan provides not only for a transfer of 56,000 ha but approximately 70,000 ha of the demarcated agricultural areas are located in ‘nature interlinking areas’ and belong physically to the natural structure. A ‘nature interlinking area’ is an unbroken area where the functions of agriculture, forest and nature are co-ordinated while other functions are subordinated, and where the permanent preservation of specific ecotopes can be guaranteed. The inter-linking implies that each function can be maintained without supplanting other functions or being supplanted by other functions. A policy will have to be drawn up to clarify which ecotopes can be reconciled with agricultural and forestry activities and how these can be maintained. Agricultural activities in these interlinking areas will be subject to restrictions, in order to protect certain ecotopes. These nature interlinking areas will in future be included in the regional zoning plans, implementing the Flanders Spatial Structure Plan. Furthermore, the Flemish government will make an effort to add another 10,000 ha of forest to these 70,000 ha of ecologically rich agricultural land in the agricultural area, as provided for within the framework of an EC regulation (2080/92). Clearly, to refund farmers for their new management tasks in these nature reserves, the European government as well as the Flemish government will intervene.
Environmental policy imposes restrictions in Flanders
26 It is not only the development of new town planning acts and tools which imposes restrictions on agriculture in these 70,000 ha in nature interlinking areas, restrictions are also imposed on agriculture via environmental legislation setting maximum manuring standards. In the north of the country an enormous production of pigs produces significant quantities of slurry, in addition to the slurry produced by intensive livestock breeding. This, added to the use of artificial fertilizers, resulted in the serious pollution of surface water, causing major problems. Therefore, in 1996 a Manure Action Plan was introduced in the Flemish Region, whereby a balance was sought between the production of phosphates and nitrogen by agriculture and the capacity of the agricultural land to assimilate it so as not to exceed a maximum load at a local level. Taking into account the stocking density, the operational area, the production plan and the use of manures, a calculation is made for each farm -taking into account manuring standards- of the extent to which they will have to deal with phosphate and/or nitrogen surpluses. There are certain areas which are subject to stricter manuring standards, namely areas within the ‘nature group’ (valleys, ecologically valuable agricultural areas, wooded areas, nature reserves and nature development areas demarcated on the regional zoning plans and also the areas covered by the directive on the conservation of wild birds); the ‘water group’ (water collection areas), as well as phosphate-saturated areas.
27 In 1997, approximately half of professional farms had to deal with surpluses of phosphate and/or nitrogen. The total commercial surpluses amounted to 34% of the total nitrogen production and 40% of the total phosphate production in Flanders. There is therefore a significant imbalance. Since these surpluses cannot be ‘used’ on the farm, they are the subject of a great many negotiations between farms with surpluses and those below the manuring standard, which can therefore accept slurry, as well as
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processing plants. At times, journeys are made over considerable distances to transport surpluses from one farm to another. For those farmers who have insufficient ground in relation to the surface area cultivated this poses an economic problem since disposing of the surplus manure can be a costly operation.
28 To cover the expense of running the Manure Bank, a basic charge is paid by farmers, including those without a surplus of manure on the farm. This is because the government assumes that each kilo of minerals contributes to the manure problem. The tariff is, nonetheless, progressive; the greater the production, the higher the charge per kg. Charges and transport costs therefore increase the burden on the budget of intensive livestock farmers. Depending on the region, these costs vary between 1 and 5 BEF per kg of pig meat (Lauwers & Van Huylenbroeck, 1999).
29 Ever stricter manure standards are to be introduced. The extent to which and speed with which these will be introduced depends on the policy adopted. To satisfy the European nitrate standard, a new Manure Action Plan was ratified in January 2000. As a result, not only will the cost to farmers with a manure surplus continue to rise but a reduction in stocks in the intensive livestock farming sector will also be necessary. This will create difficulties for farms and a drop in added value in the primary sector will be experienced.
30 In areas with stricter manuring standards, producers and users are entitled to compensation for loss of income suffered as a result of these stricter standards. This system of compensation should make the financial and social consequences of the manure decree more bearable. In areas of groundwater and surface water collection the compensation is higher than in areas of the ‘nature group’.
31 In addition to compensation for loss of income, compensation is also available for loss of assets. This is intended for owners who sell agricultural land in areas with stricter manure standards. The extent of the compensation reflects the difference in the value of the land in question before and after the manure decree. Within the framework of the new manure decree (MAP II), ‘step-down’ regulations are also provided for farmers in these areas and land swapping is also possible between farmers (owners) in a protected area and in a ‘normal’ area. The Flemish Land Company acts as an intermediary to regulate these matters or buys up the land itself. This allows farmers who wish to farm biologically to establish themselves, for example, in these protected areas, or other farmers who wish to continue farming using traditional methods to do this outside the areas with stricter standards.
Wallonia; quality of environment and of agricultural products
32 The mechanisms available in Wallonia for the protection of the quality of the agricultural produce, the ecology and the environment are numerous; farmers are becoming those who safeguard a sound environment as well as producing healthy foodstuffs.
33 The Development Plan for Rural Space and the Contract for the Future of Wallonia make these their objectives. The Walloon Rural Development Plan provides an overview of the existing instruments and actions in 1999.
34 The greatest part of all agricultural production is tied to the land and must remain so, both ‘at its origins in order to limit the production factors‘ as well as at the end ‘for
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effluent management’. It is the Walloon Office for Rural Development that is responsible for the management of livestock effluent as well as the ‘geo-agri’ system for farms choosing to adopt these regulations. Given that the ratios between livestock density and farm area are relatively acceptable today, but that we are also seeing early warning signs of change, the Walloon government, in the same way as in Flanders, is aiming at drawing up manuring plans and setting up a manuring register as well as one comprising the capacities of all of the farms.
35 As far as the environmental constraints placed on the farms are concerned, the farmers must be justly rewarded for their involvement in environmental work, whether they undertake this on a voluntary basis or not. This is the case today in particular for European agro-environmental measures, in which the Walloon Region pays a share of some BEF 600 million via the intermediary body Agrenwal. This is taken from a total agricultural budget of BEF 7.5 thousand million.
36 Indeed, agriculture is at the service of the environment in many areas of Wallonia. First of all, agriculture is excluded from more than 10,000 ha of land found on the 58 state- owned nature reserves, private nature reserves often approved by the Region itself, as well as in wetlands of biological interest. Agriculture must adhere to technical and landscape restrictions applicable in natural parks, special avifauna protection zones (more than 250,000 ha) and special conservation areas - these latter two both European initiatives - zones protected within the sector plans, i.e., over and above that already mentioned, the open space zones, countryside interest zones, zones belonging to the ecological network, catchment protection zones and finally classified sites where legislation ensures integral respect by the farmer for the state of the surroundings. To this we should add vulnerable zones in the sense meant by the European Nitrates Directive.
37 The co-ordination of these types of protection at the level of the local authorities, their introduction into a partnership framework involving specialists, administration experts and various population groups - including farmers - and the codes of good behaviour made necessary by them are emerging in the shape of Commune Plans for Nature Development (1996) and Environment and Nature Development Plans (1998), providing for even further integration.
38 As far as demands for quality are concerned, an increasing number of Walloon agricultural products will be bound to adhere to strict labelling and controlled-origin naming regulations. Indeed the best products already do so today. ‘Rural agriculture’ is being encouraged. Furthermore, organic farming is currently implemented by 2/3 of the 700 Belgian natural agriculture farms present in Wallonia. These are to be found in the major region of the South, mainly in the Ardennes.
39 Agriculture really has become the generator of a favourable environment through the responses it provides to the regulations guiding it on many different topics in many different areas.
Common Agricultural Policy; Agenda 2000
40 For many years, the evolution of agriculture has been influenced by the CAP. With the introduction of Agenda 2000, the future impact of the CAP will be even stronger. Moreover, the integration of rural items and of the countryside is more pronounced.
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Market and price policy
41 The reform of 1992 (Mac Sherry) is fundamental. Prices for basic products were reduced significantly but compensation is being given, albeit gradually, in the form of bonuses and income support. As a result of Agenda 2000, prices are being reduced even further, also compensated for partly, but not entirely, by subsidies. The Belgian Farmers’ Union calculated that the loss of income in basic products (arable farming, beef and milk) will amount to 3.1 billion BEF (depending on the sector, by 2001, 2002, 2007), in other words the difference between 14.5 billion BEF in direct price cuts and 11.4 billion BEF in increased bonuses (internal document). The price cuts are therefore compensated for by bonuses to the tune of 79%, but this still means a 5% drop in relation to the total farm income for 1998. The problem for those regions with intensive farming is the built-in ceiling on bonuses per animal and per hectare, namely 2 LSU/ha unrefined feed (LSU= livestock units). This means that those farms which do not have much land will be faced with a significant drop in income. Once again, regional consequences will strongly vary. Especially, the Walloon part of the country threatens to count many victims, as this region is characterised by a high agrarian specialisation in many of the sectors on which the CAP focuses. Anyway, the numerous cattle breeding farms scattered over Flanders will run the same risk.
42 Another important aspect of Agenda 2000 is that it links the granting of bonuses compensating price cuts to the state of the environment in the Member State concerned. This could well be a problem for the competitiveness of intensive farming regions. This is why the Flemish Region has drastically reduced the maximum manuring standard in the new Manure Action Plan, precisely to prevent the EU from withholding these compensation bonuses. This would lead to a major social drama.
Rural development, a framework
43 In accordance with Agenda 2000, rural development will be added to the Common Agricultural Policy as a second cornerstone alongside market and price policy. The regulation establishes the framework for a permanent European policy on rural development. Support is being provided for a wide range of measures, including those, in the main, which are in keeping with existing ones, while promoting the adaptation and development of rural areas is new. Compensation is therefore scheduled for implementing environmental measures in agriculture. What is also striking is that aid for problem areas is also being extended to areas with ‘specific restrictions in the environmental field’. In addition to the old regulation (support as compensation for areas with natural handicaps) provision is also made here to give compensation for areas with specific restrictions in the environmental field in order to satisfy environmental requirements and to safeguard agriculture in areas with specific restrictions in the environmental field. Beside this, there are also measures leaning towards multifunctional activities, as the diversification of businesses which are aimed at developing additional or alternative activities. The measures for maintaining and strengthening a practical social culture in rural areas are new. The measures which can be taken are extremely varied.
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44 In budgetary terms, approximately 9/10 of the resources of the EAGGF department goes to the markets and 1/10 to rural development. The regulations therefore offer plenty of prospects, as outlined above, but global resources remain significantly limited. In the case of Belgium, the funding would amount to approx. BEF 2bn per annum. The countryside ordinance of Agenda 2000 (1257/99) is supplemented by means of a plan covering a 7-year period (2000-2006). Nineteen per cent of the funds are managed federally (2/3 of this goes to promoting biological agriculture!), 22% by the Walloon Region and 58.4% by the Flemish Region.
45 In the Flemish region, part of that money should go to providing support for the reconversion of pig farming. After all, if the objectives of the Manure Policy (see above) are not achieved, a reduction in the volume of pig stocks seems unavoidable. Compensation is required for this, which if need can be linked to reconversion to biological agriculture. How the ‘integrated countryside policy’ component will be implemented has not yet been fully decided. The availability of relatively limited funds can be attributed to the fact that approximately 55% of the budget allotted under the heading of ‘rural development’ in Flanders still goes to providing support for investments in agriculture and support for setting up in agriculture, therefore pure agricultural and not countryside-based concerns. Approximately 10% of the budget for ‘rural development goes towards environmental measures’.
46 Meanwhile, in Wallonia only one quarter of the budgets for ‘rural development’ goes towards support for investments in agriculture and the setting-up of young farmers, but a larger part goes towards the ‘transformation and commercialisation’ component and to environmental measures. Measures which concern pure ‘rural development’ do not on the whole, just as in Flanders, take up much of the total budget. Agenda 2000 will continue to recognise the specific category of disadvantaged regions. In Wallonia, the most southern region (see fig. 1) fits into this group. Compensation payments will be granted to the farmers there.
47 By way of an addition to the attention which Agenda 2000 gives to the European countryside, Leader projects have been revived for the period 2000-2006 (‘Leader+’). As with the previous Leader projects (I and II), the EU is playing a sort of pioneering role with this Community initiative in relation to the separate Member States in terms of rural development. In contrast to the ‘rural development’ component in Agenda 2000, with Leader+ it can have a much greater say in the content and establishment of certain specific rural projects which it can approve and thus finance as exemplary projects. This Community initiative will above all release money for rural projects which experiment in an original fashion with three items; promotion of natural and cultural heritage, improvement of the economic environment as a result of which new jobs can be created, and thirdly projects to improve the organisational skills of local communities. In contrast to Leader I and II, in principle the new Leader formula applies to all rural areas, although the Member States are expected to designate a number of priority areas within their borders - based on a series of valid criteria. Although it is still far too early to assess the effect of Leader+, at first sight it would appear to tackle a number of socio-economic bottlenecks mentioned in the previous paragraph, as money is not only being freed up for creating new jobs but also for strengthening social networks between various partners in the countryside.
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Conclusion
48 Given the vastly different forms of agriculture, the influence of regional policies in the regions of Belgium and of European policy will differ in the large areas (‘entities’) which were discussed in the introduction.
49 In the north, the most urbanised areas possess proportionally many small non-viable farms. Internal dynamism is minimal. There are many farmers with low or very low incomes. Little relief can be expected from the ‘markets’ component of the EAGGF’s Guarantee department. Belgium does not prioritise the application of early retirement. The majority of these farms are not in tourist areas, so there is no directly obvious additional income from this activity. The only possibilities lie either in pursuing increased added value from the farm, which could be via biological farming or the sale of (processed) farm products on site; or in environmental regulations, but this is only possible if the farm is situated in a vulnerable area. Some possibilities are removed by the application of environmentally friendly farming practices.
50 In the rest of Flanders, where agriculture is intensive at a regional level (‘intensive farms’ can also be found in the previous area but are not dominant), farmers are mainly dependent, according to the type of production, on the CAP for the development of the cattle sector and in particular the dairy cattle sector, through the ‘markets’ component. Obviously the evolution of market conditions is important for the off-land livestock farming sector, but the restrictions will come primarily from environmental regulations; manuring standards, and restricted areas. Compensations may be available to farms situated in those areas with restrictions. For the other areas the evolution of manuring standards will be very important and a choice will have to be made between paying more (for sale and processing) or extensification. The latter will represent a major problem and it is doubtful whether the possibilities within the ‘rural development’ component will be sufficient to compensate for this, given that many farmers have opted for serious investments specifically in this sector. Also, these extremely intensive regions are generally not tourist regions, except for the area near the coast.
51 Agriculture in central Belgium is almost purely dependent on developments in the basic sectors, given their orientation towards mainly arable farming but also cattle farming. The environmental problems here are not particularly acute. The speed of internal reorganisation which permits an increase in scale and the further possibilities for intensification are considerable here. Changes in income in recent years show that the situation has become less favourable than it would have been if no reforms had taken place. Nevertheless, the situation is not dramatic.
52 Agriculture in southern Belgium is entirely dependent on cattle farming. The problems are perhaps greater here in the sense that the structure is less favourable than in central Belgium and that the future of (beef) cattle farming looks relatively less rosy than that of arable farming. The advantage is that the farming is ‘extensive’, therefore in terms of bonus possibilities falls within the scope of the CAP. Biological livestock farming may be an option for some here, while diversification outside agriculture is another, given the role of tourism in the region, but this should not be overstated, because no more than 3% of farms in southern Belgium have developed a subsidiary activity of tourism on the farm (Annet, 1999).
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53 In the heavily urbanised central part of Flanders (entity 1) and in southern Belgium (entity 4) the weak structure has manifested itself for some time in a significantly weaker degree of succession than in the other two entities. However, the social problem will drag on for some time yet and the weak grip of agriculture on the land will have to be rectified by means of a town and country planning policy. In entity 2 the problem of disintensification linked to the environment will also lead to social problems for some farmers. The need for extensification in intensive Flanders and the increase in scale needed overall, not only for the land-based agriculture of central Belgium, will lead to an increased demand for agricultural land which, in turn, could cause conflicts with other land-users while the costs of land for the farmer will increase further. There is a lack of consistency between the CAP and town and country planning policy in Flanders, not in fundamental terms but in terms of implementation. In fact, J.M. Bouquiaux (Centre for Agricultural Economy, 1999) sees a lack of coherence in the CAP reforms themselves; the Commission proposes a European model in which ‘The agricultural sector must be rich in diversity and tradition and its task should not be limited to production but should also involve the preservation of the landscape and of a living countryside, including the preservation of employment’. According to J.M. Bouquiaux the reform will lead to even bigger farms, whose influence on the landscape has hardly been positive up to now, being less numerous and therefore creating fewer jobs while being maintained thanks to direct subsidies which public opinion will point the finger at. It is clear that, in practice, Agenda 2000 will bring less relief for the problems of many farmers and in particular for problems which result from restricting agricultural land as part of the Flanders Spatial Structure Plan. This will only increase social problems.
54 Opening up the practice of farming to the conditions and possibilities of the surrounding countryside is new. Geographical analysis of certain social bottlenecks with which the rural environment is presently confronted has highlighted certain communal problems with which farmers and non-farmers are faced as residents of the countryside. In this sense the increasing attention being paid to rural development within Agenda 2000 is in every way a step forward. After all, running a farm cannot be disassociated from the evolving countryside around it. Devoting extra attention to the quality and livability of the countryside does not therefore need to be incompatible with the specific interests of farmers, provided it is ensured that these extra resources also have a synergetic effect for those living a farming lifestyle. Obviously this condition also applies to the Leader programme which the EU wants to pursue. It also goes without saying that this modified attention to policy will have new consequences both on a methodological level and in terms of content for agricultural geography. In the light of the problems posed, it is set to become much more holistic.
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MEERT H. (2000), ‘Rural community life and the importance of reciprocal survival strategies’, Sociologia Ruralis, 40, 3, (in press).
MEERT H. (2000), ‘Arcadië Onderuit ? Woonzones met recreatief karakter als etalageruimte voor de witte producten van de Vlaamse woningmarkt’, Ruimte en Planning, 20 (in press).
MEERT H., MISTIAEN P. & KESTELOOT C. (1997), ‘The geography of survival in different urban settings’, Tijdschrift voor Sociale en Economische Geografie, 88, pp. 169-81.
MINISTERE DE LA REGION WALLONE (1999), Plan wallon de développement rural, Période 2000 - 2006, Regulation (EC) n° 1257/99 of the Council, s.l., 415 p.
MINISTERIE VAN DE VLAAMSE GEMEENSCHAP (1997), Ruimtelijk Structuurplan Vlaanderen, Brussel.
POLANYI K. (1944), The Great Transformation, New York, Rinehart.
RAYMAKERS P. (1999), ‘Permanente bewoning op campings in Vlaanderen’, in DE DECKER P. (ed.), Wonen onderzocht 1995-1999, Brussel, Ministerie van de Vlaamse Gemeenschap.
VAN HECKE E. (1992), ‘De landbouw’, in Geografie in België, Gemeentekrediet, 1992, pp. 331-355.
VAN HECKE E. (1992), ‘Evolution de l’agriculture en Belgique’, Courrier Hebdomadaire du CRISP, 1346-1347, 80 p.
VAN HECKE E. (1993), ‘Landbouw en platteland in een dynamisch perspectief’, De Aardrijkskunde, 1-2, pp. 185-203.
VAN HECKE E. (1999), Boeren in de Knel. Armoede in land- en tuinbouw, Brussel, Koning Boudewijnstichting.
VLAAMSE LANDMAATSCHAPPIJ (1996), Gids bij het nieuwe mestdecreet, Brussel, 48 p.
VLAAMSE LANDMAATSCHAPPIJ (1999), Jaarverslag 1998, Brussel.
WOODWARD R. (1996), ‘Deprivation and the rural; an investigation into contradictory discourses’, Journal of Rural Studies, 12, pp. 55-67.
NOTES
1. .Meanwhile, on-going research (by the same author) reveals that even a quarter of Walloon farmers have at maximum 10,000 Euro as the yearly available income.
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2. (The village belongs to the Hageland. Until the beginning of the 1990s, it was one of the regions selected by the European Fund for Regional Development, specifically for target 5b, the supporting of the European countryside.
ABSTRACTS
Over recent years, the rural world has changed from being mono-functional to being multi- functional, partly as a result of the evolution of modern society, which now demands areas for activities such as tourism, recreation and rural housing. Agriculture often plays a minor role in such profound transformations. It is faced with stronger rules to protect nature and with tough competition for the use of rural space. Those working in agriculture are confronted with low incomes and find it increasingly difficult to catch up with the income earned in other sectors. The first and the second section of this article therefore deal with such present-day economic and environmental problems that are related to Belgian agriculture and the remaining rural environments. These problems are discussed and differentiated according to the regions that are taken into account. A third section assesses the answer of the Common Agriculture Policy to these problems.
Récemment le monde rural est passé du monofonctionnel au multifonctionnel, entre autres à cause de l’évolution de la société exigeant de l’espace pour des fonctions qui se développent comme le tourisme et la récréation, l’habitat en milieu rural. Dans ces mutations profondes l’agriculture se retrouve souvent dans une position minoritaire, non seulement matériellement mais également du point de vue psychologique. L’agriculture doit faire face à des règles plus strictes pour la conservation de la nature et est sujette à concurrence pour l’utilisation de l’espace. Les agriculteurs sont confrontés à des bas revenus et ne parviennent pas à rattraper les revenus des autres secteurs. La première et la deuxième partie de cet article traitent donc des problèmes économiques et environnementaux de l’agriculture belge et de l’espace rural subsistant. Ces problèmes, qui ne sont pas les mêmes partout en Belgique, sont analysés et différenciés par région. Une troisième partie a trait à la réponse de la Politique Agricole Commune à ces problèmes.
INDEX
Mots-clés: agriculture belge, campagne, problèmes économiques et environnementaux, Politique Agricole Commune Keywords: Belgian agriculture, countryside, economic and environmental problems, Common Agricultural Policy
AUTHORS
ETIENNE VAN HECKE Catholic University of Leuven, Institute for Social and Economic Geography, W. Decroylaan 42, B-3001 Leuven, [email protected]
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HENK MEERT Postdoc FWO Vlaanderen), Catholic University of Leuven, Institute for Social and Economic Geography, W. Decroylaan 42, B-3001 Leuven, [email protected]
CHARLES CHRISTIANS Emeritus professor at the Institute for Human and Economic Geography, University of Liège
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Transport geography at the turn of the century
Pierre Arnold, Jacques Charlier and Isabelle Thomas
1 Let us have a look at the scientific literature produced by the Belgian geographers working in Belgian research institutes. Figure 1 shows that the nature of transport geography studies has changed quite dramatically during the second half of the 1990s when compared to the previous periods covered in the surveys of this research field by Brulard (1984), Mérenne (1988) and Brulard, Charlier and Mérenne (1996). Until recently, most papers were empirical and descriptive, and this kind of material still accounts for half of those published in the last few years. But a new trend has been identified towards more inductive and theoretical research, with a strong quantitative and modelling component. Hence the division of this state-of-the-art review into two parts, even if it should be made clear that allocating some material into a given section instead of the other has been sometimes rather arbitrary. When compared with the previous years, research in transport geography is increasingly becoming collective within teams of researchers combining different, often complementary backgrounds, expertises and approaches to the discipline, at intrauniversity and interuniversity levels, including internationally (see the large proportion of joint papers).
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Figure 1. The new trend in the nature of transport geography studies conducted by Belgian geographers in Belgium.
A steady flow of empirical studies
2 The twenty papers or so with a clear empirical approach can themselves be divided into three subgroups and two of them are rather new. This means that evolution is also taking place within the more conventional researches, which should be clearly connected with the French school of transport geography. These two new frontiers for deductive studies are, respectively, those relating to the developing world, especially Africa, and those exploring the geography of cruise shipping in its transport dimension. They should be regarded as logical extensions of methodologies tested previously in developed countries, especially in Belgium and in nearby European countries. The latter subfield still accounts for one fifth of the papers reviewed here, and it seemed therefore logical to cover them in first stance.
Modal and intermodal case studies
3 As shown by Thomas and Verhetsel (1999) in a broad description of the road transportation system in Belgium, sustainable transport is becoming a key concept in politics as well as in research. This is clearly illustrated in a regional case study on the development and the spatial organisation of new road infrastructures around Wavre and Louvain-la-Neuve by Arnold and Van Wunnik (1998). The same search for greater sustainability is behind a review of the Belgian high speed train network by Charlier (2000), wherein a series of applied proposals are made in respect with new intermodal nodes along the high speed lines, including a new major airport. In his review of the Benelux seaport system, the same author was also suggesting a new freight-only railway line connecting these ports with Northern France in order to relieve the high pressure of transit traffic by road (Charlier, 1996a).
4 A second set of four publications relates to sea transport and port geography, with a special issue about containerisation of a leading international journal to be mentioned first (Slack and Charlier eds, 1999). The next two papers by Charlier (1998 and 1999) about Antwerp and Zeebrugge are more than just factual, as they show that, on the one hand, a growing port traffic and an even faster increase in port added value do not
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mean an higher number of jobs in the post-industrial era and, on the other hand, that all tons of cargo do not have the same economic weight and that, therefore, quality is more important than just quantity in ports as more generally in transport. The last paper of the series is also dealing with Antwerp, as well as with Ghent and Rotterdam (Charlier and Malézieux, 1997), where port-oriented redevelopment strategies are carried in the older port areas, some parts of which are not ripe yet for a ‘docklandisation’ process, as in London.
Developing countries perspectives
5 With its less elaborated transport networks, subsaharan Africa is offering an interesting field to explore the more general processes of transport development. This is especially true for land-locked countries where intermodal transport is still in its infancy, as shown in a general overview (Charlier, 1996b) as well as in two case studies in Burkina Faso (Charlier, 1996c) and in Rwanda and Burundi (Charlier, 1997).
6 South Africa offers the example of a rather well developed transport system wherein ports play a major role (Charlier, 1996d). New gateways are being added in the port network such as Richards Bay (Charlier, 1996e), and a smaller scale symmetrical example has been explored in Ivory Coast, where San Pedro might also become an port- industrial growth pole (Charlier and Aloko-N’Guessan, 1999). In these examples, railway connections to the hinterland are of utmost importance, as also shown in Benin for Cotonou (Charlier and Tossa, 1996) and in Togo for Lomé (Seghbor and Charlier, 1997).
Exploring the geography of cruise shipping
7 Geographers were late in exploring tourism, and ‘blue tourism’ is still very much a mare incognita for them. A first general overview of this fast growing industry, seen from a transport geographer’s perspective, has been given by Charlier (1996f). He has also shown how seascapes are part of the cruise products and are key factors in the microgeographic definition of many ships itineraries (1996g). The search for climatic complementarities is another major issue, this time macrogeographic, as shown by Charlier and Arnold (1997) and by Arnold and Charlier (1999), who explored the seasonal complementarities of the main cruise markets and identified the major inter- and intraregional migration flows of cruise ships.
Towards a new transport geography
8 As far as we know, two research teams are particularly concerned with this new research trend: the economic geographers of Antwerp (U.F.S.I.A.) and those of Louvain- la-Neuve (U.C.L.); both teams are conducting research on several spatial aspects for a sustainable road transport system (Thomas and Verhetsel, 1999).
Network analysis
9 Topological graphs are a common way for representing part of the geographical environment and more particularly transportation networks linking cities together or within cities. For ages, geographers have dreamed of synthesising the morphology of a
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graph by one or several indexes. Beguin and Thomas (1997) have reviewed the literature about this problem and shown that nowadays no index measures the shape and size of a graph in an unambiguous way. It is still impossible to show which networks are topologically identical, which networks look alike.
10 Other papers have been concerned with the evaluation of transport systems by means of local accessibility indices; this is the case of an empirical study conducted on the Walloon railway network (Arnold and Sandraps, 1998). Another geographical problem bound to the transportation system itself is the route description, which is also tightly bound to G.I.S. and cartography (Van Waes, Vanherre-weghe and Verhetsel, 1997; Van Waes, Verhetsel and Vanherreweghe, 1998).
Modelling techniques
11 Networks are the physical supports for many economic and transportation activities. They also determine the location of most human activities: place of residence, workplace, location of firms, location of publics services and even - at another scale - the location/development of the cities themselves are depending on accessibility and hence, on the shape of the transportation network.
12 Location-allocation techniques have been used and applied on theoretical networks in order to show the link between the shape of the transportation network and the modelling results. Conclusions are interpreted in the context of the ‘New economic geography’ research trend (Arnold, Peeters and Thomas, 1995; Peeters and Thomas, 1995; Arnold et al., 1997; Peeters, Thisse and Thomas, 1998). All papers confirm the strong link between the transportation system and the optimal locations in the case of autarky as well as in common markets: the transportation system induces a strong inertia of regional systems. In the same vein of papers, Peeters and Thomas (1997) showed that the choice of the parameters in using lp-distances for estimating distances does not affect the solutions of the location models. This means that real-world distances can easily be estimated by such functions without affecting the operational results.
13 In terms of optimal locations, a new avenue of research has also been opened by Arnold and Thomas (1999), and by Arnold et al. (2000). These authors showed the operationality of the optimal location techniques in finding the optimal locations of transhipment facilities in a multimodal perspective for freight transport. Real-world applications are now on their way in national as well as international contexts. Let us also mention the publication of an application of an optimal location model for an up to date problem in a ‘green transport’ perspective: garbage management in the city of Brussels (Charlier, Puissant and Thomas, 1999).
14 Last but not least, another series of operational modelling tools for transportation planners are the urban transportation plans and the intra-urban transportation modelling techniques bound to them. They enable the geographers to simulate fluxes under several assumptions such as daily traffic variation, congestion and/or multi-modal transport. These models help the urban planners in an economic geography perspective (Verhetsel, 1998; Verhetsel and Peetermans, 1998).
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Spatial analysis of road transport externalities
15 Transportation generates negative externalities that are to be measured not only globally but also locally (see Thomas and Verhetsel, 1999 for a review). Congestion and road accidents are two examples worth studying by geographers. Verhetsel (1998) has introduced congestion in an intra-urban transportation model testing several route alternatives. By using sensitivity analyses, she showed how acute the problem is in a large city like Antwerp.
16 Several interesting methodological aspects are bound to the spatial analysis of road accidents. Thomas (1996) showed how far the aggregation of the data influences the simple statistical description as well as modelling choices. Black and Thomas (1998) applied global spatial autocorrelation indices to road accidents data in Belgium and showed that accidents do not occur at random. Other spatial aspects of road accidents and road safety have also been published in national (Thiran and Thomas, 1997) as well as international perspectives (Bruneau et al., 1998; Vandersmissen et al., 1996; Van- dersmissen, Thomas and Morin, 1996).
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ARNOLD P., BEGUIN H., PEETERS D., THOMAS I. (1997), ‘Structure géographi-que du réseau de transport et localisation optimales’, Flux, 27/28, pp. 9-16.
ARNOLD P., CHARLIER J. (1999), ‘Panorama contemporain de l’offre mondiale de croisière’, Acta Geographica, 119, 4, pp. 3-16.
ARNOLD P., MARCHAND H., PEETERS D., THOMAS I. (2000), ‘Pour une localisation optimale des centres de transbordement entre réseaux de transport: formulation et extensions’, The Canadian Geographer, forthcoming.
ARNOLD P., PEETERS D., THOMAS I. (1995), ‘Network configuration and p-median results: the case of the hexagonal spatial structure’, Urban Systems, 2, pp. 69-90.
ARNOLD P., SANDRAPS S. (1998), ‘Ré-seau ferroviaire et accessibilité en Wallonie: structure spatiale et structure fonctionnelle’, Acta Geographica Lovaniensia, 37, pp. 417-429.
ARNOLD P., THOMAS I. (1999), ‘Locali-sation des centres de transbordement dans un système multi-réseaux: essai de formalisation’, L’Espace Géographique, 28, 3, pp. 193-204.
ARNOLD P., VAN WUNNIK P. (1998), ‘Réseaux de transport et développement régional: le tripôle du Brabant Wallon Ottignies - Louvain-la-Neuve - Wavre’, Les Cahiers du MET (Collection Intermodalités), 1, pp. 1-60.
BEGUIN H., THOMAS I. (1997), ‘Morpho-logie du réseau de communication et localisations optimales d’activités. Quelle mesure pour exprimer la forme d’un réseau?’, Cybergéo, article 26.
BLACK W., THOMAS I. (1998), ‘Accidents on the Belgium motorways: a network autocorrelation analysis’, Journal of Transport Geography, 6, 1, pp. 23-31.
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BRUNEAU J.-F., MORIN D., POULIOT M., THOMAS I. (1998), ‘Sécurité autoroutière et éclairage autoroutier / Road Safety and Highway Lighting’, Routes / Roads, 297, 1, pp. 25-36.
BRULARD T. (1984), ‘Transport geo-graphy’, in DENIS J. (ed.), Geography in Belgium, Brussels, Belgian National Geographical Committee, pp. 671-673.
BRULARD T., CHARLIER J., MERENNE E. (1996), ‘Transport geography’, in DENIS J. (ed.), Geographical research in Bel-gium, Brussels, Belgian National Geographical Committee, pp. 106-108.
CHARLIER J. (1996a), ‘The Benelux seaport system’, Tijdschrift voor Econo-mische en Sociale Geografie, 87, 4, pp. 310-321.
CHARLIER J. (1996b), ‘Multimodalisme et désenclavement en Afrique Sub-Saharienne’, Cahiers de Géographie Tropicale, 4, pp. 117-128.
CHARLIER J. (1996c), ‘Le Burkina Faso et la mer. Désenclavement et diversification de la desserte portuaire’, in DELSALLE B. (ed.), Portes océanes et territoires intérieurs, Le Havre, Association Internationale Villes et Ports, pp. 245-255.
CHARLIER J. (1996d), ‘Le système portuaire sud-africain’, Communications de l’Académie Royale de Marine de Belgique, 30, pp. 92-110.
CHARLIER J. (1996e), ‘Le bipôle Durban-Richards Bay, élément dominant du système portuaire sud-africain’, Neder-landse Geografische Studies, 214, pp. 425-439.
CHARLIER J. (1996f), ‘Les nouvelles frontières du marché des croisières maritimes’, Transports, 380, pp. 462-474.
CHARLIER J. (1996g), ‘Croisières maritimes et paysages marins’, in DONNAY J.-P., CHEVIGNE C. (eds.), Recherches de géographie humaine. Hommage offert au Professeur C. Christians, Liège, Société Géographique de Liège, pp. 45-50.
CHARLIER J. (1997), ‘La problématique du désenclavement du Rwanda et du Burundi’, in VERHASSELT Y. (ed.), Actes de la Journée d’Etudes ‘Rwanda-Burundi’, Bruxelles, Académie Royale des Sciences d’Outre-Mer, pp. 97-110.
CHARLIER J. (1998), ‘Les paradoxes du pôle de croissance industrialo-portuaire anversois’, Acta Geographica Lovaniensia, 37, pp. 431-453.
CHARLIER J. (1999), ‘Les évolutions quantitative et qualitative récentes du trafic du port de Zeebrugge’, Hommes et Terres du Nord, forthcoming.
CHARLIER J. (2000), ‘La Belgique à l’heure de la grande vitesse ferroviaire. De quelques équations systémiques et de l’optimisation du réseau’, in AUPHAN E., DEZERT B. (eds.), Transports ferroviaires à grande vitesse et tourisme en Europe, Paris, Société de Géographie, forth-coming.
CHARLIER J., ALOKO-N’GUESSAN J. (1999), ‘Bilan et perspectives du pôle de croissance industrialo-portuaire de San-Pédro’, in FISCHER A., MALEZIEUX J. (eds.), Industrie et aménagement, Paris, L’Harmattan, pp. 83-85.
CHARLIER J., ARNOLD P. (1997), ‘Les complémentarités saisonnières du marché mondial des croisières’, Bulletin de la Société Belge d’Etudes Géographiques, 66, 2, pp. 181-198.
CHARLIER J., MALEZIEUX J. (1997), ‘Les stratégies alternatives de redéveloppement portuaire en Europe du Nord-Ouest’, in BAUDOUIN T. et al. (eds.), Urbanité des cités portuaires, Paris, L’Harmattan, pp. 107-114.
CHARLIER J., PUISSANT A., THOMAS I. (1999), ‘Le rôle potentiel de la voie d’eau dans le transport des déchets ménagers à Bruxelles’, Bulletin de la Société Belge d’Etudes Géographiques, 68, 1, pp. 19-37.
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CHARLIER J., TOSSA J. (1996), ‘L’arrière-pays international du port de Cotonou’, Bulletin de la Société Belge d’Etudes Géographiques, 65, 1, pp. 93-122.
MERENNE E. (1988), ‘The geography of transportation’, Revue Belge de Géographie, 112, 1-2, pp. 45-48.
PEETERS D., THISSE J.-F., THOMAS I. (1998), ‘Transportation networks and the location of human activities’, Geo-graphical Analysis, 30, 4, pp. 355-371.
PEETERS D., THOMAS I. (1997), ‘Distance-lp et localisations optimales. Simulations sur un semis aléatoire de points’, Cahiers Scientifiques du Transport, 31, pp. 55-70.
SEGBOR P., CHARLIER J. (1997), ‘La crise et les perspectives du chemin de fer au Togo’, Bulletin de la Société Belge d’Etudes Géographiques, 66, 1, pp. 133-148.
SLACK B., CHARLIER J. (eds.) (1999), ‘Containerisation, the Atlantic and beyond’, GéoJournal, 23, 1-2.
THIRAN P., THOMAS I. (1997), ‘Accidents de la route et distance au domicile. Approche quantitative pour Bruxelles’, Cahiers Scientifiques du Transport, 32, pp. 105-120.
THOMAS I. (1996), ‘Spatial data aggre-gation. Exploratory analysis of road acci-dents’, Accident Analysis and Prevention, 28, 2, pp. 251-264.
THOMAS I., VERHETSEL A. (1999), ‘Transport routier et mobilité durable: un état de la question en Belgique’, Hommes et Terres du Nord, forthcoming.
VANDERSMISSEN M.-H., MORIN D., THOMAS I., POULIOT M. (1996), ‘Aspects macrogéographiques des accidents de la route: essai de comparaison Québec-Belgique’, Cahiers de Géographie du Québec, 40, 109, pp. 49-66.
VANDERSMISSEN M.-H., THOMAS I., MORIN D. (1996), ‘Mortalité et morbidité dues aux accidents de la route. Essai de comparaison Belgique-Québec’, Population, 1, pp. 196-206.
VAN WAES L., VAN HERREWEGHE I., VERHETSEL A. (1997), ‘Routebeschrij-vingen: een samenspel tussen talige en cartografische instructie’, in VAN DEN BERGH H., JANSSEN D., BERTENS N., DAMEN M. (red.), Taalgebruik ontrafeld, Dordrecht, FORIS Publications, pp. 401-413.
VAN WAES L., VERHETSEL A., VANHER-REWEGHE I. (1998), ‘Controle-informatie en routebeschrijvingen’, Taalbeheersing, 20, 2, pp. 141-154.
VERHETSEL A. (1998), ‘The impact of spatial versus economic measures in an urban transportation plan’, Computers, Environment and Urban Systems, 22, 6, pp. 541-555.
VERHETSEL A., PEETERMANS E. (1998), ‘Congestie tijdens de avondspits: impact van planologische en infrastructurele maatregelen. Sensitiviteitsanalyse aan de hand van het (Antwerps) multimodaal verkeersmodel’, Planologisch Nieuws, 4, pp. 283-299.
ABSTRACTS
The period covered by this bibliographical review (1995-2000) is characterized by an important development of the theoretical researches in transport geography. This new trend is illustrated by a great diversity of materials, which can be divided into three sub-groups: network analysis, modelling techniques and spatial analysis of road transport externalities. But a significant part of papers with a strong descriptive component indicates that empirical studies still constitute a concern of the Belgian geographers, especially in connection with new research areas as the developing world and the geography of cruise shipping.
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La période couverte par la présente revue bibliographique (1995-2000) est caractérisée par un important développement des recherches théoriques dans le domaine de la géographie des transports. Cette nouvelle tendance est illustrée par une grande diversité de contributions qui peuvent être regroupées en trois sous-catégories: l’analyse des réseaux, les techniques de modélisation et l’analyse spatiale des externalités liées au transport routier. Une part substantielle d’articles présente une composante descriptive importante, ce qui montre que les études à caractère empirique constituent toujours une préoccupation des géographes belges, particulièrement dans les nouveaux domaines de recherche que sont les pays en voie de développement et la géographie des croisières.
INDEX
Keywords: transport geography, network analysis, modelling techniques, road transport externalities, transport and development, cruise shipping Mots-clés: géographie des transport, analyse des réseaux, modélisation, externalités liées au transport routier, transport et développement, croisières
AUTHORS
PIERRE ARNOLD Institute of Geography, Catholic University of Louvain, Place Louis Pasteur, 3, B-1348 Louvain-la- Neuve, Belgium, [email protected]
JACQUES CHARLIER Institute of Geography, Catholic University of Louvain, Place Louis Pasteur, 3, B-1348 Louvain-la- Neuve, Belgium, [email protected]
ISABELLE THOMAS Institute of Geography, Catholic University of Louvain, Place Louis Pasteur, 3, B-1348 Louvain-la- Neuve, Belgium, [email protected]
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Belgian geographers at work: the occupations of graduates in 1999
Bernadette Mérenne, Christian Kesteloot and Isabelle Thomas
For this article, we are greatly indebted to M. Loopmans, who was of great help for translating parts of the text in English.
Introduction
1 The Belgian National Committee of Geography has conducted a survey to understand the role geographers play in Belgian society. The aim was to know the occupational profile of geography graduates. These few lines of comment present a first and brief outline of the first survey on the professional occupation of geography graduates at the national scale.
2 At the time of writing, only general information on occupation is available from this survey. However, some universities have held surveys of their own graduates on the topic. The Université Catholique de Louvain (UCL) conducts a survey of its graduates every five years since 1983 (Beguin, 1983, 1988, 1993 and 1997). In 1988, the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven (KULeuven) conducted a survey of all its graduates since 1937 (Depuydt, 1988). Finally, the Vereniging Leraars Aardrijks-kunde (Flemish Association of Geography Teachers) made a survey of graduates of all three Flemish universities with a geography curriculum (Leuven, Ghent and Brussels) in 1994. It concerned the graduates since 1980 (Saey & Vandewalle, 1996). These three surveys offer interesting opportunities for comparison1.
3 Inspired by the five-yearly survey by the Geography Department of the UCL, the questionnaire has been kept brief and simple. It has been presented to every graduate in geography (licentiate) from a Belgian university between 1970 and September 1998. The postal questionnaires have been sent to the graduate’s last known address in the second half of 1999.
4 Disparities between response rates for every university are large. Table 1 shows the number of valid responses by number of questionnaires sent. Of the 2,263
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questionnaires sent, 1,480 or 65% were filled in and returned. The extreme high score of the UCL (a 97% response rate) can be attributed to the survey tradition established by Beguin (every five years since 1983), as well as to the numerous verifications of the addresses file conducted by the author. Two other universities are notable for their response rate higher than average: the VUB (83%) and the RUG (75%). The first case can be related to the relative small number of students. This can presumably generate a greater attachment to the institution and a higher inclination to answer. The low response rate at the KULeuven is partially due to the late posting of the questionnaires and consequently the limited time to answer. Moreover, there was no time to send a reminder to non-respondents. The poorest rate in the ULg, despite reminders to non- respondents is probably due to the fact that the questionnaire was not sent with a personal letter, but included in the bulletin of the Liège geography alumni.
5 We will not correct for the different response rates since we don’t know anything about the non-responding group at this point. Consequently, the tables only reflect the occupational situation of those who did respond. We cannot exclude that the response rate will vary according to the respondent’s occupation or gender, and that a certain bias will be observed for subclasses of respondents. Notwithstanding these caveats, we can consider the data as a fairly reliable sample of the geography graduates on two grounds. On the one hand, the total response rate and the absolute number of graduates involved are high and on the other hand, the average results over all universities are generally very similar to those obtained in the previous partial surveys.
Table 1. Number of responses and response rate by university.
University Number of responses Number of graduates Response rate
ULB 128 185 69%
ULg 185 435 42%
UCL 302 312 97%
VUB 116 164 83%
RUG 410 550 75%
KULeuven 339 617 55%
Total 1,480 2,263 65%
6 Each of the 1,480 respondents gave some general information (year of graduating, gender, university attended) and some specific information on the present occupation (type of occupation codified in 4 categories). Information on additional studies and the orientation (towards physical or social geography) of the licentiate’s thesis has not been collected uniformly by all universities. Elaborate information on this topic can be found in the four papers by Beguin for the UCL graduates.
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A raising male rate among the students
7 A first observation concerns the raising male/female rate. Nowadays, male students are in the majority, whereas in the seventies, they were just less than the female students. Their share has consequently risen over time (Figure 1), going together with a continuing decrease of employees in the educational sector (see below).
8 The average over all universities of 52% male graduates conceals great disparities between the six universities. There is a strong representation of men at the Dutch speaking universities as opposed to the French speaking universities. Especially the UCL, and to a lesser extend the ULB, appeared to be female strongholds in the 1970s. Depuydt observed in 1988 a growing percentage of female graduates among the Flemish geographers and a diminishing number in the French community. This trend towards convergence is confirmed by this survey.
Figure1. Share of male licentiates in geography by year of graduating and university (%).
A declining dominance of educational occupations
9 Beguin (1997) observed no significant relationship between gender and type of occupation or orientation of licentiate’s thesis at the UCL. Depuydt and Saey did find an over-representation of women in education outside university and of men in other sectors. The numerical preponderance of women in education seemed to be related to an important presence in part-time jobs.
10 The national survey shows equally a limited preponderance of women in education, while in other sectors, men clearly outnumber women (Table 2). When one takes a closer look at different types of education, women work predominantly in secondary schools and teachers’ training colleges. Men are in the majority in continuous education institutions, higher education and especially universities. Part-time work in secondary education seems to explain this pattern: 21% of the teachers in secondary schools are part-time working women (part-time is here defined as less than 80% of a full-time).
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Table 2. Share of female teachers by school level.
% women Total
Secondary schools 54.0 72.3
Teachers’ training colleges 55.6 6.6
Polytechnics 37.3 6.1
Universities 32.2 13.0
Continuous education 46.7 2.0
Total in education 50.1 100.0
Total in other sectors 42.5
11 Employment is on the average nearly equally divided between education and ‘other sectors’. The disparities between universities are however relatively large. But given the variation in response rate, one has to be careful in the interpretation. Indeed, one could expect teachers to produce a higher response rate, because they tend to maintain their ties with their university through Geography Teachers Associations and regular training programs organised by the university.
12 Among the graduates working in education, most are teachers in secondary schools. Another 13% teach or work in research at the university. Polytechnics and teachers training colleges employ an equal share of geographers, while continuous education employs only 2%.
13 Depuydt and Saey used a further division of occupation. They differentiate jobs in university education, non-university education, academic research, the private sector and the public sector.
14 In 1988, 60% of the KULeuven graduates were employed in non-university education, 8% were in academic research, 11% worked in the public sector and 21% in the private sector. In the latter category, geographers found more specifically their way to banks and insurance companies, the commercial sector and information technology.
15 In 1994, 37% of the Flemish geographers graduated since 1980 were working in non- university education, 7% were working at the university, 16% in the public sector and 36% in the private sector. Compared with the former survey, fewer people are employed in education and more people seem to turn to the private and public sector. Interestingly, this survey made clear that employment conditions in education are very differentiated. Thirty-one out of the 85 responding teachers were only doing a part- time job, while only 20 deliberately chose for it. Only 60% were teaching at one and the same school, 30% at two schools, 10% at 3 or 4 schools. A mere 15% was teaching exclusively third grade pupils and less than half of all respondents were exclusively teaching geography.
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16 But the present survey allows a clearer insight in the changes over time. Figure 2 shows the change of occupation type according to the year of graduating for those employed.
Figure 2. Share of graduates employed outside education by year of graduation and university (in% of employed graduates).
17 Sixty-five percent of the geographers graduated between 1970 and 1976 are working in education, against only 25% of those graduated between 1988 and 1992, or less than half as much2. These results correspond with the findings of Beguin for the UCL (1983, 1988, 1993 and 1997) and of Depuydt (1988) and Saey (1994). This shift in occupation is related to the increasing numbers of geography graduates undertaking further studies. Among recently graduated geographers, 36% work in education, a small increase that could be related to the growing demand for teachers3. Finally, outside education, 72% of the respondents have a permanent position, 16% have a temporary contract, 11% are self-employed and 1% work as trainees.
Very low inactivity rates
18 Table 3 presents the categories of occupation by university. Only 1.6% of the respondents are currently looking for a job. Three quarters of them are registered as unemployed. Moreover, less than 5% are not looking for a job. This means that almost 94% of the respondents are employed. One could expect that the unemployed could be less inclined to respond to a questionnaire asking for current occupation, but the case of the UCL, with a 97% response suggests this would not dramatically change the results. The rate of non-working graduates is relatively high for this university, but it can be related to the predominance of female graduates (see Figure 1) and the fact that economic inactivity is related to domestic work. Overall, two thirds of the inactive graduates are female. The rate of jobseekers and non-working graduates is also higher for recent graduates. Nearly half of the jobseekers are young and probably in search of a first job. Six out of ten non-working graduates are also young. The most obvious reason for this situation is further learning. Indeed all graduates in geography were surveyed, not only those who are available on the labour market. The rates of inactivity are generally somewhat higher for the French than for the Dutch speaking universities, reflecting the regional economic disparities between the regions. Nevertheless, and
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contrary to ideas in public opinion, the unemployment figures are very low. This has also consistently been shown in the previous surveys.
Table 3. Occupation and unemployment of geography graduates by university.
occupation jobseeking non working Total
ULB 98.4 0.8 0.8 100.0
ULg 91.4 4.9 3.8 100.0
UCL 86.4 2.3 11.3 100.0
VUB 92.2 0.9 6.9 100.0
RUG 94.9 1.5 3.7 100.0
KULeuven 97.9 0.3 1.8
Total 93.5 1.7 4.8 100.0
The specificity of each university
19 In order to visualise the main results of this survey, a principal correspondence analysis was conducted on a contingency table, where the columns represent respectively male and female occupations in education and the other sectors (jobseek- ing and non working were eliminated because of the low absolute values), and where the rows represent each university for each considered period. The resulting diagram shows the over- or under-representation of each university in the four gender/job sectors and the changes over time4. For the sake of clarity the French and Dutch speaking universities are plotted on separate diagrams.
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Figure 3. Correspondence analysis: plot diagrams of universities and gender/job categories on the first two dimensions.
20 The centre of the diagrams corresponds to the average profile of all university graduates in terms of gender and job type. Equally, a gender/job category would be projected in the centre if it would draw graduates in the same proportions as all the respondents are distributed among universities and periods. The more a university departs from this equal distribution in a certain period, the further it will be placed from the centre. Universities with a similar gender and job type profile of their graduates in a certain period, will be placed close to each other. The same applies to the four gender/job categories. Finally, gender/jobs categories and universities are placed in a same direction relative to the centre of the diagram if they show a joint over- representation.
21 The results appear to fit in the general knowledge about geographers’ employment and can easily be interpreted and explained. However, since the survey did not cover the whole population, these patterns of change in the geographers’ employment could be qualified by further research, especially about the non respondents (at least their university, period of graduation and gender can be traced back).
22 The first two dimensions visualise 90.4% of the total inertia of the contingency table, or in other words, most of the divergences between the equal and the actual distribution of graduates over periods/universities and gender/job categories. They are easily interpreted. Indeed, the horizontal axis separates jobs in education (ME for males in education and FE for females in education) form jobs in other sectors (MO and FO). The vertical axis, which accounts for only 13.3% of the inertia, separates men and women in education (ME and FE). The both sexes do not show large profile differences when they work in other jobs.
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23 The lines link the positions of each university in the different periods. They show the general trend towards more occupations outside education. The former dominance of female students in the French universities is also expressed in their path from the lower right to the upper left corner. The ULG had more male graduates in the 1970s. than the others and starts in the upper right corner, but joins a similar path to the ULB one. The UCL, starts the masculinisation movement much later, and returns towards the centre of the graph in the 1990s, reflecting a return to more employment in education. Exactly the same return appears at the KULeuven. This is the result of recent teachers shortage in secondary schools. But it particularly affects both catholic universities for two reasons. Catholic schools are in the majority in both communities and both universities recruit their students from the whole French and Dutch speaking areas of the country, while the others have a more local recruitment area. As a result, both universities are probably more sensitive to the teachers shortage than the others.
24 But the most striking exception to the general pattern is the VUB. In the 1970s it had a relative over-representation of graduates working outside education, but today it shows the strongest overrepresentation of male teachers. This could be explained by the fact that the VUB is rather a young university and that its graduates didn’t enjoy the same advantages in looking for a teachers job as the others. Gradually, however, the VUB graduates made their way in the schools.
25 Finally the length of the path segments on the diagrams discloses the periods of important shifts in the occupation of geography graduates. In most cases, it concerns the shift towards occupations outside education between the first and the second period (1970-77 and 1978-82). The change is simultaneous with an increase in the total number of geography graduates on the one hand and with the strongest effects of the economic crisis on employment in general and on the stability and the financial conditions of teaching jobs on the other hand. Thus the students who graduated in this period had to make their way in new job market niches and tended to undertake additional studies in other discipline to enhance their qualifications. They paved the way for the younger generations.
26 Notwithstanding the caveats about the sample, the more general results of the survey can be accepted with some confidence. We can summarise them as follows. We keep in mind (1) a growing share of male graduates in geography, (2) a limited predominance of women in education, and a strong predominance of men in other sectors, (3) the quasi absence of unemployment. Furthermore we showed (4) a strong rise of employment outside education, (5) a strong resemblance in results for this study and the former surveys ad finally, (6) only slight differences between the universities, except for the VUB and the UCL.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BEGUIN H. (1983), ‘Les géographes et l’emploi’, Bulletin de la Société Géographique Belge, 2, pp. 245-247.
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BEGUIN H. (1988), ‘Le devenir des licenciés en géographie à l’UCL’, Bulletin de la Société Géographique Belge, 2, pp. 377-384.
BEGUIN H. (1997), ‘Les géographes de l’UCL : emploi et formation’, Bulletin de la Société Géographique Belge, 2, pp. 262-269.
BEGUIN H. (1993), ‘Emploi et formation des licenciés en géographie de l’UCL’, Bulletin de la Société Géographique Belge, 2, pp. 405-412.
DEPUYDT F. (1988), ‘Een halve eeuw Leuvense geografen’, Tijdschrift van de Belg. Ver. Aardr. Studies- BEVAS, 2, pp. 385-396.
DEPUYDT F., GOOSSENS M., HAEST R., PATTYN M. & PAULISSEN E. (1988), ‘Deel 3 : een portret van de Leuvense geografen’, in ALUMNIVERENIGING GEOGRAFEN K.U. LEUVEN, Kennismaking met de Leuvense Geografen, Leuven, pp. 55-70.
GREENACRE M. & BLASIUS J. (1994), Correspondence analysis in the social sciences, Academic Press, New York.
SAEY P. & VANDEWALLE Y. (1996), ‘De werkgelegenheid van jonge geografen - Enquête 1994’, De Aardrijkskunde, 3, pp. 31-37.
NOTES
1. Geography is taught in six universities in Belgium. Three are French speaking universities and three are Dutch speaking universities. In each community there is a state university (respectively Université de Liège (ULg) and Universiteit Gent (RUG), a free university (both in Brussels : Université Libre de Bruxelles (ULB) and Vrije Universiteit Brussel (VUB) and a Catholic university (Université Catholique de Louvain (UCL) and Katholieke Universiteit Leuven (KULeuven). Until 1970 there was only one bilingual Catholic university, located in the city of Leuven. When the university was split, the French university was established in Louvain-la Neuve, a new town built for this purpose in the Walloon region. There is also an undergraduate program at the Facultés Notre-Dame de la Paix in Namur, but all their students move to one of the six others to obtain their graduate degree (licence in geography). 2. Fourty-one graduates with several jobs in and outside education were classified as working in education. 3. Of course this represents the present-day jobs. The trend includes both new types of jobs for younger graduates and movements between the job sectors for older graduates. Through comparison with Beguin’s survey, one can even show recent shifts towards teaching jobs for older generation graduates at the UCL, probably as a consequence of the teachers shortage in the schools. 4. For a methodological presentation of correspondence analysis, see Greenacre & Blasius, 1994.
ABSTRACTS
This article presents the first results of a survey on the occupations of geographers, conducted by the Belgian National Committee of Geography. Among those who graduated in geography from
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Belgian universities between 1970 and 1998, 47% now teach in secondary or higher education, 47% are employed elsewhere, 5% do not work and are currently not looking for a job and only 1% are registered as unemployed. Recently, the proportion of people employed outside education has strongly increased. Geographical studies lead hardly ever to unemployment.
L’article présente les premiers résultats d’une enquête relative à l’emploi des géographes, menée sous les auspices du Comité National Belge de Géographie. Parmi les diplômés en géographie issus des universités belges entre 1970 et 1998, 47 % sont aujourd’hui occupés dans l’enseignement secondaire ou supérieur, 47 % travaillent dans un autre secteur, 5 % n’ont aucune occupation professionnelle et ne recherchent actuellement pas d’emploi et 1 % seulement sont inscrits comme demandeurs d’emploi. Ces derniers temps, le nombre de diplômés employés hors enseignement a fortement augmenté. Les études de géographie débouchent rarement sur une situation de chômage.
INDEX
Mots-clés: géographes belges, Comité National Belge de Géographie, emplois des géographes Keywords: Belgian geographers, Belgian National Committee of Geography, occupations of geographers
AUTHORS
BERNADETTE MÉRENNE Comité National Belge de Géographie, Secrétariat : Université de Liège, Institut de Géographie, Sart Tilman, Allée du 6 Août 2 (D11), B-4000 Liège, [email protected]
CHRISTIAN KESTELOOT Catholic University of Leuven, Institute for Social and Economic Geography, W. de Croylaan 42, B-3001 Heverlee, Belgium, [email protected]
ISABELLE THOMAS Institute of Geography, Catholic University of Louvain, Place Louis Pasteur, 3, B-1348 Louvain-la- Neuve, Belgium, [email protected]
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The Euroregion, nodal centre of the Western European HST network
Yves Rouyet
1 The analysis of the HST supply in Europe reveals the strategic position held by the Euroregion within the structuring of the European high speed railway network as reflected on the map on the next page.
2 The HST supply can be appraised from three perspectives.
3 The first consists in identifying the areas crossed by railway lines with HST operation. These lines can be classified according to their adaptation to more or less high speeds. The high speed lines are specifically designed for HSTs, as is the case of the 3-branch cross connecting Brussels, Paris and Ashford via Lille. In most cases such lines form the framework of the whole network, on which pre-existing lines are grafted, accessible to high speed trains but only at ordinary speeds, as in the Walloon axis, in Flanders and in a range of towns of the Nord-Pas-de-Calais. Some of these lines have been adapted to higher speeds, though never reaching 300 km/h. This will be the case of the Brussels- Antwerp connection.
4 The second perspective concerns the local servicing. A region crossed by an HST line will obviously only benefit from an HST effect if the trains stop there. It is therefore necessary to take into account the number of daily stops. The major difficulty in analysing the HST network lies in its permanent changing. On one side the infrastructure works are going on everywhere in Europe but, on the other side, the railway companies are regularly modifying their supply depending either on their schedule (the timetables vary with the weekdays or the touristic seasons), or on major strategic reorientation schemes, such as the servicing of an international airport. This is the reason why we have retained as ‘normal’ supply the number of high speed trains stopping on a Wednesday, in order to avoid the special timetables of Monday and Friday, which are dependent on the weekly commuting and the weekend departures. We have based our analysis on the 1999-2000 winter timetables.
5 Here again, the map shows the significance of the Euroregion through its high density in HST stations and the number of HST stops, especially in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais.
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6 As to the third perspective, it concerns the very nature of the network manager. A closer look allows to find out that the European HS network is, in reality, made of a series of national networks, possibly superposed on their margins, and of 2 networks with a European calling. The latter two, Thalys and Eurostar, enjoy a real international status since they were issued by the railway companies of the different countries they serve. Considering those networks, the Euroregion (and more particularly Lille and Brussels) plays the part of a hub between the European economic poles such as Paris, London, Randstad Holland and the Ruhr. Moreover, the towns of the Nord-Pas-de- Calais as well as Brussels are also served by the HS trains of the French network. In addition, Brussels will soon be connected to the ICE network.
7 In our analysis we have taken the following HSTs into account: TGV (France, Switzerland, Belgium), ICE (Germany, Switzerland, Austria), Cisalpino (Italy and Switzerland), Eurostar Italia (Italy), Alta Velocidad Española, Euromed, Alaris and Talgo 200 (Spain exclusively), Thalys (France, Belgium, Germany, The Netherlands) and Eurostar (France, Belgium, Britain).
8 The map also roughly shows the pattern of the population density, reflecting the size of the demand.
Figure 1. European HST network supply (winter 99-00).
AUTHOR
YVES ROUYET Université Libre de Bruxelles
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